Mailing Address

Karin Tilmans I Wyger Velerna,

University of Amsterdam,
Department of History,
Spuistraat 134, 1012 VB Amsterdam,
The Netherlands
e-mail: Karin.Tilmans@hum.uva.n1
http://www.hum.uvalnll- huizingalnieuws
Colophon
Editors:
Karin Tilmans, Wyger Velema,
Anna V oolstra
Lay-out:
Bas Broekhuizen

HUIZINGA
INSTITUUT
Onderzoekschool
voor
Cultuurgeschiedenis

Research Institute and
Graduate School of
Cultural History

History of Concepts Newsletter




Nr 4 Spring 2000


In this Issue:
Fennomanians in the European Context: Report on the
History of Concepts Conference in Tampere
Report on the International Conference of the History of
Social and Political Concepts Group in Paris
Begriffsgeschichte in Italy; on the logic of political concepts
Agenda
Updated addresslist
Fennomanians in the European
Context: Report on the History of
Concepts Conference, Tampere,
Finland, 15-18 September 1999
Pasi Ihalainen, Department of History, University
of Jyvaskyla, Finland
T
he on-going national projects make the history of
concepts a dynamic field of lllquny. TIris dyrnurusm
became visible during four days of intensive scholarly
discussion in a history of concepts conference organised
by the University of Tampere in mid-September 1999.
The initial purpose of the conference was to present some
preliminary results of the Finnish project on the history of
concepts to representatives of other national projects for
criticism and comparison. Thanks to commentators from
Sweden, the Netherlands, Germany, the United Kingdom
and Denmark, however, the discussion also concerned
issues that interest historians of concepts in any country.
Britain and the Continent: Diverse
methodological approaches to past political
thought
One reoccurring issue in conferences on the history of
concepts is the existing methodological diversity in the
study of past political thought Whereas the German
model of Begriffsgeschichte has been successfully applied
to the history of continental countries such as the
Netherlands and Finland, the Anglophone world remains
strongly dedicated to its rather different tradition of the
history of political thought. As lain Hampsher-Monk, one
of the visiting speakers in the conference, pointed o u ~
studies on the history of political thought characteristically
concentrate on nation states. Such concentration on
national history is, of course, completely natural, as a
shared history of political thought is an essential element
in the national political culture of any country.
Without disputing the linkage between the history of
political thought and present political culture, one might
add, however, that a strictly national perspective tends to
ignore comparisons between different political cultures
which might make the peculiar features of each political
culture more visible. Some continental scholars continue
to suggest that an application of the conceptual approach
to British political culture might also provide interestingly
different perspectives. Furthermore, Anglophone
historians do also write histories which focus on
developments in a particular concept.
Hampsher -Monk's review on the history of concepts
pointed to some important methodological problems that
remain unsolved in many conceptual histories. Though the
practitioners of the history of political thought also
consider conceptual change as central to history, many
remain doubtful as to the justification of selecting
concepts as the major objects of scholarly analysis.
Undoubtedly, difficulties arise when scholars attempt to
identify concepts undergoing change. Yet few historians
of concepts would question the necessity of discussing
concepts in their proper contexts. The Anglophone history
of political thought, however, lays stress more distinctly
on the dependence of the language use on the user of the
language. It underscores the character of politics as
linguistic human action.
The conceptual approach, and the perspective taking the
potential of international comparisons seriously, gained
support from the Dutch speakers in the conference who
have already done considerable work in the field. In their
approach, concepts are studied in simultaneous use in a
high variety of contexts. The comparative history of
concepts, as seen by Pim den Boer, wishes to demonstrate
how, when and why certain key concepts were translated
from one language to another and what sort of problems
and diversity of meanings were connected to such
transmissions or simultaneous conceptualisations of
historical phenomena. The Dutch case is, of course,
particularly interesting from the point of view of the
comparative history of concepts because of the ability of
past Dutch scholars (and present for that matter!) to speak
several languages fluently. This cosmopolitanism of the
Dutch considered, it is surprising that the otherwise open
Dutch society seems to have adopted a cautious attitude
towards concepts offoreign origin and thus emphasised its
particular character.
The tolerant pragmatism of the Dutch project provides an
inspiring model for future applications of the history of
concepts. Practical solutions that might be followed
concern the criteria of choosing the analysed concepts, the
source material, the composition of the research group,
and the chronological boundaries of the project. Firstly, as
Wyger Velema pointed out, the Dutch project has
con!,entrated on concepts that were not only central to
Dutch public discourse but also enable international
3
comparisons. Secondly, the source basis, including
images, is unusually varied when compared to any earlier
project. Thirdly, the plurality of approaches applied to the
study of each concept diminishes the risk of one-sided
interpretations. And fourthly, the widened chronological
boundaries contribute to an emancipation of the history of
concepts from an excessive dedication to Reinhard
Koselleck's original Saltelzeit thesis.
The case of the creation of Finnish political
vocabulary
The main contribution to the conference originated from
the team of scholars who have studied the conceptual past
of the Finnish political culture. The members of the
Finnish project have done an invaluable service to the
scholarly community when communicating their findings
in the English language. Translations are essential for
international comparisons, and the translation process
itself - one is inclined to believe -- is likely to strengthen
their analyses further.
What makes the Finnish case particularly noteworthy in
the European context is the fact that one can, with
considerable justice, argue that the Finnish political
vocabulary was consciously created by the so-called
Fennomanians in the ntid-nineteenth century and not
merely inherited from the political languages of foreigo
rulers, whether Swedish or Russian.
The speed and success of the introduction of new words to
the Finnish political language appears as quite exceptional
in Europe. When searching for explanations for this
uniqueness, the participants pointed to the widespread
literacy in a homogeneously Lutheran country, to the pre-
modern traditions of local self-govermnen!, and to the fact
that creating new words seems to have for long been a
part of Finnish cultural practices. The Swedish
commentators also quite rightly pointed to the influence of
conceptual changes in the eighteenth- and nineteenth-
century Swedish language.
Kari Saastamoinen's work on the variety of political
vocabularies in early-modem Sweden, though remaining
at a rather general level because of the lack of previous
work on the theme, provides essential background
information for the conceptual study of the rise of a
Finnish political culture in the nineteenth century. What
one ntight wish from the other members of the team is a
more serious consideration of the potential significance of
4
the early-modem political vocabularies of aristocratic
constitutionalism, Lutheranism and the borgerligt
samhiille, for instance, for the nineteeoth-century project
of the creation of a Finnish political vocabulary, that is,
the Fennomanian "translation programme" from the 1840s
to l870s.
The Finnish political concepts discussed during the
conference include power (valta) by Matti Hyvarinen,
revolution (vallankumous) by Risto Aiapuro, party
(puolue) by Eeva Aamio, representation and parliament
(edustus, eduskunta) by Ismo Pohjantamnti, people
(kansa) by llkka Liikanen, citizen (kansalainen) by
Henrik Stenius, state (valtio) by Tuija Pulkkinen, society
and community (yhteiskunta, yhteiso) by Pauli Kettunen
and politics (politiikka) by Kari Palonen. Without going
into too much detail in each of the scholarly papers, some
observations shared by members of the audience are
worthwhile.
Hyvarinen's solution to the study of the unusually multi-
dimensional Finnish concept of power was to approach it
through nineteenth-century Finnish literary sources, to
carry on the analysis to the language struggles of the latter
part of the century, and to finally summarise conceptual
developments during the time of independence. Aiapuro's
discussion on the concept of revolution pointed to the
absence of a domestic revolutionary tradition in
nineteenth-century Finland, to the original translation of
revolution in Finnish as "the overthrow of power" --
without a sense of progress - and to the importance of
Russian revolutionary events and the civil war in
conceptualisations of revolution in twentieth-century
Finland. Aamio analysed changing attitudes towards the
phenomenon of political party, including the
transformation from references to "the voice of the
people" to an acceptance of the plurality of parties and to
the adoption of an idea of party as more systematic action.
Pohjantammi approached the concept of political
representation by examining its relationship to the creation
of the nation, to monarchy, to republic and to democracy.
The analysis of the concept of people by Liikanen
appeared as particularly interesting from the point of view
of international comparison. Liikanen demonstrated that
the Finnish language, following a collectivist Hegelian
tradition, does not draw a clear distinction between ethnic
people and the political nation but implies that people and
state have a close connection. Similarly, Stenius pointed to
the specifically Finnish conceptualisation of citizenship
which excluded allusions to urban traditions and rights
and he turned nationality and citizenship nearly identical.
Pulkkinen's discussion on the peculiarly Finnish concept
of state strengthened such conclusions, pointing to the
development of state towards being an increasingly active
agent. Likewise, Kettunen emphasised the typically
Nordic conceptual confusion between the concepts of
state and society. Finally, Palonen demonstrated that the
intemational concept of politics lacked some peculiarly
Finnish features when being adopted to an increasingly
"European" Finnish political language within a relatively
short period of time.
In commentaries on the findings of the Finns, questions
emerged conceming the criteria of choosing the analysed
concepts. Importantly, the research group did not claim
that the chosen concepts were the key concepts of the
Finnish political culture. In the beginning of the project,
the emphasis was rather laid on analytical concepts,
whereas nonnative concepts were left for future projects.
However, the chosen concepts, or at least the way they
were studied, suggested to some observers that, in the
Finnish political language, collectivities appear as more
important than individuals. This emphasis on collectivity
at the cost of individuals may not be that surprising taken
the German rather than Anglophone cultural influences in
Scandinavia. Finland, together with other Scandinavian
countries, adopted Gennan conceptual traditions in which
the concepts of rights and liberty, for instance, have not
played such a dominant role as in the conceptual worlds of
Britain and the Netherlands. The Finns do have their
"Liberty Street" as opposed to the former ''Nicholas
Street!! and their "War ofFreedom
ll
as an alternative term
for the civil war, but freedom in these cases refers to the
freedom of the entire nation rather than to the freedom of
individuals.
At least for those unfamiliar with Finnish history,
surprising may also have been the almost total absence of
eastern elements in Finnish political vocabulary. Russian
presence in Tampere featured more in the additional
program of the conference, with visits to the Lenin
Museum (a sort of a museum of a museum), to a Russian
ethnic restaurant and to a Neo-Byzantine Orthodox
church, than in the papers themselves. This absence,
though somewhat self-evident to most Finns, certainly
calls for a clearer explanation, whether concerning the
separate Swedish character of the Finnish administration
in the imperial period, or the inability of the Soviet
foreign-political influence to fundamentally alter Finnish
domestic structures and political language during the Cold
War.
A note conceming interdisciplinarity needs to be added.
As the variety of approaches shows, the Finnish group is
genuinely multidisciplinary, consisting of political
scientists, historians, philosophers, and a sociologist. The
undeniable differences between the approaches of history
and political theory, for instance, mostly remained under
the cover of an existing concensus among the Finnish
scholars, humorously suspected for sharing the ideals of
the Fennomanians. Yet certain friction between various
approaches did occasionally come up during the
conference. Tolerance and open-mindedness between the
divergent approaches of history and political theory is, of
course, essential for fruitful cooperation and comparative
work in the future.
Necessity of further comparisons between and
within political cultures: Or, was the Finnish
case that unique after all?
The Finns, like most nations, readily identifY themselves
as a special case in the European context. As far as their
political concepts are concerned, this belief in peculiarity
carries some truth in it, but it may also lead to a neglect of
wider contexts.
For many an outside observer, the impression may have
been that most Finnish scholars also remain dedicated to a
belief in the nniqueness of Finnish experiences. The
scholars seem to remain excessively cautious in
integrating Finnish conceptual developments within wider
European contexts. Undoubtedly, already before the
c o ~ e r e n c e , the members of the team were conscious of
the impossibility of analysing conceptual change in
merely one language. As Matti Hyviirinen pointed out in
his opening speech, the scholars were aware that the
particular features of the Finnish political language only
become visible in comparisons with other political
cultures.
However, the European context - and the enormously
important Swedish context above all -- cannot be left
5
merely to foreign commentators to provide. The context
should be more clearly reconstructed by the researchers
themselves. At this stage, some papers most obviously
failed to take Europe-wide late eighteenth- and
nineteenth-century conceptual developments into
considerations in a way that would have made Finnish
developments more uoderstandable to an international
audience and would probably have made them appear
rather less unique than the Finnish scholars see them.
Swedish historians Torkel Jansson and Lars Pettersen in ,
particular, pointed to the uodisputable fact that several
nineteenth-century innovators of the Finnish language (or,
Fennomanians) continued to speak Swedish as their
mother tongue and to be involved in Swedish-speaking
public discourse both in Sweden and Finland. In other
words, Finnish conceptual developments can hardly be
distinctly separated from simultaneous developments in
the Swedish language. The Swedish language in Sweden
and the Swedish language in Finland deserve further
comparison. As Jansson pointed a common Swedish
translation of EU-documents was acceptable to both the
Swedish and Finnish governments still in the 1990s. Such
uniformity is revealing as to the close relationship
between the Finnish and Swedish political vocabularies.
Hence a strengthened comparative aspect of conceptual
research was called for. Scandinavia with her Swedish-
Finnish and Danish-Norwegian historiographical
traditions was seen as a fruitful starting point provided
that the specific circumstances of each couotry were taken
into consideration.
Finally, a strengthening of the contextual (i.e. historical)
dimensions of the papers was called for so that the risk of
writing anachronistically history of such concepts that
were not important to the contemporaries themselves
could be avoided. Still after this conference, the difficult
question of the proper relationship between social history
and the history of concepts seems to remain unsolved.
The Tampere Conference thus left scholarly work to be
done both as far as the Finnish political language and
international comparisons are concerned. All in all, it was
a most successful and uousually well-organised
conference which provided, with the excellent conference
facilities of the Tampere Hall and an inspiring evening
program, a perfect starting point for genuine international
comparisons between political cultures. I believe that for
all the participants the days in Tampere were intellectually
6
rewarding. One may only wish that parallel conferences
on national and comparative projects in the history of
concepts will be organised frequently also in the future.
Social Controversies in Political
Language: Political and Social
Concepts, use and abuse of words.
Saint-Cloud! Paris; 14-16 October
1999
Raymonde Monnier
B
etween 14-16 1:99, the " Analyses
de corpus lingulSllques of the Ecole Normale
Superieure of Fontenay/Saint-Cloud (equipe "Pratiques
du langage au 18' siecle ") and the Laboratory of Social
Sciences of the Ecole Normale Superieure of Paris, rue
d 'Uhn, hosted the second International Conference of the
History of Political and Social Concepts Group, organized
by Kari Palonen and Melvin Richter. The chief foci of
discussion concerned "Use and abuse of words",
Comparative History of Socio-political Concepts, and
Contemporary Debates on the History of Concepts. The
Conference consisted of five panels and was closed by a
Rouodtable over the Handbuch politish-sozialer
GrundbegrifJe in Frankreich (1680-1820), with the
participation of Hans-Jargen Liisebrink, co-author of the
Handbuch with Rolf Reichardt.
After a word of welcome by Michel Blay, Director of the
Research of the Fontenay/ Saint-Cloud ENS, Jacques
Guilhaumou (CNRS) opened the first session on 'Use and
abuse of words' by developing the idea, in the Handbuch
perspective, that the question of" l'abus des mots" in
century France of great interest is as a methodological
criterium for an empiricist and historicist problematization
of the history of concepts. A historical revival of concepts
is based here on the empiric connection between language
and reality. He developed the link between the study of
the partition of language ("langue commuoe" versus
"langue politique") and the characterization of linguistic
events (by example "Assemblee nationale" in 1789) in the
engagement against "l'abus des langues" during the
century.
'Despotism', a basic political concept in century
French political discourse, was treated by Melvin Richter
(New-York City University) as a contested concept with
both pejorative and ameliorative senses, and as a concept
with a long history, inclucting the permeable boundaries
separating it from 'tyranny'. Anyone seeking to add a new
meaning or application to the concept had to fight against
a diachronic thrust, which this history had created. The
concept often produced political consequences
unanticipated and undesired by those using it. TIris was to
be the case in the context of the Maupeou crisis and in the
years preceding 1789, provicting the key elements of the
integrating revolutionary concept of a despotic ' ancien
regime' in which absolute state worked with aristocracy
and Church to peIpetuate feudalism and superstition.
Th.e next paper, by Raymonde Monnier (ENS Fontenay!
Saint-Cloud) dealt with the use of the 'indistinct' name of
' peuple' , introduced in its political sense in 1789 by
colingualism effect. Keeping close to the use of the word
from statistical data and discourse, she follows the
semantic evolution of the concept, through the emergence
of the expression representants du peupZe, and the use of
neologisms that emerged in the event. The ones likely to
represent the new sovereignty in the metaphoric and
realistic style (sans-culottes! sans-culotterie) or in the
republican and prophetic style (pll!bbenl pt.ibeianisme)
throw a light on the double temporal dimension the
concept has acquired in its connection to revolutionary
action and to the idea of liberty.
Martin Burke (New-York City University) showed how
confessional terminology - 'Papists' or 'Catholics', 'Popery'
or 'Catholicity' - common to public discourse, were
employed in different circumstances in Ireland and the
United States in the late 18" and early 19" centuries. In
Ireland, by the early 1830s, there was a parrisl separation
of the political and religious aspects of 'Popery', but
confessional terminology remained a staple of Irish
political culture. In the United States, due to the separation
of church and state, confessional terminology had receded
from the lexicon of politics. Warnings about 'Popery'
continued to be acceptable, if contested, language when
used in religious contexts, but in politics they now
constituted an abuse of words.
A highly ambivalent concept at the end of this century
(bolstered by the millenary perspective), is the concept of
'globalization', treated by Jan Ifversen (Aarhus
University). The conceptual instability of space and time
recurs in the use of historical time concepts. Globalization
becomes linked to a temporal concept of postrnodernity,
of which the primary meaning is: fragmentation and
syncretism. But if time is both fragmenting and
fragmented we come near to a meaning of differences
located in spaces. Other fundamental categories of our
mental and social horizon, such as culture, nation and
universalism, are touched by the campaign of
globalization.
The second session was on comparative history of
concepts and began with a contribution of Kari Palonen
(JyviiskyJii University) on the perspective of a rhetorical
history of the (fe-) conceptualization of the concept of
politics. While the first stage of thematization consisted of
a spatialization of politics into a sphere, professor Palonen
was most interested in the second stage, which signifies a
temporalization of politics into an activity. He analyses
nine topoi thematizing the different perspectives -
Cleverness, Wanted Future, Lacking Rules, Action or
Pratice, Play or Game, Partisanship, Conflict, Situation,
The Possible. The examples from four political cultures -
German, French, British and Finnish - show that the
concept is a contested one and can be thematized from
competing perspectives.
Pim den Boer (Amsterdam University) analyzed a concept
that can be called a 'transnationalism' : 'civilization' that
emerged simultaneously in French and English in the third
quarter of the 18" century and was rapidly adopted by
many other languages, like Italian and German (Dutch is
an exception). It was one of the basic concepts in the Idea
of Progress, and became a political slogan, but at the same
time it was also used as a scholarly term. By the end of the
19" century the concept acquired a layer of meaning, Pim
den Boer suggests to add as fifth hypothesis to the
working hypotheses of the Geschichtliche GrundbegrifJe :
the nationalization of concepts, which is particularly
pronounced in German-speaking regions, but operates in
other European languages too.
The contribution of Stuart Jones (Manchester University)
was concerned to chart the history of the concept of
'representation' in the era of transition from classical
representative government to mass democracy, when most
western states were forced to confront challenges to
established electoral systems. He considered how
proponents of the various electoral reforms in France
(1880-1914) deployed the concept of representation,
focusing on the tension between artempts to
7
reconceptualize political representation in an era of
political change, and the efforts of jurists such as Esmein
to act as guardian of a stable concept in the name of a
coherent and authoritative constitutional tradition.
A concern with the new debates on the history of concepts
animated the contnbutors to the third panel. Patricia
Springborg's thesis (Sidney University) is that English
Renaissance classical translations and imitations represent
works of political surrogacy in an emergent nationalist
discourse. For reasons of censorship in a harsh literary
environment, but also because this is how people expected
to get their information, certain classical works, for
instance, those of Homer, Virgil, Lucan and Ovid, were
read as coded texts. Ranged on a spectnun from royalist to
republican, classical translations were transposed to new
nationalist settings as manuals for good government and
the classical virtues of citizenship. In the hands of
humanist courtiers and their clients, they were rhetorical
instnunents to school both the elite and the masses for
their historic roles in the transition to modernity.
In the next contribution, Tuija Pulkkinen (Helsinki
University) explains why she thinks that the conception of
historians who consider the Porvoo meeting (1809) as the
birth place of the "Finnish state", is a case of misuse of
words. She argues that the question of the status of the
Finnish state within the Russian Empire was less crucial
for the formation of the word valtio in Finnish than is
suggested by the intense debate which ensued among
generations of historians. The word-formation seems to
bave more to do with the formation of the polity, with the
form of political life and with the expression of political
action. The fact that politics so forcefully came to be
verbally associated with the state might well be one of the
most interesting features of Finnish political vocabulary.
Following the methodological insights of the "Cambridge
School", Balazs Trencsenyi (Budapest University) traces
the conceptualization of the national community in
Hungary in the early-modem period. In order to grasp the
intellectual context and emergence of an increasingly
secular and finite cornmunity as the principal focus of
political identification, he descnbes the Hungarian
discourses of nationhood in terms of the interplay of the
Hungarian humanist vision of patria, the Protestant
conception of elect nationhood, and the emerging
ideology of territorial statehood rooted in the pragmatist
8
political prudence of the "ragion di stato" tradition. He
shows how the ideology of territorial statehood and the
potentials of absolutism posed a crucial cballenge for
subordinated power-elites, living in the framework of
"multinational" empires.
The session organized by Gerard Noiriel at the Laboratory
of Social Sciences of the Paris Ecole Normale Superieure,
concerned interdisciplinary, namely semantic, pragmatic.
and political approaches of the History of Concepts. Pierre
Fiala (ENS Fontenay/ Saint-Cloud) developed the
proposition that lexical semantics is closely linked to
morphology. He illustrated this point by showing, through
the example of the words laiC! larque! laicite, and the
partial stabilization of the concept in the "longue duree",
how variations became meaningful, argumentative and
enonciative strategies of speech. Grammatical and lexical
morphology are therefore a good observatory of semantic
facts.
Sandro Chignola (Verona University) made a presentation
of the two principal directions that Begriffigeschichte took
in Italy in the centres for study and research on the History
of political concepts. (See here after, page 7 to 13) He
presents the main characteristics of the University of
Trento's approach, and that of the universities of Padua
and Bologna. The paduan research group approach to the
history of concepts achieves the effect of de-structuring,
by tracing the genealogy of modem political categories,
the ideological block which has come about between
modem political science and its very own retrospective
representation of the conceptual times of its own history.
It allows an unveiling, even if reconstructed in terms that
are rigorously political conceptual structures of modernity,
of the aporia and the contradictions on which the modem
neutralisation of the question of good and justice has been
fed.
A.new approach of the conceptualization of the History of
Women is proposed by Christine Faure (CNRS, Paris)
with a critic presentation of three examples. The first
example is that of the uvesuviennes", a category of the
history of work and its organization during the Revolution
of 1848. The second exarople is the conceptualization of
feminioe mobilization under a totalitarian regime, which
raised many controversies and requires a very narrow
contextualization. Through the third example, concerning
the paradoxical character of feminine action, a joint
approach is proposed with actions of women and forms of
public denunciation in order to find a third dimension
between individual and collective action.
In the fifth session, Catherine Larrere (Universite de
Bordeaux) examined some aspects of the history of the
word and concept of 'economie' . She argues that the
second use of the word 'economie' in the 1750s was not a
mere revival of Montcbrestien's use but a real new birth
on new basis. Montcbrestien's "CEconomie politique" was
an attempt to extend the original meaning by shifting from
the domestic to the political areas, whereas Quesnay's use
of the word draws from already metaphorical meanings,
the physiological one (=onomie anirnale) as well as the
theological one (economie as dispensatio, God's general
plan of distnbuting goods). Her thesis is that the delayed
widespread use of the word is not to be attnbuted only to
the frequently noticed gap between ordinary language and
scientific use, but must be related to various and conscious
strategies in the use of the word.
Modem conceptual mutations of the idea of rights claim is
then considered by Elena Meleshkina (Samara State
University). Secularization led to the introduction of
reason, state, law, typically natural law and finally
standards of human rights as authority, or in other cases
took a revolutionary character. Protesters had to introduce
a source of authority contrasting to the formally existing
one. Thus, she argues, the scheme of redressing the wrong
by appeal to higher authority by restoring violated norms
and conventions has been replaced by revolutionary
substitution of one authority and related set of norms and
conventions by another authority and its norms and
cODventions.
Mikhail llyin (Moscow) discussed the relation between
institutions and concepts during the process of political
change with the emergence of the Russian Federation at
the wake of the Soviet Union. It rnay seem that new
institutions have been conceptualized in a new way. But
there are Significant problems in interpreting the notion of
federation and federalism. On the one hand there has been
achieved more consistent use of "federal" terms, but on
the other the idea of federal union became less
conspicuous. Asymmetry of political relations as well as
the relations between the "federal center" and the federal
territories are poorly conceptualized in the official absence
of the concept of autonomy. In this situation alternative
wordings and meanings are developing to conceptualize a
. political configuration that combines both imperial and
federal properties.
A round table discussion concluded the conference.
Participants included the organizers and Hans-Jiirgen
Liisebrink, who presented the rnain features of the
Handbuch politish-sozialer Grundbegriffe in Frankreich,
in its pragmatic, intercultural and comparative dimension.
Then were discussed the constitution of the executive
board and the perspective of the next Conferences that
will be organized in Copenhagen in October 2000 ( see
page 16), Tampere, Finland in 2001 (see page 17) , in
Aahrus, Denmark in 200 I and in Amsterdam in 2002.
The Conference in Saint-Cloud! Paris wonld not have
been possible without the support of the Ecole Normale
Superieure of Fontenay/Saint-Cloud and of the UMR
" Analyses de corpus linguistiques". Thanks are due to
the members of the laboratory and to its co-director Pierre
Fiala and to Gerard Noiriel for welcoming us in the
Laboratory of Social Sciences of the ENS of Paris.
BEGRIFFSGESCHICHTE IN ITALY,
ON THE LOGIC OF MODERN

Dr. Sandre Chignola, Universita di Padova, Italy
T
he aim of this paper is the brief presentation of the
two principal directions that Begriffsgeschichte
took in Italy and to attempt to enucleate a few theoretical
proposals from the Italian model to further European
historical - conceptual research. The history of political
concepts in fact has not been directly applied in Italy to
develop lexicographical works and neither has it been
used to reconstruct the political vocabulary. It has acted
rather as a stimulus for the importation of German
constitutional and social historiography, for the
translation, in volume, of individual items from the
Geschichtliche Grundbegriffe, for the planning of
seminars and joumals and above all for the production of
research and anthologies with a strong unitary set up
through which it has elaborated a strategy for autonomous
use and, which I believe, is unique on the international
scene.
9
The main centres for study and research on the History of
political concepts in Italy today are the University of
Trento and the Institute of Italo-Germanic History in
Trento which publish the jownals Scienza & Politica and
the Annali dell'Istituto storico italo-germanico in Trento
and the universities of Padua and Bologna with the journal
Filosofia politica - the first pan of each issue is dedicated
to the presentation of <<Materiali per un lessico politico
europeo (material for a European political lexicon) and
the anthologies of the research on modem political
concepts. At the universities of Milan and Bologna there
are also more general editorial projects, with the aim of
producing volumes for general consultation and political
dictionaries which take into due account the specific
History of political vocabulary. (Omaghi-Parsi, 1991;
1993).
The method and the perspectives of the history of
concepts were introduced into Italy with German
constitutional historiography. The interest in a method of
research which united cultural, juridical, institutional and
economic history in a comparative prospective to
investigate the complex and many-sided logic of the
western political experience was pre-eminent in a phase
when the attention of the historian was drawn to the
material constitution and to the complex structures of the
modem state. Amongst the leading lights in Italy involved
in this renewal of methOdology who allowed a "global"
approach to the state and to institutional history, were
historians and legal historians of the ilk of Otto Brunner,
Otto Hintze, Werner Conze, Ernst-Wolfgang Bockenforde
and Reinhan Koselleck.
In this context the history of concepts has served above all
as an instrument for the "historicization" of the juridical
categories with which the very notion of 'constitution'
(Konstitution) was intelpreted, and which paradigm to
adopt to develop the field of research towards that of
social history, beyond the limits of formal rights. It has its
origins in the 19" century bourgeois state, that is - this is
when the first contnbution was made in the true sense to
the history of concepts - categories such as 'rights' ,
'individual', 'division of power', . distinction between
public and private' or 'society'I'State', could not have
been applied to previous institutional and political realities
as they previously were unknown. What carne into play -
according to a conceptual distinction which can be traced
to Costantino Mortati and to Carl Schmitt, the latter the
10
author who at the time entered the Italian debate exerting
a great influence (thanks to G.Miglio and P.Schiera) - was
a d i f f e r e n ~ a wider-ranging "material" conception of
constitution (Verfassung) . This could be used to
investigate the problem of political unity in ideological
and institutional contexts, which had preceded the forming
of the system of co-ordinates in the 19" century state
(Rechtsstaat) . It was by these means that politics could be
studied independently of the presumed universality and all
pervasive nature of its own concepts in the 19" century
state and be reconstructed around a system of self
supporting and specific concepts in the "constitutional
contexf' (in the sense of the material constitution, or that
which in German is called Verfassung) which every now
and then was taken into consideration. The history of
concepts therefore made its entrance from the beginning
in this renewal of constitutional historiography. It was
used as an instrument 10 lesl the categories of the
hisloriographical reconstruction so as 10 avoid
misunderstandings or inaccuracies from the moment in
which concepts which did not belong to the semantic
contexts under investigation could nol be used and to
analyse the latter by means of their own specific concepts.
German constitutional historiography was introduced into
Italy between the 70's and the early 80's through the
translations of Bockenforde, Brunner, Hintze and
Koselleck and with the initiation of important research on
the modem state. During that period the role played by
Pierangelo Schiera and his students and collaborators and
by the Istituto Storico Italo-Germanico of Trento were
decisive in carrying forward thai undertaking. The
translation of the work of those authors and the
subsequent participation which ensued as a resull has
opened the way in Italy to research into the global hislOry
of the modem stale which employs openly comparative
perspectives and which assumes in political concepts and
in their history, the material "use value" of the doctrines.
AU of this has created a profound renewal in the study of
political hislory in Italy. On the one hand it has pennitted
the stale as a theme 10 be rescued from the obscurity (at
the highest level furthermore) of juridical history. On the
other, it has broughl aboul the inclusion of the history of
political theory in the mosl extensive seal of the hislory of
ideological political structures, detaching il from the
idealisl rhetoric which reigned supreme in the theme of
the history of thoughl to anchor it 10 the complexities of
political, administrative, economic events and the
vicissitudes of political theory concerning the modem
state (Schiera 1971-74).
By taking on the Koselleckian premise that in the Germao
political lexicon it is possible to docwnent a process of
ideologisation, of democratization and of politicization of
political concepts from the end of the 1 8 ~ century to the
first half of the 1 9 ~ which docwnent and accompany
drastic changes in historical experience. The horizon of
which becomes mobile and temporalized by the
discovery of foreseeing the future in the past and by the
grafting of the present into the patterns of the philosophy
of history. This flrst direction of Italian conceptual
historical research has focussed its attention upon the
ideological changes which have been produced in the
constitutional theories of the 1 9 ~ century and has
formalised the necessity of studying political theory
through the filter of "political doctrine" (Gherardi-Gozzi,
1992; 1995; Schiera, 1996). In the latter, or rather in the
description of the link between theory and practice,
between the theoretical imagination and concrete political
practice which occurs with the processes of the
ideologisation of theory, it is possible for historiography
to recover the material ''use value" of political concepts,
taking them on in the intermediate space between the
thought and the action, between theoretical speculation
and the course of history, and to evaluate concepts like
this as Koselleck described much of them; as indicators of
the historical process and yet, at the same time, as
concrete factors of the same.
The area where political doctrine takes shape, precisely
because it is intermediary between theory and practice, is
the area of the production of knowledge and the practice
of government where the process of hegemony which
guides constitutional processes is asserted (Schiera, 1987;
Gozzi, 1988). In this perspective the area offers itself
therefore with grounds for research which combine the
historiography of political theory with social and juridical
history, with the aim of historicizing and contextualizing
the concepts of the political lexicon within a system of
structures and processes, both ideological and political,
which guide the articulation of individual historical
phases. Tracing the history of concepts therefore signifles-
in this perspective - the analysis of the latter within the
material context of use, and the evaluation of the
contribution that the concepts and the political doctrines
make in the setting up and in the obstruction of historical
constitutional processes.
Before an area like that of the political doctrines can
evolve and before the political concepts can be
contextualized within that area it is obviously necessary to
differentiate between the theory and the practice which are
antecedents and results of the processes of ideologisation
of political theory. It is also necessary for the area of the
constitution to be invested with processes of controversial
political polarization which temporalise the processes of
recoguition of problems relating to the constitution,
problems of government and priority within the political
agenda (Ricciardi, 1995). All of this is necessary to obtain
the hegemony on which the concepts of the political
lexicon are drawn up, the authentic KampjbegrijJe, in
opposite political camps.
Having stated thus, this tITSt guiding general plan of the
Italian reception of the history of concepts directly takes
on a large part of Koselleck's model. It investigates the
concepts as elementary components of the doctrine and
historicises them by contextualising them within the
framework of the processes of ideologisation,
politicisation and temporalisation of the political historical
experience. These begin to be perceived between the end
of the 1 8 ~ century and the 1 9 ~ century. This has made it
possible for the istituto Storico italo-germaoico of
Trento to promote seminars and research initiatives which
concentrate above all on constitutional history and on
those themes which result fully in a social, political and
practical involvement of the concepts: the area of the
science of knowledge for example, or that of the
theoretical and immediately applicable, of the public
administration, of the PolizeywissenschaJten, of the
statistics, of the StaatswissenschaJten and of
administrative law. In each of these flelds, historical
constitutional research uses the history of concepts as a
preferred instrwnent in the contextualisation of the
political theory of the practical system of government to
whose setting up it has contributed (Shiera, 1987; 1996;
Gherardi-Gozzi, 1992; 1995).
In synthesis this flrst directive in the Italiao reception and
re-elaboration of the history of concepts coherently
develops (and with important results) the following
theoretical premises:
a. It evaluates the elements of the political lexicon - or
11
rather the concepts - with a permanent dynamic
relationship within the referred social context and takes
them on only in so far as the power games and the
snuggle for hegemony in which the material constitution
(Veifassung ) of a historical epoch are expressed.
b. As a consequence it takes on the concepts, in view of a
coherent historicisation, as fundamental mechanisms of
the passage between theory and practice within a specific
historical phase.
c. It allots a fundamental relevance, with the aim of
understanding the historical sense of the convergence of
political theory and the processes of the modem state, to
science (Wissenschaft) or the process of constitutional
recognition of the doctrines and theoretical knowledge
(the institutionalisation at university level of the political
and adnllnistrative disciplines, the birth of political
science, the theoretical framework for the founding of
universities, of scientific academies, of Grandes Ecoles) .
d. It assigns the history of concepts an auxiliary role in
relation to social or constitutional history within the
"global" reconsnuction of logical mechanisms and
political, economic and institutional strategies on which
the vicissitudes of the constitutional transition between the
19" and 20" century are based.
c. All this coherently pursues the aim of an accurate
historicisation of thought in view of a more precise
reconsnuction of the constitutional circumstances of the
modern state.
Leading on from the effects of modem political
philosophy on the constitution (the way in which it has
anticipated, included or planned the system of logical
references of the modem state) and following in the wake
of Schiera's initial work, relying in turn on the work of
those historians that he introduced into Italy (Brunner
above all, but also Hintze, Conze and Koselleck) a second
direction in Italian research responded in a markedly more
philosophical way to the formation of a European political
lexicon.
For this second direction the problem of the choice of
concepts on which to trace the history was resolved by the
same methodological option as the Begriffsgeschichte,
understood in the manner of Brunner as "the history of
modem political concepts". The task is that of
reconsnucting, genealogically, the system of categories
and the modem political concepts and the effect of
organisation of reality that they produce. An effect so
12
powerful as to determine a logical framework which is
stepped around with difficulty and capable of producing
that illusion of "objectivity" and "universality" of modern
political concepts and categories which allows it in turn to
project the same concepts and categories - even if
typically modern - into previous idealogical and semantic
contexts which did not know them (Duso, 1999b).
The epoch of modern political concepts - isolated from
research on texts of the political philosophy tradition and
enucleated, beginning from the latter, as historically
circumscribed and determined (I emphasize here the latin
derivation terminus, limit, boundary) - requires inevitably
the historical reconsnuction of its own conceptual times.
The supposition of linear continuity in the processes of
transformation, which have assigned logical elements and
snuctures of the political lexicon, is deprived of meaning
by the adoption of this same perspective (Duso, 1994;
1997; Chignola, 1990; 1997).
Politics cannot be seen, in this perspective, as a
continuous sequence in its historical and temporal
scanning, nor can it be represented, along the axis of its
own history, outside the categories that were adopted to
produce it. Modem politics - or rather the system of
concepts forged in the doctrines of the social contract in
the black hole of the religious and civil wars_(Duso, 1987)
- consists of a sequence of organisation which is logically
and historically de-fermined. Included, that is, in a
theoretical area, the circumference of which it is possible
to trace and reconsnuct the procedures of constitution.
And commencing from such assumption, that a second
modality for the re-elaboration of the history of concepts
questions the modern political lexicon and animated not
with the intention of recomposing but rather by an
instance of criticism and of deconstruction. Here
recomposition is intended properly as the reconsnuction
of a map of fundamental concepts, as the composition of
linear histories of the concepts from antiquity to the
contemporary era, as the task of providing more refined
instruments for the theoretical political elaboration as an
accurate historicisation of linguistic usage. Or rather,
precisely the way in which a person believes they can use
the model of the history of concepts. This critical
interpretation, on the contrary, deems that recomposition
as an authentic misunderstanding of the methodological
premises of the Begriffsgeschichte. If it is possible to
assigu a limited historicity to modem political concepts,
then it will be possible to critically denounce the pretences
of "universality" and "objectivity" of the modem political
concepts and not reconstruct the framework of the entire
western political experience around the modern political
lexicon and its limited historicity (Duso, 1999).
This second thread of interpretation and research, which
was elaborated in particular within the Gruppo di ricerca
sui concetti politici moderni (the modern political
concepts research group land active from the end of the
70's under the direction of Giuseppe Duso at the Istituto di
Filosofia of the University of Padua, re-elaborates the
Begriffsgeschichte of Koselleckian stamp in a duplicate
direction.
First of all, Koselleck's methodological proposal is
radicalized. This is grafted onto a notion of "historical
science", the contingency of which is never brought into
question (even though it is the same Koselleck who is
author of an important history of the concept of 'history').
Koselleck on the contrary, is obliged to assign a
foundational value to general meta-historic categories (the
categories, rigorously formalised and therefore "modern"
in historic time, for example past, present, future or
'experience' and 'expectation') which alone allow for the
provision of a "frame" in which histories which traverse
different historical semantic contexts are enclosed. Even
those, like classical antiquity where the philosophical
historical distinction is unknown - early eschatalogical-
christian and then modern and secularized - between
'experience' and 'expectation" should instead remain
"impermeable" at such an interpretation (Bira!, 1987;
Duso, 1994; Chignola,1990).
In the second place, the historical semantic torsion is
objected to in the Koselleckian model. What is in question
in this second Italian proposal, is not the social history of
the 'words' or the evaluation process which gives them
surplus value political weighting and transforms the
'words' into 'concepts' on the level of collective action.
This, on the other hand is what happens in the Trentino
model of the history of concepts. Neither is it the intention
to dissolve the logical power of the modern political
concepts through extenuating procedures of
contextualisation. What is being brought into play here is
not exquisitely historical. The problem, to which a
solution could be offered in conceptual-historic terms, is
that of the genesis of modern political philosophy as
modem political science. (Chignola, 1997; Duso, 1997).
In this perspective, what is taken on board from the
Koselleckian model, to be further radicalized in its
theoretical logical consequences is, essentially, the
supposition (originally Nietzschean) according to which
the "concepts do not have history". That the concepts
should have no history, as Koselleck opportunely reveals,
and that nonetheless they contain it, means essentia1ly that
the concepts can not be taken on as identical entities in
themselves, or anyhow permanent, that they project
themselves, evolving and changing their significance in
relation to each individual historical context they traverse
on the chronological and temporal plane of 'history'.
The concepts do not have history because they do not
carry a constant rational nucleus of which it is possible to
trace the history. To relinquish this supposition would
signify a contradiction of the theoretical premise of
Begriffsgeschichte itself and a renewed assumption of the
concepts as general universal entities, constant in any
event even if moving or in constant transformation.
Only of the modern concepts is it in fact possible to state
that they have a 'history'. This is because their origins are
historically definable and because it is only with them that
the formal categories of time appear which permit a
historiographical representation (Duso, 1999b).
What is more if the history of concepts limited itself to the
tracing of the history of ideas or of words, then it would
do not other than assume, dogmatically and as an
"objective", the framework of references and co-ordinates
of modem science. By doing so it would do nothing more
than eternize and universalize the theoretical device of
modernity and imperialistically subsume all of history to
its categories (Duso, 1999).
The question is not the prerogative of this perspective, the
re-composition of the European political lexicon via the
reconstruction of the histories of the individual concepts.
Nor is it to safeguard, thanks to the universal plane of
"historical science", the perfect logical translation of
ancient concepts to modem ones, to be able to evaluate
instances of continuity and of transformation in the
process of contextualisation of the western political
experience (Chignol .. 1997). What is in question here is
the problem of the specificity (or the partiality) of the
13
modern political categories and the capacity for criticism
which is possible to claim io their respect once they are
deprived of their supposed universality (Duso, 1997;
1999).
The study of the political lexicon cannot be, followiog the
course of this study, anythiog other than a critical
genealogical study on the specificity and on the
determioed meaoiog of modem political categories, on the
process of their eternization and naturalization produced
by modern political scientism, on the way of their
conditioniog our historical, theoretical and philosophical
approach to the question of political action (Biral, 1997).
It is for this range of motives that the historical contextual
perspective of the Padua group has taken two directions:
I) it has carried out research on the Trennung between
ancient and modern which has impelled them to pre-date
the Schwellenzeit io historic time. 2) it has questioned the
modem characteristic of 'achievement' and reopened the
philosophical question of politics, from the excesses
exercised by the question of justice io relation to the
logical system of the modem concepts, which they have
historically neutralised io juridical tenns (Duso, 1987;
1999b; Biral, 1987; 1997).
The process at the begioniog of the revolution io political
modernity is produced through moral philosophy and the
politics of the mechanism and with the doctrioes and the
social pact. In that context - which is a context to be
understood io substantially logical tenns rather than
historical temporal terms, because the artifice of the
categories and the concepts is what is created here and
politics will be perceived by these means up to the period
of the 19" century crisis - the system of anthropological
references on which ethical-political considerations are
founded - is radically transformed. The issue here is the
dissolution of the long term horizon of which a Christian
"aristotlianism" had taken hold and the imposition of a
new epistemological foundation based on the mechanistic
irreducibility of action and of the importance of political
mediation io the crisis which has upset every type of
consolidated topology of the natural order sioce the age of
the wars of religion and the risiog bourgeois iodividualism
(BiraL 1999).
Modem political science refutes the system of natural
logic of government which stems from the self-
14
government (or self discipline) of the wise and free man,
capable of domioatiog passions to extend ioto the political
space. Sioce it refuses to consider men to be different io
terms of differently wise or differently ioclined, by nature,
to command or to obey, modem political science
annihilates classical political anthropology by attemptiog
to scientifically co-ordinate the supposition of equality
with that of the political order. Modern political science
and the more geometrico ioterpretation of ethics and of
human behaviour attempt to artificially create the
conditions for peace and the neutralisation of ethical-
religious conflicts. Modem law originates from the
capacity of theory to anticipate and forecast what, with
regard to human conduct, pure wisdom can no longer
control.
How easy it is to deduce that skill and practical wisdom,
as io the "self-governmenf' of the exercise, have more to
do with the world of 'virtue' than they have with
'science'. This much is vouched for in the insistence -
from Cicerone to Jean Bodin - of the metaphor of
gubernator rei publicae. as the helmsman of the ship of
state. For centuries, the topos has recited the apology of an
order of politics which precisely because it referred to a
whole composed of parts ( the differences io nature
between men, between father and son, between male and
female, between the nobility and the plebeians, between
the different orders and estats of the corporate - and class
society), required the virtue of wisdom and of mediation
of its governor (Duso, 1999b). It is this practical aspect,
prudential and phronetical of virtue which disappears
from the scene when the revolution of equality -
anticipated by the natural right - breaks up the possibility
of an order founded on the immediate legitimacy of the
government of the best (Biral, 1999).
In the context of the wars of religion the wise man is not
he who strives to impose moderation and counsel io the
public debate, but he who has understood how anarchy
and revolt can only be halted by a unitary and sovereign
power which defines the good act io the same way for all
the 'public' criteria. In this way legality becomes, through
an ironic twist of history, the only earthly form possible of
justice. The state is the guarantor of peace and the equality
of the subjects (Biral, 1999).
The caesura between 'internal' and 'external" between
'public' and 'private' , articulates the Trennung between
the modem and the ancient world. Only in the modem
world are the individuals, who have been rendered equal
by the power which liberates them from subjection and
dependence in relation to other men, able to exercise
reason uin private" - also in a critical way, as Koselleck
himself reminds us - and not to interfere one with the
other as a force which imposes peace amongst them The
society of modem man, as opposed to the society of the
ancients (politikti koinonia, societas civilis), is no longer
representable as a wbole composed of parts where the
prudential and phronetical logic of government are
affinned, because this becomes a space where the
individuals, lIberated from subjection and dominion, can
freely lead their own lives so long as they obey the laws
and are respectful of the equality and liberty of others.
The distinction between the modem societas sine imperio
- free federation of rational egoistic individuals which
negotiate the reciprocal recognition of their equality in the
equal independence for all, entrusting it to the legal form
- and the ancient societas cum imperio, of which the
'government' sanctions the internal differentiation
founded on inequality, is the fundamental distinction
which operates within the artifice of the social pact - the
epocb of which coincides, in this second Italian
interpretation of the Begriffsgeschichte, with the epoch of
the modern political concepts - having a considerable
effect on the constitutional level for many centuries to
come (Bira!, 1999; Duso, 1999b).
It is thus that the theories of the social contract - or
rather the system of concepts and of logic on which the
sovereignty question is based - have founded the
constellation of concepts of political modernity (Duso,
1987; 1999a). The problem of the just disappears, to be
replaced by that of legality. Men are equal in their will,
and therefore free: the political expression of the
collective body, since neither differences nor 'parts' no
longer exist within it, must of necessity be represented as
unique. The uniqueness of the sovereign will, as a result,
will not be able to be produced in representational terms,
and will become legitimised through rational procedures,
from the moment in which the supposition of equality has
rendered the immediate legitimacy of the logic of
government politically evanescent. According to Duso
"End of government and the birth of power" is another
way of describing the dissolution of the ancient world and
the birth of the modem (Duso, 1999b).
'Individual' , 'equality" 'subject', 'liberty', 'will',
'rights', 'representation', 'legitimacy', 'sovereignty' -
amongst others - are the fundamental concepts of
modernity (unknown in antiquity) and they correspond,
according to this proposal, to the transition which invests
politics to the measure in which it begins to be thought of
according to the scientific interpretation of ethics and of
the categories of the modem legal form. The political now
coincides with the juridical. The modem political lexicon
with a logical device in which each of the concepts are
deferred to the others, and none of which have a founding
external reality. There are no values, nor are there
objective historical realities, where the task of
"substantiating" the constituent procedures through which
modern political concepts produce their effect of
orgauising reality could be demanded of them 1bis means
that this second interpretative direction, even though
taking on board the problem of the European political
lexicon of the modem epoch, is not applicable to the
reconstruction of the history of the individual concepts,
but favours instead the analysis of the logical device
which has shaped their ( the modem concepts) unitary
significance. It concerns an important point which needs
to be confirmed. In this research project the historical-
conceptual perspective, as we have already confirmed,
does not function as a simple methodological option.
' Instruments' (the concepts) and 'modality' (the
historical-conceptual perspective) of research are given by
the 'object' (the modem political lexicon), to which the
research is applied. It is the ' object' of the research which
defines the plan of its fundamental elements - or to
provide the list of the necessary concepts to understand
the shape of modem politics and to request an
interpretative perspective which assumes the absolute
discontinuation of the latter with regard to how much
historically precedes it. A discontinuation which leads
from the revolution of the logical device which poses the
modem political concepts in relation to it (and in
reciprocal tension ).
Not by chance, the second effect of the torsion of the
political lexicon - after that of the "scientification" of
ethics which promotes the distinction between 'public'
and ' private' - is produced from the ideologicisation of
thought which bends the concepts into vehicles for the
orgauisation of reality. The applied distinction between
'theory' and 'practice' is exclusively modem, according to
which the second relies on the first. Political modernity,
15
unlike ancient thought, departs from the supposition that
from the act it is possible to isolate a perfect and rational
model, which must then be applied to real historical
relations. Yet again the Trennung is placed at the level of
the theories of the social contract, when political thought
posed the task of constructing a rational and rigorous
theory for the first time, the model that has the precision
of the mathematical sciences and which justifies, in
absolutely rational terms, the difference which is created
between sovereign and subject.
Thought - the 'political theory' - gives way to the
destructuring of the normal everyday political experience
in which the surplus idea of the good and the just is
reaffirmed, as, for example, happens in the platonic
experience (Biral, 1997), it affirms itself now as the
vehicle for the rational organisation of practice and as a
principle of giving structure and legitimacy to the political
obligation. In the modem world - there cannot be a
relationship of command/obey which is not legitimate in
exclusively rational terms. The epistemological revolution
of modem political science (and of its concepts ) starts
from here.
This implies at least two important consequences on the
level of historical-conceptual methodology. The first is,-
once more - the impossibility of accessing ancient
thought without causing a hypostasis of the categories of
modem political science. Nothing like the "theory of
ancient politics" exists, if with that expression we mean
the corresponding version of the logical device with which
modem thought believes it is able to mould reality. On the
contrary, the experience of ancient political philosophical
thought could be replicated as a recovering of that
question on the just and the good which was discarded
and concealed - because it was potentialIy subversive
and de-stabilising - from the theoretical process of
modem political science. The second concerns instead the
fact that the sources investigated according to this
perspective are exclusively those in which the flow which
constitutes modem political theory has crystallized to the
greatest extent. It is not a history of individual concepts
then, nor is it a study intenting on isolating the items for a
composition of the lexicon of modem political concepts.
It's rather a critical analysis of the logic which has
presided over, on the base of the annihilation of the
politike episteme of the ancients, the constitution of
modem political theory, carried out on the authors and the
16
sites of greater theoretical density and of more immediate
effect on the constitutional practice of the modem era.
In synthesis, this second modality of the approach to
Begnffsgeschichte has favoured, leading from the
radically historical conceptual premise, a criticism of the
modem political lexicon (above all of the pretensions of
universality and objectivity of its categories and then of
the effects of depoliticization and expropriation of action
which they render operable in the name of guarantees
conceded to the rising possessive individualism), of which
the evidence is as follows:
a. the importance of not dealing with the history of the
individual concepts, but with the process which formed
the unitary logical device formed by the effeclS of a
reciprocal resonance in modem political concepts;
b. the importance of retracing that process as a set of
transformations which intend to bury classical ethics and
politics (the scientification of moral philosophy, the
' public/private' distinction, the schism between 'theory'
and 'practice') and which inaugurate the founding of
modern political science;
c. the importance of treating this process through an
analysis of the phases of constitution in the ''high'' places
of modem political philosophy in which the theoretical
frameworks, which will have evident constitutional
consequences, have established thernselves;
d. an anchorage for philosophy - beyond the crisis of
modem political science - as a knot removed from the
modem trend of giving an empty juridical interpretation to
the question of good and justice.
Such a type of approach to the history of modem political
concepts achieves the effect of de-structuring, by tracing
the genealogy of modem political categories, the
ideological block which has come about between modem
political science and its very own retrospective
representation of the conceptual times of its own history.
It allows an unveiling. even if reconstructed in terms that
are rigorously political conceptual structures of modernity.
of the aporia and the contradictions on which the modem
neutralisation of the question of good and justice has been
fed.
ITALY AND THE' HISTORY OF POLITICAL
CONCEPTS: AN ESSENTIAL BIBUOGRAPHY
'<<Anna.Ii dell'Istituto storico italo-getmanico in Trentm"
XIII, 1987 (on the Works ofOno Brunner).
' Auciello N. - Racinaro R. (a c. di), Storia dei concetti e
semantica storica, Napoli, ESI, 1990.
' Biral A., Koselleck e la concezione della storia,
<<Filosofia politic"" , I, 1987.
*Biral A., Platone e 1a conoscenza di se, Roma-Bari,
Laterza, 1997.
'Biral A., Sloria e critica della filosofia politica modema,
Milano, Angeli, 1999.
*Chignola S., Sloria concettuale e filosofia politica Per
una prima approssimazione, Filosofla Politica, IV,
1/1990, pp. 5-35.
'Chigno1a S., Storia dei concetti e storiografia del
discorso politico, <<Filosofia politic"" , XI, 111997, pp. 99-
122.
*Chignola S., Historia de los conceptos y historiografia
del discurso politico, <<Res Public"", Revista de historia y
el presente de los conceptos politicos, I, 111998, pp. 1-33.
'Chignola S., Review of: lain Harnpsher - Monk, Karin
Ti1rnans and Frank Van Vree (Eds.), History o/Concepts:
Comparative Perspectives, Amsterdam, Amsterdam
University Press, 1998, <<Filosofia politica 3, 1999 (in
print).
*Chignola S., Tra storia delle dottrine e filosofia politica.
Di alcune modalita della riermone italiana della
Begriffsgeschichte, <ill Pensiero politico, 2000 (in print)
'Duso G. (a c. di), n contratto sociale nella filosofia
politica moderna, Bologna, II Mulino, 1987 (now:
Milano, Angeli, 1998
3
).
*Duso G. (a c. di), n potere. Per la storia della filosofia
politica modema, Roma, Carocci, 1999a.
'Duso G., Historisches Lexikon e storia dei concetti,
<<Filosofia politic"" , 1, 1994, pp. 109-120.
' Duso G., Sloria dei concetti come filosofia politica,
<<Filosofia politiCa>" 3, 1997, pp. 396-426.
*Duso G., Historia conceptual eomo filosofia politica,
<<Res Public"", Revista de historia y el presente de los
conceptos politicos, I, 1/1998, pp. 35-71
'Duso G., La logica del potere. Sloria dei concetti come
filosofia politica, Roma-Bari, Laterza, 1999b.
'<<Filosofia politic"", 3, 1997 (this number of <<FP>,
contains the Italian translation of Koselleck's, Pocock's
and ruchter's papers edited by H. Lehmann and M.
ruchter in The Meaning of Historical Terms and
Concepts. New Studies on Begriffsgeschichte, Washington
D.C., 1996)
'Galli C. (under direction of), Lessico della politica,
Bologna, II Mulino, 1999- (volumes till now appeared: B.
Accarino, Rappresentanza; P. Portinaro, Stato; M.
Barberis, Liberta; M. Fioravanti, Costituzione)
*Gherardi R - Gozzi G. (a c. di), I concettifondamentali
delle scienze sociali e della Stato in Italia e in Germania
tra Otto e Novecento, Bologna, II Mulino, 1992.
'Gherardi R - Gozzi G. (a c. di), Saperi della borghesia e
storia dei concetti fra Otto e Novecento, Bologna, II
Mulino, 1995.
*Gozzi G., Modelli politici e questione sociale in Italia e
in Germania fra Otto e Novecento, Bologna, II Mulino,
1988.
Merlo M., La ambivalencia de los conceptos.
Observaciones acerca de algunos reiaciones entre
Begriffsgeschichte e historiografia del discurso politico,
<<Res Public"", Revista de historia y el presente de los
conceptos politicos, I, 111998, pp 87-101.
*Ornaghi L., Sui concetti e Ie loro proprieta nel discorso
politico modemo, <<Filosofia politic"", I, 1990, pp. 57-73.
'Omaghi L. - Parsi V. E. (a c. di), I concetti della
politica: Liberta, Progresso, Democrazia, Politica (italian
translation of GG essays: Freiheit, Fortschritt, Demokratie,
Politik), Venezia, Marsilio, 1991-1993).
' rucciardi M., Linee storiche del concetto di popolo,
<<Annali dell'Istituto storico italo-getmanico in Trento,
XVI, 1990, pp. 303-369.
*Schiera P. - Rotelli E., Lo Stato modemo, voll. I-ill,
Bologna, II Mulino, 1971-1974.
*Schiera P. (a c. di), Societa e corpi. Scritti di Lamprecht,
Gierke, Maitland, Bloch, Lousse, Oestreich, Auerbach,
Napoli, Bibliopolis, 1987.
' Schiera P., Otto Hintze, Napoli Guida, 1974.
'Schiera P., n laboratorio borghese. Scienza e politica
nella Germania dell'Ottocento, Bologna, II Mulino, 1987.
*Schiera P., Considerazioni sulla Begriffsgeschichte a
partire dai Geschichtliche Grundhegriffe di Brunner,
C01JZe e Koselleck, Societa e stoOO" 72, 1996, pp. 403-
411.
*Scuccimarra L., Lo Begriffsgeschichte e Ie sue radici
intellettuali, Storic"", 10, 1998, pp. 7-99.
*Valera G., Storia delle scienze e analisi della societa:
qualche considerazione di metodo, Scienza & Politic"",
1, 1989, pp. 7-25.
17
Agenda
12 Mai 2000 Saint-Cloud
Conference - History of social-political concepts
Morning session 10:00-12:30. Chairperson Pierre Fiala
(ENS de Fontenay/Saint-Cloud):
-Linda Pietrantonio (Universite de Montreal): The use of
the concept equality in the scientific discours on political
expressions of positive discrimination.
-Colette Capitan (CNRS): The concept equality and the
little nephews of Locke and Rousseau.
-Discussion
Afternoon session 14:30-17:00. Chairperson Raymonde
Monnier (CNRS):
-Haitsma Mulier (Universiteit van Amsterdam) Dutch
conceptual history in theory and practice: the example of
liberty.
-Jacques Guilhamou (CNRS): A discussion on the
history of concepts: language contexts, linguistic
conventions and networks of opinion (???) (about the
book of Mark Bevir The Logic of the History of Ideas
(Cambridge University Press 1999).
-Discussion
Place: Ecole Normale Superieure, Pavilion Valois
2, Avenue de la Grille d'Honneur du Pare
Saint-Cloud
E-mail: contact-urnr8503@ens-fcl.fr
1-S August 2000 Quebec
IPSA World Congress - PoliticS, Rhetoric and
Conceptual Changes
Conceptual changes and political theories
Convenor: PalonenIRosales
Chairperson: Kia Lindroos (Goldsmiths College)
Papers:
'Oliver Marchart: "Conceptual history, hegemony
theory and the concept of the political";
'John S. Nelson (University of Iowa): "Rhetorics for
electronic politics: reconceiving political
communication";
' Cesar Cansino (Centro de Estudios de Politica
Comparada): "The conceptual genealogy of political
18
science; in defense of an inward history of the
discipline";
'Tapani Turkka (University of Tampere): "The fate of
Locke's very strange doctrine"
'Michail llyin (Moscow State Institute of International
Relations): "Teilhardian vision of 'un monde qui
s'enroule' as a conceptual pattern for globalization";
Submitted paper: K.ari Palonen "History of Concepts as
a subversion ofNorrnative Political Theory".
Discussants: PalonenIRosales
Conceptual changes and political culture
Convenor: PalonenIRosales
Chairperson: Tina Buchtrup Pipa (University of
Copenhagen)
Papers:
'Yan Peng (Stockhobn University): "Conceptualization
of rulership in Shang-Zhou China";
'Jose Luis Villacanas : "Dynastic change, conceptual
continuity. Spanish patrimonialism between the
Austrians and the Borbons";
' Jan Ifversen (Aarhus University): "Western civilization
in the wake of World War I - the importance of a
concept";
'Bjorn Wittrock (Swedish Council for the Advanced
Study in the Social Sciences): "Modernity an conceptual
change";
'Eliane Thomas: "Changing conceptions of citizenship
and nationality: A nuw theoretical framework for
comparative analysis".
Discussants: Melvin Richter (CUNY) and Matti
Hyvlirinen (University ofTampere)
Convenor:
Kari Palonen
University of JyviiskyHi
P.O. Box 35
FIN-4035I
Jyviiskylii, Finland
E-mail: kpalonen@cc.jyu.fi
Co-convenor:
Jose M. Rosales
Universidad de Malaga
Departemento de Filosofia
Campus de Teatinos
E 29071 Malaga, Spain
Tel: +34 95213 18 13
Fax +3495213 18 14 / 23
E-mail: jmrosales@uma.es
19-21 October 2000 Copenhagen
History of Concepts Annual Conference - The
Concepts of Democracy
Seldom has a concept been so debated, so contested and
so abused as democracy. Since, at least, the beginning of
the 19th century democracy has been a battle concept
forming politics in the public arenas of the European
states. Although democracy has been generally
accepted since the end of the cold war and generally
stands as the only viable form of society for the future,
the debate over democracy has (pace Fukuyarna)
certainly not ended. The concept of democracy is
confronted with new challenges stemming from a
radically changing world. Globalization and
postmodernity alter the traditional intellectual and
practical strongholds within which democracy bas been
embedded. Concepts of territorial sovereignty,
citizenship and public opnion bave to fit a world of new
political structures, due to the disappearance of the East-
West confrontation and tot the cballenges to the nation
state from above by transnationalizations and from
below by localizations of politics. Since these concepts
are part of a semantic field surounding democracy, how
will conceptual changes affect the meaning of
democracy. But, maybe, the concept of democracy bas
always been able to adapt to changing situations. The
concept bas shown a fantastic capacity of adaptation
over time. Since its (re) introduction in European
political langnage in the 18th century as a rather
negative term (mob rule), democracy has appeared in
different situations and in very different ideologies.
Liberalisme, republicanisnt, socialism and nationalism
bave all found a place for democracy. But, is it the same
democracy that appears in these different ideologies?
This conference will discuss both contemporary and
historical changes in the concept of democracy. Part of
the discussion will be an examination of the role of
related concepts in the semantic field surrounding
democracy such as e.g. state, nation, people and
sovereignty, such as representation, parliamentarisnt,
political participation and citizenship, sucb as buman
rigbts, etc.
The conference will consist of four major sessions:
I) The conceptual history of democracy
2) Contemporary challenges to the concept of
democracy
3) Cultural diversities of the concept of democracy
4) Related concepts
Preliminary program
Thursday, October 19
Afternoon session: 14:00-18:00
-opening speech
-presentation of the organisation
-presentation of the conference theme by U. Jacobsen
and J. Ifversen: The conceptual history of democracy
-reception
Friday, October 20
Morning session 9:00-12:00 "The conceptual history of
democracy"
Afternoon sesSion 14:00-18:00 "Comtemporary
challenges to the concept of democracy"
Saturday, October 21
Morning session 10:00-13:00 "Cultural diversities of the
concept of democracy"
Afternoon session 15:00-19:00 "Related concepts"
Dinner
Please send your proposals to or contact for further
information:
Assistant Professor, Dr Jan Ifversen
Centre for European Cultural Studies
University of Aarhus
Nobelparken, Jens Chr. Skousvej 5
DK-8000 Arhus C, Denmark
Tel: +45 35 32 34 04
Fax: +45 8942 64 63
E-mail: kullji@hurn.au.dk
19
Associate Professor, Dr Uffe Jacobsen
Institute of Political Science
University of Copenbagen
Rosenborggade 15
DK-II30 Copenbagen, Denmark
Tel: +45 35 32 34 04
Fax: +45 35 32 33 66
E-mail: UI@ifs.ku.dk
7-9 December 2000 Jyvaskyla
Politics revisited Symposium
There are several perspectives from which the concept
of politics, or the political, has been actualized and
revisited in the recent years. We have decided to invite
proponents of some of the novel perspectives to a
symposium in order to confront the different viewpoints,
aspects, levels and dimensions of the discussion. In
addition, we want to discuss the significance of the
rethinking of politics in workshops dealing with special
topics, to which the relation to politics is obvious, but
which bave almost remained outside the recent
reconsiderations of politics.
To deal with questions like these on the history,
cbaracter and present-day significance of the concept of
politics we invite you to participate at a symposium
"Politics Revisited" at the University of Jyvaskyla, from
7 till 9 December 2000. The symposium consists of
plenary sessions and workshops. In the plenary sessions
our guest speakers give presentations which are then
joined by a comment from a Finnish colleague as well as
a discussion. The workshops offer especially an
opportunity for both post-doctoral scholars and Ph. D.
candidates to present their own research related to the
topic of the workshop and the symposium.
Plenary sessions
Guest speakers from abroad: Frank Ankersrnit
(Groningen), Lisa Disch (Minnesota), Michael Greven
(Hamburg), Chantal Mouffe (London), R.J. Walker
(Victoria, Canada).
Commentators: Sakari Hiinninen (Jyvaskyla), Kari
Palonen (Jyvaskyla), Tuija Parvikko (Jyvaskyla), and
Tuija Pulkkinen (Helsinki).
20
Workshops
The convenors write a background statement, which
serves as a call for the papers for the workshop. The
convenors select the papers to be presented in the
workshop and act as the chair of discussion. The plenary
speakers are expected to participate in the workshop
sessions.
Topics: "Aesthetics and Politics", convenor Kia
Lindroos (JyvaskyliiILondon) (E-mail:
sosOlkI@gold.ac.uk or kialind@globalnet.co.uk)
"Displacement of politics and politics of displacement at
the turn of the millenium", convenors: Tuija Parvikko
(Jyvaskyla) (E-mail: parvikko@dodo.jyu.fi) and Jussi
Vahamaki (Tampere) (E-mail: ytjuva@uta.fi)
28-30 June 2001 Tampere
History of Concepts Group Conference - Rhetorical
Perspectives & Problems of Conceptual Change
This early announcement is made in order to give you an
opportunity to reserve the dates for the conference and
suggest special sessions an session chairs for the event.
The members of the program committee are Pirn den
Boer (Amsterdam), Uffe Jakobsen (Copenhagen),
Raymonde Monnier (ENS de Fontenayl Saint-Cloud),
Kari Palonen (Jyvaskyla), Yija Pulkkinen (Helsinki),
Melvin Richter (CUNY, Hunter College), Patricia
Springborg (Sydney), Bjorn Wittrock (Uppsala) and
Matti Hyvarinen (Tampere).
From April 2000 on, you can follow the progress of the
congress preparations on our web-site:
http://www.uta.ftlIaitoksetiyty/concepts/
Please send your proposals at the latest by December I ,
2000, addressed to Matti Hyvarinen or to any other
member of the program committee.
Dr Matti Hyvarinen
Research Institute for Social Sciences (YTY)
University of Tampere
FIN-33014
Finland
Tel: +358-3-2146 999 (office)
+358-3-2609663
Fax: +358-3-2156 502
http://www.uta.fiI-ytrnahy/
Book annoucements
Des Manuscrits de Sieyes (1773-1799), supervision
Christine Faure, in association with Jacques GuilhaumOll
and Jacques Valier (paris 1999; Editions Honore
Champion) 576 pages.
E-mail: champion@easynet.fr
La parole des sans. Les mouvements actuels iJ l'epreuve
de la Revolution jran9aise by Jacques Guilhawnou (ENS
editions) is available on the following website:
http://www.ens-fcl.fr/bibli/guilhaumoul
Barbarism and Religion, volwne I (ISBN 0-521-63345-1)
; and The Enlightenments of Edward Gibbon, volwne 2,
Narratives of Civil Government (ISBN 0-521-6402-4) by
J.G.A. Pocock (Cambridge University Press 1999)
Finnish Yearbook of Political Thought, volwne 4
(forthcoming in May-June). Contains, among others, the
contributions of Stuart Jones "Political uses of the concept
of 'representation': how the French debated electoral
reform, c. 1880-1914" and Mark Bevir "The text as a
historical objecf' as well as articles on Finnish concepts of
the state (valtio) by Tuijja Pilkkinen, and of society
(yhteiskunta) by Paul Kettunen.
Call for copy
Please send any information relevant for this Newsletter
to:
Karin TiIrnans I Wyger Velema,
University of Amsterdam,
Department of History,
Spuistraat 134, 1012 VB Amsterdam,
The Netherlands.
Please enclose also a diskette (WordPerfect or Word) or
send your copy to: Karin.Tilrnans@hwn.uva.u1
Colofon
Editing:
Karin TiIrnans, Wyger Velema,
Anna Voolstra
Lay-out:
Bas Broekhuizen
21
Conceptual Changes in Political Cultures
Participants/ Adresses
Prof. Hans Aarsleff Mark Bevir
Dept. of English Dept. of Politics
McCosh 22 University of Newcastle
Princeton NJ 08544-1016 Newcastle upon Tyne
USA NEt 7RU United Kingdom
Dr R.A.M. Aerts Drs. PJ.E. Bielinga
Lage der A 16a Gouden Leeuw 437
9718 BKGroningen 1103 KK Amsterdam
The Netherlands The Netherlands
Prof. David Armitage
Prof. dr P.B.M. Blaas
Dept. of History Mozartlaan 4
Columbia University 1901 XS Castricum
New York NY 10027 The Netherlands
USA
Prof. dr W.P. Blockmans
Peter Baehr Vakgroep Geschiedenis RUL
Dept. of Sociology Postbus 95 t 5
Memorial University of 2300 RA Leiden
Newfoundland The Netherlands
SL John's New Foundland
Canada A IC 5S7 Hans Blom
E-mail: Dept. of Philosophy
pbaehr@morgan.ucs.mun.ca Erasmus Universiteit Rotterdam
P.O Box 1738
Gyiirgy Bence NL-300 DR Rotterdam
Dept. of Philosophy The Netherlands
ELTE Fax: +31 10-212 0448
. Piansta k6z I
E-mail : H.W.Blom@fwb.eur.nl
Pf. 107
1364 Budapest
Hans Elich Biideker
Hungary Max-Planck-Inst. fur
Tel.+3612663769 Geschichte
Fax.+3612664612 Hermann-Foge-Weg 11
e-mail:bence@ludens.e1te.hu D-3400 GOttingen
Germany
Prof. dr W. van den Berg
Leerstoelgroep Modeme Pim den Boer
Letterkunde Dept. of Cultural Studies
Spuistraat 134 University of Amsterdam
1012 VB Amsterdam Spuistraat 210
The Netherl ands 1012 VT Amsterdam
The Netherlands
Leonard Besselink Tel. +31-205253503 (office)!
Parklaan 14 a +3130251 5426 (home)
2011IKV Haarlem Fax +3120525 3052
The Netherlands E-mail pdenboer@hum.uva.nl
Prof. dr J. W. de Beus
A. Harkemaweg 11
9831 SV Aduard
The Netherlands
22
Marc Boone Janet Coleman
Fac. der Lett. en Wijsbegeerte Dept. of Government
Blandijnberg 2 B- 9000 London School of Economics
Gent and Political Science
Belgium Houghton Street
London WC2A 2AE
Dr G. de Bruin United Kingdom
Anna Paulownalaan 4 Fax: +44-171831 1707
1412 AX. Naarden
The Netherlands Dr E. Dekker
Emmastraat27
Greg Burke 2802 LA Gouda
Box 109 The Netherlands
King's College
Cambridge, CB2 1ST Arjan van Dixhoom
Uni ted Kingdom Koningslaan 22
3583 GE Uo-echt
Martin J. Burke The Netherlands
Dept. of History
Lehman College Dr H. Duits
City University of New York Elzenlaan 39
250 Bedford Park Boulevard 1214 KK. Hilversum
WestBronx. New York 10468 The Netherlands
USA
E-mail:martinj@alpha.lehman. Mr W.T. Eijsbouts
cuny.cdu LSG. Europese Geschiedenis
Spuistraat 134
Prof. L. Gerald Bursey 1012 VB Amsterdam
Political Science Dept. The Netherlands
Northeastern University
Boston MA 02115 Dr M. Everard
USA Plantage 6
2311 JC Leiden
Mw. M. C3rasso-Kok
The Netherlands
Dr. Koomansstraat 21
1391 XA Abcoude Dr M. Fennema
The Netherlands Vakgroep Algemene
Politicologie
Dalio castiglione Oudezijds Achterburgwa1237
Dept. of Politics 1012 DL Amsterdam
University of Exeter The Netherlands
Exeter
United Kingdom Pierre Fiala
E-mail : ENS. Fontanay Saint Cloud-
D.Castiglione@exeler.ac.uk laboratoire de lexicologie
Le Pare. 92211
Sandro Chignola Saint Cloud Cedex
Dept of Philosophy France
University of Padoua E-mai1:Fiala@ens-fcl-fr
Via Muro Padri 17
37129 Verona. Italy
Fax: +45-913880
E-mail chisa@Sis.it
Michael Freeden
DrI. de Haan Dr Chris Lorenz
Peter Alexander Meyers
Mansfield College Leerstoelgroep Nedertandse Instituut voor Geschiedenis 5 Rue dAtsace
Oxford OXl 3TF Geschiedenis Doelensteeg 16 75010 Paris
United Kingdom Spuistraal 134 2311 VL Leiden France
Email : michael .freeden@ 1012 VB Amsterdam The Netherlands Email : pameyers@
socstud.ox.ac.uk The Netherl ands compuserve.com
Vincent van der Lubbe
Fumee Sisko Haikala Van Vredenburchweg 37 Prof. dr W.W. Mijnhardt
Vakgroep Geschiedenis University of 2282 SE rujswijk Slotstraat 12 r
Oude Kijk in 't Jatstraat 26 Dept. of History 0703988648 4101 BH Cul emborg
700 AS Groningen PL35 The Netherlands The Netherlands
The Netherlands FIN -40351 JyviskylA
Finland AJadan Madarasz Mw. drs Col. Misset
Prof. dr. M. van Gelderen E-mail : haikala@campus.jyu.fi Institute of Economics Historisch Seminarium
Ritterfelddam 82d Hungarian Academy of Spuistraat 134
0 1 000 Berlin 22 Hennie Haitjema Sciences The Netherlands
Germany. or Serials Department BudaOrsiut 45
School of Eur. Studies, Arts Central Library Budapest Raymonde Monnier
Building Flinders University of Hungary 49 Chemin de la Vallee aux
Falmer. Brighton BNI 9NQ South Australia E mail: madarasz@ Loups
United Kingdom GPO Box 2100 econ.core.hu 92290 Chatenay Malabry
Adelaide SA 500 I France
Daniel Gordon Australia Peter Mair Email : Monni er@ensfcl.fr
Dept. of History Tel. (08) 8201 2736 Department of Political Science
University of Massachussets Fax (08) 8201 3362 Leiden University Olof Miirke
Amherst MA 010033930 P.O. Box 9555, ChristianAlbrechtsUniv. Zu
USA Prof. dr E.O.G. Haitsma 2300 RB Leiden, Kiel
Email: Mulier The Netherl ands. Historischcs Seminar
dgordon@history.umass.edu l..eerstoelgroep Nicuwc Tel: + 31 715273908 01shausenstrasse 40
Geschiedenis Fax: + 31715272815 J).24098 !Gel
Dr F. Grijzenhout Spuistra.at 134 &mail : Germany
De Wittenkade 86 1012 VB Amsterdam Mair@fsw.leidenuniv.nl
1051 AK Amsterdam The Netherlands Jan Wemer Muller
The Netherlands Guido Mamlef
All Souls College
Tina lahogue Departement Geschiedenis Oxford OXI 4AS
Prof. dr S. Groeneveld Institute of Poli tical Studies UFSISA United Ki ngdom
Vakgroep Geschiedenis University or Copenhagen Prinsstraat 13 E-mail : santOO68@
Postbus 9515 Rosenborggade IS 200 Antwerpcn sabl e.ox.ac.uk
2300 RA Leiden DK-! 130 Copenhagen K Belgium
The Netherlands Denmark- Eis NaalJkens
E maiI : TI@ifs.ku.dk Dr M. Meijer Drees
Vakgroep Italiaans
Prof. dr E.K. Grootes Paulus Potterstraat 6 Bungehuis
Kerklaan 55 Prof. dr P.H.D. Leupen 3583 SN Utrecht Spuistraat 112
2101 HL Heemstede Lsg. Middeleeuwse Gesch. The Netherlands 1012 VB Amsterdam
The Netherlands
Spuistraat 134 or: The Netherlands
1012 VB Amsterdam G. van Walenborchstraat 14
Jacques Guilhaumou The Netherlands 3515 BT Utrecht Gerard Noirlel
29 Bd Rodocanachi The Netherlands ENS
F 13008, Marseille Kia Lindroos 48 Boulevard Jourdan
France 41 Milford Gardens Dr W.F.B. Melching
75014 Paris
Email : Edgware Leerstoelgroep Nieuwe France
guilhaum@newsup.univnus,fr Middlesex HAS 6EY Geschiedenis Email: noiriel@elias.ens.fr
United Kingdom Spuistraat 134
E-mail: kialind@ 1012 VB Amsterdam Dr J. Noordegraaf
globalnet.co.uk The Netherlands Juweelstraet 81
2403 BK Alphen aid rujn
The Netherlands
23
Prof. dr Victor Neuman Eva Piirimae Melvin Richter Prof. dr Louise Schom-
Str Stadion 6/9 Selwyn CoUege Dept oCPolitical Science Schuette
1900- Timissoara I Flat Merton House Hunter College Historisches Seminar
Roumania Queen's Road Cuny JWG Universitiit
Tell fax ++40-56-196298 EB21TP New York 10021 PF 111932
Cambridge USA 60054 Frankfun am Main
Ida Nijenhuis United Kingdom E-mail : mrichter@ Germany
Instituut voor Nederlandse E-mail: ep227@cam.ac.uk shiva.hunter.cuny.edu
Geschiedenis Quentin Skinner
Postbus 90755 Prof. dr H. Pleij Melvin L. Rogers Cambridge University
2509 L T Den Haag Lsg. Historische Letterkunde Selwyn College Christ's College
The Netherlands Spuistraat 134 c/o Porter's Lodge Cambridge CB2 3BU
Tel. 070-3156432 1012 VB Amsterdam Grange Road United Kingdom
E-mai l: ida.nijenhuis@ The Netherlands CB3 4DQ Cambridge Fax: +44-1223-339 557
inghist. nl
United Kingdom
Maarten Prak Mevr. dr M. Smits-Veldt
Mw. Dr U.A. Nijenhuis Fac. der Letteren Dr P.T. van Roode"
Leerstoelgroep Historische
Vrijheidslaan 15 Krorrune Nieuwegracht 46 Boerhaavelaan 23 Letterkunde
2321 JP Leiden 3512 Hi Utrecht 2334 EL Leiden Spuistraat 134
The Netherlands The Netherlands The Netherlands 1012 VB Amsterdam
The Netherlands
Dr Ton Nijhuis Tuija Pulkkinen lose M. Rosales
Duilsland Instituut Amsterdam Kristiina Instituutti University of Malaga Mw. Prof. dr M. Spies
Herengracht487 PL 29 Dept. of Philosophy Herenstreat lib
1017 BT Amsterdam Fin-OOl4 Helsingin yliopisto Campus de Teatinos 1015 BX Amsterdam
The Netherlands Finland E29071 Malaga The Netherlands
E-mail: tupulkki@helsinki.fi Spain
Dr Mark Olsen E-mail: jrnrosaleS@uma.es Dr H.C.G. Spoormans
ARTFL Institut filr Philosophie.
Faculteit dec Rechtsgeleerdheid
Dept. of Romance Languages Emst-Moritz-Amdt-Universitat Dr Mark Rutgers Postbus 616
University of Chicago Kapaunenstr. 5-7 Departement Bestuurskunde 6200 MD Maastricht
Chicago IL 60637 D-17487 Greifswald Faculteit Sociale The Netherlands
USA Germany Wetenschappen
E-mail: pulkkine@rz.uni- Pieter de la Courtgebouw Patricia Springborg
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Political Science 2300 RB Leiden University of Sydney
University of lyvaskyla l(jrgen Pieters The Netherlands Sydney. NSW 2006
PL35 Vakgroep Nederlandse Australia
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Finland, or: Literatuurwetenschappen Istituto Olandese bullwinkle,econ.su.oz.au
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F-75014 Paris Belgium It.ly Renval Institute
E-mail : kpalonen@jyu.fi P.O. Box 4
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FIN-oOO 14 Helsinki
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lohan Keplerstraat 19 Political Science Gesch,
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The Netherlands Fin-40351 Jyvaskyla 1012 VB Amsterdam Hekendorpse Buurt 81
Finland The Netherlands 3467 Hekendorp
"
Yan Peng E-mail : iipara@cc.jyu.fi The Netherlands
Dept. of Political Science Prof. Michael Schoenhals
University of Stockholm P.O. Box 792
S-10691 Stockholm SE 220 07 Lund
Sweden Sweden
Email: yan.peng@)
statsvet.s u.se
24
Karin Tilmans
Dept. of History
University of Amsterdam
Spuistraat 134
1012 VB Amsterdam
The Netherlands
Fax: +31-20-525 4433 or
+31-23.5258420
E-mail : Karin.Tilmans@
hum.uva.nl
Balasz Trencsenyi
1032 Zipor u.63 Vill. 46
Budapest
Hungary
E-mail , NPHTREI4@
phd.ceu.hu
Keith Tribe
Dept. of Economics
Keele University
Keele
Staffordshire ST5 5SG
United Kingdom
Prof.dr E. van Uitert
LSG Kunstgeschiedenis
Herengracht 286
1016 BX Amsterdam
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Judith Vega
Molukkenstraat 72
9715 NW Groningen
The Netherlands
Dr H.Te Velde
M.L. Kingslraat 115
9728 WN Groningen
The Netherlands
Wyger Velema
Dept. of History
University of Amsterdam
Spuistraat 134
1012 VB Amsterdam
The Netherlands
Fax' +31-20-525 4433
Judith Verbeme
c/o E.M. Nusca
Via Libero Leonardi 120 d, 29
00173 Rome
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Anne Vial
Box 585
King's College
Cambridge CB2 1 ST
United Kingdom
E-mail : avv21@cam.ac.uk.
Fernando Vidal
Max-Planck Institut rur
Wissenschaftsgeschichte
Wilhelmstrasse 44
10117 Berlin
Germany
Tel. +49-30-22 667 232 (office)
+49-30-611 00 16 (home)
Fax +49-39-22667299
E-mail : vidal@
mpiwg-berlin.mpg.de
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Leerstoelgroep
Cultuurgeschiedenis van
Europa
Spuisrraat 210
1012 VT Amsterdam
The Netherlands
Hans Waalwijk
Baarsjesweg 292
1058 AG Amsterdam
The Netherlands
Jan Waszink
Hooigracht 69a
2312ICP Leiden
The Netherlands
E-mail: jwaszink@stad.dsl.nl
Alice Weeks
Box 698
King's College
Cambridge, CB2 1st
United Kingdom
Matthias Weiss
Historisches Seminar
JWG UniversiUit
PFlII932
60054 Frankfurt am Main
Germany
Dr E.M. Wiskerke
Rolklaver 79
7422 RE Deventer
The Netherlands
Bjorn Wittrock
SCASS
G6tavagen 4
S-75236 Uppsa\a
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Fax, +46-18-5211 09
E-mail : Bjom.Wittrock@
scass.uu.se