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4. The specific method of inquiry is, to a large extent, limited to data in the form of verbal responses. I have no first-hand acquaintance with the subjects of von Mering's study, but I should be surprised if the Rimrock people are incapable of what in Chicago is called duplicity or hypocrisy. The comparison of human groups should be guarded against unmeasured differences in hypocrisy, as L. T. Hobhouse noted long ago. The last two comments will, perhaps, sound more derogatory than I mean them to be. They are suggestions for the possible improvement of what I think is a useful kind of study.
WAYNE A. R. LEYS

Professor of Philosophy Roosevelt University

Industrialism and Industrial Man: The Problems of Labor and Management in Economic Growth. By C. Kerr, J. T. Dunlop, F. H. Harbison, and C. A. Myers. Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1960. 331 pp. |6.00. This is an important book. Four labor economists collate the evidence amassed by a large number of researchers in various parts of the world doing research supported by the Ford Foundation. This evidence is directed to a world-wide survey of the process of industrialization, from Britain of the eighteenth century to the present day. It is a search for "social consistencies," upon which the economists hazard some thoughts on trends into the future-a subject that has exercised men's minds from Vico to Rostow. The starting point was an enquiry as to why the American system of industrial relations was so different from systems elsewhere. "If it was so 'good' why did people elsewhere reject it; or at least why did they resist it?" This self-enquiry was an admirable beginning, but the social philosopher might be forgiven for asking why they did not consider whether the system was "right." They found themselves moving away from worker protest as a subject; "we turned to the really universal phenomenon affecting workersthe inevitable structuring of the managers and the managed in the course of industrialization. Everyijvhere there develops a complex web of rules binding the worker intp the industrial process, to his job, to his community, to patterns of behavior. Who makes the rules? What is the nature of the rules? Not the han|dling of protest but the structuring of the labor force is the labor problem

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in economic development." Students of administration may also be forgiven for raising a polite eyebrow at this rediscovery of the subject matter of their discipline. The authors developed a sense of the decline of the importance of competing ideologies. "More and more, the questions are technical as well as philosophical. How can this problem best be handled? How can the transition to industrialism best be made?" These sound remarkably like the questions administrators occupy themselves with. The authors claim a new approach, drawing on the experience of several countries, "a way of looking at the problem which seeks to place labor-management-state relations in the context of the imperatives of industrialism, the desires of the controlling elites and the demands of the particular environment." They claim this approach runs "against tradition, against Marx, the Webbs, Commons and Perlman, and Mayo alike. We have redefined the labor problem as the structuring of the managers and the managed under industrialization." This is hardly new; it has been a problem of administration since the time of Plato. And one looks in vain for references to authorities such as Boraze and Wittfogel in Europe, or Selekman at home in Harvard. Four prominent American economists have discovered that the stufE of history is not to be found ini economics alone but in the way men associate in their economies. This is why the book is important to students of administrationit justifies our interest in the subject. It is a superb piece of work, and we should be grateful for it. It tells us that the "social consistencies" are precisely those bases upon which we workin economic association men have a web of administrative rules; there will always be the managers and the managed. We have already started where they leave off. But to glance at the end, "The Road Ahead," the extrapolation. Men appear to be choosing and pressing for a pluralistic industrialism. Industrialism "is a system of social organization where industries, including many large-scale industries, are the dominant method of production." "Authority must be concentrated, although individuals may still have areas in which they can make free choices." "The dominant arrangement [of authority] will be pluralistic. Where there is one locus of poiver, there will come to be several; where there are many, there will come to be fewer." With education and so "with skill and responsibility go the need for consent, and with consent goes influence and even authority." "Occupational and professional groups achieve some prestige and authority as against both the central organs of society and the individual members of the occupation or profession." The

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administrators will play the crucial role, being professional and technically trained. A massive web of rules, set particularly by the state, and by the enterprise and the association, will relate the individual to each. The individual will be subject to the great conformity demanded by these rules, but outside his working life the individual may have more freedom "than in most earlier forms of society." "There may well come a new search for individuality and a new meaning to liberty," but this in leisure only. He will lead a "split life"; "he will be a pluralistic individual with more than one pattern of behavior and one dominant allegiance." There will never be a final equilibrium; "the contest between the forces for uniform.ity and for diversity will give it life and movement and change." Yet for most people any true scope for the independent spirit on the job will be missing. There will be no war of ideologies, merely of bureaucrats. "The battles will be in the corridors instead of the streets, and memos will flow instead of blood." O happy hunting ground of the administrator! And when we are not administering according to a strict rule against which there is no possibility of bettering one's fellowman, we seek an individualistic life of hedonism. The prospect is appalling: tyranny over the mind that seeks to serve its fellows; a brave new world, in "the age of faitli" that encourages an "aggressive materialism." No wonder Huxley wrote Heaven and Hell to succeed his Doors of Perception. Maybe, however, the authors did not go far enoughthey make no search for motive, for the essence of the spirit that is man. They stick to their econom.ics, and their dialectic.
T. T. PATERSON

Department of Social and Economic Research University of Glasgow

The Public Interest. By Glendon A. Schubert, Jr. Glencoe: The Free Press, 1960. 244 pp. $5.00. Those ideas and concepts we most take for granted in our public life are often the ones most in need of re-examination. The need is all the greater when the concept itself, such as that of the public interest, is one that has assumed an important place in academic analysis as well as in the arenas of political debate. Too often in the rush for verifiable theories of political and administrative behavior we reach for conceptual tools poorly adapted to the task. For that reason alone a systematic exploration of primary concepts and orientations, such as Professor Schubert's, is more than welcome.