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Region and place: regional identity in question

Anssi Paasi Prog Hum Geogr 2003 27: 475 DOI: 10.1191/0309132503ph439pr The online version of this article can be found at: http://phg.sagepub.com/content/27/4/475

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Progress in Human Geography 27,4 (2003) pp. 475485

Progress reports

Region and place: regional identity in question

Anssi Paasi
Department of Geography, Box 3000, 90014, University of Oulu, Finland

Introduction

Identity, a term that was not yet included in Williams important Keywords: a vocabulary of culture and society (1976), has become a major watchword since the 1980s. Traditional territorialized battles over democracy, political status/citizenship and wealth have been complicated by the struggle over race, ethnicity, multiculturalism, gender, sexuality, recognition and a new symbolic economy characterized by the production/marketing of images (Isin and Wood, 1999; du Gay et al., 2000; Lash and Featherstone, 2002). The identity discourse has emerged concomitantly with such arguments that the world, particularly the western world, is moving towards a forced individualization: peoples lives are increasingly being left as their own responsibility, so that people shape their lives and environments through personal identities rather than through categorizations such as nationality, class, occupation or home region (Beck and Beck-Gernsheim, 2001). Contrary to previous arguments, however, peoples awareness of being part of the global space of flows seems to have generated a search for new points of orientation, efforts to strengthen old boundaries and to create new ones, often based on identities of resistance (Castells, 1997; Meyer and Geschiere, 1999; Kellner, 2002). It is argued that collective action cannot occur without a distinction between us and the other (Della Porta and Diani, 1999) but identity movements do not always base their activities on difference as it may be strategically beneficial to stress similarities (Bernstein, 1997). This report will review one specific part of the complicated identity discourse, the question of regional identity. Along with the tendencies depicted above, this old idea has gained new importance not only in geography but also in such fields as cultural/economic history, literature, anthropology, political science, sociology, psychology and musicology. I will first reflect the premises that geographers and others have associated with this mushrooming but rarely analytically discussed category, then map the conceptual gaps, and, finally, suggest some possible avenues for further research.
Arnold 2003 10.1191/0309132503ph439pr

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II

Geography and the question of identity

The idea of regional identity has been implicit in geography for a long time, since traditional approaches to regions and regionalism often celebrated the primordial nature of regions, accentuating their personality and the harmony/unity between a region and its inhabitants. Regional narratives were typically accompanied by idylls and conservatism (Gilbert and Litt, 1960; Winks, 1983; Harvie, 1994). Regional geographers were deeply involved in power-knowledge relations when creating bounded orders on the earth, fixed in apparently neutral maps and texts that identified separate regions. While traditional exclusive, homogenizing regional geography narratives have lost their validity in academic research (but not in geographical education), the respective ideological contexts of their production are now being scrutinized by the historians of geographical ideas (Entrikin, 1991; 2002; Livingstone, 1992; Claval, 1998). Regional and place identity and their meanings for people were important for humanistic geographers, and Relph (1976; see also Regional identitet, 1978) still provides one of the best analytical accounts of place identity, even though current views on region/place regard these as contested social constructs and processes (Paasi, 2002a). Critical and feminist geographers have reflected spatiality as part of identity formation: the politics of place are seen as crucial for class, gender, religious and ethnic relations and sexuality (Keith and Pile, 1993; Rose, 1995; Watts, 1996; Pile and Keith, 1997; McDowell, 1999), implying that people may have many contested identities not as separate spheres of identity politics but constitutive of each other. For political geographers/IR scholars, identity is one key to understanding (ethno-)regionalism, nationalism and citizenship (Herb and Kaplan, 1999; McSweeney, 1999; Albert et al., 2001; Storey, 2001; Agnew, 2002; Painter, 2002). Identities and differences are actualized in many ways on several (spatial) scales not just as neat divisions so that one site of the construction of difference can act as the unmarked background for another (Brah, 1996; Bell, 1999). Harvey (1993) suggests that localized identities, especially when conflated with race, gender, religious and class differentiation, are among the most dynamic bases for both progressive political mobilization and reactionary, exclusionary politics (cf. Pratt, 1999; Harner, 2001; Mackenzie, 2002; Graham and Shirlow, 2002). Not only are places/place-based identities contested but also current views on what place or identity mean (Casey, 2001; Schatzki, 2001; Entrikin, 2001; Hooper, 2001; Staeheli, 2003). Identity is a social process. Della Porta and Diani (1999) suggest that the notions that actors develop of themselves are continuously being confronted with images which other social actors (institutions, sympathetic/hostile groupings, public opinion and the media) produce of them. As Hall (1993: 135) states, identity is formed at the unstable point where the unspeakable stories of subjectivity meet the narratives of history, of a culture. The key question in understanding regional identity is not how the individual and the social are integrated in space, but how can the sociospatial be conceptualized in the production of the individual/collective and vice versa (cf. Michael, 1996). This dialectics introduces action that stems from two intertwined contexts: from above in the form of territorial control/governance and from below in the form of territorial identification and resistance.

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III

Re-invention of regional identity

Expressions of regional identity are currently found all around the world. Whether or not regional ties motivate people into conflict with their respective state (often intersecting their affiliation to nations), belonging to a region may raise a sense of identity that challenges the hegemonic identity narratives (cf. Radcliffe and Westwood, 1996: 109). Regional identity has been recognized as a key element in the making of regions as social/political spaces, but it is difficult to elucidate what this identity consists of and how it affects collective action/politics (Keating, 1998a; 1998b; 2001). The crucial question is how political passions are regionalized, and here institutions constitutive of region-building (economy, governance, language, media, literature) and inherent power relations are significant. The burgeoning literature, academic conferences and thousands of web pages testify to the fact that regional identity is on the agenda in many ways. It can be a constitutive element of localized resistance to globalization (Castells, 1997) but the view of regional identities as constitutive/productive forces of economic and cultural/political practices and discourses is becoming increasingly typical all around the world. Politics, economics, culture and power come together in complicated ways, particularly in regionalist practices/discourses (Giordano, 2000; Tomaney and Ward, 2001; Keating, 2001). Regional identity has become particularly visible in the rhetoric on the Europe of Regions (Le Gals, 1998; Keating, 2001). Diverging regional development agencies and chambers of commerce have adopted this idea as a self-evident positive. The Europe of Regions refers to several NUTS levels and to cross-border regions, to the extent that regional identity seems not to be confined to any specific regional scale (Paasi, 2002b). Region means many things in this connection, varying from the deeply historical contexts of ethno-nationalism to the operation of economic institutions and administration and the regionalization of ad hoc spatial units for the purposes of governance (Gren, 2002). It is the task of critical research to reveal in each instance whether or not a narrative of regional identity means a conservative, fetished view of the power of regions as surpassing other forms of power in a regional context. Narratives of regional identity lean on miscellaneous elements: ideas on nature, landscape, the built environment, culture/ethnicity, dialects, economic success/ recession, periphery/centre relations, marginalizati on, stereotypic images of a people/community, both of us and them, actual/invented histories, utopias and diverging arguments on the identification of people. These elements are used contextually in practices, rituals and discourses to construct narratives of more or less closed, imagined identities. Scholars have recently referred to regional identities e.g. in folklore studies (Allen and Schlereth, 1990; Wrobel and Steiner, 2001; Robbins, 2001), in the analysis of political and/or governmental rhetoric (Tgil, 1999; Paasi, 2002b; Gren, 2002; Painter, 2002), and in the memory and place promotion/heritage business (Crang, 1999; Bialasiewicz, 2002; 2003). While many studies map the internal processes of regional identity building, some have also analysed the stretching of identities to several spatial scales in response to the forces of globalization (Nijman, 1999; Sletto, 2002; Clayton, 2002; Cartier, 2001). The contexts of narratives of identity thus vary from the regimes of power and ideologies that come from above to local actions of citizens and forms of resistance. The role of regional identity has been noted as a precondition for multilevel citizenship (Painter, 2002; Entrikin, 2002). Regional identity has also been
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seen as an important tool laden with social and productive magic in regional planning and development (Amdam, 2002; Haartsen et al., 2000; Raagmaa, 2002). IV Regional identity the identity of a region: conceptual clarification

Regional identity is, in a way, an interpretation of the process through which a region becomes institutionalized, a process consisting of the production of territorial boundaries, symbolism and institutions. This process concomitantly gives rise to, and is conditioned by, the discourses/practices/rituals that draw on boundaries, symbols and institutional practices. While practice and discourse are the media by which the structural and experiental dimensions of the process are brought together, it is useful to distinguish analytically between the identity of a region and the regional identity (or regional consciousness) of the people living in it or outside of it (Paasi, 1991). The former points to those features of nature, culture and people that are used in the discourses and classifications of science, politics, cultural activism, regional marketing, governance and political or religious regionalization to distinguish one region from others. These classifications are always acts of power performed in order to delimit, name and symbolize space and groups of people. Regional consciousness points to the multiscalar identification of people with those institutional practices, discourses and symbolisms that are expressive of the structures of expectations that become institutionalized as parts of the process that we call a region. Regional consciousness is an old idea (Morgan, 1939; Dickinson, 1970) that gained new ground in the 1980s in German geography, drawing on both the rich German social theory and conventional survey-based approaches (Pohl, 1993). Some German scholars regarded it as an archaic, irrelevant phenomenon and noted that these studies would only provide politicians with instruments for the manipulation of the citizenry (see the review by Jordan, 1996). In fact, the latter comment reveals why it is crucial to study critically the narratives of regional identity and their presuppositions with regard to regional consciousness, especially as this theme is currently gaining importance all over the world. The question of regional identification implies two intertwined contexts: culturalhistorical and political-economic. Political ideologies and regionalism/nationalism do not themselves produce identification, for the latter comes and here culture and history enter the stage only if it interprets and provides an appropriate attitude for an experienced reality (Bloom, 1990: 52). This experience, Bloom notes, may be politically manipulated but any symbol/ideology without a relevant experience is meaningless and impotent in terms of evoking identification. Social psychologists in particular have emphasized the motivational dimensions of identity processes (Hogg, 2000). One basis for (regional) identities is that they exist as forms of social and cultural practice, discourse and action, not as abstract slogans. Regional identity as the identity of a region or as a supposed combination of this identity and regional consciousness has become a very popular, clearly international topic in cultural, political and economic geography. Scholars have traced culturalhistorical processes in specific regions (Brace, 1999; Crang, 1999; Oakes, 2000; Yorgason, 2002; Alvarez, 2002) and have at times been explicitly interested in the globalizing economy and the regional responses to it (Cartier, 2001; Sletto, 2002). Research has also
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been carried out in urban and rural contexts (Haartsen et al., 2000; Van Houtum and Lagendijk, 2001; van Langevelde and Pellenbarg, 2001). Studies on regional identity have been rare in the UK (Brace, 1999; MacLeod and Jones, 2001) but, following the devolution of power to the regional level, geographers have taken to studying regionalism (Casey, 2002; Regional Studies, 2002), although predominantly from an economic perspective. Hudson (2001) nevertheless shows how a territorial basis and spatial identities are crucial for the organization of production, work and spatial divisions of labour: not only are places provided with identities but they can also provide a basis through which people form their own identities (cf. Allen et al., 1998). Recent studies carried out in Scotland (Clayton, 2002) and Wales (Jones, 2000; 2001; Harvey et al., 2002) have paid more attention to culture and to mapping combined regional and national identities. Martin (2000: 79) notes that, while institutionalist approaches are important in economic geography, concepts such as institution, institutional thickness, social embeddedness or governance are still under construction (cf. Mackinnon et al., 2002). Regional identity is doubtless part of this conceptual apparatus. All these categories are constitutive/expressive of what Bourdieu (1998) labels as the economy of symbolic exchange, which implies a specific deference, a relation that converts power relations into moral ones as it is through this transformation that power relations become reproduced as systems of trust. Regional identity may also be used in the rhetoric/activities of the business coalitions that constitute new governance frameworks crossing political jurisdictions, even national borders (Kanter, 2000). Representations of regional identity may also be used as symbolic/material commodities for the purposes of regional marketing (Crang, 1999; Bialasiewicz, 2002). V Who needs regional identity? Methodological problems
Collective identity is not out there, waiting to be discovered. What is out there is identity discourse on the part of political leaders, intellectuals and countless others, who engage in the process of constructing, negotiating, manipulating or affirming a response to the demand at times urgent, mostly absent for a collective image. (McSweeney, 1999: 7778)

At a personal level regional identity/consciousness provides an answer to the question where do I belong?. This answer is based on a personal/family spatial history, which is rarely bound to one specific region (Paasi, 2002b). The answer to the question of where we belong raises the problem depicted by McSweeney: classification and power. As Bourdieu (1991: 221) has suggested: Struggles over ethnic or regional identity . . . are a particular case of different struggles over classifications, struggles over the monopoly of the power to make people see and believe, to get them to know and recognize, to impose the legitimate definition of the divisions of the social world . . . to make and unmake groups. It is no surprise if politicians, entrepreneurs or journalists using regional identity for their own purposes do not provide any systematic analysis of the political-ideological or other meanings of the idea. Some geographers have conceptualized the dimensions of regional identity (Weichhart, 1990; Dirven et al., 1993; Werlen, 1993; Wollersheim et al., 1998; Le Bosse, 1999; Paasi, 2002b), but, to sum up much of recent work, region, regional identity and the links between the two are rarely problematized in research.
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One major difficulty is that writing and talking about regional identity creates concomitantly a content and an agenda for understanding it: narratives on regional/our identity become constituents of the interpretations of what identity is and what it means. Bourdieu (1999: 31) aptly notes how words produce things, create fancies, fears, phobias or simply wrong images, and naming is showing, creating, bringing into existence. This emerges from the fact that human knowledge is based on classification, and identification is basic to classification (Jenkins, 2000). Claims that one has defined an identity are also claims that one has suggested a classification, established a set of values and even made a moral judgment (Bourdieu, 1991). No wonder that language and dialects are often key discursive battlefields in national and regional identity narratives and identities of resistance (Knox, 2001; Harvey et al., 2002). This means that, as forms of classification, interpretations of regions and regional identities are deeply political categories. Another problem is the often implicit supposition that regional identity is ultimately an empirically existing phenomenon in a given region that can be adequately analysed by using a specific body of research material, possibly survey data on identification (as Euro-barometers do but not on a regional or local scale; cf. Painter, 2002) or material such as regional novels, paintings, poems, folklore, media texts, films, advertisements or various elements of material or symbolic landscapes that represent a region either separately or together. The result is often a narrow empirical analysis that becomes equivalent to regional identity itself, and may even essentialize it. One more problem is that regional identity, when understood as identification, often implies the assumption of homology between a portion of space, a group of people and a culture to form a homogeneous community covering a particular bounded territory. This harks back to the tendency to associate geographical concepts with a primordial ethnos rather than a more cosmopolitan demos (Entrikin, 2002). The notion of demos claims to reflect the regional in a broader constellation of identifications and raises the question of boundaries, since identity is often associated with boundaries and narratives that imply an opposition to the Other. Claims to anti-essentialize the assumption regarding bounded identity spaces have been put forward (Pratt, 1999; Rose, 1995; Massey, 1995; Entrikin, 2002), since identities are often imagined in terms of boundedness and containment (Morley and Robbins, 1995), and this is a questionable matter in the mobile world (Paasi, 2002a). The idea of borderlands has emerged in debates on identities that do not fit neatly into the master narratives of ethnicity, race or nation (Isin and Wood, 1999), particularly in the case of the US-Mexican border (Andreas, 2000; Herzog, 2000; Vila, 2000), but also in relation to European borderlands (Drrschmidt, 2002; Kaplan and Hkli, 2002; Space and Polity, 2002). Current cross-border regions are often units that have emerged rapidly from the desks of planners, politicians and business coalitions (Kanter, 2000; Gren, 2002), not from long historical regionalization processes and the daily struggles of citizens. A fitting illustration is Midt-Norden, a region extending from Norway to Sweden and Finland, fairly unknown to ordinary people, and which does not have any real political, cultural or economic meaning. A more realistic case is resund, a crossborder area based on the open space that emerged along with the new bridge between Sweden and Denmark. Both regions have raised the question of the future and rescaling of regional identities (Lysgrd, 2001; Bucken-Knapp, 2002; Berg et al., 2002; Ek, 2003).
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In summary, instead of assigning automatically an explanatory role to this very popular category, regional identity itself has to be explained. Thus it is important to ask not what regional identities are but what people mean when they talk or write about regional identities (cf. Billig, 1995). Our understanding of what this identity means in each case should be a result of conceptualization and an actual research process, rather than a point of departure for research. VI Epilogue

Meyer and Geschiere (1999) describe how the tension between globalization and identity forces social scientists to reflect critically upon how they construe their object of investigation and to search for appropriate fields of investigation that take into account peoples entanglement in wider processes. Regional identity is one such object. Contrary to approaches that construct boundaries and distinguish regions from each other, it is challenging to make sense of regional identity discourses in the globalizing world and to analyse how narratives of identities are constructed as part of the making of regions, how they become part of a sociocultural practice/discourse and are used to maintain divisions and exclusions. This forces us to reflect on the questions of who places contested identity narratives and practices on the agenda as part of the production and reproduction of regions, why and how they come there and what they mean in terms of power-knowledge relations and the politics of categorization/representation. Regions are historically contingent processes, related in different ways to political, governmental, economic and cultural practices and discourses. These processes are in a sense unique and this must also be the case with the always contested narratives concerned with regional identities. Whatever their motives and morals may be, social actors are in different positions when producing and reproducing spatial representations and boundaries/social distinctions between us and the Other for narratives on regional identities are inevitably expressions of power geometries (Massey, 1993). It is increasingly becoming the case that the production and reproduction of these geometries does not take place in peoples native localities and regions but in other regions, in other national contexts. Acknowledgements Thanks are due to Jacobo Garca lvarez, Luiza Bialasiewicz, Paul Claval, Martin Jones, Joe Painter, Benno Werlen and Peter Weichhart for informing me about the role of regional identity as a research topic in their respective research contexts. References
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