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of Confucianism
The Illustrated Encyclopedia
of Confucianism
Advance the learning that has languished for the past sages;
Commence the great peace for all future generations.
— Chu Hsi and Lü Tsu-ch’ien,
Reflections on Things at Hand 2.95
為去聖繼絕學,
為萬世開太平。
—朱熹、呂祖謙《近思錄》卷二
First Edition
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publisher, except by a reviewer.
BL1850.T38 2005
181¢.112¢03—dc21 2003011939
Staff Credits
Editors: Michael Isaac, Erica Smith
Book Design: Olga M. Vega
Cover Design: Erica Clendening
Production Design: Erica Clendening
Table of Contents
Volume One
Preface vi
Introduction vii–xxv
How to Use This Book xxvi
Contents by Subject xxvii–xxxvii
Entries A–M 1–444
Volume Two
Entries N–Z 445–739
Chronology of Chinese Dynasties 740
Romanization Conversion Tables 741–750
Glossary of Chinese Characters 751–774
Bibliography 775–794
Index 795–868
Photo Credits 869
About the Author 869
Preface
RLT
Boulder, Colorado
vi
Introduction
Impact of Modernization
Arguably one of the major traditions of East and Southeast Asia in history,
Confucianism has seen its traditional dominance in areas of state ideology and edu-
cational policy and curriculum eroded with the coming of modernization. The tradi-
tional role of Confucianism as the major form of ideology and practice closely affili-
ated with government and state is now a historical phenomenon. Confucian ideolo-
gy is no longer an intimate part of the governments of various Asian countries.
Confucianism is also no longer at the foundation of the educational systems of vari-
ous Asian cultures, a role it had played for the past two millennia. Although there has
been at least one recent attempt to reinstitute Confucian curriculum, at the present
time its role in education across the countries that make up East and Southeast Asia
is essentially nonexistent.
With modernization came the ending of many of the rich traditions of ceremony
and ritual connected with the state that had been preserved by the Confucian teach-
ings. There is no longer a center for traditional ceremonial and ritual practice.
Historically, in the cultures in which Confucianism was activated, this role was played
by the Confucian temple and the institutions of state ceremony. Such ceremony was
an intimate part of the governance of traditional cultures. The Confucian tradition, as
state ideology, played a key role in its preservation and practice. As preservers and
interpreters of both state ideology and state ceremony––what we might call ortho-
doxy and orthopraxy––the Confucian tradition, despite being historically at the cen-
ter of the cultures in which it was active, had become severely limited in the role it
played by the late nineteenth century and the beginning of the twentieth century.
By the beginning of the twentieth century, the Confucian tradition had been all
but eliminated from any official role, either as orthodoxy or orthopraxy, within Asian
cultures. As country after country throughout East and Southeast Asia adopted itself
to the process of modernization, Confucianism as an institution was seen as an
encumbrance, confining its people to the weight of historical models. The Chinese
sage kings of antiquity, paradigms of virtue from the Confucian perspective, were no
longer viewed as relevant. The Confucian quest for a return to the age of the sages
was seen by a rapidly changing political leadership as romantic ideas of a traditional
and conservative past unwilling to change in the face of a world in transformation.
While some argued for the continuation of a Confucian political agenda, few saw
such suggestions as anything more than the dwindling power and influence of a
vii
handful of individuals who were out of touch with the times. The fate of the tradition
seemed sealed and many historians have concluded that the tradition’s demise was
complete within the forces of political transformation.
The evidence is now substantial that Confucianism contributed directly to the
process of modernization throughout Asia. Yet as a historical institution with its com-
plex of ideology and practice, it was effectively put aside as the forces of moderniza-
tion became dominant and transformed the cultures of Asia to the societies we know
today. In a sense, Confucianism provided the seeds for the transformation of the cul-
tures in which it played a dominant role, and thus, for its own transformation.
Transformation in this case has the appearance of radical displacement, but it does
not mean disappearance or elimination. This distinction is critical.
The early twentieth century was marked by rapid social and political change, and
with this change came a denial of much of what had gone before it. It was a period of
throwing away of the old and introducing the new, where the old was largely associ-
ated with Confucianism and the new was identified with Western ideology and tech-
nology. The revolution that Confucianism brought about resulted in the demise of
much of traditional society that was associated with Confucianism, specifically state
ideology and practice. However, it did not eliminate the possibility of the persistence
of Confucian values and the construction of a Confucian worldview to meet the
needs of the late twentieth century and possibly beyond.
x
Confucianism and World Religions
We have identified Confucianism as a worldview that functioned historically as a
dominant ideology and practice for the state as well as a means of learning and self-
cultivation for the individual. Now, and quite probably into the future, it also contin-
ues to provide a source of potential meaning for the individual. But how do we
describe this worldview? Is it primarily a form of humanism and ethics, a political
theory, or is it a religion? It need not be only one of these, but the question is whether
one of these best suits its meaning.
Confucianism has been described in terms of humanism and ethics as well as
political theory, but it is also said to be one of the major religions of the world. Under
this rubric, Confucianism is included in every encyclopedia and textbook of world
religious traditions. How could one account for the religions of Asia without includ-
ing Confucianism? Yet it is often only with some difficulty placed among the religious
traditions of the world. There is a need to explain why it is a religion or not and in
what ways. If not a religion per se, it may be viewed as religious or possessing a capac-
ity for spiritual meaning. Though it is included in the classification of the religions of
the world, Confucianism is also almost always recognized as being quite unlike the
other religions of the world though these other religions themselves are very different
from each other. Confucianism is seen as more different from the others than they
are from each other.
Within China Confucianism is claimed as one of the three religions or teachings
called san chiao, which is the classification that includes Taoism, Buddhism, and
Confucianism. The use of the term chiao in this context is not necessarily an equivalent
to what we would normally mean by “religion.” The literal meaning of chiao is “teach-
ing.” While teaching may take on religious connotation, it does not necessarily include
it by definition. Thus the inclusion of Confucianism as one of the three religions or
teachings may speak more to the expansive meaning of the term instead of suggesting
something which identifies the tradition as religious in the strict Western sense.
Some would argue that Confucianism’s identification as one of the three religions
or teachings only means that the category created is inclusive of both religious and
non-religious traditions. The san chiao thus refers primarily to the philosophies or
ways of thought in China rather than the religions. At times Confucianism, according
to the scholar C. K. Yang, has even been regarded as the reason that East Asian cul-
tures cannot be described as fully religious cultures. The argument suggests that
since Confucianism has been such a major ideology in China, religion has been taken
less seriously in these cultures than in other cultures of the world where a tradition
that is clearly religious has been dominant. In other words, precisely because
Confucianism has been the dominant tradition of thought, religion has not been a
salient feature of the cultures under its influence. The question remains: Why is there
such discomfort in referring to Confucianism as a religious tradition?
Is Confucianism a Religion?
There is nothing new about the question of whether Confucianism is a religion.
Perhaps what is new is the range of responses and the ways in which more and more
serious attempts have been made to suggest some level of religious capacity for the
tradition, particularly in the last several decades. Regardless of the outcome of a
query into the religious nature of the tradition, one thing is very clear from the out-
set: Volumes dealing with traditions such as Buddhism, Christianity, Hinduism, or
Judaism do not have to begin with an apology, which is being used in the best sense
of the term, for the religious nature of the tradition to be studied. It is assumed that
Buddhism, Christianity, Hinduism, and Judaism, to name only a few, are religions.
They may, and in fact do, have profound differences between them, but no one ques-
tions the appropriateness of describing them as religious traditions.
xi
When we turn to Confucianism, the certainty that we are still dealing with a reli-
gious tradition seems to change. Why is this? Many reasons have been given. Some
scholars, such as Wing-tsit Chan and Fung Yu-lan, suggest that Confucianism seems
to be more a social-humanistic and ethical teaching than a religion because it is
focused upon the establishment of proper relations between persons as well as the
capacity of the individual to develop his or her moral nature. Beyond the role of the
individual, it appears to be focused upon societal well-being: little points beyond the
individual and society. Does such a focus necessarily exclude religious motivation?
Religion certainly has a capacity for social-humanistic and ethical responses to
issues. In fact, it may be the case that a particular religious tradition would define
itself primarily in terms of these kinds of responses. Why then is the capacity for reli-
gious response questioned in the case of Confucianism when a similar response in
another tradition would not be questioned as anything other than religious?
A number of issues are associated with this perception of the tradition as focused
upon social-humanistic and ethical concerns. If Confucianism is primarily a social-
humanistic philosophy, does this mean that it lacks a concept of the transcendent?
And if so, does this deny it a basic requirement of what constitutes a religion?
According to one view, lacking the element of the transcendent, Confucianism can-
not be considered a religion. Such a perspective, however, involves a very narrow def-
inition of religion, one that sees religion as dependent upon a theistic notion of a God
transcendent to humanity. The idea of the transcendent is not the only category with-
in which religion can operate. By examining a variety of religious traditions, we know
that a transcendent God, while one way of structuring the religious meaning or
worldview, is met by a dazzling choice of alternative structures. Yet the religiousness
of these other traditions is not questioned as to whether they constitute religious tra-
ditions. It is also not at all clear that the Confucian tradition necessarily lacks the
presence of a transcendent, and here scholarly opinions differ substantially. Why is it
that Confucianism continues to receive such close scrutiny––either to deny its use of
the transcendent, or in turn to suggest that without a transcendent it cannot be con-
sidered religious?
Part of the answer lies in the commonality of the transcendent as an assumption
about the nature of religion, particularly in Western cultural contexts. To a large
degree the religious milieu from which the West has arisen presupposes the existence
of the transcendent as a basic and defining quality of religion. It is the basis of the
Abrahamic traditions that form the foundation of the religious West—Judaism,
Christianity, and Islam. The lack of a transcendent has not, however, prevented
Eastern traditions such as Buddhism, Hinduism, Taoism, and Shintoism from being
recognized as religious traditions. Confucianism remains an outsider to this recogni-
tion in part because there is no ready substitute for the transcendent as appears to be
present in other traditions.
Take the transcendent away and by the standards of the Confucian tradition, other
features of what would appear to normally constitute a religious tradition are still
seen as wanting. Some would say, for example, that Confucianism lacks a scripture.
Then is scripture to be defined only in terms of a theistic god seen as a lawgiver who
reveals scripture through a chosen individual? What of the other religious traditions
of the world that are not theistic? In other religions there are traditions of inner wis-
dom and meditative forms of knowledge. Such forms of knowledge are capable of
producing something that the tradition will regard as scripture. And what of the
Confucian tradition? There are the ching (classics), works that purport to represent
records of the sage rulers of the early Chou dynasty. The classics appear to represent
a different kind of material, which is not obviously religious. Is there room, however,
for the understanding of scripture within a larger arena of religious meanings?
xii
What of the founder of the tradition? Can Confucius be defined in terms of a reli-
gious founder? He performed no miracles, he did not talk with god(s), he does not
deliver texts revealed from god(s), he did not present himself as one possessed of
great or special knowledge. He was simply a human being who attempted to advise
the rulers of his day in how to restore moral order to the world based upon his knowl-
edge of the ways of the ancient Chinese sages. Unsuccessful in this attempt at influ-
encing the political events of his day, he became a teacher and for the rest of his life
gathered disciples around him to promulgate the teachings of the ancient sages. Are
such characteristics of a founder figure necessarily inimical to the nature of religion,
or is it simply the need to expand the perimeters of what constitutes the nature of
founder figures within religious dimensions? Taking all these factors into account,
can Confucianism be called a religion?
A Definition of Religion
Religion involves that which is regarded as the Absolute. It is, however, not just the
Absolute. The Absolute can exist without being regarded in a religious fashion. One
can very well make the case that metaphysics deals with the establishment of an
Absolute, but metaphysics is a branch of philosophy, not religion. Certainly there are
metaphysicians who may chose to regard the Absolute they have established in a reli-
gious way, but religiousness is not a requirement of the meaning and definition of the
Absolute. A definition of religion might help to clarify how we can delineate the
xiv
essential feature that makes up a religious tradition, and differentiate it from some-
thing as close as philosophy.
Something identified as the Absolute is a requirement of religion. This is simply to
say that religion must have an endpoint that is regarded as of the nature of the
Absolute. This category will be called many different things—God, Spirit, Tao, Earth,
Principle, specific designations of deities or forces; the list is almost endless. The
point remains that without the Absolute, we are not dealing with religion. When it is
present, however, we have the capacity for religion; that is, religion is potentially present
to the extent that the Absolute is approached in a religious fashion.
The Absolute of the philosopher need not be a religious Absolute. What is the dif-
ference between a religious and a nonreligious Absolute? The difference lies in the
one’s capacity to approach the Absolute in a religious fashion. This is not a tautology,
but the observation that religion is more than the Absolute. To say “more than the
Absolute” seems to be a paradox. This means that in addition to the identification of
an Absolute, there must also be the clarification of the relationship of the individual
to the Absolute. That the philosopher can identify an Absolute yet remain without a
religious view says something about the kind of relation he or she has established
with the Absolute. A religious person in turn adopts another form of this relationship
with the Absolute. It is that relationship that becomes a critical defining element in
the meaning of religion. In fact, “religion” was derived from the Latin word religiô, sig-
nifying a relationship of obligation or bond. Religiô in turn was derived from the verb
religâre, meaning “tie back” or “tie tight.” Thus, relation is already in the core sense of
religion, where the specialized sense of bond or close relationship between human
beings and the Absolute will be developed.
How can we define religion in such a way as to incorporate the Absolute and the
relationship established with it? The scholar Frederick Streng defined religion as a
means toward ultimate transformation. This is a definition that not only provides a
basis for identifying the Absolute, but the nature of the relationship to the Absolute is
a critical part of the definition itself. When Streng uses the term “ultimate,” he is sug-
gesting what we have referred to as the Absolute. By using the phrase “ultimate trans-
formation,” however, it means that it is more than simply the Absolute. It also
involves the connection between the individual and that which is regarded as the
Absolute in a relationship of transformation. The movement from the philosopher’s
Absolute to the Absolute of a religious person involves the element of transformation.
In the relationship with the Absolute, the individual is transformed in a deep and pro-
found fashion. He or she is transformed, in Streng’s words, ultimately. Such a state, be
it salvation for a Christian or enlightenment for a Buddhist, defines the goal or end-
point of the tradition. To be a religion, such a goal must be part of its tradition.
Religion thus involves a perception of, knowledge of, or insight into that which
constitutes the Absolute. In addition, religion is a means for the individual to engage
in an ultimate transformation toward the Absolute, thereby fufilling the relationship
between the individual and the Absolute. Without transformation the capacity for
religion remains unrealized. It is as if a religion were to say that it could identify the
goal of all life, but was incapable of providing the means for the realization of that
goal. Religion, however, is a very practical matter, and being practical it provides the
means whereby this ultimate transformation will take place, the perception of the
Absolute and the movement toward it.
xviii
The origin of the term is again significant to understanding its full implications.
The word is based on terminology from the craft of weaving. The word for thread
plays a key role in the construction of the character and its root meaning. Originally
ching meant “warp,” that is, the threads of a piece of cloth that run lengthwise, as
opposed to the weft, or cross-threads. By extension, warp means that which runs
throughout or underlies the piece of cloth.
As the warp provides continuity to a piece of cloth, a work designated as a classic
provides continuity across time and space. There is an element of structure that the
warp provides to the cloth that may be more difficult to translate into the term “clas-
sic.” Such structure might best be seen as a form of authority. The problem is that
“classic” as a translation of ching carries only a very limited sense of authority. This is
where an extended meaning of classic may be necessary. It is important to realize that
ching is not only used in the Confucian tradition to refer to the literary works surviv-
ing from the early Chou dynasty, but the term is also employed by other religious tra-
ditions in China and East Asia in general to refer to their sacred writings. In the con-
text of other traditions, the same word ching is translated as scripture.
Ching is translated as “scripture” in Buddhism and Taoism yet rendered as “clas-
sic” for texts the Confucian tradition has sought to preserve. Is there a substantial dif-
ference in the nature of these works? The standard response is to suggest that
Confucian works lack any pretense of ascribing their origin to the realm of gods and
are not viewed as revealed texts. The answer, however, is more complex than dis-
missing their religious dimension on the basis of a failure to appear as originating
with the realm of gods.
For the Confucian tradition, while the works are not ascribed to the realm of gods
in origin, they are ascribed to the sages. In fact, they are the records of the sages. The
sages as we have determined are religious figures. They are the figures who hear the
Way of Heaven and manifest it to humankind. The Confucian ching are the records of
the sages hearing the Way of Heaven and, quite literally, have become the manifesta-
tion of what is heard of Heaven’s Way for humankind. As such their authority is the
authority of the sages. If the sages are religious figures, then the records of the sages
are religious records. In many respects it may be more appropriate to refer to the
Confucian ching as Confucian scriptures. By so doing, the ground of the tradition in
the sages has been clarified for Confucianism’s religious character and the records
may be properly understood as bearing religious authority within the context of the
Confucian tradition.
xx
The Human Condition
Contemporary scholar of Confucianism Tu Wei-ming has identified the Confucian
view of the human condition as forming the backdrop to the identification of the
Absolute. Though the roots of the Absolute lie within human nature, there is a major
disjunction between the ideal state of realization of one’s Heaven-endowed nature of
goodness and the present circumstances of the world. The conditions of the world
and of the individual are far from what they ought to be. The human condition has
produced a world of chaos and travail, and the tradition since Confucius’ time has
seen its role as a remedy for this present condition of the world.
Religious traditions by definition set out basic understandings of the human con-
dition. Such understandings of the human stand in contrast to the goals and aspira-
tions of the traditions themselves. The ultimate transformation offered by each reli-
gious tradition is set against the backdrop of a human condition as a state from which
transformation is seen as a desirable end. In Christianity the human condition is
defined in terms of sin, and salvation through Jesus Christ is offered as the ultimate
transformation from the limitation of the human condition. In Buddhism the human
condition is defined in terms of advidya, or ignorance, and enlightenment is offered
as the ultimate transformation from that condition. Confucianism spells out the
human condition as existing in a world out of harmony with the moral state of
Heaven, and offers the ideal of the sage as a goal of transformation.
According to Confucianism, the human condition is most frequently marked by
selfishness. From the outset of the tradition in the sayings of Confucius, there has
been a distinction drawn between the person who acts in accord with the Way of
Heaven and the one who acts out of petty and selfish concerns. Confucius himself
makes the distinction between the chün-tzu (noble person), and the hsiao-jen (petty
person), suggesting that it is the noble person who has realized the human capacity
for moral development as an emulation of the Way of Heaven. The petty person by
contrast represents the human condition without benefit of the development of the
Way of Heaven. Mencius focuses his articulation of the human condition around the
existence of human desires. Neither he nor any other Confucian ever suggested that
desires by nature created the human condition, but only that one must strive to
overcome selfish desires. From the Confucian perspective, the failure to recognize
one’s moral obligations to both oneself and others––obligations that force one to
transcend self-centered activity––creates the basis for the problems we all
encounter in the world.
As the tradition developed into Neo-Confucianism the description of the human
condition continued in similar terms. The Neo-Confucians engaged in elaborate dis-
cussions of the nature of this distinction in terms of the specific aspects of the hsing
(human nature) and hsin (heart-mind) responsible for the arising of the human con-
dition. Though there were a number of ways used to explain the human situation, the
distinction was often drawn in terms of jen-hsin (human heart-mind) and tao-hsin
(heart-mind of the Way). Each person was seen as possessing both facets of the heart-
mind: The jen-hsin, which tied one to the human condition, and the Tao-hsin, which
represented the Way of Heaven as inherent within the individual. The jen-hsin was
largely interpreted as the result of environmental influence, such as the roles of the
parents, relatives, and friends and the nature of one’s learning, rather than an inher-
ent feature of one’s own self that led one away from the realization of his Heaven-
endowed nature. The transformation demanded was from jen-hsin to Tao-hsin, and
the degree to which one was focused upon the learning and cultivation necessary to
become a sage was the degree to which the jen-hsin would play a decreasing role in
the determination of one’s nature and character.
xxi
For the vast majority of Confucians, sagehood was seen as a completed transfor-
mation from the human condition to the ideal human state, the state in which
human nature is fully realized and acted upon for the individual, the family, the com-
munity, and the world. Human nature fully realized and acted upon is the human
way, which is also the full embodiment of the Way of Heaven.
xxiii
Jen, as the inherent capacity of the human spirit to express itself in goodness, is
fulfilled not just in the relationship of one person to another, but also in the relation-
ship of the individual with the universe. Emanating from the person of goodness, virtues
such as jen, chung, and shu demonstrate the depth of interaction with all things. This is
the sense of being fully human. Self as fully human is a self in community with others,
forming, as Ch’eng Hao has suggested, a single body with all things. Jen then becomes a
symbol of human as well as environmental ethics, which is the capacity of the human
spirit to reach beyond itself in moral relations to establish goodness for not just oneself,
not merely one’s species, but also all things. Such a vision is religious and the goal of the
tradition is the realization of this vision. The means employed to reach this goal are
nothing other than being human––fully human.
The Confucian soteriological transformation occurs within the context of becom-
ing fully human. Fulfillment of being human is a final act of salvation that in the end
involves all things. Self-learning expresses itself outward in the act of caring for oth-
ers. In the end the movement toward ultimate transformation is being fully human
with all other things inseparate from the self. Transformation is then the point at
which the self is most in relation with all other things.
Transformation as the moment of deep and profound relation with others brings
us back to the understanding of the Absolute. However that absolute is identified, it
is at once within the individual as the seeds of being fully human, and is also more
than the individual. To be fully human is to be in relation with others. The Absolute
represents that convergent point at which the self is in relation with all other things.
The Confucian religious tradition offers a means toward this ultimate relationship
and provides a way through which the human condition may be transformed. To be
fully human for the Confucian is to be fully religious.
References
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University of New York Press, 1987.
Chan, Wing-tsit, trans. and comp. A Source Book in Chinese Philosophy. Princeton, NJ:
Princeton University Press, 1969.
Elman, Benjamin. From Philosophy to Philology: Intellectual and Social Aspects of
Change in Late Imperial China. Los Angeles, CA: UCLA Asian Pacific Monograph
Series, 2001.
Eno, Robert. The Confucian Creation of Heaven: Philosophy and the Defense of Ritual
Mastery. Albany, New York: State University of New York Press, 1990.
Fung Yu-lan. A History of Chinese Philosophy. Translated by Derk Bodde. 2 vols.
Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1983.
Streng, Frederick. Understanding Religious Life. Belmont, CA: Wadsworth, 1985.
Taylor, Rodney L. The Confucian Way of Contemplation: Okada Takehiko and the
Tradition of Quiet-Sitting. Columbia, SC: University of South Carolina Press, 1988.
________. The Religious Dimensions of Confucianism. Albany, NY: State University of
New York Press, 1990.
________.The Way of Heaven: An Introduction to the Confucian Religious Life. Leiden,
Netherlands: E. J. Brill, 1986.
Tu Wei-ming. Humanity and Self-Cultivation: Essays in Confucian Thought. Boston:
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________. Centrality and Commonality: An Essay on Confucian Religiousness. Albany,
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Yang, C. K. Religion in Chinese Society: A Study of Contemporary Social Functions of
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xxv
How to Use This Book
• The Contents by Subject lists related entries in the following categories: Arts,
Architecture, and Iconography; Astrology, Cosmology, and Mythology; Biographical
Entries; Ceremonies, Practices, and Rituals; Concepts; Dynasties, Official Titles, and
Rulers; Geography and Historical Events; Groups and Schools; Literature,
Language, and Symbols; and Texts.
• Relevant bibliographic citations appear at the end of some entries. All sources are
grouped together in the Bibliography.
• Fl. is a short form of the Latin word “floriut.” It is commonly used to refer to a peri-
od of flourishing of a person whose dates are unknown: Han Ying (fl. 150 B.C.E.)
• The standard for citing Chinese Classical references is as follows: “Analects 11.3”
refers to Analects chapter 11, verse 3.
xxvi
Contents by Subject
xxix
Ceremonies, Practices, and Rituals
Agriculture Fertility rites Persecution
Aceticism Funeral Purification
Authority Hsiang-yin-chiu (communi- Quietism
Birthday of Confucius ty libation) Sacrifice
Calligraphy Hsiang-yüeh (community San chiao chien-hsiu
Capping compact) San kang
Ceremonial Center Hsiao-lao offering San-ts'ung ssu-te
Chai-kung (Fasting Palace) Hsing (punishment or crim- Sex or Sexuality
Chao Hun inal law) Shen-tu
Chia-li (Family Rituals) Hsiu-shen Shen-wei (tablet)
Chia-miao (family temple) Hsüan-chü system Shih-tien ceremony (Twice
Chiang hsüeh Hu (tablet) Yearly Confucian
Ching (reverence or serious- Initiation rites Ceremony)
ness) Ju Six Arts
Ch'ing-t'an (pure conversa- K'ai-pao t'ung-li State cult
tion) K'ai-yüan li State religion
Ching-tso (quiet-sitting) Ko-wu (investigation of Suffering
Ching-yen things) Superstitution
Ch'iung-li (exhausting Ko-wu ch'iung-li T'ai-chi (Great Ultimate)
Principle) Li chi Tao (Way)
Chu (prayer-master) Li ching Teleology
Chü-ching (abiding in rever- Mandala Tso-ch'an
ence or seriousness) Martial dance (wu-wu) Wedding
Chu-ching (regarding qui- Ming-t'ang (hall of light) Well-field system
etude as fundamental) Moral training Worship
Church Mu (tomb) Wu ch'ang
Chu-wen (ritual address) Music Wu te (Five Virtues)
Civil Dance (wen-wu) Mysticism Yüeh-chang (liturgical
Confucian temple Ordeal verse)
Divination Organic Holism
Eight steps Organismic process
Exorcism Pa hsing
Feng and shan sacrifices Pan-jih ching-tso
Feng-shui pan-jih tu-shu
Concepts
Absolute Benevolence Ch'i-chih chih hsing
Aesthetics Ch'eng (sincerity) Ch'i ch'ing (seven
Agape Cheng (governing emotions)
Agnosticism or regimen) Chien-ai
All things are complete in Cheng-hsin Chih (knowledge
oneself Ch'eng-i (sincerity or knowing)
Altruism of will) Chih (upright)
Anima/Animus Cheng-ming (rectification of Chih (wisdom)
Asceticism names) Chih-chih (extension
Atonement Chi (subtlety) of knowledge)
Authenticity Ch'i (utensils) Chih hsing ho-i
Awe Chiao (teaching Chih liang-chih
Axis mundi or religion) Chin ch'i hsin (fully
xxx
realize the heart-mind) Holy person Jen-tao
Ch'ing (emotions Homo religiousus Ju
or feelings) Hsi (happiness) Ju-chia
Ching (quietude) Hsiang-shu (image number) Ju-tao
Ching (reverence Hsiao (filial piety) Kindness
or seriousness) Hsiao-jen (petty person) K'o-chi fu-li
Ch'ing-i (pure criticism) Hsin (faithfulness) Ko-chih
Ching i chih nei Hsin (heart-mind) Ko-jen chu-i
Chin-hsing (fully developing Hsin-chih-t'i Ko-wu (investigation
the nature) Hsin-fa of things)
Chi-ssu Hsing (nature) Ko-wu chih-chih
Ch'iung-li (exhausting prin- Hsing (punishment or crim- Ko-wu ch'iung-li
ciple) inal law) K'uang Ch'an
Chi-wu ch'iung-li Hsing-erh-shang/hsing-erh- Kua-yü (reducing desires)
Ch'uan (transmission) hsia Kuei/shen
Ch'uan-hsin Hsing-li hsüeh Kung-ch'i (public vessel)
(transmission of Hsin hsin-hsüeh K'ung-chiao
the heart-mind) Hsin-hsüeh (new Kung-fu (moral effort)
Chü-ching ch'iung-li learning) K'ung-tzu chu-i
Chung (loyalty) Hsiu-shen Learning of principle
Chung (mean) Hsü (vacuity) Li (profit)
Chung (people) Hsüan-hsüeh Li (propriety or rites)
Chun-tzu (noble person) (mysterious learning) Liang-chih
Confucian ecology Humaneness Liang-hsin
Conscience Human-heartedness Liang-neng
Design Humanism Li hsüeh (School of
Determinism Humanity Principle or learning of
Disciple Hun-jan i-t'i Principle)
Divination I (change) Li-i fen-shu
Dualism I (righteousness Li jen chih chi (taking
Eight Steps or rightness) the highest stand
Empiricism Idolatry of humanity)
Escapism I-fa Lordson
Eschatology Ignorance Love
Esoteric/exoteric I i fang wai Macrocosm/microcosm
Essence I-kuan Metaphysics
Ethics Illusion Min (masses)
Evangelicalism Immanent Ming (destiny or fate)
Exemplary person Immersion Miracle
Fear Immortality Modernization
Fu-ku Individualism Monism
Fundamentalism Instinct Monotheism
Gentleman Intellectualism Moral law
Giving of oneself completely Intuition Moral origin
Gnosis Is/ought Mysticism
Guilt (tsui) Jen (human) Nei-sheng wai-wang (sage
Hao-jan chih ch'i (flood-like Jen (humaneness) within, king without)
vitality) Jen che hun-jan yü wu t'ung Neo-Confucianism
Hell t'i New Confucianism
Henotheism Jen-chu hsin-fa Numinous
History Jen-hsin (heart-mind Omen
Holiday of humanity) One
Holiness Jen-hsing Oneness, experience of
xxxi
Otherworldliness Ssu-i Transcendent
Pen-hsin (original heart- Ssu-tuan (Four Beginnings) Ts'un ch'i hsin (preserving
mind) Ssu-wu the heart-mind)
Pen-t'i Sui generis Ts'ung hsin (following the
Pessimism Supernaturalism heart-mind)
Philosophy Syncretism Tu-shu jen
Polytheism Synthesis Tzu-jan
Positivism Ta chang-fu Tzu-jen yü Tao
Primitivism T'ai-chi (Great Ultimate) Tzu-te
Principle (li) T'ai-i Unity, state of
Prophet Tao (Way) Universal
Purpose Tao-hsin (heart-mind Universe
Pu tung hsin of the Way) Urmonotheism
Quietism Tao-hsüeh Via negativa
Rationality Tao-te Wan-wu
Religionswissenschaft Tao-t'ung Wei (artificial action)
Religious tolerance Ta-te Wei chi
Sacred/profane Ta-t'ung Wei chi chih hsüeh
Sacred time Te (virtue) Wei-fa
Salvational history Te-hsing (virtuous nature) Wei-hsüeh
San chiao (three religions or Teleology Wo (self)
teachings) Telepathy Women in Confucianism
San chiao ho-i Theism Wu (enlightenment)
San chiao i yüan Theocracy Wu-chi (Non-Ultimate)
San kang Theology Wu hsing
Savior Three Items Wu lun
Scientific method T'ien (Heaven) Wu-shan wu-eh
Secularism T'ien-jen kan-ying Wu-wei (non-action)
Self-denial T'ien-li (Principle of Wu te (Five Virtues)
Shame (ch'ih) Heaven) Wu-yü (no desire)
Shan (goodness) T'ien-ming (Mandate of Yang ch'i hsing (nourishing
Sheng-hsüeh Heaven) the nature)
Sheng or sheng-jen T'ien-ming chih hsin Yin/yang
(sage) T'ien-tao Yü (desire)
Sheng-sheng T'ien-te
Shih-fei chih hsin T'ien-ti wan-wu wei i-t'i
Shu (reciprocity T'ien-tzu (Son of Heaven)
or empathy) T'i-jen
Sin Time
Social order T'i/yung (substance/func-
Ssu (thinking) tion)
xxxii
Han dynasty King Ch'eng Master K'ung of Great
Han Kao Tsu King Chieh Accomplishments and
Han-lin yüan (Academy of King Chou Highest Sageliness)
Assembled Brushes) King T'ang T'ai-hsüeh (National
Han Wu Ti King Wen University)
Hsia dynasty King Wu T'ang dynasty
Hsiang-shih examination Kuo-tzu T'an-kuo fu-jen
Hsien-hsüeh Kuo-tzu chien Te-chieh chü-jen
Hsien-sheng (Sage of Kuo-tzu hsüeh Three Colleges System
Antiquity) Lu-kuo fu-jen Tien-shih examination
Hsien-shih (Teacher of Ming dynasty Wang (king) title for
Antiquity) Po-shih Confucius
Hsien-shih Ni-fu (Father Ni Republican period Wen-hsüan Wang
the Teacher of Antiquity) Shang dynasty (Comprehensive King)
Hsüan-chü system Sheng-shih examination Wu-ching po-shih (Erudites
Hsüan-fu (comprehensive Shen Nung of the Five Classics)
father) Shun Yüan dynasty
Hsüan-sheng Wen-hsüan Six Dynasties
Wang (Profound Sage Sung dynasty
and Comprehensive Ta-ch'eng Chih-sheng
King) Hsien-shih K'ung-tzu
Hsüeh-cheng (Master K'ung, the
Hsüeh-lu teacher of Antiquity of
Huang Ti Great Accomplishments
Hui-shih examination and Highest Sageliness)
Hung-wen kuan (Institute Ta-ch'eng Chih-sheng
for the Advancement of K'ung-tzu Hsien-shih
Literature) (Teacher of Antiquity,
xxxiii
Hsing-li hsüeh Ku-ching ching-she Scholar class (shih)
Hsing-ming group K'ung-chiao Southern School
Hsin hsin-hsüeh K'ung-men Sung-hsüeh
Hsin-hsüeh (new Ku-wen chia (Old Text T'ai-chi shu-yüan
learning) School) T'ai-chou School
Hsin-hsüeh (School of Li-hsüeh (School of Tung-lin Academy
Heart-Mind) Principle or Learning of Tung-lin Party
Hsüan-hsüeh (mysterious Principle) Tung-lin School
learning) Lu-Wang School Wai-hsüeh (Outer School)
Hsüeh-hai t'ang May Fourth movement White Deer Grotto Academy
Hsüeh heng School Nan-chung Wang School Yen-Li School
Hu-Hsiang School Nei-hsüeh (Inner School) Yüeh-lu shu-yüan
Hundred Days of Reform Neo-Confucianism Yüeh-Min Wang School
Hundred schools of thought New Confucianism Yung-chia School
Ju-chia Northern School Yung-k'ang School
Ju-hsüeh Northern Wang School
K'ao-cheng hsüeh Pai-sha School
K'uang Ch'an P'u-hsüeh
Kuan school San-yüan School
xxxiv
Shan-shu (morality book) Sixty-four hexagrams Wei (apocrypha)
Sheng-wang chih Tao Ssu chü chiao Wen (culture)
Shih-hsüeh Stone classics Wu-chi erh t'ai-ch
“Shih i” (“Ten Wings”) Sun Yin/yang
Shih-liu tzu hsin-ch'uan Symbol Yüeh-chang (liturgical
Shou (longevity) Ti (earth) verse)
Shu (number) T'ien-ti chih se wu ch'i t'i Yü-fu yü-fu
Shu-i (etiquette book) Ti-wang chih hsüeh Yü-lu
Shu-jen (common people) Tree symbolism
Shu-yüan academy Tsa-tzu
Shu t'u t'ung kuei Tsun te-hsing erh Tao wen-
Six Arts hsüeh
Six Classics Twelve Classics
Six Teachings Water
Texts
Book of Mencius Spring and Autumn Hsien T’ien t’u
Chang-tzu ch'üan-shu Annals) Hsi-ming
Chang-tzu yü-lu Chung yung (“Doctrine of Hsi-ming chieh-i
Cheng-ho wu-li hsin-i the Mean”) Hsin-chai Wang hsien-
Cheng-meng Chung yung chang-chü sheng ch’üan-chi
Ch'en-shu (prognostication Chung yung chih-chieh Hsin-chai yü-lu
text) Chung yung huo-wen Hsin ching
Chia fan Chu-tzu ch’uan-shu Hsing-li ching-i
Chia-li (Family Rituals) Chu-tzu i-shu Hsing-li ta-ch’üan
Chiang Tao-lin wen-ts'ui Chu-tzu wen-chi Hsing-ming ku-hsün
Chieh-tzu t'ung-lu Chu-tzu yü-lei Hsin li-hsüeh
Ching-chieh Chu-tzu yü-lei chi-lüeh Hsin lun (New Treatises)
Ching-chi tsuan-ku Doctrine Hsin-t’i yü hsing-ti
Ching-hsüeh (study Erh Ch’eng ch'üan-shu Hsin wei-shih lun
of classics) Erh Ch’eng hsien-sheng lei- Hsi-tz’u chuan
Chin-hsi-tzu chi yü Hsüeh chi
Chin-hsi-tzu wen-chi Fang chi Hsüeh-shu pien
Ch'in Hui-t'ien Fa yen (Model Sayings) Huai-nan-tzu
Chin Lü-hsiang Five classics Huang-chi ching-shih (shu)
Chin-ssu Lu Four books (ssu shu) Huang-ch’ing ching-chieh
Chin-tai wei-hsin-lun Fu hsing shu (Discourse on I ching
chien-shih Returning to the Nature) I-ch’uan (hsien-sheng) wen-
Chou kuan hsin-i Great Learning (Ta-hsüeh) chi
Chou li Han-hsüeh shang-tui I li
Chou-tzu ch'uan-shu Han-shih wai-chuan I-Lo fa-hui
Chou Yuan-kung chi Han shu I-t’u ming-pien
Ch'uan-hsi lu Heng-ch’ü wen-chi Jen-hsüeh
Ch'uan-hsin mi-chih Honan Ch’eng shih i-shu Jih-chih lu
Ch'uan-hsüeh p'ien Honan Ch’eng shih Ju-chia ssu-hsiang te hsin
Ch'uan-shan i-shu wai-shu k’ai-chan
Ch'uan Tao cheng-t'ung Ho t’u (River Chart) Ju hsing
Ch'uan Tao t'u Hsiang-shan (hsien-sheng) K’ai-ch’eng shih-ching (K’ai-
Chu Hsi ch’üan-chi cheng Stone Classics)
Ch'un ch'iu Hsiao ching (Book of Filial K’ai-pao t’ung-li
Ch'un ch'iu fan-lu Piety) K’ai-yüan li
(Luxuriant Dew of the Hsiao-hsüeh ta-i K’ang-chai wen-chi
xxxv
K’ao hsin lu Chinese Culture Historian)
Kao-tzu ch’üan-shu Memorial to the emperor Shih ching
Kao-tzu i-shu Jen Tsung (Ch’eng I) “Shih i” (“Ten Wings”)
King Hui of Liang Memorial to the emperor Shih t’ung (Understanding
Ku-chin wen-yüan chü-yeh Jen Tsung (Fan Chung- of History)
ching-hua yen) Shu ching
Kuei chieh Memorial to the emperor Shu-i (etiquette book)
Kuei fan Shen Tsung Shuo ju
Ku-liang chuan Meng-tzu chi-chu “Shuo kua” commentary
K’un-chih chi Meng-tzu ching-i Six Classics
K’ung-ts’ung-tzu (The K’ung Ming-i tai-fang lu Ssu-shu chang-chü
Family Masters’ Ming-ju hsüeh-an chi-chu
Anthology) Ming-ju Wang Hsin-chai Ssu-shu chi-chu
K’ung-tzu chia-yü hsien-sheng i-chi Ssu-shu hsün-erh
(Confucius’ Family Ming-tao (hsien-sheng) su-shuo
Sayings) wen-chi Ssu-shu hsün-i
Kung-yang chuan Nei hsün (Instructions for Ssu-shu shan-chen
K’un-hsüeh chi the Inner Quarters) Ssu-shu shih-ti
K’un-pien lu New Text/Old Text (chin- Ssu-shu ta-ch’üan
Kuo-ch’ao Han-hsüeh shih- wen/ku-wen) Ssu-shu t’u-shuo
ch’eng chi Nine Classics Stone classics
Kuo-ch’ao Sung-hsüeh yüan- Nü chieh (Commandments Sun Ch’i-feng
yüan chi for Women) Sung Hsiang-feng
Kuo Ch’in lun (On the Faults Nü hsiao-ching (Book of Sung Yüan hsüeh-an
of Ch’in) Filial Piety for Women) Ta-hsüeh chang-chü
Li chi Nü lun-yü (Analects for “Ta-hsüeh chih-chieh”
Li chi chang-chü Women) Ta-hsüeh huo-wen
Li ching Pai-chia hsing Ta-hsüeh wen
Lieh nü chuan (Biographies Pai-sha hsien-sheng ch’üan- “Ta-hsüeh yao-lüeh”
of Women) chi Ta-hsüeh yen-i
Li-hsüeh tsung-ch’uan Pa-pen se-yüan T’ai-ch’ang yin-ko li
Li huo lun (On Dispelling Pei-hsi tzu-i T’ai-chi t’u (Diagram of the
Doubts) Pen lun (On Fundamentals) Great Ultimate)
Lin-tzu ch’üan-chi Po-hu t’ung (White Tiger “T’ai-chi t’u shuo”
Liu-shih chia-hsün Discussions) T’ai-hsüan ching (Classic of
Li Wen-kung chi (Collected San chuan Supreme Mystery)
Works San li T’ai-kung chia-chiao
of Li Ao) San shih T’ai-shang kan-ying p’ien
Li yün San t’ung Tang-tai Chung-kuo che-
Lo shu (Lo Writing) San tzu ching hsüeh
Lun-heng (Balanced Shang shu ku-wen shu- Ta Tai Li chi
Inquiries) cheng Ta-t’ung shu
Lun hsin t’ung hsing ch’ing Shan-shu (morality book) Ta Yüan t’ung-chih
Lun yü (Analects) Shen-chien (Extended Ta Yüan t’ung-chih t’iao-li
Lun yü ching-i Reflections) kang-mu
Lun yü huo-wen Sheng-hsien lun hsin chih Thirteen Classics
Lü-shih ch’un-ch’iu (Spring yao Ti-hsüeh
and Autumn Annals of Sheng-hsüeh hsin-fa “Ti-hsüeh lun”
Mr. Lü) Sheng-hsüeh tsung-ch’uan Ts’ang-shu
Lü-shih hsiang-yüeh Sheng-hsüeh tsung-yao “Tseng-sun Lü-shih hsiang-
A Manifesto for a Re- Sheng-men shih-yeh t’u yüeh”
appraisal of Sinology Shen-yin yü Tso chuan
and Reconstruction of Shih chi (Records of the “Ts’un-hsin yao-fa”
xxxvi
Tu Li t’ung-k’ao Wang Wen-ch’eng Kung Yin-hsüeh wu-shu
T’ung-chien chi-shih pen- ch’üan-shu Yüan ju
mo “Wan yen shu” “Yüan Tao”
T’ung chih (General Wen-hsien t’ung-k’ao “Yüeh chi”
Treatises) Wen-hua yü jen-sheng
T’ung-chih t’ang ching- Wen-shih t’ung-i
chieh “Wen-yen” commentary
T’ung-shu (Penetrating the Wu-ching cheng-i (Standard
Book of Changes) Expositions of the Five
T’ung tien (General Classics
Institutions) Wu-ching ta-ch’üan
Tu T’ung-chien lun Wu-li t’ung-k’ao
Twelve Classics Yang-shih i-chuan
Tzu-chih t’ung-chien Yen-shih chia-hsün
Tzu-chih t’ung-chien kang- Yen-t’ieh lun (Discourses on
mu Salt and Iron)
xxxvii
Additional Works of the Ch’engs of Honan
A
Confucianism and Neo-Confucianism,
a number of concepts have been identi-
fied with this Absolute, for example,
T’ien (Heaven), T’ien-li (Principle of
Heaven), T’ien-ming (Mandate of
Heaven), t’ai-chi (Great Ultimate),
wu-chi (Non-Ultimate), or Tao (Way).
Each reflects different traditions, times,
or persons.
1
Additional Works of the Two Ch’engs
2
Altars of the Philosophers
3
Altars of the Worthies
5
Anti-Confucianism
Apocrypha Asceticism
See wei (apocrypha).
A type of religious practice that empha-
sizes an austere life of physical and
Apophatic/Kataphatic Discourse mental deprivation. Asceticism is
Two types of religious language used to founded on the belief that the soul is
characterize the Absolute. A kataphatic inadequate to unite itself with the
discourse refers to the Absolute that can Absolute unless it is released from
be defined by a variety of characteristics, bondage to the body through the
such as omnipotence, love, and moral renouncement of material comforts.
law; whereas an apophatic discourse Such practices are undertaken with a
reveals the Absolute that is beyond variety of religious goals, especially
description. According to the latter moral improvement. In Buddhism and
point of view, describing the Absolute Taoism, the tendency toward self-disci-
transforms what is infinite into that pline and self-denial can often take on
which is finite and is thus a logical con- the characteristic of asceticism. There is
tradiction. Similar to via negativa, the no real equivalent to such practices in
use of negative language to describe the Confucianism. One can claim that
indescribable, apophatic discourse is study and learning take on extensive
favored by such religions as Taoism and effort, but they are not at the cost of
Buddhism. In general, Confucianism basic physical or mental deprivation.
sides with the use of kataphatic dis- The Neo-Confucian forms of self-culti-
course while recognizing the role of vation can be ascetic in that the devo-
apophatic discourse. Although the term tion to preserving the T’ien-li (Principle
t’ai-chi describes the Absolute as the of Heaven) is done by eliminating
Great Ultimate, the Neo-Confucian term human desires. Such self-cultivation,
wu-chi (Non-Ultimate) says only that however, is only carried out with mod-
the Absolute cannot be described. See eration and not to the extreme of reject-
also t’ai-chi (Great Ultimate). ing normal bodily needs. See also
k’o-chi fu-li and yü (desire).
This is a traditional Chinese star atlas from 1607 on which the Mandate of Heaven was mapped.
7
Atonement
Atonement Awe
An attempt to reconcile the relation The concept of awe is found in the Lun
between God and humankind. This yü (Analects). In this text, Confucius
notion is absent in the Confucian contrasts the chün-tzu (noble person)
8
Axis Mundi
Axis Mundi
Something that connects the sacred
and the profane. Coined by the histori-
an of religion Mircea Eliade, the term
axis mundi is used in comparative reli-
gion to identify a symbolic form that
acts as a vertical axis connecting
Heaven and earth. The axis mundi in
the Chinese tradition, and specifically
Confucianism, is the ruler, known as
T’ien-tzu (Son of Heaven). This person
acts as the joining point of T’ien
(Heaven), earth, and humankind. See
also sacred/profane.
9
Balanced Inquiries
B
temple, where one might find roof
tiles with bat ornaments. Bat symbols
are associated with Confucian temples
in both Korea and China, but not
Japan because there is no similar or
common pronunciation.
10
Bible
In China, bats symbolize good fortune because the Chinese words for ‘bat’ and ‘blessing’ are homonyms.
11
Biographies of Women
The 16 bells in a bronze bell rack either are identical in size but differ in thickness, or are of different sizes
(as pictured here), thereby producing different tones.
Book of Music
See Yüeh ching. Brief Explanation of
Contemporary Idealism
See Chin-tai wei-hsin-lun chien-shih.
14
Burden of Culture
virtually impossible. In addition to the Chavannes argue that k’eng means only
already broad base of traditional cul- “to execute” or “to trap,” not necessarily
ture, there was now the mammoth out- “to bury alive,” and that ju refers to var-
pourings of the Sung masters them- ious groups of scholars, not limited to
selves. The magnitude of the problem is Confucians. Historian Ulrich Neininger
suggested by the large-scale efforts even goes so far as to doubt that the
made to compile encyclopedias as event ever happened, considering it leg-
repositories of knowledge. Yet even here endary rather than historical.
the amount of learning available was It may be uncertain whether the
beyond the capacity of teams of compil- scholars were buried alive or dead, but
ers to properly synthesize. so far there is not sufficient evidence to
It is de Bary’s contention that this disprove the account of the burial
burden of culture may explain some of event. As for determining who was
the characteristics of Ming Neo- buried, one can turn to the Shih chi,
Confucian thought. This point goes where it is clearly stated that the eldest
potentially into the very center of the son of the emperor had admonished
greatest thinker of the Ming period, against the burial punishment because
Wang Yang-ming, and his challenge to these scholars “all recited and modeled
the teachings of Ch’eng I and Chu Hsi. themselves on Confucius.” Being fol-
Wang Yang-ming argues that learning lowers of Confucius and opponents of
must return to the self and that one the tyranny, the scholars became
must recognize the Principle (li) within victims of the Legalist regime of the
one’s hsin (heart-mind), not by any out- Ch’in dynasty.
ward investigation. He objects to the
breadth and intensity of external search- Neininger, Ulrich. “Burying the
ing in a never-ending process of the Scholars Alive: On the Origin of a
gradual accumulation of knowledge. Confucian Martyr’s Legend.” East
Asian Civilizations. Edited by
de Bary, Wm. Theodore, and the Wolfram Eberhard, Krzysztof
Conference on Ming Thought, eds. Gawlikowski, and Carl-Albrecht
Self and Society in Ming Thought. Seyschab. Bremen, Germany:
New York: Columbia University Simon & Magiera, 1983.
Press, 1970. Nienhauser, William H., Jr., ed. The
Grand Scribe's Records. Translated
by Tsai-fa Cheng et al. Bloomington,
Burying of the Confucians IN: Indiana University Press, 1994.
The slaughter of over 460 scholars in
212 B.C.E. at Hsien-yang, the capital of
the Ch’in dynasty. The scholars’ deaths
were ordered by the First Emperor of
Ch’in as a result of two magic practi-
tioners’ slander of the emperor’s cruelty
and greediness.
Often mentioned in the same breath
of the previous year’s “burning of the
books,” the notorious “burying of the
Confucians” is first found in the Shih
chi (Records of the Historian). The Han
shu, or History of the Han Dynasty,
refers to the event as k’eng-ju, which has
traditionally been read as “burying the
Confucians alive.” Western Sinologists
since Timoteus Pokora and Édouard
16
Carsun Chang
C
Calligraphy
One of the Six Arts since the Chou
dynasty, calligraphy as a form of aes-
thetics can take on religious meaning
when performed in the context of
Confucianism. The act of writing or
copying from the Confucian classics,
particularly when they are seen as the
products of the sheng or sages, is in
itself a religious activity of self-cultiva-
tion and learning. Thus to engage in cal-
ligraphy was to engage in a form of reli-
gious practice. As a subject of the civil
service examinations, calligraphy is
also a symbol of personality, intellect, Chinese calligraphy represents many styles
and social status. See also ching (clas- of writing. Each character in this example
sic) and sheng or sheng-jen (sage). is written in two differing styles.
Taylor, Rodney L. The Way of Heaven: An found in the Li chi, or Records of Rites; the
Introduction to the Confucian I li, or Ceremonies and Rites; the Hsün-
Religious Life. Leiden, Netherlands: tzu; and Chu Hsi’s Chia-li (Family
E. J. Brill, 1986. Rituals). The Li chi points out that it is
the beginning of all li (propriety or
rites). It signifies the recognition of
Calling Back the Soul manhood for a boy between ages nine-
See chao hun. teen and twenty, or, in the case of an
imperial family, when he becomes
Calmness twelve years old. According to social
See ching (quietude). historian Patricia Buckley Ebrey, it is part
of the ancestral cult, suggesting a male
is mature enough to offer sacrifice to
Capacity of the Good his ancestors.
See liang-neng.
Ebrey, Patricia Buckley, trans. Chu Hsi’s
Family Rituals: A Twelfth-Century
Capping Chinese Manual for the Performance
A set of rituals for adulthood in which, on of Cappings, Weddings, Funerals,
an auspicious day, a boy is fitted with and Ancestral Rites. Princeton, NJ:
adult clothes and formally presented in Princeton University Press, 1991.
the ancestral hall. The ceremony ends
after the boy has made a pledge to his
ancestors (tsu) and is given an adult Carsun Chang
name. The ancient custom of capping is See Chang Chün-mai.
17
Celebration
18
Chang Chih-tung
for ritual isolation of the emperor prior Chang’s reputation grew rapidly
to prayer and sacrifice. According to the because of his strong stance to defend
Ch’ing dynasty system, the emperor China from the encroachments of for-
was required to stay in the imperial eign powers, specifically Russia, France,
palace for two days and then in the and Japan. He established several
Fasting Palace for one day. During this shu-yüan academies and worked for the
period he was to abstain from meat eat- industrialization of his country, seeking
ing, wine, women, or the adjudication reforms that would permit China to
of criminal cases, as he prepared him- match the West. Responding to the pro-
self for the presentation to Heaven on posed Hundred Days of Reform, a
behalf of his people. Because of the role broad sweep of changes to counteract
of Confucianism as official state ideolo- the intrusion of foreign powers, in 1898
gy, a role of no small significance in he recommended Liang Ch’i-ch’ao to
terms of the determination of the the emperor Kuang-hsü to implement
nature of state cult and practice, the the reforms and wrote the Ch’üan-
procedures governing such ceremony hsüeh p’ien, or Exhortation to Learn.
were under the guidance of the The work is a statement of Chang’s
Confucian advisors. See also ch’i-nien belief in the capacity of Confucianism
tien (Hall of Prayer for the Year) and to provide for the transformation of
yüan-ch’iu t’an (Circular Mound Altar). China into a modern state.
Chang Chih-tung’s moderate
Wheatley, Paul. The Pivot of the Four reforms are summed up in his slogan
Quarters: A Preliminary Enquiry into “Chinese learning for substance,
the Origins and Character of the Western learning for function.”
Ancient Chinese City. Chicago, IL: Invoking a very old distinction in
Aldine, 1971. Chinese thought between t’i, or sub-
stance, and yung, or function, Chang
emphasized the primacy of Confucian
Chang Ch’ih ethics and the supplementarity of
See Chang Shih (Ch’ih). Western technology.
Chang called for educational, gov-
Chang Chih-tung ernmental, and military reforms, bring-
(1837–1909) A major figure in the ing to an end the civil service examina-
tumultuous period of modernization of tions, a system that reflected the insti-
China in the late Ch’ing dynasty; also tutionalization of Confucianism as the
known as Chang Hsiao-ta and Chang state ideology. This reform was not
Hsiang-t’ao. Chang Chih-tung was a intended as a repudiation of the
native of Hopeh province. He passed Confucian classics, but rather a recog-
the chin-shih examination, or nition of the importance of reform to
Metropolitan Graduate examination, in make China competitive with Western
1863 and was appointed Academician nations. In fact, in the final years of his
Expositor-in-waiting of the Hanlin life Chang sought to deify Confucius by
Academy. Throughout his career he placing sacrifice to him on an equal
held a series of official positions, with a sacrifice to Heaven and earth.
including Academician of the Grand See also han-lin yüan (Academy of
Secretariat, Provincial Education Assembled Brushes); sheng or sheng-
Commissioner, Director of Studies of jen (sage); shu-yüan academy; t’i/yung
the kuo-tzu chien or Directorate of (substance/function).
Education, Vice Minister of Rites,
Governor-general, Grand Secretary, and de Bary, Wm. Theodore, Wing-tsit Chan,
Grand Minister of State. and Burton Watson, comps. Sources
of Chinese Tradition. New York:
Columbia University Press, 1960.
19
Ch’ang-chou New Text School
Hummel, Arthur W., ed. Eminent sal application of law, as well as elimi-
Chinese of the Ch’ing Period (1644– nation of individual viewpoints. Chang
1912). 2 vols. Taipei, Taiwan: saw the government as an appropriate
SMC, 1991. means of exercising complete authority
to the exclusion of individual pursuits.
In his quest for a better society for the
Ch’ang-chou New Text School majority of people, he saw little benefit
See Kung-yang hsüeh. to the interests of the few. For example,
he advocated banning all private shu-
Ch’ang-chou School yüan academies, which he regarded as
See Kung-yang hsüeh. perpetuating mere empty philosophy,
or worse yet, conducting political chal-
lenges to the government.
Chang Chü-cheng Crawford has argued, however, that
(1525–1582) Major statesman of the any Legalist tendency must be set
Ming dynasty; also known as Chang against a larger Confucian perspective,
Shu-ta and Chang T’ai-yüeh. Chang one that emphasizes government as a
Chü-cheng served in a number of vehicle for moral transformation. This
increasingly important posts before Confucian ideal will be realized by
becoming Grand Secretary. A native of applying learning or knowledge to real
Hupeh province, Chang took the chin- issues. But Chang Chü-cheng was also
shih examination and received his influenced by the hsin-hsüeh (School of
Metropolitan Graduate degree in 1547 Heart-Mind) of Wang Yang-ming. He
and was immediately assigned to the admits that there exists a bright and
Hanlin Academy. In 1567 he entered the clean hsin (heart-mind) and when one
Grand Secretariat and was made studies the classics, one should under-
Minister of Rites. Five years later, he was stand their meanings by following the
promoted to Senior Grand Secretary. He heart-mind, not by doing textual
held the position for a decade, during research. See also han-lin yüan
which he carried out a series of reforms (Academy of Assembled Brushes);
on taxes, personnel, frontier defense, hundred schools of thought; shu-
and water conservancy. yüan academy.
Chang Chü-cheng is a controversial
and complex figure. He was impeached Crawford, Robert. “Chang Chü-cheng’s
after his death, and his official title was Confucian Legalism.” Self and
suspended for forty years. Institutional Society in Ming Thought. Edited by
historian Robert Crawford refers to him Wm. Theodore de Bary and the
as a Confucian Legalist. His belief in the Conference on Ming Thought. New
power of law for social transformation York: Columbia University Press, 1970.
certainly reveals his Legalist stance. He Goodrich, L. Carrington, and Chaoying
also believed that wen (culture) was Fang, eds. Dictionary of Ming
potentially harmful. Furthermore, he Biography, 1368–1644. 2 vols. New
advocated consideration of the present York: Columbia University Press, 1976.
as the measure for action rather than
invoking historical models. He insists
that it is only by understanding our own Chang Chün-mai
generation that we will be able to solve (1886–1969) Modern Confucian scholar;
its problems. also known as Carsun Chang. Chang
Chang’s edicts of 1568 for general Chün-mai was a native of Shanghai. He
reform reinforce his Legalist stand. The became a hsiu-ts’ai, or Cultivated
edicts suggested policies that empha- Talent, in 1902 and studied for four
size rewards and punishments, univer- years at Waseda University in Japan,
where he met Liang Ch’i-ch’ao and was
20
Chang Er-ch’i
21
Chang Heng-ch’ü
Hummel, Arthur W., ed. Eminent other scholars of the Ch’ien-Chia period
Chinese of the Ch’ing Period (1644– (1736–1820), Chang inherited the early
1912). 2 vols. Taipei, Taiwan: SMC, 1991. Ch’ing belief in the practical use of the
classical legacy. Furthermore, as histori-
an David S. Nivison has argued, Chang
Chang Heng-ch’ü was concerned with the transformation
See Chang Tsai. of the literary world according to his
own present day and political order.
Chang Hsüeh-ch’eng Thus he opposed the separation of
(1738–1801) Confucian thinker and his- learning from politics. See also
torian of the Ch’ing dynasty; also known Chekiang Schools; Han-hsüeh; and
as Chang Shih-chai and Chang Shao-yen. shu-yüan academy.
Chang Hsüeh-ch’eng was a native of
K’uai-chi, Chekiang. Historian Hiromu Elman, Benjamin A. From Philosophy to
Momose identifies him as the last scholar Philology: Intellectual and Social
of Huang Tsung-hsi’s Eastern Chekiang Aspects of Change in Late Imperial
School. Chang took the chin-shih exam- China. Los Angeles, CA: UCLA Asian
ination, received his Metropolitan Pacific Monograph Series, 2001.
Graduate degree in 1778, and was Hummel, Arthur W., ed. Eminent
appointed Archivist in the kuo-tzu chien, Chinese of the Ch’ing Period (1644–
or Directorate of Education. His career, 1912). 2 vols. Taipei, Taiwan: SMC, 1991.
however, is largely marked by continual Nivison, David S. The Life and Thought
employment in private shu-yüan acade- of Chang Hsüeh-ch’eng (1738–1801).
mies, where he devoted his life to teach- Stanford, CA: Stanford University
ing, writing, and compiling gazetteers. Press, 1966.
He also helped Pi Yüan in compiling a
sequel to the Tzu-chih t’ung-chien, or Chang I
General Mirror for the Aid of Government. (d. 783) A T’ang dynasty scholar of
Chang Hsüeh-ch’eng’s best-known Confucian classics and history. Chang I
works are the Wen-shih t’ung-i, or was appointed to be an academician of
General Meaning of Literature and the chi-hsien tien, or Hall of Assembled
History, and its companion the Chiao- Worthies. He was known as an expert on
ch’ou t’ung-i, or General Meaning of the three Confucian ritual texts of the I
Proofreading. These texts represent a li, or Ceremonies and Rites; the Chou li,
different approach from that of the or Rites of Chou; the Li chi, or Records of
Han-hsüeh p’ai, or School of Han Rites; as well as the Book of Mencius.
Learning. Chang pointed out that tradi-
tional methods of the ching-hsüeh McMullen, David. State and Scholars in
(study of classics) were too confined by T’ang China. New York: Cambridge
sectarian bias. To transform the old University Press, 1988.
styles, he suggested combining textual
research on historical materials with
abstract interpretation. Chang Li-hsiang
For Chang, Principle (li) must be (1611–1674) Neo-Confucian scholar of
derived from daily events. As it is stated the late Ming dynasty and early Ch’ing
in his essay “Yüan Tao” or “Tracing the dynasty; also known as Chang K’ao-fu,
Way,” the Tao (Way) is scattered among Chang Nien-chih, and Master of Yang-
and embodied through the ch’i (utensils) yüan. Chang Li-hsiang was a major sup-
or concrete things. In order to under- porter of the Ch’eng-Chu School of the
stand the Tao, one must deal with con- Sung dynasty. A native of Chekiang
crete things. Therefore, hsüeh (learn- province, he spent his life teaching in
ing) is based on practice. Unlike many reclusion after the conquest of China by
22
Chang Po-hsing
the Manchus. He was a student of Liu those who failed to comply. In 1903, he
Tsung-chou. In his writings, Chang crit- published a refutation of K’ang Yu-wei’s
icizes the Lu-Wang School, specifically conservative political views, suggesting
Wang Yang-ming’s theory of liang-chih, that revolution was the remedy for China.
or knowledge of the good, for abandon- He then founded a secret society with
ing the Confucian code and classics. He other revolutionaries. Because of these
suggests ch’iung-li (exhausting radical measures, Chang was imprisoned
Principle) through learning and think- for three years. After the prison term he
ing. According to his explanation, ko- was escorted to Japan, where he joined
wu means not only investigation of the alliance under Sun Yat-sen’s leader-
things, but also recognition of human ship. He served in the new republican
relations. See also ko-wu (investigation government as Sun’s confidential adviser
of things). in 1912. Chang was active in political
circles until his old age, which he spent
Chan, Wing-tsit. “The Hsing-li ching-i in teaching.
and the Ch’eng-Chu School of the Though an advocate of Western
Seventeenth Century.” The ideas such as evolutionism, Chang
Unfolding of Neo-Confucianism. opposed the New Culture Movement
Edited by Wm. Theodore de Bary. during the May Fourth era. He defended
New York: Columbia University the Confucian tradition and classics.
Press, 1975. Relating Confucianism to revolution, he
Hummel, Arthur W., ed. Eminent put forth a teaching on the morals of
Chinese of the Ch’ing Period (1644– revolution. To him, those who are
1912). 2 vols. Taipei, Taiwan: SMC, 1991. immoral are not qualified for revolu-
tion. It is morality that distinguishes
humankind from other animals. He
Chang Ping-lin ascribed the failure of the Hundred
(1868–1936) Scholar and thinker of the Days of Reform to moral degeneration.
late Ch’ing dynasty and early republi- Unlike conventional Confucianism,
can period; also named Chang Mei-shu however, Chang’s definition of moral
and Chang T’ai-yen. Chang Ping-lin involves the impetus of li (profit).
was a native of Chekiang province. He Therefore, moral standards should be
admired the late Ming dynasty and set on the integration of self-interests
early Ch’ing dynasty scholar Ku Yen-wu and social interests. Moreover, he
so much that he renamed himself T’ai- believed that contemporary morality is
yen. A student of Yü Yüeh, Chang is determined by social status: the higher
known for his extensive knowledge and status and power one enjoys, and the
voluminous writings covering the more knowledge one acquires, the far-
ching-hsüeh (study of classics), Eastern ther one is distanced from morality. See
and Western philosophy, philology, also May Fourth movement.
phonology, and historiography as well
as literature. In fact, he is known as Boorman, Howard L., and Richard C.
the Master of Chinese Scholarship in Howard, eds. Biographical Dictionary
his times. of Republican China. 5 vols. New
Chang Ping-lin’s early life was marked York: Columbia University Press,
by his participation in both the 1898 1967–79.
Hundred Days of Reform and the 1911
revolution. He promoted the constitu-
tional reform in Shanghai and in June Chang Po-hsing
1900 cut off his pigtail to protest against (1652–1725) Neo-Confucian scholar of
the Manchu sovereignty. The wearing of the Ch’ing dynasty; also known as
the pigtail was imposed by the Manchus Chang Hsiao-hsien, Chang Ching-an,
in 1645, with the threat of decapitation to and Chang Shu-chai. Chang Po-hsing
23
Chang Po-hsing
For Chang Shih, a student of Hu Jen-chung, chü-ching chiung-li, or “abiding in reverence and exhausting
Principle,” is the primary method of self-cultivation.
24
Chang Tsai
Chang Shih (Ch’ih) by the later Chu Hsi as the key element
(1133–1180) Scholar of the Southern in the transmission of the Confucian
Sung dynasty; also known as Chang teachings from Shao and Chou to the
Ching-fu and Chang Lo-chai. Chang Shih Ch’eng brothers.
or Chang Ch’ih was a student of Hu Hung An editing clerk of the ch’ung-wen
(Jen-chung) and a friend of Chu Hsi and kuan (Institute for the Veneration of
Lü Tsu-ch’ien. A commentator of the Lun Literature), Chang Tsai developed his
yü (Analects) and Mencius, Chang pane- philosophy from the I ching, or Book of
gyrizes Chou Tun-i’s “T’ai-chi t’u shuo,” Changes, and the “Chung yung”
or “Explanation of the Diagram of the (“Doctrine of the Mean”). He was a stu-
Great Ultimate,” and advocates the Neo- dent of Buddhism and Taoism but even-
Confucian theory of T’ien-li (Principle of tually returned to Confucianism. His
Heaven). For him, li (propriety or rites) return to the Confucian classics seemed
is the Principle of Heaven. to have been hastened by his contact
Hu Jen-chung taught Chang Shih the with his two nephews, the Ch’eng
Ch’eng brothers’ school of thought. brothers, whose Confucian perspective
Chang tended more toward Ch’eng Hao’s he found impressive and persuasive.
teachings, which emphasized the hsin Chang Tsai’s thought is articulated in
(heart-mind), than Ch’eng I’s. In a letter his major work Cheng-meng, or
to Chu Hsi, Chang Shih explains that Correcting Youthful Ignorance, which
chih (knowledge or knowing) should be includes the “Hsi-ming,” or “Western
given priority above hsing (action); that is Inscription,” one of the best known
to say, action is to be guided by knowl- Neo-Confucian writings. His teachings
edge. Chang’s method of learning and stress the primacy of the t’ai-chi (Great
self-cultivation is chü-ching ch’iung-li, Ultimate). However, instead of formu-
abiding in reverence or seriousness and lating a complex cosmological scheme
exhausting Principle, which is the basic with numbers as Shao Yung did, or with
pedagogy of the Ch’eng-Chu School. See yin/yang and wu hsing (Five Elements)
also chih hsing ho-i. as Chou Tun-i did, Chang Tsai equates
the Great Ultimate with ch’i (vitality),
Franke, Herbert, ed. Sung Biographies. and suggests that all things are com-
2 vols. Wiesbaden, Germany: posed of this unitary and unifying ele-
Steiner, 1976. ment called ch’i. This position may be a
response to his own background in
Buddhism and Taoism. By stating that
Chang Shih-chai the world is composed of something as
See Chang Hsüeh-ch’eng. solid and real as the permanent ch’i,
Chang strongly criticizes the Buddhist
notion of emptiness and the Taoist view
Chang T’ai-yen of nothingness, both of which negate
See Chang Ping-lin.
that the void is also a state of ch’i. He
does not put a wu-chi (Non-Ultimate)
Chang Tsai before the Great Ultimate, as Chou Tun-i
(1020–1078) One of the major formative did under Taoist influence. Thus,
figures in the Neo-Confucian move- Chang’s view discards the dyad of being
ment of the Northern Sung dynasty; and non-being.
also known as Chang Tzu-hou and To Chang Tsai, the Great Ultimate is
Master Heng-ch’ü. Chang Tsai is a simply ch’i, the eternal substance that
native of Honan province. He is fills up the universe. This view is an
grouped together with Shao Yung, Chou affirmation of the single unifying nature
Tun-i, Ch’eng Hao, and Ch’eng I as the of reality in something real and
Five Early Sung Masters, and was seen concrete. He does see the two different
and complementary phases of this
25
Chang Tsai
26
Chang Tsai
Chang Tsai, one of the Five Early Sung Masters, developed his philosophy from the I ching and the
“Chung Yung.”
27
Chang-tzu ch’üan-shu
28
Chao hun
the departed to restore the hun soul of of the Soul and Afterlife in Pre-
the departed to his or her body. Buddhist China.” Harvard Journal
It was believed that each person poss- of Asiatic Studies 47.2 (Dec. 1987):
es two souls: a spiritual (hun) soul and a 363–95.
bodily (p’o) soul. In the moment of death,
the two souls split from the body––the
hun soul ascends to T’ien (Heaven) while Charity
the p’o soul descends into the earth. In See jen (humaneness) and shu (reci-
the chao hun ritual the hun soul is called procity or empathy).
to reunite with its p’o soul so the dead can
be resuscitated. According to Yu’s study of Che Altars (Altars of the
the belief in the afterlife in pre-Buddhist
China, it was believed that a departed Philosophers)
soul gradually shrinks with the passing of A series of altars within the ta-ch’eng
time and can only survive for a limited tien (Hall of Great Accomplishments),
time. It lasts longer if it belongs to the rich the main building of a Confucian tem-
or noble, or if the body is well preserved. ple. In the center of the northernmost
Thus, a person from the royal house location is the altar to Confucius. The
would be offered sacrifices for seven gen- p’ei altars (altars of the worthies) are on
erations after his or her death, while the the east and west sides, close to the
common people only two generations. main altar to Confucius. Next are the
Two soul-summoning poems of altars of the philosophers, also desig-
early Chinese literature are preserved in nated as east and west. The number of
the Ch’u tz’u, or Songs of the South. They figures on the che altars varies from ten
were entitled “Chao hun” and “Ta chao” to twelve. In contemporary Confucian
(“Great Summons”) respectively, and temples there are twelve figures on the
were both addressed to a king. In his che altars, evenly divided between the
introductions to his translations of the east and west altars. The che figures are
poems, literary scholar David Hawkes entirely composed of Confucius’ direct
points out that the summonses contain disciples with one exception. The
threats to outside dangers and bland- exception is Chu Hsi, often regarded as
ishments of royal luxuries. Though few the most important figure involved in
of the later Confucians believed in the the creation of Neo-Confucianism dur-
existence of souls, the practice was for- ing the Sung dynasty. While figures
malized into standard funeral rites. See have been added and removed from the
also hun/p’o. rank of the che, or philosophers, the
importance of the figure of Chu Hsi to
Ebrey, Patricia Buckley, trans. Chu Hsi’s the tradition as a whole is represented
Family Rituals: A Twelfth-Century by his placement among the che.
Chinese Manual for the Performance
of Cappings, Weddings, Funerals, Shryock, John K. The Origin and
and Ancestral Rites. Princeton, NJ: Development of the State Cult of
Princeton University Press, 1991. Confucius: An Introductory Study.
Hawkes, David, trans. The Songs of the New York: The Century Co., 1932.
South: An Ancient Chinese Anthology Wilson, Thomas A. Genealogy of the
of Poems by Qu Yuan and Other Way: The Construction and Uses of
Poets. New York: Penguin Books, the Confucian Tradition in Late
1985. Imperial China. Stanford, CA:
Steele, John, trans. The I-li, or Book of Stanford University Press, 1995.
Etiquette and Ceremonial. 2 vols.
London, England: Probsthain & Co., Che-chung Wang School
1917. A Ming dynasty Neo-Confucian school
Yu, Ying-shih. “‘O Soul, Come Back!’ A originating in the central region of
30 Study in the Changing Conceptions
Ch’en Ch’ang-fang
31
Ch’en Chen
are important because for the Chan, Wing-tsit, trans. and ed. Neo-
Confucian, the end of learning is not a Confucian Terms Explained (The
transformation into a state disconnect- Pei-hsi tzu-i) by Ch’en Ch’un, 1159–
ed from life. Transformation is rather 1223. New York: Columbia University
measured, in the terms of ch’eng, by Press, 1986.
unity with the universe and the unity of Chan, Wing-tsit, trans. and comp. A
the universe working through the indi- Source Book in Chinese Philosophy.
vidual in the continuation of solving the Princeton, NJ: Princeton University
practical problems of everyday life. Press, 1969.
The T’ang dynasty scholar Li Ao bor- Hall, David L., and Roger T. Ames.
rows the Buddhist notion of stillness to Thinking Through Confucius.
expound the term ch’eng in “Chung Albany, NY: State University of New
yung.” His theory of “return to nature” York Press, 1987.
has a great influence on Neo- Tu Wei-ming. Centrality and Commonality:
Confucianism. Neo-Confucians employ An Essay on Confucian Religiousness.
and discuss the term ch’eng from a new Albany, NY: State University of New
perspective. Ch’en Ch’un in his Pei-hsi York Press, 1989.
tzu-i, or Neo-Confucian Terms
Explained, describes ch’eng in terms of
the Principle (li) of all things. Since in Ch’eng Brothers
many respects Principle has taken the A reference to Ch’eng Hao and Ch’eng I,
place of the term Tao for the Neo- the Ch’eng brothers were two of the
Confucians, the meaning of ch’eng most prominent founders of the Neo-
remains very similar. Ch’eng is a descrip- Confucian movement during the
tion of that which is regarded as Northern Sung dynasty. See also Ch’eng
Absolute. Ch’en Ch’un also inherits the Hao and Ch’eng I.
idea in “Chung yung” that ch’eng is the
Way of Heaven, and describes it as that
which is real and absolute. Following
Ch’eng Chü-fu
(1249–1318) A prominent Neo-
Hsün-tzu's analogy, Ch’en Ch’un uses
Confucian of the Yüan dynasty. Ch’eng
the progression of the seasons as an
Chü-fu, also called Ch’eng Wen-hai, was
example of the Way of Heaven, suggest-
a strong advocate for Chu Hsi’s teach-
ing in Neo-Confucian terminology that
ings and the Tao-hsüeh, learning of the
it is because of the Principle of things
Way, in the Yüan court. Along with Hsü
that ordered change occurs. The same
Heng, he worked for the education of
Principle is said to be within the indi-
the ruler in the tradition of Ti-hsüeh,
vidual. It is this Principle, or the Way of
learning of the emperors. He was sup-
Heaven, which can best be described as
portive of Hsü’s attempt to reform the
ch’eng, authentic and true to itself.
civil service examinations though in
Within the Neo-Confucian context, as
the end did not agree to everything in
Chou Tun-i avers, the person who has
the new system. He also supported the
realized this Principle is he who has
establishment of the Imperial College in
become a sage. Ch’eng can be employed
the capital as a training center for
to describe such sageliness for it is the
educational leadership. Ch’eng was
sage who is truly authentic to himself
originally from the south and was very
and thus to others, and in his authentic-
successful in recruiting men of talent to
ity, sincerity, or integrity, he forms a
serve the new court.
union with all others. See also sheng or
sheng-jen (sage).
de Bary, Wm. Theodore. Neo-Confucian
Orthodoxy and the Learning of the
Mind-and-Heart. New York: Columbia
University Press, 1981.
36
Cheng Chung
Confucian scholar Wing-tsit Chan ative capacity of all things in the uni-
has argued that the greatest single influ- verse. He saw this capacity in the
ence on the brothers is Chou Tun-i. This Confucian virtue jen (humaneness). Jen
influence can be seen most readily in is the symbol of the production and
the character of Ch’eng Hao. Ch’eng unity of all things through the Principle
Hao took seriously Chou’s teachings of of Heaven. This unity of all things is the
ching (quietude) and ch’eng (sincerity) vision offered by Ch’eng Hao to the
as well as love of nature and harmless- Neo-Confucian agenda, and it has
ness toward all life. Much of Ch’eng remained a key component of the tradi-
Hao’s own personality seems to bear out tion. For Ch’eng Hao, it is jen che hun-
this style. Ch’eng I, who promulgated jan yü wu t’ung t’i, the humane person
the notion of Tao-t’ung, or tradition of who completely shares the same body
the Way, suggested that Ch’eng Hao rep- with all things.
resented the lineage of the ancient When it came to the issues of learn-
sages within his own generation. ing and self-cultivation, Ch’eng Hao’s
Although Chu Hsi changed this lin- approach reflected his personal style.
eage later in the Southern Sung period, He showed his calmness and ease, lack-
Ch’eng I’s elevation of his own brother is ing the rigid and stern forcing of rigor-
significant. To Ch’eng I, Confucius and ous methods employed by his brother.
Mencius represented the first transmis- The goal remains the same: to achieve
sion of the teachings of the ancient sages, the state of sheng, or sagehood, through
but after Mencius the tradition had not the realization of Principle and the
been revitalized for a long time until unity of all things. However, unlike his
Ch’eng Hao appeared. This view became brother––who emphasized the intense
the basis for the authority of Neo- exertion of ko-wu chih-chih, investiga-
Confucianism in its early stage when it tion of things and extension of knowl-
was considered radical and became an edge, and ch’iung-li (exhausting
object of persecution and banishment. Principle) ––Ch’eng Hao recommended
Ch’eng Hao, like his brother, focused a calm and reflective method of an
on the concept of Principle (li), arguing inner realization of Principle.
for the universality and oneness of Such difference in learning tech-
Principle throughout the diversity of all niques between the Ch’eng brothers
things in the world. He agreed with his can be viewed as the beginning of the
brother’s theory of li-i fen-shu in that distinction between what later became
Principle is one, yet its manifestations the li-hsüeh (School of Principle or
are many. When he spoke of Principle, learning of Principle) and the hsin-
Ch’eng Hao spoke primarily of T’ien-li hsüeh (School of Heart-Mind). The
(Principle of Heaven), putting forth the School of Heart-Mind actually only
universality of Principle through its arose in the Ming period with the
connection to T’ien (Heaven). This con- advent of Wang Yang-ming and, as
nection suggests both the immediacy of intellectual historian Wm. Theodore de
the moral quality and the level of Bary has pointed out, there was still a
authority of Principle. Ch’eng Hao thus common core of teachings shared by all
defined Principle as the origin of the of the early Neo-Confucian teachers in
world by equating it with Heaven. an attempt to provide an alternative to
Therefore, he proposed that Heaven Buddhism, but the point of difference of
and humanity are not two things, but interpretation was already found in
one. Also, Heaven and earth, all things, Ch’eng Hao’s definition of jen.
and “I” are essentially one body. Ch’eng Hao defined jen or humaneness
Learning, first of all, is to understand in terms of the unity of Principle and
this wholeness and unity. the hsin (heart-mind). To put it in
Perhaps even more strongly than his his own words, “the heart-mind is
brother, Ch’eng Hao stressed the cre- Principle; Principle is the heart-mind.”
39
Ch’eng Hao
Ch’eng Hao, one of the Five Early Sung Masters, theorized the transmission of the sages’ heart-mind to
one’s own by identifying the Principle (li) common to both.
40
Cheng-ho wu-li hsin-i
42
Ch’eng I
Ch’eng I, one of the Five Early Sung Masters, is known for his theory li-i fen-shu, “Principle being
one and manifestations being many.”
Ch’eng I’s teachings made their way the Two Ch’engs, and became a major
to Chu Hsi through his disciples, in par- foundation of Chu Hsi’s thought. While
ticular the Four Masters of the Ch’eng Chu Hsi is received as the most impor-
School previously mentioned. Yang Shih tant figure in the formulation of Neo-
had Lo Ts’ung-yen as his disciple and Confucianism, Ch’eng I’s role has also
transmitted Ch’eng I’s teachings to Li been recognized through the designa-
T’ung, who in turn was one of Chu Hsi’s tion Ch’eng-Chu School. In the common
early and influential teachers. Despite pool of early Neo-Confucianism, Ch’eng
the prohibition, Ch’eng I’s teachings I is regarded as one of the Five Early
were transmitted through this lineage as Sung Masters largely responsible for the
well as Yang Shih’s collection of the Erh shaping of the basic and core teachings
Ch’eng ch’üan-shu, or Complete Works of of the tradition.
44
Ch’eng I
At the center of Ch’eng I’s teachings Principle and identifies this proclivity
lies the concept of Principle (li). That is not only as the natural character but
why the Ch’eng-Chu School is also also as the virtue of jen (humaneness)
called the li-hsüeh (School of Principle of humankind and all things. To act in
or learning of Principle). For Ch’eng I, ways that exemplify jen is to fulfill the
Principle is the highest philosophical natural and creative process of all that
category––the common structure of the lives. This is a process that requires
universe, as well as the origin of and humankind’s moral treatment of all
undergirding to all things. He states that other lives. Principle is best understood
there is nothing that is not Principle. as the natural expression of the creativ-
This includes hsing (nature) and hsin ity of life itself, and its commonality is
(heart-mind). The world itself and all best seen in the moral relation between
things in it are composed of ch’i (vitali- all things.
ty), which can be clear or turbid. How does one perfect this knowl-
Human nature is imbued with Principle edge of Principle? For Ch’eng I, who
and is therefore good. But while the establishes the basis for the Ch’eng-
clear ch’i would maintain this goodness, Chu understanding of learning and
the turbid ch’i could make human self-cultivation, emphasis is placed on
nature go bad. It is therefore the object the acquisition of knowledge through
of learning and self-cultivation to the diverse forms and manifestations of
uncover the goodness of Principle in Principle. The methods that Ch’eng I
human nature. employs are the first two steps given in
The universality of li or T’ien-li the “Great Learning” (“Ta-hsüeh”): ko-
(Principle of Heaven) led Ch’eng I to coin wu chih-chih, or investigation of things
one of his most frequently used expres- and extension of knowledge, in which
sions, li-i fen-shu: “Principle being one things in the external world are to be
and manifestations being many.” The investigated for an understanding of
expression suggests the belief in one, and their inner Principle. Ko-wu chih-chih is
only one, common structure equated therefore identified with ch’iung-li
with moral goodness that underlies all (exhausting Principle). This is a full
things, but at the same time this com- time commitment, into which one
mon structure also manifests itself in the throws one’s whole being. Ch’eng I
myriad separate things of the world. In stresses that one needs only to exhaust
other words, all things under Heaven can the Principle of any one thing, not
be illuminated in terms of Principle; everything in the world, for all things
every particular thing has a Principle, share one single Principle. In practice,
which is shared by all things. Thus, however, Ch’eng I’s teachings are seen
Principle as a uniting force is the t’i, or as advocating an extensive search
substance; while all concrete things, or process. Ch’eng I also talks of the cor-
ch’i (utensils), are the yung or function of rect mental attitude ching (reverence
Principle. Principle is primary, while or seriousness) as a necessary condi-
matter is secondary. This primary tion for the success of self-cultivation.
Principle is inherent in the human heart- His style of learning is noted for its
mind, and self-cultivation is necessary to sternness and stringentness––as men-
fully realize the capacity of Principle. tioned before, his personality is often
The philosophy of Principle is set described in precisely this way.
against a backdrop of awareness of the In the critical beginning phase of the
notion of sheng-sheng, constant pro- Neo-Confucian movement, Ch’eng I
duction of life, found in the I ching, or focuses on the understanding of human
Book of Changes. Ch’eng I’s commen- nature, the concept of Principle as well
tary on the I ching is well known. Ch’eng as the cultivation of the heart-mind. In
I sees the constant production of life as addition to these common teachings,
the foundation for the understanding of there is also an emphasis upon a
45
Ch’eng-i (Sincerity of Will)
restoration of the Confucian teachings not observed, lowers himself in the pur-
and a return to the lineage from the suit of evil.
sages of antiquity. This is the theory of Chu Hsi regards ch’eng-i as the
Tao-t’ung, tradition of the Way, and beginning in turning inward to self-
Ch’eng I is one of the first Neo- cultivation from the outward pursuit of
Confucians to emphasize the degree to knowledge. Wang Yang-ming, in his
which the teachers of the Sung period Ch’uan-hsi lu or Instructions for
represent the tradition of the Way from Practical Living, remarks that the kung-
the hands of Confucius and Mencius. fu (moral effort) of ch’eng-i is to be rid
It becomes increasingly important of human desires and to resemble
for the Neo-Confucians, especially T’ien-li (Principle of Heaven). His con-
when they found themselves victims temporary Wang Chi believes that
of persecution during the early desires and ch’ing (emotions or feel-
centuries of the movement. See also ings) are derived from the will or intent.
chin-shih examination and t’i/yung Accordingly, sincerity of will is acquired
(substance/function). learning, whereas rectification of the
heart-mind is a priori.
Chan, Wing-tsit, trans. and comp. A Unlike Chu Hsi, Wang Yang-ming
Source Book in Chinese Philosophy. considers the extension of knowledge to
Princeton, NJ: Princeton University be an interiorally oriented process of
Press, 1969. chih liang-chih or extension of knowl-
de Bary, Wm. Theodore. Neo-Confucian edge of the good from the heart-mind.
Orthodoxy and the Learning of It is to be achieved by the sincerity of
the Mind-and-Heart. New York: will. Liu Tsung-chou, however, argues
Columbia University Press, 1981. against this idea of depending on liang-
Franke, Herbert, ed. Sung Biographies. chih or knowledge of the good. He
2 vols. Wiesbaden, Germany: insists that the will itself is perfectly
Steiner, 1976. good, that it is the foundation as well as
Graham, A. C. (Angus Charles). Two the master of the heart-mind, and
Chinese Philosophers: The therefore, ch’eng-i is not to extend the
Metaphysics of the Brothers Ch’eng. knowledge of the good but, as it is clear-
La Salle, IL: Open Court, 1992. ly stated in the “Great Learning,” to be
vigilant in solitude. See also yü (desire).
46
Cheng-ming (Rectification of Names)
completed. If undertakings are not Hall, David L., and Roger T. Ames.
completed, then rites, music, law, and Thinking Through Confucius.
punishment will also fail and with them Albany, NY: State University of New
the order of society. Thus, Confucius York Press, 1987.
suggests that the chün-tzu (noble per- Lau, D. C., trans. The Analects (Lun yü).
son) should use appropriate names so New York: Penguin Books, 1979.
that he can speak and act appropriately. Legge, James, trans. The Chinese
The phrase is discussed in another Classics. Vols. 1 & 2, Confucian
passage in the Analects in which Analects, the Great Learning, the
Confucius gives advice to the ruler of Doctrine of the Mean, the Works of
Ch’i. He says that the ruler should act as Mencius. Oxford, England: Clarendon
a ruler, the subject as a subject, the Press, 1893–95; Reprint (2 vols. in 1),
father as a father, and the son as a son. Taipei, Taiwan: SMC, 1994.
This is taken to mean that each name Waley, Arthur, trans. The Analects of
has a set of conditions associated with it Confucius. New York: Vintage
and that order will be achieved when the Books, 1938.
individual acts to fulfill the conditions.
This has been interpreted in several
ways. In Fung Yu-lan’s explanation, there Ch’eng Ming-tao
must be a correspondence between the See Ch’eng Hao.
name and its actuality, or, in classical
scholar James Legge’s rendition, between Cheng School
the name and the truth, or, in literary See Cheng-hsüeh.
scholar Arthur Waley’s interpretation,
between language and meaning.
As philosophers David L. Hall and Cheng Ssu-hsiao
Roger T. Ames have pointed out, howev- (1206–1241 or 1283–1318) Renowned
er, there is an active function involved in loyalist of the conquered Southern Sung
the concept of cheng-ming that is car- dynasty; also called Cheng I-weng or
ried out by the chün-tzu. It is the chün- Cheng So-nan. Cheng Ssu-hsiao exhibit-
tzu who embodies moral virtue and ed one of the most extreme examples of
manifests sagely learning into the world. the Confucian virtue chung (loyalty). He
The concept of cheng-ming implies not was a student of the Superior College of
only the modeling of present behavior the t’ai-hsüeh (National University) in
on examples from the past, but also the his youth. After the Mongols subjugated
capacity of the chün-tzu to respond to the Sung dynasty in 1279, he lived in
the circumstances of his own day. seclusion and refused to serve the for-
Hsün-tzu and his Legalist disciple eign power. He claimed that the only
Han Fei-tzu have expanded Confucius’ reason that he had not committed sui-
idea of cheng-ming into a system of logic. cide at the defeat of the Sung was his
Mo-tzu, the Legalist Kuan-tzu, and the obligation to take care of his mother.
Logician Kung-sun Lung all developed Cheng based his attitudes in Confucian
their own theories of cheng-ming. See values, arguing that his loyalty to the for-
also li (propriety or rites). mer dynasty was a manifestation of
hsiao (filial piety). He expressed his
Fingarette, Herbert. Confucius—the hatred of the Mongols by refusing to sit
Secular as Sacred. New York: Harper or lie facing north, meaning that he was
& Row, 1972. not a subject of the new ruler, and by not
Fung Yu-lan. A History of Chinese depicting roots in his celebrated flower
Philosophy. Translated by Derk paintings. He has become a symbol of
Bodde. 2 vols. Princeton, NJ: loyalty and filial piety. See also Hsieh
Princeton University Press, 1983. Fang-te; Liu Yin; Three Colleges
System; Wen T’ien-hsiang.
48
Ch’en Hsien-chang
times. While Chu Hsi regarded the Although Ch’en Liang used the con-
teachings of the ancient sages as the cept of ch’i (vitality) to account for the
truth, Ch’en argued that the Way had to vicissitudes of history, he defined the
change according to various situations universal Tao in terms of the more con-
and that one could not hold every peri- crete things. In daily life there is nothing
od to the same teachings. Therefore, without the Tao. Thus, the Tao or
Ch’en disagreed with Chu’s historical Principle (li) must be understood
view that there had been degeneration among things and matters, be they in
of the world as well as the human heart- the natural world or human society, and
mind ever since the Chou dynasty. such understanding could only be
From Ch’en’s point of view, Chu Hsi achieved through action.
suggested that the Tao remained Based on the above philosophy,
essentially immutable and could not be Ch’en Liang suggested an equal stress
subject to fluctuation in meaning. on both i (righteousness or rightness)
51
Ch’en Lung-ch’uan
Chen Te-hsiu, a propagator of Chu Hsi’s philosophy, authored Classic of the Heart-Mind.
54
Chi (Subtlety)
(substance) and yung (function) in the to the concept of science was in fact
pursuit of the moralistic T’ien-li closely related to the Confucian learn-
(Principle of Heaven). See also chin ing process of ko-wu chih-chih, investi-
ch’i hsin (fully realize the heart-mind); gation of things and extension of knowl-
ch’iung-li (exhausting Principle); han-lin edge, with a moral implication of culti-
yüan (Academy of Assembled Brushes); vating the self. Wang argues that Ch’en’s
t’i/yung (substance/function). application of science actually
belonged to the Neo-Confucian mode
de Bary, Wm. Theodore. Neo-Confucian of thinking, thus aiming at the same
Orthodoxy and the Learning of the Confucian political ideal of order and
Mind-and-Heart. New York: peace. Such is the paradox of Ch’en’s
Columbia University Press, 1981. anti-Confucianism.
55
Ch’i (Utensils)
the first movement of change from sub- Chan, Wing-tsit, trans. and comp. A
stance to function is the point of chi. Source Book in Chinese Philosophy.
The “Hsi-tz’u chuan,” or Princeton, NJ: Princeton University
“Commentary on the Appended Press, 1969.
Judgments” to the I ching, defines chi as Wilhelm, Richard, trans. The I Ching or
the subtlety of movements or action, in Book of Changes. Translated by Cary
which the outcoming matter is fore- F. Baynes. Princeton, NJ: Princeton
seen. Its T’ang dynasty annotator K’ung University Press, 1967.
Ying-ta comments that chi is the sepa-
ration from nonbeing into being, or a
caesura between being and nonbeing. It Ch’i (Utensils)
is at the state where matter is coming Ch’i––literally, utensils––refers to con-
into being but has not yet taken shape. crete things. It is different from (though
Thus it can be seen as a subtle activat- related to) another ch’i, which means
ing or incipient force. In the context of vitality and signifies an abstraction of
the I ching as a divinatory text, chi is the material force or the beingness of
subtle portent of the emergence of a things. The ch’i (utensils) appears early
thing or an event, and the knowledge of in the “Hsi-tz’u chuan,” or
it is possessed by the chün-tzu (noble “Commentary on the Appended
person). As a common philosophical Judgments” to the I ching or Book of
notion, chi is also described by the Changes, where it is defined as hsing-
early Taoist Chuang-tzu as an embryo erh-hsia, below or with form, as distin-
hidden within a seed or a turning point guished from the Tao (Way) that is
of transformation. hsing-erh-shang, above or without form.
Chou Tun-i, who absorbs Taoism Such binarism, however, was canceled
and Buddhism in theorizing a Neo- by the Sung dynasty Neo-Confucian
Confucian interpretation of the I ching, Ch’eng Hao, who identified hsing-erh-
uses the term chi to describe the differ- hsia and hsing-erh-shang with each
entiating point between substance and other. Chu Hsi, in contrast, explained
function. In the case of hsing (nature), their relation in terms of ch’i (vitality)
he focuses on ch’eng (sincerity) as the and Principle (li). While the ch’i–vitality
absolute state. Within ch’eng, he sees as well as utensils, provided all living
the beginnings of the goodness of things with bodies, the Tao or Principle
human nature as well as the capacity to was their essence.
fall away from goodness into evilness. The term was later used by Wang
Chi is the point of the emergence of the Fu-chih to fashion philosophical
seed of goodness from within the state discussion away from abstract ideas to
of ch’eng: the sincerity of the human the materiality of things. For Wang,
nature reflecting the sincerity of the metaphysical categories fail to take into
state of the universe. Yet chi is at the account things per se and the functions
same time the very point of dissension they perform. He sought to ground
between good and evil. Confucianism in the concreteness of
The term chi is also applied to things. In his commentary on the I
Mencius’ discussion of the beginnings ching, Wang asserted that there are only
of goodness. In the ssu-tuan (Four utensils in the world, and the Tao is
Beginnings), chi is the subtle point always the Tao of utensils but utensils
at which one can detect the first stirring cannot be called utensils of the Tao.
of human nature in the direction of Thus, the Tao lies only in utensils;
goodness. Furthermore, Fang I-chih without a certain utensil, a certain way
of the late Ming dynasty and early will simply not exist. The Tao and
Ch’ing dynasty defines chi in terms of utensils are united by the form and are
crisis, where the beginning of change is both derived from the vitality-ch’i.
to be found.
56
Ch’i (Vitality)
earlier works had paid attention to the In ancient times, only officials were
rites performed by commoners. The granted the privilege to build temples
Chia-li enjoyed general popularity and to offer sacrifices to ancestors (tsu), and
received official support throughout the number of buildings were highly
the rest of Chinese imperial history. It restricted according to the ranks. A pri-
had many commentaries written to it, vate miao (temple or shrine) was not
and by the late Ming dynasty had a allowed until the T’ang dynasty. The
number of revisions as well as practice of ancestral cult in the chia-
abridged versions published. In many miao is said to be an embodiment of the
cases, these were further attempts to Confucian virtue hsiao (filial piety). See
adopt the rituals to specific contexts also sacrifice.
and changing times. As social historian
Patricia Buckley Ebrey comments, it is Ebrey, Patricia Buckley, trans. Chu Hsi’s
interesting that in all of these revisions Family Rituals: A Twelfth-Century
and abridgements, the Confucian Chinese Manual for the Performance
quality of the text was preserved. No of Cappings, Weddings, Funerals,
rituals were permitted that would have and Ancestral Rites. Princeton, NJ:
compromised the work with either Princeton University Press, 1991.
Buddhism or Taoism.
The Chia-li stood at the center of the
practice and interpretation of Chiang Fan
Confucian rites for several hundred (1761–1831) Classical scholar of the
years. Where the more subtle Neo- Ch’ing dynasty. Chiang Fan, also known
Confucian writings remained far as Chiang Tzu-p’ing and Chiang Cheng-
removed from the increasingly literate t’ang, was a member of Hui Tung’s
population of China, the Chia-li was School. A native of Yangchow, Kiangsu
probably the most commonly consult- province, he was a disciple of Chiang
ed text of Confucian teachings because Sheng and Yü Hsiao-k’o. Throughout
there was no family free of the need to his life, Chiang Fan did not serve the
incorporate the Confucian ritual code Manchu regime. He spent his life in
into their lives. teaching and research, focusing on
intellectual history, exegetics, and
Ebrey, Patricia Buckley, trans. Chu Hsi’s philology. He finished Hui Tung’s Chou i
Family Rituals: A Twelfth-Century shu, or Discourse on the Chou Changes,
Chinese Manual for the Performance an incomplete manuscript on the Han
of Cappings, Weddings, Funerals, dynasty interpretations of the I ching,
and Ancestral Rites. Princeton, NJ: or Book of Changes.
Princeton University Press, 1991. Chiang Fan’s support of the Han-
––––––, trans. “Education Through Ritual: hsüeh, or Han learning, and deprecia-
Efforts to Formulate Family Ritual tion of the Sung-hsüeh, Sung learning,
During the Sung Period.” Neo- are best revealed in his Kuo-ch’ao Han-
Confucian Education: The Formative hsüeh shih-ch’eng chi, or Record of Han-
Stage. Edited by Wm. Theodore de Learning Masters in the Ch’ing Dynasty;
Bary and John W. Chaffee. Berkeley, Kuo-ch’ao Sung-hsüeh yüan-yüan chi,
CA: University of California Press, or Record of the Origins of Sung Learning
1989. during the Ch’ing Dynasty; and a bibli-
ography of writings on the classics by
those Ch’ing scholars who were affiliat-
Chia-miao (Family Temple) ed with Han learning. In these impor-
The chia-miao or family temple has tant works he divided the ching-hsüeh
served as an alternative name of tsu-miao (study of classics) of the Ch’ing era into
(ancestral shrine) since the Sung dynasty. two major schools, tracing their origins
to the Han and Sung traditions.
61
Chiang Hsin
63
Chiang-yu Wang School
(Heaven). Thus, to understand the reli- Hummel, Arthur W., ed. Eminent
giousness of the Confucian teachings, Chinese of the Ch’ing Period (1644–
one must first clarify the relationship of 1912). 2 vols. Taipei, Taiwan: SMC, 1991.
the individual to Heaven. See also san
chiao (three religions or teachings).
Chiao Hung
Legge, James, trans. The Chinese (1540–1620) A member of the T’ai-chou
Classics. Vols. 1 & 2, Confucian School of Neo-Confucianism, the radi-
Analects, the Great Learning, the cal school of hsin-hsüeh (School of
Doctrine of the Mean, the Works of Heart-Mind). According to Huang
Mencius. Oxford, England: Tsung-hsi, Chiao Hung, also known as
Clarendon Press, 1893–95; Reprint Chiao Jo-hou and Chiao Tan-yüan, was a
(2 vols. in 1), Taipei, Taiwan: SMC, 1994. native of Shantung province. He ranked
first in the tien-shih, or Palace
Examination, of 1589 and was appoint-
Chiao Hsün ed to the Hanlin Academy as a Senior
(1763–1820) Classical scholar, mathe- Compiler. He ended his career as
matician, and opera theorist of the Director of Studies at the kuo-tzu chien,
Ch’ing dynasty. Chiao Hsün, also called or Directorate of Education, in Nanking.
Chiao Li-t’ang, was a native of Kiangsu A student of Keng Ting-hsiang and Lo
province. He was a chü-jen, or Ju-fang, both prominent representa-
Provincial Graduate, of 1801, but never tives of the T’ai-chou School, Chiao held
passed the Metropolitan Graduate to a belief in the immediacy of liang-
examination or chin-shih examination. chih, or knowledge of the good, arguing
He followed in his grandfather’s foot- that it was not a product of intellectual
steps in studying the I ching, or Book of effort, but rather the spontaneity of the
Changes, during his youth and became heart-mind. He rejected the Ch’eng-
a secretary to his relative, Juan Yüan. Chu model of learning, suggesting that
Chiao Hsün’s sub-commentaries to the sagehood was to be found by acting in
Six Classics reveal his wide learning in the world.
classics, history, mathematics, phonol- Chiao Hung was deeply involved in
ogy as well as textual exegeses. His the teachings of Buddhism and to a
works on the I ching and the Book of lesser degree, Taoism. He advocated the
Mencius are known for innovative ideas. syncretism of san chiao ho-i––unity of
He expounded the I ching by using the three teachings or religions. He
mathematical methods and the abstract transcended the boundaries of the
notion of the singular Principle (li). His three traditions to create a new per-
Meng-tzu cheng-i, or Standard spective, what might be called a synthe-
Expositions of the Book of Mencius, sis. Although he retained his connec-
argues for the goodness of human tion to Confucianism, he identified the
nature in terms of human wisdom and Confucian sheng-hsüeh, or learning of
evolution. In a letter he criticized the the sages, with Buddhism. For Chiao,
k’ao-cheng hsüeh or textual research for Buddhist scriptures are better exposi-
its lack of ssu (thinking). In general tions of Confucius’ and Mencius’ ideas
Chiao emphasized both textual than the commentaries produced by
research and moral-philosophical the Confucians of the Han dynasty and
interpretation. See also hsing (nature). Sung dynasty. Intellectual historian
Edward Ch’ien has pointed out that
Elman, Benjamin A. From Philosophy to the T’ai-chou agenda in Chiao’s
Philology: Intellectual and Social thought became a restructuring of
Aspects of Change in Late Imperial Neo-Confucianism. See also Ch’eng-
China. Los Angeles, CA: UCLA Asian Chu School; han-lin yüan (Academy of
Pacific Monograph Series, 2001. Assembled Brushes); hsin (heart-
mind); Mencius; tien-shih examination.
65
Chiao-k’an hsüeh
Ch’ien, Edward. Chiao Hung and the Stanford, CA: Stanford University
Restructuring of Neo-Confucianism Press, 1985.
in the Late Ming. New York: Hummel, Arthur W., ed. Eminent
Columbia University Press, 1986. Chinese of the Ch’ing Period (1644–
Huang Tsung-hsi. The Records of Ming 1912). 2 vols. Taipei, Taiwan: SMC, 1991.
Scholars. Edited by Julia Ching with
Chaoying Fang. Honolulu, HI:
University of Hawaii Press, 1987. Chia Ssu-tao
(1213–1275) The last minister of state of
the Southern Sung dynasty before its
Chiao-k’an hsüeh demise to the Mongols. A highly contro-
Scholarship that involves an elaborate versial historical figure, Chia Ssu-tao,
process of comparison and collation of also called Chia Shih-hsien or Chia
various versions of the same text. The Ch’iu-ho, has been blamed by subse-
chiao-k’an hsüeh, or textual criticism, quent generations of historians for his
aims at examining the authenticity of a role in the defeat of the Sung. There
text. It can be traced back to the Han were a variety of accusations brought
dynasty classical scholar Liu Hsiang, against him, everything from his own
who was entrusted by the emperor to incompetency to treasonous relations
collate the palace library collection. In with the Mongols as well as ill-conceived
the T’ang dynasty and Sung dynasty, agrarian reform. Historian and biogra-
chiao-k’an, or Proofreader, was a low- pher Herbert Franke, after studying
ranking official and unranked suboffi- Chia’s life and career closely, concludes
cial, respectively. The chiao-k’an hsüeh that none of these issues is to blame as
finally developed into a profession deal- much as his misfortune of being the last
ing with ancient books during the minister during the fall of the dynasty.
Ch’ing dynasty. Even the agrarian policy might be
The chiao-k’an hsüeh is associated argued to be in the tradition of Wang
with the Han-hsüeh, or Han learning, An-shih’s reforms.
and the k’ao-cheng hsüeh, evidential The tradition of blame is long stand-
research, of the Ch’ing dynasty. It sug- ing, however, and Chia is generally seen
gested a specific form of classical study as not having acted in the best interests
to substitute the abstract philosophy of of his nation. His personal motives are
Sung-Ming Neo-Confucianism with questioned, placing private before pub-
detailed philology, close analysis of the lic. On the contrary, Wen T’ien-hsiang,
meanings of words. Textual criticism who succeeded Chia as Grand
was then widely employed in both gov- Councilor, has manifested the
ernment and private printings. An offi- Confucian virtue of chung (loyalty).
cial example is Juan Yüan’s collation Chia was killed by an escort on his way
notes on the Shih-san ching chu-shu, or to banishment as a result of his defeat
Commentaries and Subcommentaries to by the Mongols in 1275.
the Thirteen Classics. Two other figures
who represent the Ch’ing textual criti- Franke, Herbert. “Chia Ssu-tao (1213–
cism are Ho Ch’o and Lu Wen-ch’ao. See 1275): A ‘Bad Last Minister’?”
also Thirteen Classics. Confucian Personalities. Edited by
Arthur F. Wright and Dennis
Elman, Benjamin A. From Philosophy to Twitchett. Stanford, CA: Stanford
Philology: Intellectual and Social University Press, 1962.
Aspects of Change in Late Imperial
China. Los Angeles, CA: UCLA Asian
Pacific Monograph Series, 2001. Ch’i-chih chih hsing
Hucker, Charles O. A Dictionary of “The nature of temperament or physical
Official Titles in Imperial China. nature.” In the Neo-Confucian discus-
sions concerning hsing (nature), there
66
Chieh-shih Examination
were attempts to account for the failure Thus, ch’ing and hsing come to stand in
to develop one’s inherent goodness. opposition to each other. Li Ao of the
Chang Tsai offered the explanation in T’ang dynasty, for example, suggests
his Cheng-meng, or Correcting Youthful that one should forget one’s desires and
Ignorance, by differentiating the nature return to the Tao (Way) of hsing-ming,
into the ch’i-chih chih hsing and the nature and destiny. In some Neo-
T’ien-ti chih hsing, or nature of Heaven Confucian writings, fear is replaced with
and earth. The ch’i in the former phrase joy. See also hsi (happiness); ming (des-
alone means vitality or material force. If tiny or fate); sheng or sheng-jen (sage);
there is too much ch’i, then one will yü (desire).
come under the dominance of instincts,
emotions and desires, and the potential Legge, James. trans. The Sacred Books of
lack of moral conduct. China: The Texts of Confucianism.
Chang’s model was further developed Vols. 3 & 4, The Li Ki. Delhi, India:
by the Ch’eng-Chu School into a bina- Motilal Banarsidass, 1966.
rism of the ch’i-chih chih hsing and the
T’ien-ming chih hsing, the nature con-
ferred by Heaven. Chu Hsi suggested in Chieh-shih (Posted Notice)
his Lun yü chi-chu, or Collected Name given by Chu Hsi to his hsüeh-kuei
Commentaries on the Analects, that the or articles for learning, the chieh-shih is a
ch’i-chih chih hsing, depending on the set of basic moral guidelines put on the
degree of clearness of a person’s ch’i, lintel of the Pai-lu-tung or White Deer
could be good or evil. In the case that Grotto Academy. See hsüeh-kuei (arti-
Principle (li) dominates over the ch’i, the cles for learning).
nature of temperament tends to be good.
The categorization was later challenged Chieh-shih Examination
by Lo Ch’in-shun, Wang T’ing-hsiang, Name given to the local Prefectural
Huang Tao-chou, Wang Fu-chih, Yen Examination. The chieh-shih was the
Yüan, and Tai Chen. Yen integrated ch’i lowest or first level of the civil service
with hsing, arguing that both are equally examinations system utilized from the
good, and that without temperament Sui dynasty on. It was conducted by the
there would be no nature. See also ch’i officials of prefectures and comparable-
(vitality) and yü (desire). level agencies to evaluate students’
knowledge, mainly of the Confucian
Fung Yu-lan. A History of Chinese classics. The title of the examination,
Philosophy. Translated by Derk chieh, means forwarding. This term
Bodde. 2 vols. Princeton, NJ: refers both to the act of sending the
Princeton University Press, 1983. chü-jen (recommendee or graduate)
on to the capital to pursue more
Ch’i ch’ing (Seven Emotions) advanced examinations after fulfilling
The seven emotions––happiness, anger, local requirements, as well as to the
sorrow, fear, love, hate, and desire––first documentary material that evidences
listed in the “Li yün,” or “Evolution of his qualification.
Rites,” of the Li chi, Records of Rites. If a student was successful in the
These human emotions, according to chieh-shih examination, he would be
the chapter, are instincts that need not submitted to the capital to participate in
be learned. The sheng, or sage, controls the second level of examination: the
them by i (righteousness or rightness) sheng-shih examination, or Government
and li (propriety or rites). Based on this Departmental Examination. This exam
assumption, later Confucians tend to was administered by the li-pu, Ministry
believe that ch’ing (emotions or feel- of Rites. Upon passing the chieh-shih
ings) are negative and must be restrict- examination during the Sung dynasty,
ed by the hsing (nature) of goodness. one was granted the official designation
67
Chieh-tzu t’ung-lu
Ch’ien-Chia School
See k’ao-cheng hsüeh.
The essay was first used as a basic of critical thinking necessary to incor-
educational tool in elementary schools porate or assimilate the knowledge
during the Sung dynasty and its use as a acquired. Recognizing these two
textbook continued into the twentieth processes, Confucius speaks of the
century. While often criticized by Neo- necessity of a balance of hsüeh and
Confucians as lacking in sufficient ssu––one without the other leads to an
Confucian content, it has continued to imbalance in the knowledge acquired.
be central to the basic curriculum of In this dynamic of the thinking
Confucian education. Grounded in the process, Hall and Ames have suggested
Confucian perspective of the funda- that chih, knowing or experiencing,
mental importance of learning and may best be described as coming to a
education, it stresses the necessity of point of realizing or understanding the
seeing education as a process of moral knowledge acquired. The emphasis
cultivation. See also Hsiao-hsüeh; Pai- within chih on the active sense of
chia hsing; San tzu ching; tsa-tzu. understanding is sadly missed when the
term is rendered as a noun for “knowl-
Giles, Herbert A. The San tzu ching or edge,” as it frequently is. From Hsün-
Three Character Classic and the tzu to Neo-Confucians like Ch’eng I,
Ch’ien Tzu Wen or Thousand however, it is believed that chih as the
Character Essay. Shanghai, China: ability of understanding, or active
A. H. de Carvalho, 1873. capacity to understand, is innate. Chih
Scott, Dorothea Hayward. Chinese is an active process and implies that
Popular Literature and the Child. knowing is not just knowing about
Chicago, IL: American Library something but acting on the thing
Association, 1980. known. The later Neo-Confucian atten-
Wu, Pei-yi. “Education of Children in tion placed on the phrase chih hsing
the Sung.” Neo-Confucian Education: ho-i, or knowledge and action are one,
The Formative Stage. Edited by Wm. by Wang Yang-ming suggests the
Theodore de Bary and John W. dynamic for action contained within
Chaffee. Berkeley, CA: University of the term chih.
California Press, 1989. Knowledge defined as knowing and
experiencing suggests that for
Confucius and generations of
Ch’ih Confucians, it is important not to see
See shame. knowledge as the acquisition of infor-
mation alone. If one places knowing in
Chih (Knowledge or Knowing) the context of acquiring information for
Usually translated as knowledge or Confucius, one sees that the definition
knowing, chih is a standard term in of learning itself, hsüeh, resting with the
Chinese referring to a fundamental part paradigms of the sage rulers, and
of what it means to learn. Within the set- reflected upon closely, ssu, then
ting of the Confucian school, according becomes the basis for the person to
to philosophers David L. Hall and Roger realize knowledge in oneself and in
T. Ames, the term chih is one of several society. A process of realizing directly
terms that compose the dynamics of the contributes to the formation of the
thinking process, including hsüeh chün-tzu (noble person) because the
(learning) and ssu (thinking). Hsüeh is knowledge to be realized is the moral
the broad-based term that describes the learning of the sages. Thus, chih refers
object of the knowing process: the not only to the thought process, but
acquisition of knowledge of the ways of also to moral cultivation. This ties the
the ancient founding figures of the term to the chün-tzu as the exemplar
Chou dynasty. Ssu, thought or reason- of the ways of knowing virtue through
ing and reflecting, describes a process the manifestation of the chün-tzu’s
72
Chih (Upright)
relations in such a way that one’s actions or Erudites, the Lecturers taught the
come to embody the ideal of jen. Confucian classics in the kuo-tzu
hsüeh, School for the Sons of the State,
Fung Yu-lan. A History of Chinese and the ssu-men hsüeh, School of the
Philosophy. Translated by Derk Four Gates, the two major educational
Bodde. 2 vols. Princeton, NJ: institutions. They were on the staff of
Princeton University Press, 1983. the kuo-tzu chien, or Directorate of
Lau, D. C., trans. The Analects (Lun yü). Education, until around 1068 when they
New York: Penguin Books, 1979. were replaced with the po-shih in the
t’ai-hsüeh (National University).
Lecturers of the Sung period were
Chih (Wisdom) required to earn a degree of chin-shih,
Usually translated as wisdom, chih is a Presented Scholar, or, before the late
synonym of chih (knowledge or know- 1080s, of chiu-ching ch’u-shen,
ing). However, while knowledge can be Graduate in the Nine Classics. Being a
rendered in verbal form as the act of Confucian teacher, the Lecturer was
knowing, there is too little emphasis on described as being responsible not only
wisdom as an active state of knowing. In for instruction and examinations of his
their book Thinking Through Confucius, students, but also directing them in the
philosophers David L. Hall and Roger T. correct moral path. See also chin-shih
Ames have emphasized the act of know- examination.
ing involved in these two terms, as
opposed to a static state of the acquisi- Hucker, Charles O. A Dictionary of
tion of knowledge or wisdom, elucidat- Official Titles in Imperial China.
ing the fundamental quality of chih as an Stanford, CA: Stanford University
act of acquiring or experiencing. The Press, 1985.
emphasis on the act of knowing sug- Lee, Thomas H. C. Government Education
gests the degree to which the paradigms and Examinations in Sung China.
of virtue from the sagely rulers are New York: St. Martin’s Press, 1985.
inculcated or acquired for the classical
Confucians, or, for many of the Neo-
Confucians, experienced through inter- Chih-chih (Extension of Knowledge)
nal means. The emphasis on the act of A key phrase in the Neo-Confucian dis-
knowing is an important feature of the cussion of learning and self-cultivation,
way in which wisdom is viewed. Rather particularly as it is found in the li-hsüeh
than being a static body of knowledge, it (School of Principle or learning of
is a process of experiencing. Therefore, Principle). The epistemological phrase
it is part of the growing maturation of chih-chih, extension of knowledge,
the individual as a changing body of originates in the “Great Learning”
experience. (“Ta-hsüeh”) in which it is described as
one of the Eight Steps of learning and
Hall, David L., and Roger T. Ames. self-cultivation. Because of Chu Hsi’s
Thinking Through Confucius. Albany, rearrangement of the text of the “Ta-
NY: State University of New York hsüeh,” chih-chih, together with ko-wu
Press, 1987. (investigation of things), are placed as
the first two steps: the investigation of
things followed by the extension of
Chih-chiang knowledge. As a result chih-chih is often
An official title generally used during placed in the phrase ko-wu chih-chih,
the T’ang dynasty and Sung dynasty, investigation of things and extension of
the chih-chiang, or Lecturer, was a posi- knowledge, as an indication of its prior-
tion in the educational institutions. ity in the “Great Learning” scheme of
Originally as assistants to the po-shih, learning and as a key phrase for the
74
Chih hsing ho-i
truest form of knowledge is action, and of searching for it are both within
in turn action in the last analysis is a one’s heart-mind, knowledge and
form of knowledge. action are unified.
Wang goes so far as to assert that That liang-chih is described in
knowledge always implies action and Wang’s ssu chü chiao, or Four Sentence
that knowledge without action is not Teaching, as the faculty of distinction
real knowledge. He concludes that between good and evil tempts us to ren-
whenever an idea arises, it is already an der chih as to know, a verb, rather than
action. Knowledge proceeds together knowledge, a noun. In this sense, chih,
with action––in Wang’s own analogy, the knowing, is a form of hsing, action.
taste of food is only known through the Based on the theory of chih hsing ho-i,
act of eating. And if knowledge and Wang Fu-chih has developed a view in
action are separate, it is because ssu-yü, which action is considered previous to
or selfish desires, stand between them. knowledge. See also chih (knowledge or
According to philosopher Wing-tsit knowing) and chi-ssu.
Chan, the Confucian tradition has
always stressed the relation between Chan, Wing-tsit, trans. Instructions for
knowledge and action, but Wang Yang- Practical Living and Other Neo-
ming carries this relation to its extreme Confucian Writings by Wang Yang-
by identifying the two. Huang Tsung- ming. New York: Columbia
hsi, however, argues that the thought of University Press, 1985.
chih hsing ho-i has already been put for- ––––––, trans. and comp. A
ward by Ch’eng I, who confirms that just Source Book in Chinese Philosophy.
as one is able to know and see, one must Princeton, NJ: Princeton University
be capable of acting. Another Sung Press, 1969.
dynasty Neo-Confucian, Ch’en Ch’un,
also holds that chih-chih (extension of
knowledge) and the efforts of action are Chih-hsiu School
not two but one task that should be A Ming dynasty Neo-Confucian school,
taken at once. Wang Yang-ming’s contri- the Chih-hsiu or “rest-and-cultivation”
bution is his raising the concept to a School is named after the terms found
new theoretical level. in the “Great Learning” (“Ta-hsüeh”). It
The philosophical basis for the unity focused on Li Ts’ai’s teachings. Li was a
of knowledge and action is Wang’s the- disciple of Tsou Shou-i, a prominent
ory of liang-chih, knowledge of the member of the Chiang-yu Wang School,
good, and his interpretation of chih- hence a follower in the Wang Yang-
chih as chih liang-chih, extension of ming School. Huang Tsung-hsi consid-
knowledge of the good. While knowl- ers the Chih-hsiu School separately
edge is defined as knowledge of the because of Li’s own thought. However,
good in one’s hsin (heart-mind), action since Li sought to remedy the problems
means extension of knowledge of the arising from Wang Yang-ming’s theory
good into all things. As a result, the of liang-chih or knowledge of the good,
source of knowledge, or Principle (li), his school is regarded as a branch of the
is internal, not external; thus there is no Wang Yang-ming tradition.
need to gather knowledge from outside
the heart-mind. When one attempts to Huang Tsung-hsi. The Records of Ming
extend knowledge, one extends one’s Scholars. Edited by Julia Ching with
innate knowledge. The extension of Chaoying Fang. Honolulu, HI:
knowledge is not an acquisition of University of Hawaii Press, 1987.
more knowledge as recommended by
the Ch’eng-Chu School. It is to act on Chih Liang-chih
what already is known. Since knowl- Key concept to Wang Yang-ming’s
edge, or Principle, and the act method of moral cultivation, chih
76
Chih-sheng Hsien-shih (Teacher of Antiquity and Highest Sageliness)
In 1012, Emperor Chen Tsung of the Sung dynasty vested Confucius with the posthumous title Highest
Sage and Comprehensive King.
80
Chin ch’i hsin (Fully Realize the Heart-Mind)
human nature. See also pu jen jen chih self-cultivation. One deals with the
hsin (the heart-mind that cannot bear heart-mind complex, hsin; the other
to see the suffering of people); ssu-tuan deals with human nature, hsing. One
(Four Beginnings). speaks of preserving, the other of nour-
ishing. It is difficult to gain much specif-
Lau, D. C., trans. Mencius. Harmondsworth, ic information on either step, perhaps
England: Penguin Books, 1970. because they were only intended as
very general instructions. It would
appear that the act of preserving sug-
Chi-lu gests a step of inward directedness and
See Tzu-lu. this would relate to the idea that the
heart-mind complex is a repository of
Ch’i lüeh (Seven Summaries) knowledge about the nature.
See Liu Hsiang and Liu Hsin. On the other hand, while nourishing
may be said to be outward directed, the
nature which is the object of the nour-
China’s Only Hope ishment is the repository of the Four
See Ch’üan-hsüeh p’ien. Beginnings, namely, the heart-mind of
caring and compassion, of shame
(ch’ih), of modesty, and of right and
Chin ch’i hsin (Fully Realize the wrong. Nourishing does appear to
Heart-Mind) mean an inclusion of external experi-
A phrase used by Mencius to describe ences, but the focus remains on
the person who has known his hsing the capacity of the nature to develop
(nature) in terms of chin ch’i hsin, giv- that which it has as its foundation, the
ing full realization or manifestation to Four Beginnings.
his heart-mind. The passage in which Probably the most important
this phrase occurs describes several connection drawn within this passage
important steps for the preservation is that which is between the act of
and cultivation of the nature and the realizing or manifesting the heart-mind
hsin (heart-mind), as well as the conse- and the nature, hsing, as well as Heaven.
quences of such cultivation. The phrases Mencius says that by realizing or mani-
describing the process of preservation festing this heart-mind, one comes to
and cultivation are ts’un ch’i hsin (pre- understand one’s own nature. Most
serving the heart-mind) and yang ch’i importantly, the person who knows his
hsing (nourishing the nature). nature knows Heaven, hence “all things
These phrases occurring together are complete in oneself.” For Mencius,
are important as a statement of balance this establishes the unity between
about the act of fulfillment of the moral Heaven and the individual based upon
nature. On the one hand, there is a the assumption of the common nature
focus on the preservation of what is shared by both. It further suggests the
already there, that is, that which is degree to which both the individual and
inherent within the heart-mind; on the the universe are grounded in a common
other, there is attention to the cultiva- moral structure, a structure that
tion of that which is inherent so as to becomes the basis for the later Neo-
fully develop its capacity for moral Confucians to discuss the unitary struc-
reflection and action. These methods ture of the universe and the relation of
for preservation and cultivation are the heart-mind, nature, and Heaven. It
described as the way to serve T’ien also poses the basis for the identifica-
(Heaven). Thus, the heart-mind, the tion of an Absolute within the
nature, and Heaven are a trinity. Confucian tradition that can be used to
The phrases seem to represent a identify the religious foundation for the
contrast of sorts in terms of steps of tradition as a whole.
81
Ching (Classic)
Together with yang ch’i hsing, chin well. When the heart-mind was obscured
ch’i hsin has been used by many Neo- by human desires, Principle could only be
Confucians. It is quoted several times in discovered and realized through external
the Chin-ssu lu or Reflections on Things sources. The School of Heart-Mind, on
at Hand as general advice about the the contrary, sought to preserve and
process of learning and self-cultivation. nourish what was already within the indi-
Its use implies that cognition and moral vidual, not to add to it any knowledge by
education need to be directed toward means of external sources. For Wang
the full realization of the inner nature of Yang-ming, since the inborn nature is
the individual. If one does not focus on nothing but the substance of the heart-
the preserving of the heart-mind and mind, to exhaust that nature means to
nourishing of the nature, then it is just fully realize the heart-mind, chin ch’i hsin.
superficial and wasteful knowledge. The See also hsin-hsüeh (School of Heart-
goal in this remains the affirmation of Mind); ssu-tuan (Four Beginnings); yü
the Neo-Confucian vision of the sage (desire).
and the capacity of the individual to be
able to reach that state of self-knowing. Chan, Wing-tsit, trans. and comp. A
Within the classical context of Source Book in Chinese Philosophy.
Mencius, the two phrases appear to refer Princeton, NJ: Princeton University
to two steps, suggesting the need to both Press, 1969
preserve the capacity of goodness inher- Lau, D. C., trans. Mencius. Harmondsworth,
ent within the individual as well as nur- England: Penguin Books, 1970.
ture the nature. Within the Neo-
Confucian context the two steps appear
to be unified in demonstrating the Ching (Classic)
capacity of the individual to realize the Despite the fact that it could refer to any
Principle (li) within oneself. Chu Hsi, a writing on silk or bamboo of the Chou
master of the li-hsüeh (School of dynasty, ching is most frequently
Principle or learning of Principle), translated as “classic” when it is used to
identified nature with the Principle designate several groupings of texts cen-
within one’s heart-mind in his commen- tral to the Confucian tradition. In fact,
tary to the statement in Mencius. ching was employed as a suffix to the five
Knowing one’s own nature is therefore honored Confucian books as early as the
knowing Principle. As a comment upon times of the pre-Ch’in Confucian Hsün-
the capability of the individual to develop tzu. The best known groupings are the
and realize Principle from one’s internal Five Classics and Six Classics, but there
sources, it was a position taken and sup- are expansions of the Nine Classics,
ported by the School of Heart-Mind. The Twelve Classics, and Thirteen Classics.
School of Heart-Mind, however, stood in The official conferment of the title of ching
contrast to the School of Principle’s on the Five Classics took place in the
position of the necessity of the ko-wu spring of 136 B.C.E. when the Han dynasty
ch’iung-li, investigation of things and emperor Wu Ti established the posts of
exhaustion of Principle, a process aimed po-shih, Erudites, for the Five Classics.
not at an interior process of realization as The common translation, “classic,”
much as an exterior process of the accu- suggests a work appealing or recog-
mulation of knowledge about things in nized for its importance across genera-
order to understand their Principle, tions. The Five Classics, for example,
hence the gradual accumulation of have been viewed as records of the sage
knowledge about Principle within one’s rulers of antiquity as well as textbooks
own nature. The contrast is a subtle but for the education of every subsequent
important one. For the School of generation. From the Confucian per-
Principle, Principle did exist in the heart- spective, the learning of the ancients
mind, but it also resided in other things as provided a “path,” as a synonym of
82
Ch’ing (Emotions or Feelings)
Many early sources saw a close rela- the Sung dynasty, in general, feelings or
tion between feelings and human emotions were removed from the dis-
nature. The I ching, or Book of Changes, cussion of human nature. The Neo-
speaks of feelings as human nature Confucian structure for discussing
aroused. The “Chung yung” (“Doctrine human nature was the relation between
of the Mean”) speaks about human hsing and ch’i (vitality). Rather than
nature in terms of the states before and attributing evil to the role of human
after the arousing of the feelings. From feelings, it was found to lie in the rela-
these various sources the conclusion tion between the vitality of the individ-
may be drawn that feelings are a poten- ual and his or her interaction with
tial source of difficulty for the continu- things in the world. This was reflected in
ous development of human nature. the Pei-hsi tzu-i of Ch’en Ch’un, in
Certainly for a later generation of which he discussed ch’ing in a more
Confucians, ch’ing was looked on in positive way. He still quoted the classi-
increasingly negative ways. The contin- cal sources of discussion about the feel-
uous discussion of the relation between ings, including the “Doctrine of the
hsing, or human nature, and ch’ing did Mean” and the Book of Changes, but he
little to benefit the status of feelings. put these sources in context with
The positions of both Mencius and Mencius and the “Great Learning”
Hsün-tzu saw human nature as either (“Ta-hsüeh”). In this broader context,
good or bad and were generally rejected he saw that feelings exhibit the welling up
for more complex attempts to interre- of the goodness of human nature. The
late the two spheres within human virtues inherent in human nature––the
nature. In these interrelations there was ssu-tuan (Four Beginnings)––are exam-
a general tendency to see human nature ples of a person’s feelings because the
as good and feelings or emotions as the spontaneous ways that they respond
source of evil. Ch’ing thus became the with goodness reflect the capacity of
negative force in relation to hsing. The human feelings to demonstrate the
Han Confucian Tung Chung-shu tried goodness of human nature. This is not to
to divide human nature along this line. say that all feelings are good. The expla-
An equation is also made to yin and nation is typically Neo-Confucian:
yang in which hsing is associated with Feelings are good to the degree that they
yang, which is positive and good, while reflect the nature of goodness. They are
ch’ing is associated with yin, which less than good or even evil to the degree
is negative and bad and thus should that they are not informed by li or
be eliminated. Principle, but instead are influenced by
The T’ang dynasty Confucian master selfish desires and weighted down by
Han Yü suggested that the seven human material concerns. This ultimately is the
emotions (happiness, anger, sorrow, effect of the ch’i on the li and thus the
fear, love, hate, and desire), not unlike hiding of the true nature under the
human nature, can be good, bad, or weight of material concerns.
neutral, depending on how one treats It is worth noting that the Neo-
them. Han Yü’s student Li Ao, in his Fu Confucians tended to have rigid gender
hsing shu (Discourse on Returning to distinctions and generally viewed
the Nature) agreed with Hsün-tzu that women as inferior. Part of this argument
hsing is the endowment of Heaven. He was that women possess a dominance of
argued that some people become sages yin over yang, a dominance interpreted
because of their nature, while others are as an indication of ch’i over li and thus
bewildered by ch’ing. Accordingly, emo- an equation of feelings with desires.
tions will cause disruption to the devel- The Neo-Confucians, especially
opment of human nature. Wang Yang-ming of the Ming dynasty,
Although some of the above views had a far more positive attitude toward
were still held by the Neo-Confucians of feelings and emotions than the
84
Ching (Reverence or Seriousness)
Confucians before them. They viewed form of practice into the tradition. Their
feelings and emotions as an opportuni- opponents have always argued that the
ty for the outpouring of the true nature practice of quietude brings the tradition
of T’ien-li (Principle of Heaven), or a dangerously close to and dependent on
natural expression of liang-chih, or Buddhism and Taoism.
knowledge of the good. See also Book of Those who uphold ching still differen-
Mencius; Principle (li); tung/ching; tiate their way from that of the Buddhist
women in Confucianism; yin/yang. and Taoist by maintaining the Confucian
worldview: the affirmation of life and of a
Chan, Wing-tsit, trans. and ed. Neo- moral universe as measured by the pres-
Confucian Terms Explained (The ence of Principle (li) in all things. They
Pei-hsi tzu-i) by Ch’en Ch’un, 1159– insist that such a universe does not repre-
1223. New York: Columbia sent the emptiness of Buddhism, nor the
University Press, 1986. vacuity of Taoism, suggesting that one
Graham, A. C. (Angus Charles). Studies must establish oneself as a moral person
in Chinese Philosophy and by making kung-fu (moral effort). Thus,
Philosophical Literature. Albany, at the personal level, quietude may be
NY: State University of New York an appropriate vechicle for learning
Press, 1990. and self-cultivation when the goal
remains the transformation of the self
into sagehood, a state of moral activism
Ching (Quietude) in the world.
Ching, quietude, is not a term usually
thought to be associated with Taylor, Rodney L. The Confucian Way of
Confucianism. Quietude would appear Contemplation: Okada Takehiko
to be more typically representative of and the Tradition of Quiet-Sitting.
such traditions as Buddhism and Columbia, SC: University of South
Taoism. There is, however, a tradition Carolina Press, 1988.
within Confucianism, especially Neo-
Confucianism, that has emphasized or
at least included, though not without Ching (Reverence or Seriousness)
criticism, quietude as a specific method A key term in understanding the reli-
of self-cultivation. The Sung dynasty gious nature of Confucianism, ching,
Neo-Confucian Chou Tun-i talked of reverence or seriousness, is originally a
chu-ching (regarding quietude as fun- ritual word in oracle-bone inscriptions.
damental) as part of his teachings. Chu Its archaic graphic form, according to
Hsi was instructed in the Confucian Sinologist Bernhard Karlgren, shows a
form of meditation ching-tso (quiet- kneeling person with a peculiar head-
sitting) by one of his teachers and dress. In the early Confucian tradition,
though he came to have doubts about it is used to refer to an attitude toward
the practice later, a tradition has been relationships, toward oneself or others,
established for such practice. especially respect for the senior such as
In the long history of the practice of father and lord. The expression chü-
ching-tso, many practitioners defend ching (abiding in reverence or seri-
that their practice is not moving in the ousness) is found in the Lun yü
direction of Buddhism or Taoism, but (Analects), where it suggests a state of
can be entertained within the internal attention.
Confucian teachings. The central issue Ching became a method of self-
for the Confucians is to what extent cultivation in the Neo-Confucianism
their world-affirming and life-affirming of the Sung dynasty. For Ch’eng I, it is a
teachings, which emphasize the active way to control oneself, to improve one’s
role of the individual within family and inner mental attentiveness. Chu Hsi
society, can absorb a contemplative further related it to the autonomy of
85
Ching-chieh
the heart-mind and used it in the Confucian orientation, the writing dis-
phrase chü-ching ch’iung-li, abiding in cusses the nature of rulership in terms of
reverence and exhausting Principle. In the role of ritual and its implementation.
fact, both Ch’eng and Chu regarded By quoting Confucius’ words from
ching as a fundamental complement of the Analects, the chapter begins with a
chih-chih (extension of knowledge), brief discussion of the benefits of study-
where knowledge can only be pursued ing the Six Classics. It suggests that it is
in the correct attitude toward the object only through such study that an educat-
of learning. ed citizenry will be created. The benefits
The translations of ching, serious- of an educated citizenry have long been
ness and reverence, both suggest a con- praised by the Confucian school as the
centration on the data being examined. only real way to effect change in the
But seriousness implies a rather ratio- world and it is only with an educated
nal and intellectual process, while rev- citizenry that the empire can be trans-
erence emphasizes more the object of formed. Each of the Classics is given a
learning that elicits one’s admiration different role in the educational
and profound respect. Thus the object process. The study of the Shih ching
of focus must be something extraordi- and Yüeh ching is said to produce good-
nary. It is not just things per se, but the ness among the people. The study of the
underlying structure or meaning of all Shu ching produces knowledge of the
things. This larger sense strikes at the past. With the study of the I ching, there
Confucian concept of the Absolute that will be refinement and subtlety
lies within all things, called either T’ien amongst the people. The ritual texts will
(Heaven) or T’ien-li (Principle of produce courtesy and respectfulness
Heaven). When the Absolute is the ulti- and finally the Ch’un ch’iu will produce
mate object of study, the response on excellence in the use of language. This
the part of the individual is not merely explains why Ching-chieh later devel-
seriousness, but reverence. See also ops into a general term for hermeneuti-
hsin (heart-mind). cal works on the Confucian classics.
The chapter proceeds to a discus-
de Bary, Wm. Theodore. Neo-Confucian sion of the T’ien-tzu (Son of Heaven). In
Orthodoxy and the Learning of the typically Confucian vocabulary, his
Mind-and-Heart. New York: virtues are extolled as the embodiment
Columbia University Press, 1981. of goodness and he is described as
Karlgren, Bernhard. Grammata Serica forming a union with Heaven and
Recensa. 1957. Reprint, Göteborg, Earth. What creates the possibility of
Sweden: Elanders Boktryckeri the manifestation of goodness and the
Aktiebolag, 1972. union with Heaven and Earth is the Son
Taylor, Rodney L. The Religious of Heaven’s implementation of the
Dimensions of Confucianism. embodiment of li, ritual or propriety.
Albany, NY: State University of New The Son of Heaven understands the
York Press, 1990. nature of being the ruler. He under-
stands his role as one of benefiting and
educating his people, but he also
Ching-chieh understands the distinctions between
A chapter from the Li chi or Records of himself and his people. The ruler is
Rites, the “Ching-chieh” exemplifies a ruler and the subjects are subjects. This
philosophical orientation toward ritual. distinction, which in the end is what
Rather than describing various types of creates the union of Heaven, Earth, and
ritual practice, the writing engages in a man, is rooted in ritual and propriety.
discussion of the meaning of ritual and Ritual and propriety are built upon
its place in the agenda of the ruler for observing the proper relation between
bringing order to the realm. With a strong things. The Confucian philosophy
86
Ch’ing Dynasty
described in this writing, in a fashion China from the north in 1644. In order to
similar to the teachings of Hsün-tzu, win over the Chinese educated class, the
distinguishes between things and emperor Shun-chih attended the shih-
argues for the necessity of ritual as a tien ceremony (Twice Yearly Confucian
control mechanism for the creation of Ceremony) at the t’ai-hsüeh (National
order in the world. University), and adopted the civil ser-
While the chapter did not achieve vice examinations system of the Ming
the status of the “Great Learning” dynasty in 1644. At the same time that
(“Ta-hsüeh”) or the “Chung yung” the Manchu rulers reaffirmed
(“Doctrine of the Mean”), it represents Confucianism as the state cult, they also
an important element of Confucian sought to suppress the Ming loyalists by
teaching emphasizing the role of ritual massacres and literary inquisitions.
in the art of rulership and seeing the To avoid being involved in politics,
ruler as an embodiment of ritual many Confucians turned their attention
authority in human society represent- to classical scholarship. As a result, the
ing a union with Heaven and Earth in form of Confucianism that grew most
the ritual structure of the cosmos. See readily during the Ch’ing period was the
also li (propriety or rites). k’ao-cheng hsüeh, textual criticism or
evidential research. This tendency can
Legge, James, trans. The Sacred Books of be traced back to the shih-hsüeh, or
China: The Texts of Confucianism. practical learning, of the late Ming
Vols. 3 & 4, The Li Ki. Delhi, India: dynasty and early Ch’ing dynasty. Figures
Motilal Banarsidass, 1966. such as Ku Yen-wu, Wang Fu-chih, and
Yen Yüan (Hsi-chai) focused themselves
on the materiality of the world and the
Ching-chi tsuan-ku necessity of solving real problems.
Major dictionary to the classics com- Whether a product of the collapsing
piled under the direction of Juan Yüan, conditions of the Ming era, or simply a
the Ching-chi tsuan-ku or Collected philosophical fatigue with abstract
Glosses on the Classics is a product of the thought of the Sung dynasty and Ming
k’ao-cheng hsüeh, or textual criticism. A dynasty, the new learning aimed at relo-
work of more than forty scholars affili- cating Confucianism in a core of basic
ated with Juan’s Ku-ching ching-she, or moral teachings.
Refined Study for the Explication of the Increasingly, the search for a set of
Classics, the main text was printed in fundamental Confucian teachings
1800. The entries are individual charac- demanded a revisit to the classical
ters, which are grouped by rhymes. sources upon which the tradition was
Under each entry all glosses related to built. To do this the Ch’ing Confucians
the character are listed. ignored the Sung-hsüeh or Sung learn-
ing and moved toward the Han-hsüeh,
Elman, Benjamin A. From Philosophy to or Han learning, thereby showing their
Philology: Intellectual and Social admiration for the Han dynasty meth-
Aspects of Change in Late Imperial ods of Old Text study. As intellectual his-
China. Los Angeles, CA: UCLA Asian torian Benjamin A. Elman notes, it was a
Pacific Monograph Series, 2001. shift from philosophy to philology. The
Hummel, Arthur W., ed. Eminent Confucian scholar Tai Chen represent-
Chinese of the Ch’ing Period (1644– ed the height of this trend.
1912). 2 vols. Taipei, Taiwan: SMC, 1991. With the intrusion of Western pow-
ers and the disastrous rebellions of the
Ch’ing Dynasty second half of the nineteenth century,
(1644–1911) The last dynasty in Chinese this Old Text scholarship was chal-
history. It was an empire first founded in lenged by the New Text School, which
1616 by the Manchus, who conquered made use of Confucian classics for
87
Ching-hsüeh (Study of Classics)
reform purposes. The particular text of School followed the footsteps of the
interest was the Kung-yang chuan Later Han textual criticism, the
commentary to the Ch’un ch’iu or Southern School was so much influ-
Spring and Autumn Annals. Led by enced by Taoism and Buddhism that a
K’ang Yu-wei, the Kung-yang School of new school called hsüan-hsüeh (myste-
the late Ch’ing period used the rious learning) came into being.
Confucian tradition to address the Combining the northern and southern
political crisis. Although the effort styles, the ching-hsüeh of the T’ang
failed, Confucianism was reinvigorated dynasty was marked by K’ung Ying-ta's
in the end of imperial China. See also commentary titled Wu ching cheng-i
Kung-yang hsüeh and New Text/Old (Standard Expositions of the Five
Text (chin-wen/ku-wen). Classics), which became the official text-
book for the civil service examinations.
de Bary, Wm. Theodore and Irene From the Sung dynasty to the Ming
Bloom, eds. Principle and dynasty, ching-hsüeh entered into a
Practicality: Essays in Neo- new phrase known as li-hsüeh (School
Confucianism and Practical of Principle or learning of Principle)
Learning. New York: Columbia with Chu Hsi as its representative.
University Press, 1979. Being a reaction of Wang Yang-ming's
Elman, Benjamin A. From Philosophy to hsin-hsüeh (School of Heart-Mind), the
Philology: Intellectual and Social ching-hsüeh of the Ch’ing dynasty
Aspects of Change in Late Imperial returned to the Han tradition, namely,
China. Los Angeles, CA: UCLA Asian k’ao-cheng hsüeh or textual criticism.
Pacific Monograph Series, 2001. After K’ang Yu-wei's attempt at using
Meskill, John Thomas, with J. Mason the New Text to advocate his
Gentzler, eds. An Introduction to Constitutional Reform and Modernization
Chinese Civilization. New York: failed in the Hundred Days of Reform
Columbia University Press, 1973. in 1898, the traditional ching-hsüeh
reached its end in the May Fourth
movement two decades later. See
Ching-hsüeh (Study of Classics) also ching (classic); Han Wu Ti; New
Referring to the study of the Six Text/Old Text (chin-wen/ku-wen);
Classics, the ching-hsüeh or study of po-shih.
classics suggests a view of the
Confucian canon as a whole curriculum Fung Yu-lan. A History of Chinese
for the individual’s education. Its origin Philosophy. Translated by Derk
can be traced back to the pre-Ch’in Bodde. 2 vols. Princeton, NJ:
Confucian scholarship of Tzu-hsia and Princeton University Press, 1983.
Hsün-tzu. The first heyday of the ching-
hsüeh arrived when the Han dynasty
emperor Wu Ti established the positions Ch’ing-i (Pure Criticism)
of Erudites (or Academician) for the A form of public opinion that first arose
Five Classics in 136 B.C.E. As the ku-wen in the end of the Han dynasty among
chia (Old Text School) rose to challenge some officials and intellectuals who
the chin-wen chia (New Text School) commented on the authorities and cur-
pioneered by Tung Chung-shu, the Han rent politics. It continued the Confucian
ching-hsüeh witnessed major growth. tradition of aiming to purify the bureau-
Such growth was concluded by Cheng cracy from immoralities. Pure criticism
Hsüan, a Later Han scholar who was reappeared during the late Ming
good at both the new and old texts. dynasty among a group of Neo-
The scholarship split up again dur- Confucians protesting against the cor-
ing the chaotic period of Northern and rupt government. The group included
Southern dynasties. While the Northern the two major figures of the Tung-lin
88
Ching-kua
90
Ching-tso (Quiet-Sitting)
potential of letting the practice slip into dynasty. Quiet-sitting was seen as a mis-
a Buddhist meditation, whose end placed practice focused on a wrong goal.
point remains removal from rather than There was no point to be engaged in an
being actively involved with the world. internal search for Principle. Such prac-
Chu Hsi spoke of ching-tso as a com- tice was too abstract to be necessary and
plement to study and his rule of pan-jih warranted by the needs of the world. It
ching-tso pan-jih tu-shu, a half-day of was far better to concentrate on practical
quiet-sitting and a half-day of reading, and applied problems faced by the indi-
became a frequent reference to the vidual and society.
complementary relationship of self-cul- The question remains the degree to
tivation and learning. Some members which quiet-sitting practioners can
of the School of Principle after Chu Hsi, clearly distinguish ching-tso from tso-
however, continued to view quiet-sit- ch’an and demonstrate the capacity of
ting as a method of probing deeply into ching-tso to fit into the broader
the self to uncover the Principle of things. Confucian agenda of serving the world
The late Ming Tung-lin scholars were through moral action. Their records
strong advocates of this view. Even in this show that quiet-sitting is not pursued
setting, however, ching-tso was seen as a with the same kind of rigor and isolation
method of learning and self-cultivation that typify much of Buddhist practice;
that continued to stress the cardinal rather, it is done in combination with
teachings of the School of Principle, other activities. It is only a complement
namely, ko-wu ch’iung-li, investigation to study, during which normal activities
of things and exhaustion of Principle. are to be maintained. There is no radical
Additional criticism of the practice break from daily life and its responsibil-
came from other schools of Neo- ities. This attitude is captured in the
Confucianism as well. An unlikely expressions pan-jih ching-tso pan-jih
critique is from the hsin-hsüeh (School of tu-shu and ko-wu ch’iung-li discussed
Heart-Mind). One might think that medi- earlier. Ching-tso is a practice wedded to
tation would be the most welcome form moral fulfillment within the world, not a
of self-cultivation for a school that process of detachment from society. It
focused on the heart-mind as the reposi- contributes to one’s ability to answer the
tory of Principle, but it turned out that call for moral action in the universe. See
Wang Yang-ming and a number of his fol- also shou-lien (collecting together) and
lowers, particularly the T’ai-chou School, Tung-lin Academy.
were critical of the practice. The criticism
was leveled at what was perceived to be Chan, Wing-tsit. “Chu Hsi and Quiet-
the failure of the practice in generating Sitting.” Chu Hsi: New Studies.
moral activism. For Wang Yang-ming and Honolulu, HI: University of Hawaii
even more so for the T’ai-chou School, the Press, 1989.
capacity to experience the goodness of the Taylor, Rodney L. “Chu Hsi and
heart-mind lay in the context of activity, Meditation.” Meeting of Minds:
not in a contemplative framework. There Intellectual and Religious Interaction
was a demand for kung-fu (moral effort), in East Asian Traditions of Thought.
which was measured by one’s involve- Edited by Irene Bloom and Joshua
ment in the world. The School of Principle, A. Fogel. New York: Columbia
in fact, had the same goal, but they were University Press, 1996.
willing to see the usefulness of contempla- ––––––. The Confucian Way of
tive practice in furthering moral action. Contemplation: Okada Takehiko
The School of Heart-Mind, on the con- and the Tradition of Quiet-Sitting.
trary, saw quiet-sitting as a hindrance to Columbia, SC: University of South
the exercise of moral action. Carolina Press, 1988.
Opposition also came from the shih-
hsüeh or practical learning of the Ch’ing
92
Chin-hsi-tzu chi
The Hall of Prayer for the Year, a central location for state ceremony, is an important part of the traditional
state religion.
95
Chin Lü-hsiang
The gate in the foreground contains the phrase “metal begins, jade closes.” The gate in the background is
the Gate of the Lattice Asterism.
97
Chin-ssu lu
The chin-shih examination, given at Sung dynasty thinkers. The term chin-
the capital by the li-pu, or Ministry of ssu in the title is a reference to the
Rites, was an examination focused on the Analects, in which Confucius’ major dis-
mastery of classical literature. It necessi- ciple Tzu-hsia commented that one
tated thorough knowledge of the should dwell on matters near at hand.
Confucian classics but emphasized much For the Neo-Confucians, it suggests a
more an ability to compose different learning process that begins in the
forms of poetry. By the 1060s, during the investigation of immediate things and
Northern Sung dynasty, the examination then extends outward on the basis of
was made more general and its prestige the similarity of what is close at hand.
became well established. Its status has Consisting of 622 entries and orga-
remained so into the twentieth century. It nized in fourteen chapters around
eventually replaced all other examina- major Neo-Confucian themes, the
tions and thus became the sole focus of Chin-ssu lu excerpts passages from
the learning and education curriculum. Chou Tun-i, Ch’eng Hao, Ch’eng I, and
Without the chin-shih degree, as Hucker Chang Tsai. The one major thinker left
points out, an entrant upon a civil service out of the anthology is Shao Yung,
career had small hope of attaining high revealing the compilers’ opinion in for-
office. Insofar as Confucianism is con- mulating a lineage of what they consid-
cerned, by the Sung period and through- er to be the orthodox interpreters of the
out the rest of Chinese dynastic history, Confucian tradition.
the subject matter of the chin-shih exam- The main text begins with Chou Tun-
ination remained solidly Confucian in i’s metaphysical statement from his
content. It called for an interpretation of “T’ai-chi t’u shuo,” or “Explanation of the
the Confucian classics that matched the Diagram of the Great Ultimate,” dis-
Confucian state ideology. cussing the basic categories of Neo-
Confucian thought in terms of Principle
Chaffee, John W. The Thorny Gates of (li), and ch’i (vitality). While the first
Learning in Sung China: A Social chapter is devoted to abstract philoso-
History of Examinations. Albany, phy, the rest of the book stands in stark
NY: State University of New York contrast. From the second chapter on the
Press, 1995. focus shifts quickly to the ideal of learn-
de Bary, Wm. Theodore and John W. ing and self-cultivation in pursuit of
Chaffee, eds. Neo-Confucian sagehood. The last chapter gives brief
Education: The Formative Stage. biographical accounts of prominent
Berkeley, CA: University of Confucian teachers from the beginning
California Press, 1989. of the tradition to the Northern Sung
Hucker, Charles O. A Dictionary of period, establishing a lineage of orthodox
Official Titles in Imperial China. transmission of the Confucian teachings.
Stanford, CA: Stanford University The work has become one of the most
Press, 1985. indispensable and popular guides to the
Lee, Thomas H. C. Government Education Neo-Confucian tradition. It is the model
and Examinations in Sung China. of the later Hsing-li ta-ch’üan or Great
New York: St. Martin’s Press, 1985. Collection of Neo-Confucianism, a work
central to Confucian education for hun-
dreds of years. The Chin-ssu lu is particu-
Chin-ssu lu larly significant as an anthology of the
One of the most important Neo- School of Principle, stressing ko-wu ch’i-
Confucian anthologies compiled by ung-li, investigation of things and
Chu Hsi and Lü Tsu-ch’ien in 1175, the exhaustion of Principle, as the major
Chin-ssu lu, or Reflections on Things at forms of learning and self-cultivation.
Hand, represents the views of the major Chang Po-hsing of the Ch’ing dynasty
has compiled a Hsü chin-ssu lu or
98
Chi-ssu
Supplement to the Reflections on Things Hsiu. See also ching (classic) and New
at Hand by adding seventeen entries of Text/Old Text (chin-wen/ku-wen).
Chu Hsi’s words to the anthology. See also
li-hsüeh (School of Principle or learning Fung Yu-lan. A History of Chinese
of Principle) and Lun yü (Analects). Philosophy. Translated by Derk
Bodde. 2 vols. Princeton, NJ:
Chan Wing-tsit, trans. Reflections on Princeton University Press, 1983.
Things at Hand: The Neo-Confucian
Anthology Compiled by Chu Hsi and
Lü Tsu-ch’ien. New York: Columbia Ch’in-zither
University Press, 1967. One of the musical instruments used in
the performance of Confucian ritual,
principally found in the shih-tien cere-
Chin-tai wei-hsin-lun chien-shih mony (Twice Yearly Confucian
Written by Ho Lin, the Chin-tai wei-hsin- Ceremony). The ch’in-zither is a large
lun chien-shih, or Brief Explanation of plucked instrument over 5 feet in length
Contemporary Idealism, was published and about 10 inches in width, possess-
in 1942. It sought to find a common ing either twenty or seven strings. It
ground between Chinese and Western assumes a prominent role in the tradi-
philosophical traditions. The author tional Chinese orchestra. See also music.
saw this common ground theoretically
in idealism, regarding Confucian idealism Palmer, Spencer J. Confucian Rituals in
as the best—though it would benefit from Korea. Berkeley, CA: Asian Humanities
Western philosophy. For Ho, the Press, 1984.
Confucian moral teachings are the Taylor, Rodney L. The Way of Heaven:
infallible basis for the reforms of life and An Introduction to the Confucian
society. He put forward a differentiation Religious Life. Leiden, Netherlands:
between the psychological hsin (heart- E. J. Brill, 1986.
mind) and the logical heart-mind,
identifying the latter with the ideal and
spiritual Principle (li). Such heart-mind Chi-shan School
is considered to be the subject of A Ming dynasty Neo-Confucian school
experience, action, knowledge, and named after a mountain in Chekiang
value. This viewpoint of Ho was known province where its founder Liu Tsung-
as the hsin hsin-hsüeh, or new learning chou took retreat. This is the last school
of the heart-mind. discussed in the Ming-ju hsüeh-an or
The Records of Ming Scholars by Huang
Brière, O. Fifty Years of Chinese Tsung-hsi, Liu’s own disciple. The Chi-
Philosophy, 1898–1950. Translated shan School follows the teachings of
by Laurence G. Thompson. Edited Wang Yang-ming, but opposes such
by Dennis J. Doolin. Westport, CT: radical interpretation of Wang as the
Greenwood Publishing Group, 1979. T’ai-chou School. See also Wang Yang-
ming School.
Large (upper) and mid-size (lower) ch’in-zithers have twenty and seven strings respectively.
de Bary, Wm. Theodore. The Liberal Lau, D. C., trans. Mencius. Harmondsworth,
Tradition in China. New York: England: Penguin Books, 1970.
Columbia University Press, 1983. Legge, James, trans. The Chinese
Classics. Vols. 1 & 2, Confucian
Analects, the Great Learning, the
Chi-sun Doctrine of the Mean, the Works of
Chao Ch’i, who wrote the first extant Mencius. Oxford, England: Clarendon
commentary to the Book of Mencius, Press, 1893–1895; Reprint (2 vols.
identified Chi-sun as one of the fifteen in 1), Taipei, Taiwan: SMC, 1994.
100
Ch’iung-li (Exhausting Principle)
any reasonable estimate of the survival example, the Shu ching or Book of
of the Chou dynastic rule, but it is not History, the Shih ching or Book of
until 221 B.C.E. that a new dynasty is Poetry, and the ritual texts, were all
founded. The successive periods of the viewed as paradigms of virtue. To the
Chou dynasty are marked by a steady Confucians, whose role was the preser-
decreasing power of the Chou dynastic vation of such early accounts, to return
rulers with a simultaneous increasing to the ways of the early Chou became a
power of various nobles ostensibly serv- perspective that dominated much of
ing the Chou court. By the time of the their thinking. They saw the problems
Warring States period the Chou dynasty of their own day and they found the
had been reduced to a ruler in name solution to those problems in following
only with all power effectively trans- the records of actions that had been
ferred to a set of competing states. Civil taken in the past, during a time when
war between the states was rampant, from the Confucian perspective virtue
with the rulers of many of the states reigned. When faced with unequal land
claiming title to the Chou court. distribution during their own time, for
The early Chou period is of particular instance, a Confucian could find solace
significance to the Confucian school, for in the plan of the founders of the Chou
it was the founders of the Chou dynasty, for what was called the well-field sys-
King Wen, King Wu, and the Duke of tem. Land was separated into nine plot
Chou, for whom praises were sung as the divisions. Eight families lived in the
virtuous rulers capable of bringing division with one central plot held in
civilization and order to the world. There common and cultivated as a communi-
were also a number of features of what ty activity for the good of everyone. The
was purported to be the early Chou concept of the well-field system has
worldview that became prominent fea- been mentioned throughout Confucian
tures of the Confucian school. The belief history including references from
in T’ien (Heaven) as an absolute author- Confucians in the twentieth century.
ity, and the belief in T’ien-ming The traditional accounts of the Chou
(Mandate of Heaven) as the principle of period appeared even more ideal when
how T’ien operated in history, continued set against the backdrop of the
to play a dominant role in the develop- increased chaos of the Eastern Chou
ment of Confucian thought. Based on period. It was in the Eastern Chou when
ancestor worship and cult, religious rites had failed to function that the var-
practice in the Chou court involved elab- ious schools of Chinese thought began
orate ceremony and ritual as well as an to arise. This included not only the
extensive practice of sacrifice and div- Confucians, but the Taoist, Legalists,
ination. The Confucian school adopted yin/yang cosmologists, Agriculturalists,
much from these practices, seeing them Logicians and a variety of smaller
as an ideal form of religious practice schools. With the rise of the scholar
because of their connection to the sage- class (shih) and the dissemination of
ly rulers who had founded the dynasty. knowledge, this became the period of
They also, however, changed a great deal classical Chinese philosophy and the
of the orientation of the religious world- contending points of view were referred
view of the early Chou, but it was against to as the hundred schools of thought.
the backdrop of assimilation and adap- Each had an answer to the increased
tation that such change occurred. In chaos and violence of the time. For the
their own minds the ideal of the early Confucians, the answer lay in a return
Chou remained prominent. to the time the traditional accounts
The early Chou was thoroughly ide- spoke of as ordered and peaceful––the
alized by the Confucian school. Its times of the sage founders of the Chou
founders, its ways, its institutions as dynasty. The founders of the Confucian
recorded by traditional accounts, for school, the three major figures who
103
Chou-hsüeh
kuan hsin-i provided a new basis for the ceremonies associated with the respec-
use and application of classical texts. tive offices. Though considered by most
Rather than a very close and literal read- modern scholarship to be a rather fan-
ing of the classical source, Wang ciful account of the early Chou govern-
was more interested in a far ranging ment institutions, the traditional point
interpretation. He had little patience for of view held it to be an authoritative
the scholarly and philological study work by the Duke of Chou detailing the
developed across centuries of commen- divisions of governmental offices. The
tary tradition. He thought that a broad Chou li, like the I li, offers detailed
interpretation not only made the text rel- descriptions of ritual and ceremony,
evant to his own concerns, but also ought but there is little elaboration and
to be the basis for others to learn the clas- expansion of the meaning of ritual such
sics. In this respect Wang represents a as those found in the Li chi.
radical breaking with past traditions, The Chou li was not considered to be
especially the one of the Han dynasty, of the same stature as the Li chi and
and the Chou kuan hsin-i is an excellent therefore was not included as part of
example of this tendency in the Northern the Five Classics, but it was canonized
Sung period. Though the work was pro- along with the I li as part of the Twelve
moted by Wang in civil service examina- Classics. As part of the Twelve Classics it
tions, it exists only in fragments today. was considered to be an authoritative
source for information about ritual
de Bary, Wm. Theodore, Wing-tsit Chan, from the early Chou period. See also
and Burton Watson, comps. Sources New Text/Old Text (chin-wen/ku-wen).
of Chinese Tradition. New York:
Columbia University Press, 1960. Legge, James. trans. The Sacred Books of
China: The Texts of Confucianism.
Vols. 3 & 4, The Li Ki. Delhi, India:
Chou li Motilal Banarsidass, 1966.
Originally known as the Chou kuan or Loewe, Michael, ed. Early Chinese Texts:
Institutes of Chou, the Chou li or Rites of A Bibliographical Guide. Early China
Chou is one of the three major writings Special Monograph Series, no. 2.
on the subject of li (propriety or rites) Berkeley, CA: Institute of East Asian
within the Confucian canon. The three Studies, 1994.
ritual texts, namely, the Chou li, the I li or
Ceremonies and Rites, and the Li chi or
Records of Rites, are considered tradi- Chou Lien-hsi
tionally to be the comprehensive records See Chou Tun-i.
of the Chou dynasty civilization and
institution. Believed to be a work of the
Warring States period, the Chou li is tra- Chou Lien-hsi chi
ditionally dated later than the I li but The Chou Lien-hsi chi, or Collected
earlier than the Li chi. It contains mater- Works of Chou Lien-hsi, is the Ming
ial that represents the early Chou but it dynasty title of the Chou-tzu ch’üan-
also has material from the fifth and four shu, or Complete Works of Master Chou.
centuries B.C.E. Emerging in the mid- See Chou-tzu ch’üan-shu.
second century B.C.E. as an Old Text
piece, it also seems to have received Chou Tun-i
additional work during the Han dynasty. (1017–1073) One of the great founding
The subject matter of the Chou li is figures of Neo-Confucianism during the
an extensive portrayal of what is pur- Northern Sung dynasty. Chou Tun-i is
ported to be the governmental system also known as Chou Mao-shu and Chou
of the early Chou dynasty. It is a very Lien-hsi. Lien-hsi, meaning Stream of
detailed account of all governmental the Waterfall, is the name of his study
offices, staff titles, and the rites and
105
Chou Tun-i
Chou Tun-i, one of the Five Early Sung Masters, formulated his metaphysics in his
“Explanation of the Diagram of the Great Ultimate” and Penetrating the Book of Changes.
106
Chou Tun-i
beside a stream. His love of nature is things with a common Absolute inter-
often recounted by a story that he preted later by Chu Hsi as Principle (li).
refused to cut the grass in front of his Humankind is seen as the highest
window. When asked, he explained that form of life on the earth and in turn the
the feelings of the grass were the same sage, sheng-jen, is regarded as the high-
as his own. The anecdote reveals his est expression of human life. The sage
understanding of the interrelation of all represents the moral capacity of perfec-
living things and the moral responsibili- tion available to all human beings
ty that humankind bears for other lives. through learning and self-cultivation.
This interrelationship of all things in The individual’s quest is to achieve
the universe reflects Chou’s incorpora- sagehood and thus enter into an under-
tion of Buddhism and Taoism into his standing of the interrelation of all
thought. As a Confucian philosopher, he things. Such an interconnection is
seems to have been particularly attract- found in Chou’s own sense of sharing in
ed to the study of Taoism. In fact, some the feelings of the grass growing before
scholars have already pointed out the his window.
Taoist origin in many of his ideas. Such Chou’s teachings show a proclivity to
an origin, however, leads to his develop- quietude and negative discourse, char-
ment of a Confucian cosmogony and acteristics often associated with
metaphysics that have become the basic Taoism. He talks of learning and self-
principles of the Neo-Confucian tradi- cultivation in terms of chu-ching
tion. Chou’s metaphysics are formulated (regarding quietude as fundamental).
in two writings, the “T’ai-chi t’u shuo,” He expresses the Absolute in the nega-
or “Explanation of the Diagram of the tive term wu-chi. At the same time,
Great Ultimate,” and the T’ung-shu, or however, he developed the theory of
Penetrating the Book of Changes, both t’ai-chi, suggesting that only both terms
collected in the Chou-tzu ch’üan-shu, or together are adequate to fully describe
Complete Works of Master Chou. the Absolute in words. Similarly, the
On the basis of some earlier Taoist vacuity of quiescence is balanced with
diagrams for acquiring immortality the fullness of ch’eng (sincerity), a
such as the “Wu-chi t’u,” or “Diagram of moral concept taken from the “Chung
the Non-Ultimate,” Chou Tun-i devel- yung.” Chou places great emphasis on
oped his cosmogonic “Diagram of the the ideal of ch’eng in the T’ung-shu, sug-
Great Ultimate” by applying the gesting that one can see into the roots
Confucian ideas in the “Chung yung” of one’s being in the state of sincerity, a
(“Doctrine of the Mean”), the commen- state he refers to as chi, the subtle acti-
taries to the I ching, or Book of Changes, vating force of the universe. Therefore,
and Han Yü's theory of Tao-t’ung, tradi- ch’eng as the highest principle of human
tion of the Way. Thus, at the core of nature and life is equated with T’ien
Chou’s system of thought lies the (Heaven), or the Way of Heaven, and
Absolute described as both wu-chi (Non- becomes the foundation of wu ch’ang,
Ultimate) and t’ai-chi (Great Ultimate), the five moral constants.
the spiritual noumenon of the universe. Chou prefers the method of quietude
According to Chou’s cosmogony in in learning and self-cultivation, but he
the “T’ai-chi t’u shuo,” wu-chi proceeds sees such method as a means toward
to t’ai-chi, which begets yang and then Confucian sagehood, an ideal of both
yin. Yin/yang further divides into the internal and external lives. While his
wu hsing or Five Elements. The ways of stress upon this method has suggested
ch’ien and k’un, male and female, give to some a connection to the Taoist tradi-
rise to all things. The result of this tion, he considers his teachings firmly
process is sheng-sheng, the production rooted in the orthodox tradition of
of life, and the formation of the world in Confucius and Mencius. He bases much
a fashion of interdependence among all
107
Chou-tzu ch’üan-shu
of his teachings on the I ching, a classi- Works of Master Chou, is the Ch’ing
cal text fully incorporating Confucian dynasty version of the collected writ-
values. It is significant in this respect ings of and about the Sung dynasty
that one of his major philosophical philosopher Chou Tun-i. Although all
works is a commentary to the I ching. the extant works of Chou are included,
Chou Tun-i’s “Diagram of the Great by far the most important writings are
Ultimate” is often seen as the metaphys- the “T’ai-chi t’u shuo,” or “Explanation
ical starting point of Neo-Confucianism. of the Diagram of the Great Ultimate,”
His conceptions of t’ai-chi, li, ch’i (vitality), and the T’ung-shu, or Penetrating the
hsing (nature), and ming (destiny or Book of Changes.
fate) undoubtedly afford his followers a
series of basic philosophical categories. Chan, Wing-tsit, trans. and comp. A
He is placed by Chu Hsi as the first of the Source Book in Chinese Philosophy.
Five Early Sung Teachers, including Princeton, NJ: Princeton University
Chang Tsai, Shao Yung, Ch’eng Hao and Press, 1969.
Ch’eng I, whose collective efforts have
brought forth the Neo-Confucian move-
ment. Chou died during his term of Chou Yüan-kung chi
office as Prefect of the Nan-k’ang The Chou Yüan-kung chi, or Collected
Military Prefecture, a position taken up Works of Chou Yüan-kung, is an alterna-
by Chu Hsi one century later. tive title of the Chou-tzu ch’üan-shu, or
Though he held a number of official Complete Works of Master Chou. See
positions such as Erudite of the National Chou-tzu ch’üan-shu.
University throughout his life, he is
probably best known for his role as the Chu (Prayer-Master)
teacher of the brothers Ch’eng Hao and The chu, translated by Sinologist
Ch’eng I, two major Neo-Confucians. He Bernhard Karlgren as “prayer” or “prayer-
is believed to have had a great influence master,” is the closest equivalent found in
on them, hence an instrumental force in Confucianism to match the role of a
the Neo-Confucian movement. See also priest. The Chinese character, as
ch’ien hexagram; hsing (nature); k’un explained by Hsü Chung-shu, depicts a
hexagram; po-shih; sheng or sheng-jen person engaging in supplication by kneel-
(sage). ing and opening his mouth in front of a
shen-chu or ancestral tablet. He is tradi-
Chan, Wing-tsit, trans. and comp. A tionally identified as a male wu, magician
Source Book in Chinese Philosophy. or shaman, acting as a mediatory agent
Princeton, NJ: Princeton University between humans and spirits. Like the ju-
Press, 1969 ritualists of the Shang dynasty, the chu is
de Bary, Wm. Theodore, Wing-tsit Chan, responsible for conducting ceremonies
and Burton Watson, comps. Sources and rites. In its later development, the
of Chinese Tradition. New York: prayer-master becomes the administra-
Columbia University Press, 1960 tor of miao (temple or shrine). It is in this
Fung Yu-lan. A History of Chinese sense that the role of chu is considered at
Philosophy. Translated by Derk times comparable to that of a priest. Of
Bodde. 2 vols. Princeton, NJ: course, it should be noted that their par-
Princeton University Press, 1983. ticular codes of behavior are very different
from each other. See also church.
Chou-tzu ch’üan-shu
Based on the Ming dynasty Chou Lien- Hsü Chung-shu. Chia-ku-wen tzu-tien.
hsi chi, or Collected Works of Chou Lien- Ch’eng-tu: Ssu-ch’uan tz’u-shu
hsi, or the Chou Yüan-kung chi, ch’u-pan-she, 1990.
Collected Works of Chou Yüan-kung, the Karlgren, Bernhard. Grammata Serica
Chou-tzu ch’üan-shu, or Complete Recensa. 1957. Reprint, Göteborg,
108
Chuang Ts’un-yü
109
Ch’uan-hsi lu
Chou, and the li-hsüeh (School of dialogues and sayings. It was appended
Principle or learning of Principle) of in 1524 with additional materials by Nan
the Sung dynasty. Chuang also left Ta-chi and again in 1535 and 1556 by
writings on the I ching, or Book of Ch’ien Te-hung. Finally, in 1572, its pre-
Changes, the Shu ching, or Book of sent form emerged with Ch’ien adding
History, and the Old Text School’s com- one more item and Hsieh T’ing-chieh
mentaries to the Shih ching, or Book of placing the work in the beginning of the
Poetry, as well as the Chou li. Wang Wen-ch’eng Kung ch’üan-shu, or
Intellectual historian Benjamin A. Complete Works of the Culturally
Elman has pointed out that Chuang Accomplished Duke Wang.
Ts’un-yü’s view of the Book of Changes, as
revealed in his treatises on the “T’uan Chan, Wing-tsit, trans. Instructions for
chuan,” or “Commentary on the Practical Living and Other Neo-
Decision;” the “Hsiang chuan,” or Confucian Writings by Wang Yang-
“Commentary on the Images;” the “Hsi- ming. New York: Columbia
tz’u chuan,” or “Commentary on the University Press, 1985.
Appended Judgments;” and the “Hsü
kua,” or the “Order of the Hexagrams,”
was different from that of the Han learn- Ch’uan-hsin (Transmission of the
ing tradition. While Han-hsüeh scholars Heart-Mind)
emphasized fragmentation and historici- A theory advocated by the Neo-
ty in classical study, Chuang advocated a Confucian Ch’eng Hao emphasizing the
total understanding of the canon. For role of the hsin (heart-mind) in trans-
Chuang, the Book of Changes represents mitting the Tao (Way) of the sheng,
the sheng-jen or sages’ philosophy con- sages. According to the Sung Yüan
cerning the order of the world. See also hsüeh-an, or Records of Learning in
han-lin yüan (Academy of Assembled Sung and Yüan, Ch’eng Hao sees the
Brushes); New Text/Old Text (chin- transmission of the sages’ Way as no
wen/ku-wen); sheng or sheng-jen (sage); more than that of their heart-minds. As
“Shih i” (“Ten Wings”). there is no difference between one’s
heart-mind and that of the sages’, to
Elman, Benjamin A. Classicism, Politics, transmit the sages’ heart-minds is simply
and Kinship: The Ch’ang-chou to realize and expand one’s own heart-
School of New Text Confucianism in mind. Ch’eng Hao’s theory is based on
Late Imperial China. Berkeley, CA: the belief that all heart-minds, be it the
University of California Press, 1990. sages’ or commoners’, are morally good.
Hummel, Arthur W., ed. Eminent This theory lays a foundation for the later
Chinese of the Ch’ing Period (1644– hsin-hsüeh (School of Heart-Mind).
1912). 2 vols. Taipei, Taiwan: SMC, 1991. Chu Hsi uses ch’uan-hsin to describe
the transmission of teachings of the
sages throughout the history of
Ch’uan-hsi lu Confucianism. Like the term Tao-t’ung,
Collection of Wang Yang-ming's conver- or tradition of the Way, ch’uan-hsin
sations with his disciples and corre- refers to a transmission of teachings
spondence. The Ch’uan-hsi lu, or containing the essence of sagely wis-
Instructions for Practical Living, is a dom from the heart-mind of one
major source of Wang Yang-ming’s teacher to another. Not unlike its use in
teachings, in particular his ideas of chih Buddhism, ch’uan-hsin suggests an
liang-chih, extension of knowledge of acquisition of sagely teachings by the
the good, and chih hsing ho-i, unity of individual through learning and self-cul-
knowledge and action. The work was tivation. It is a process of self-acquisition,
compiled by Hsü Ai and first published known as tzu-te, or getting it oneself,
by Hsüeh K’an in 1518 as a record of
110
Ch’üan-hsüeh p’ien
binarism suggests that Chinese learning ta-ch’üan shuo, or On Reading the Great
is intended for the cultivation of the Compendium of the Four Books; Ssu-shu
self, as Western learning is for the man- hsün-i, or Gloss of the Four Books; Li chi
agement of world affairs. Through the chang-chü, or Records of Rites in
Ch’üan-hsüeh p’ien, Chang promoted Chapters and Verses; and Tu T’ung-chien
educational and industrial reforms on lun, or On Reading the General Mirror.
the one hand, but opposed K’ang Yu-
wei's constitutional movement on the Hummel, Arthur W., ed. Eminent
other. It was therefore criticized by Chinese of the Ch’ing Period (1644–
reformers who wanted more radical 1912). 2 vols. Taipei, Taiwan: SMC, 1991.
measures. Yet the work was so influen-
tial that it was translated into English by
Samuel I. Woodbridge in 1900 under the Chuan-sun Shih
title China’s Only Hope: An Appeal. See See Tzu-chang.
also ching (classic); hsin-hsüeh (new
learning); nei-hsüeh (Inner School); Ch’uan Tao cheng-t’ung
wai-hsüeh (Outer School). One of the diagrams included in Li
Yüan-kang’s Sheng-men shih-yeh t’u, or
Chang Chih-tung. China’s Only Hope: Diagrams of the Proper Business of the
An Appeal by Her Greatest Viceroy. Sages’ School. The “Ch’uan Tao cheng-
Translated and edited by Samuel I. t’ung,” or “Legitimate Succession in the
Woodbridge. Westport, CT: Hyperion Transmission of the Way,” attempts to
Press, 1975. establish a lineage of teachers thought
de Bary, Wm. Theodore, Wing-tsit Chan, to have succeeded the teachings of the
and Burton Watson, comps. Sources ancient sages through the Confucian
of Chinese Tradition. New York: tradition. Drawn in 1172, the diagram
Columbia University Press, 1960. illustrates the concept of Tao-t’ung,
Hummel, Arthur W., ed. Eminent tradition of the Way.
Chinese of the Ch’ing Period (1644– The diagram lists twenty-two sages
1912). 2 vols. Taipei, Taiwan: SMC, 1991. and worthies in history, and divides them
into two groups: in the middle are four-
Ch’uan-shan i-shu teen sages and worthies believed to have
Surviving Works of Ch’uan-shan; major transmitted the eternal Way of the great
collection of Wang Fu-chih’s writings. mean; flanking them are the remaining
The Ch’uan-shan i-shu was first pub- eight, whose teachings are considered
lished in 1842, one hundred and fifty helpful to the world for a time but cannot
years after the author’s death. The first be transmitted for myriad ages. The cen-
edition contained eighteen pieces of tered lineage extends from the ancient
Wang’s work. It was enlarged to fifty- sage-kings Yao, Shun, Yü, T’ang, Wen,
eight titles in 1865 by Tseng Kuo-fan and and Wu through the Duke of Chou to
his younger brother Tseng Kuo-ch’üan, Confucius. From Confucius the trans-
and again to seventy titles in 1933. mission is seen as going to Confucius’
Included in this collection are Wang’s disciples Yen Hui and Tseng-tzu, and
most famous writings: Ssu-wen lu, or from Tseng-tzu to Tzu-ssu to Mencius.
Record of Thoughts and Questionings; This is a critical connection to Mencius
Chou i wai-chuan, or Outer Commentary because it elevates Mencius as part of the
on the Chou Changes; Shang shu yin-i, or legitimate succession and makes him the
Elaboration on the Meanings of the Book orthodox interpreter of Confucius. Hsün-
of History; Chang-tzu Cheng-meng chu, tzu, however, is put aside in the lesser
or Master Chang’s Correcting Youthful group, which also includes Po-i and Shu-
Ignorance Annotated; Tu Ssu-shu ch’i as well as founders of the Taoist and
Maoist schools.
112
Ch’üan-t’i ta-yung
The last generation of the transmis- are the only Confucians who are in a
sion in the “Ch’uan Tao cheng-t’ung” position to be able to understand the
skips over thirteen hundred years of teachings of the ancient sages. See also
history of the Confucian tradition; that sacred/profane and Yen Yüan (Hui).
is to say, all of the Han dynasty and
T’ang dynasty Confucians are exclud- Chan, Wing-tsit. “Chu Hsi and Yüan
ed from the legitimate succession. The Neo-Confucianism.” Yüan Thought:
diagram does include the Han Chinese Thought and Religion
Confucian Yang Hsiung in its scheme, Under the Mongols. Edited by
but it places him outside of the lineage Hok-lam Chan and Wm. Theodore
and beside Hsün-tzu. Thus, from de Bary. New York: Columbia
Mencius the transmission goes directly University Press, 1982.
to Ch’eng Hao and Ch’eng I, Li Yüan-
kang’s own teachers. The Ch’eng
brothers became arguably the fore- Ch’üan Te-yü
runners in the rejuvenation of the (759–818) An influential scholar, poet,
transmission, a transmission that had and high official of the T’ang dynasty.
lain fallow ever since Mencius. The Ch’üan Te-yü was highly praised by Han
transmission as it is presented by Li pre- Yü, the prominent T’ang Confucianist,
dates Chu Hsi's discussion of the line of for his thorough studies of the
succession and reveals the conception Confucian classics. As a scholar of
of Tao-t’ung in the Neo-Confucian hsing-ming, or nature-and-destiny, he
movement. See also hundred schools of sought to find in Confucianism a teach-
thought; King T’ang; King Wen; King ing that addressed questions of person-
Wu; Yen Yüan (Hui); Yü (king). al learning and self-cultivation. Like
other members of the hsing-ming
de Bary, Wm. Theodore. The Message of group such as Liang Su, Ch’üan saw a
the Mind in Neo-Confucianism. New flexible relation among various reli-
York: Columbia University Press, 1989. gious traditions. Not surprisingly, he
took up meditative practice of
Buddhism and Taoism as a complement
Ch’uan Tao t’u to Confucianism.
“Diagram of the Transmission of the
Way” drawn by Chao Fu. The “Ch’uan
Tao t’u” introduced the North under Ch’üan-t’i ta-yung
Mongol rule to the Tao-hsüeh, or An expression meaning whole sub-
learning of the Way, stressing that the stance and great functioning; a key doc-
Neo-Confucian movement represent- trine given in Chu Hsi's supplementary
ed the Tao-t’ung, or tradition of the treatise to the Ta-hsüeh chang-chü, or
Way. The transmission outlined by the “Great Learning” in Chapters and
Chao suggests that the sacred teach- Verses. The expression ch’üan-t’i ta-yung
ings begin with the sage-kings Fu Hsi, appears in the context of completely
Shen Nung, Yao, and Shun, and go on illuminating one’s hsin (heart-mind) in
to Confucius, Yen Hui, and Mencius, the chapter on ko-wu chih-chih, inves-
and then to the Neo-Confucians Chou tigation of things and extension of
Tun-i, the Ch’eng brothers, and Chu knowledge. It suggests a point of know-
Hsi. This lineage was accepted by Chu ing as well as acting on behalf of all
Hsi and his disciples. Like other dia- things with regard to the relationship
grams of the tradition of the Way, there between the individual and all things in
is a complete skipping of all the universe.
Confucians between the period of The phrase ch’üan-t’i, whole or total
Mencius and that of the Neo- substance, refers to the connection
Confucians. This assumes that in over between the heart-mind of the individ-
a thousand years the Neo-Confucians ual and that of all other things, hence
113
Ch’üan Tsu-wang
the unity of all things in the common He also left a catechism of classics and
structure of Principle (li). Ta-yung, history. Being a scholar of ching-hsüeh
great functioning, refers to the capacity (study of classics), Ch’üan valued both
of the individual’s heart-mind in its car- Chu Hsi and Lu Chiu-yüan for their
ing and empathy of all things. In the last teachings, though he was discontent
analysis ch’üan-t’i ta-yung is a reference with their followers’ sectarianism and
to the virtue of jen (humaneness) as the pedanticism. See also Chekiang Schools;
ultimate nature of T’ien (Heaven). Jen han-lin yüan (Academy of Assembled
has the capacity to exercise the whole Brushes); shu-yüan academy.
substance and great functioning
through the individual’s moral acts in Hummel, Arthur W., ed. Eminent Chinese
dealing with all things in the universe. of the Ch’ing Period (1644–1912).
2 vols. Taipei, Taiwan: SMC, 1991.
de Bary, Wm. Theodore. Neo-Confucian
Orthodoxy and the Learning of the
Mind-and-Heart. New York: Chü-ching (Abiding in Reverence
Columbia University Press, 1981. or Seriousness)
Gardner, Daniel K. Chu Hsi and the Ta- A key concept in the li-hsüeh (School of
hsueh: Neo-Confucian Reflection on Principle or learning of Principle).
the Confucian Canon. Cambridge, Chü-ching, abiding in reverence or seri-
MA: Council on East Asian Studies, ousness, is a complement to the process
Harvard University, 1986. of learning described in terms of ko-wu
Taylor, Rodney L. The Confucian Way of ch’iung-li, investigation of things and
Contemplation: Okada Takehiko exhaustion of Principle, and ko-wu
and the Tradition of Quiet-Sitting. chih-chih, investigation of things and
Columbia, SC: University of South extension of knowledge. The phrase
Carolina Press, 1988. chü-ching first occurs in the Lun yü
(Analects), where Confucius recom-
mends that in governing the min (mass-
Ch’üan Tsu-wang es), one be simple in dealings with them
(1705–1755) Classical scholar and histori- and chü-ching, abide in reverence or
an of the Ch’ing dynasty. Also known as seriousness. From this passage the term
Ch’üan Shao-i and Master of Hsieh-shan, comes to mean attending to matters
Ch’üan Tsu-wang represented the and affairs with a particular attitude,
Eastern Chekiang School. A native of the attitude of reverence or seriousness.
Chekiang province, he passed the chin- When applied to the later Neo-
shih examination, or Metropolitan Confucian interest in learning and
Graduate examination, in 1736 and was self-cultivation, the term continues to
appointed a Hanlin Bachelor. This suggest the necessity of holding to a
appointment, however, lasted only for particular attitude of mind as one pur-
one year when he was disqualified from sues various activities. Learning and
the Hanlin Academy and left the capital. self-cultivation are described by the
The rest of his life was spent in several School of Principle in terms of an exten-
shu-yüan or academies, including the sive process of investigation for
Chi-shan School at his hometown. Principle (li). In this process, the indi-
In the applied historiographic tradi- vidual’s hsin (heart-mind) must be fully
tion of Huang Tsung-hsi and Wan Ssu- clear and attentive. This is the role of
t’ung, Ch’üan Tsu-wang devoted him- ching (reverence or seriousness).
self to biographies of the loyalists of the Thus the School of Principle suggests
Sung dynasty and Ming dynasty. He that self-cultivation requires a method to
spent his last ten years in the comple- accomplish the investigation of
tion of Huang’s Sung Yüan hsüeh-an or Principle. Chü-ching and ch’iung-li,
Records of Learning in Sung and Yüan.
114
Chu-ching (Regarding Quietude as Fundamental)
exhausting Principle, are the two sides of carried out with a disciplined and
cultivating the virtue of jen (humane- tenacious rigor. On the other hand
ness). They complement each other in there is equal attention to the inner
the process of learning. Ch’eng I says cultivation of the state of the heart-
that for self-cultivation to be successful mind. Chü-ching is a key component
one must develop one’s ching. The state in the inward directness of self-cultiva-
of ching is described by Ch’eng I as being tion. It is the component that provides
like the state before the arising of the for access to the heart-mind of the Way
feelings of happiness, anger, sorrow, and because of its ability to quiet the chaos
joy. The reference that he uses is to the caused by business as usual in daily life
“Chung yung” (“Doctrine of the Mean”) as it is reflected in the normal heart-
where distinction is made between the mind of humanity. See also li-hsüeh
state before the arising of the feelings–– (School of Principle or learning of
wei-fa, not yet manifest or unmani- Principle).
fest––and the state after, i-fa, or already
manifest. For Ch’eng I, reverence or seri- Chan, Wing-tsit, trans. and comp. A
ousness is the state of the heart-mind in Source Book in Chinese Philosophy.
its full clarity when only the Tao-hsin Princeton, NJ: Princeton University
(heart-mind of the Way) is present. Press, 1969.
Put in another way, ching is the point
at which there is the capacity for the clar-
ity of T’ien-li (Principle of Heaven), Chu-ching (Regarding Quietude
when the heart-mind is not encumbered as Fundamental)
with the material ch’i (vitality). Ch’eng I An important term in the Neo-
describes this state as resembling qui- Confucian discussion of learning and
etude and vacuity, not in the sense of self-cultivation originating with the
emptiness, but in the sense of clarity and Sung dynasty Neo-Confucian founder
attentiveness to only the essential. Chou Tun-i. For Chou Tun-i the cosmos
Chu Hsi develops the notion of chü- began in tranquility and thus it was
ching from Ch’eng I’s perspective. He appropriate that humankind, in attempt-
suggests that ching is the essential quali- ing to return to that original state before
ty that each individual must cultivate. the arising of things, would themselves
The goal of moral cultivation is to reach a emulate the way of tranquility. Often
state of uninterrupted reverence or seri- accused of having been influenced by
ousness, in which all matters and affairs Taoism, Chou Tun-i insisted that he was
will be approached with the clarity and not embracing a Taoist point of view,
attentiveness of ching. Chu Hsi also sug- but only seeing T’ien-li (Principle of
gests that it is through the method of Heaven), as a product of a world that
chü-ching that the heart-mind keeps began in quietude.
solemn and respectful. If, in the exhaus- Chou’s recommendation that self-
tion of Principle, the heart-mind can cultivation should be pursued in terms
restrain itself seriously as if it is afraid of of chu-ching raised concerns among
something, then the Principle of Heaven certain Neo-Confucians, particularly
will be understood and desires will be Ch’eng Hao, Ch’eng I, and Chu Hsi. To
eliminated. This is again the recognition the Ch’eng brothers and Chu Hsi any
that ching allows the heart-mind of the discussion of ching (quietude) poten-
Way to form the foundation of the indi- tially raised the fear that the position
vidual’s clarity without the interference advocated was one closer to Buddhism
of the petty concerns of the normal jen- than Confucianism. It is interesting that
hsin (heart-mind of humanity). this concern is almost always expressed
For Ch’eng I and Chu Hsi there is a in terms of Buddhism rather than
balance in the learning and self-culti- Taoism. Though heavily influenced by
vation process. On the one hand there Taoism, it was the potential link to
is the exhaustive search for Principle 115
Chü-ching ch’iung-li
Buddhism that seemed to be the greatest Amongst later thinkers of the li-
concern regarding some of the ideas hsüeh (School of Principle or learning
and practices advocated by Chou Tun-i. of Principle) during the Ming
In spite of the criticism of the dynasty––Ch’en Hsien-chang, for exam-
emphasis on quietude, there were still ple––there was a greater willingness to
trends within Neo-Confucianism that see the role of quietude in learning,
found Chou Tun-i’s principle of chu- though still the caution that if pursued as
ching a useful strategy in the pursuit of an end unto itself, it would cause a slip
learning and self-cultivation. Ch’eng toward Buddhism. This tendency, how-
Hao averted that a quiet person was ever, was changed in the early Ch’ing
suitable for learning. For those Neo- dynasty by Wang Fu-chih and Yen Yüan,
Confucians who began the practice of who criticized the practice of chu-ching
meditation, ching-tso (quiet-sitting), it seriously. See also tung/ching.
appeared that the principle of chu-
ching fitted as an explanation of their Chan, Wing-tsit, trans. and comp. A
own meditative practices. There was Source Book in Chinese Philosophy.
also a recognition of the usefulness of Princeton, NJ: Princeton University
admitting an element of quietude into Press, 1969.
the learning and self-cultivation ––––––, trans. Reflections on
process as an essential criterion of Things at Hand: The Neo-Confucian
moral education. It was simply a con- Anthology Compiled by Chu Hsi and
cern that quietude not become an end Lü Tsu-ch’ien. New York: Columbia
unto itself or dominate over other forms University Press, 1967.
of practice. Such dominance of qui- de Bary, Wm. Theodore, Wing-tsit Chan,
etude was seen as the beginning of the and Burton Watson, comps. Sources
slip into Buddhism. of Chinese Tradition. New York:
When Ch’eng I discussed ching (rev- Columbia University Press, 1960.
erence or seriousness), he suggested
that it had a certain tranquil nature, but
the tranquility was always a product of Chü-ching ch’iung-li
reverence or seriousness, never to be One of the most central phrases used by
pursued as an end unto itself. the Ch’eng-Chu School to describe the
Reverence or seriousness is the proper Neo-Confucian methods of learning and
pursuit and the appropriate way to pro- self-cultivation. Chü-ching ch’iung-li,
ceed with self-cultivation. In this abiding in reverence and exhausting
respect chu-ching is often contrasted Principle, refers to two facets of the
with the term chü-ching (abiding in moral effort toward the cultivation of jen
reverence or seriousness). For Ch’eng I (humaneness). The term chü-ching
and Chu Hsi the latter was always (abiding in reverence or seriousness) is
preferable and if the former was pur- derived from the Lun yü (Analects),
sued, it needed to be informed by the while ch’iung-li (exhausting Principle)
latter. In the Chin-ssu lu, or Reflections is found together with chin-hsin (fully
on Things at Hand, where the above developing the nature) in the “Shuo
idea of Ch’eng I is recorded, Chu Hsi kua,” or “Discussion of the Trigrams,” a
commented that while Chou Tun-i commentary to the I ching, or Book
sought quietude, Ch’eng I was afraid of Changes.
that such tranquility would result in a Ch’eng I of the Northern Sung
disinterest in things of the world. In dynasty sought to see ching (reverence
some of his correspondence, Chu or seriousness) as a critical component
expressed his worry that too much qui- in the process of self-cultivation. It sug-
etude would lead to unbalance and the gests the necessary attitude one had to
ideal that the use of tung, activism, and “abide with” or “dwell in” so as to free
ching, quietude, should depend on spe- the hsin (heart-mind) from material
cific circumstances. desire. Based on this understanding, the
116
Chu Hsi
Chu Hsi then wrote the “Hsi-ming demoted because he offended various
chieh-i,” or “Explanation of the officials. He briefly held a position in
Meaning of the ‘Western Inscription,’” 1188 but was again demoted. In 1190 he
elevating Chang Tsai to a key position in was again appointed as a Prefect, this
the formulation of Neo-Confucianism. time in Fukien. He was promoted Senior
This was followed by his editing and Compiler and then to Edict Attendant in
commentating on Chou Tun-i's work the following years.
“T’ai-chi t’u shuo,” or “Explanation of Chu Hsi was demoted again in 1196
the Diagram of the Great Ultimate,” an due to general condemnation of Neo-
effort that philosopher and Confucian Confucian teachings. The teachings of
scholar Wing-tsit Chan considers to be the Ch’eng brothers were banned and
Chu Hsi’s “completion” of Neo- Chu Hsi was considered by Han T’o-
Confucianism. What came next was his chou to be a dangerous figure spreading
collaboration with Lü Tsu-ch’ien in what was regarded as wei-hsüeh, or het-
compiling the Chin-ssu lu, or erodoxy. He was accused by the Censor
Reflections on Things at Hand, an of a series of crimes and was demoted
important Neo-Confucian anthology to a commoner. He died in the status of
that established the orthodox teachers a commoner when Neo-Confucianism
and teachings. In 1177 he finished his was under attack from all directions.
Lun yü chi-chu, or Collected Ironically, he was conferred the hon-
Commentaries on the Analects, and orary title Wen-kung or Cultured Duke
Meng-tzu chi-chu, Collected and placed in the Confucian temple
Commentaries on the Book of Mencius. after his death. His commentated edi-
These were published together in 1190 tion of the Four Books (ssu-shu) had
as part of the Ssu-shu chang-chü chi- become the standard text for education
chu, or Collected Commentaries on the in China by 1313 and continued to play
Four Books in Chapters and Verses, a a central role throughout East Asia into
Confucian textbook used for the past the twentieth century.
seven centuries. Chu Hsi is not so much known for his
Still in this period of retirement Chu creation of Neo-Confucian teachings as
Hsi interacted with his contemporary his achievement in synthesizing a num-
Confucians. The most famous episode ber of trends and individual thoughts,
was his encounter with Lu Chiu-yüan particularly those of the Five Early Sung
(Hsiang-shan) in 1175, namely, the Masters, into a complete system of Neo-
Goose Lake debate. It suggested the dif- Confucianism. Before then, the Neo-
ference between the Chu Hsi School Confucian teachings were referred to in
and the Hsiang-shan School around the different ways, including hsing-li hsüeh
issue of learning and self-cultivation, or learning of the nature and Principle,
providing a significant step in Chu Hsi’s hsin-hsüeh (School of Heart-Mind), li-
development of a set of teachings that hsüeh (School of Principle or learning
became identified with orthodox Neo- of Principle), and Tao-hsüeh, or learn-
Confucianism. In addition, Chu Hsi also ing of the Way. Since the Ming dynasty,
debated with Ch’en Liang, rebuffing li-hsüeh and hsin-hsüeh came to stand
Ch’en’s utilitarian teachings. for two sharply contrasting schools.
In 1179 Chu Hsi accepted a position During the Sung dynasty and Yüan
as Prefect of the Nan-k’ang Military dynasty, however, these terms and oth-
Prefecture in Kiangsi. He reopened the ers signified a common core of teach-
White Deer Grotto Academy, an ings which was inherited and synthe-
intellectual institute located there. sized by Chu Hsi. Chu’s role led to the
It soon became a center for Neo- general designation of the mainstream
Confucian study and a model for the Sung Learning as the Ch’eng-Chu
development of private academies as School until there appeared a split with-
one of the main vehicles for Neo- in the Neo-Confucian tradition.
118 Confucian education. In 1182 he was
Chu Hsi
Chu Hsi, a student of Li T’ung and the most important Neo-Confucian of the Southern Sung dynasty, laid
the conception of li as the cornerstone for the School of Principle.
119
Chu Hsi
The central teachings from the clearly seen in his Chin-ssu lu, which
Ch’eng brothers to Chu Hsi stressed the opens with Chou Tun-i’s “T’ai-chi t’u
conception of Principle (li), the under- shuo.” By acknowledging the totality of
standing of hsing (nature), and the role the Great Ultimate, Chu Hsi included
of the hsin (heart-mind). It emphasized Chou Tun-i in the Confucian succession
the Tao-t’ung, or tradition of the Way, of the Way.
from the ancient sages through Chu Hsi also brought Chang Tsai’s
Confucius and Mencius to the Sung teachings into his synthesis. He found
teachers. In its early phase the Ch’eng- in Chang’s writings, particularly the
Chu School focused on the Ti-hsüeh, “Hsi-ming,” or “Western Inscription,”
believing that the rulers, given the proper a vision of moral relation and interac-
instruction in Confucianism, could be tion between humankind and all
made to model their rulership on the things in the world. From the point of
teachings of the ancient sages and to edu- the metaphysical Absolute in the Great
cate their people in the Confucian way. Ultimate to the commitment of taking
Chu Hsi developed his philosophy good care of all things, Chu Hsi put for-
from the Ch’eng brothers’ teachings of ward a compelling call for moral learn-
Principle, regarding li or T’ien-li ing and action. The moral nature of
(Principle of Heaven), as the underlying humanity was defined in terms of jen
moral unity of all things in the universe, (humaneness), a central virtue in the
hence the highest philosophical catego- tradition beginning in the times of
ry. Adopting Ch’eng I’s theory of li-i fen- Confucius. Chu Hsi accepted the
shu, Principle being one and manifesta- Ch’eng brothers’ perception of jen as
tions being many, Chu Hsi argued for a part of the creativity of the production
single total structure called Principle of life. He incorporated the ideal of jen
and described it as a pure and universal into the framework of Principle, seeing
state. He recognized, as had Ch’eng I, humaneness as the moral expression
that Principle took its material form of Principle itself.
through ch’i (vitality), which arose out As for human nature, Chu Hsi sug-
of Principle, composed yin/yang and gested that the heart-mind possesses
the Five Elements, and gave birth to the possibility of realizing sheng or
myriads of things including the human sagehood, but it also implies the lack of
race. Unlike Ch’eng I, however, he saw li attaining sagehood in the world at large.
and ch’i as thoroughly intertwined with To make this point he differentiated the
each other, though he also admitted Tao-hsin (heart-mind of the Way) from
that li was the primary spiritual the jen-hsin (heart-mind of humanity)
noumenon as ch’i was secondary. This arguing that each person has both
conception of li became the corner- capabilities. The Tao-hsin refers to the
stone for the School of Principle. T’ien-ming chih hsing, or nature con-
To describe further the absolute ferred by Heaven, which is the person's
form of Principle, Chu Hsi identified it connection to Principle, to the Great
with Chou Tun-i’s notion of t’ai-chi Ultimate, and to the exercise of
(Great Ultimate). The Great Ultimate humaneness. The jen-hsin refers to the
becomes the point of Absolute Principle ch’i-chih chih hsing, or nature of tem-
that lays behind and within all things. perament, which is the dominance of
As Confucian scholar Julia Ching points ch’ing (emotions or feelings) and yü
out, it is precisely the appropriation of (desire), explained as the excess of ch’i.
the concept of the Great Ultimate that To Chu Hsi, a person’s goodness depends
reveals Chu’s religious thought. This on one’s natural disposition of ch’i, and the
mystical religiosity can be apprehended process of learning and self-cultivation is
by exercising ch’eng (sincerity). Chu to move the person from the dominance
Hsi’s placement of the t’ai-chi as the of jen-hsin to that of Tao-hsin.
beginning point of his philosophy is For Chu Hsi, to move from jen-hsin
120
Chu Hsi
to Tao-hsin means to get rid of human two steps in learning follows the order
desires, to keep emotions under control, he himself assigned to them in his
and to preserve Principle of Heaven. reworking of the text. While most Neo-
Although Chu Hsi admitted that human Confucians accepted his reworking, his
desires also contain some Principle of chief adversary in the Ming period,
Heaven, that material desire and moral Wang Yang-ming, the representative of
consciousness cannot be separated the School of Heart-Mind, challenged
from each other, human desires and this ordering and suggested instead that
Principle of Heaven are always opposi- the text should begin with cheng-hsin,
tional in his philosophy. Thus, in order or rectification of the heart-mind, a far
to recover one’s good nature, one should more internally-oriented process.
eliminate one’s desires and illuminate Chu Hsi placed importance on the
Principle of Heaven through learning notion of ching (reverence or serious-
and self-cultivation. ness), and the method of chü-ching
In discussing learning and self-culti- (abiding in reverence or seriousness).
vation, Chu Hsi emphasized the process Ching describes the attitude or state of
of learning as laid out in the “Great mind to be held by the person in learn-
Learning” (“Ta-hsüeh”), where ko-wu ing and self-cultivation. It is more often
(investigation of things) and chih-chih translated as seriousness to reflect Chu
(extension of knowledge) are listed as Hsi’s emphasis on the intellectuality and
the primary steps of learning. Through rationality in his program of investigation
these steps one would be able to of things and extension of knowledge. The
exhaust Principle and fully develop the word “seriousness” is appropriate to
nature. Chu Hsi understood learning describe the attentiveness in learning, but
and self-cultivation primarily as an if one considers Chu Hsi’s identification
externally oriented process, whose goal of Principle with the Absolute, ching as
is the acquisition of the knowledge the proper manner toward it is better
about Principle as it exists in things. rendered as “reverence.”
The investigation of things covers a Chu Hsi regarded his systematiza-
very wide spectrum of different types of tion and development of Neo-
matters. It is as involved with family rela- Confucianism as nothing more than the
tions and the proper exercise of an offi- transmission of the ancient sages’
cial position as it is with exhausting the teachings. His system of thought was
Principle of a particular thing. Though it merely the accumulated knowledge of
is recognized that Principle is one, a stu- Principle from the sages of antiquity to
dent should not limit the exhaustion of the Neo-Confucian teachers of his own
Principle to one single object, phenome- generation. This is the Tao-t’ung, tradi-
non or relationship. It ought to be a tion of the Way, which Chu Hsi saw as
broad based searching process with no linking the Confucian teachers of his
let up, seeking an understanding of day directly with the early Confucians,
Principle in as many things as possible. especially Confucius and Mencius, and
The most basic source for such investi- in turn with the sages of antiquity such
gation is the Confucian classics, which as Yao, Shun, and Yü. The succession of
should be followed by the histories. In teachings represented the sacred
other words, close study of books is knowledge for they were from a
regarded as a primary means of learning. source of religious authority known as
Chu Hsi insisted that one should acquire T’ien (Heaven) by the ancient sages and
knowledge before action, and then act to early Confucians, or T’ien-li, by the
deepen or clarify the knowledge. Neo-Confucians.
Chu Hsi’s interpretation of the “Great Knowledge of the Heavenly Way is
Learning” is not without controversy. contained in the classics, and one of
His focus on the investigation of things Chu Hsi’s great contributions to the
and extension of knowledge as the first development of Neo-Confucianism is
121
Chu Hsi School
of the nature and Principle, were used NY: State University of New York
interchangeably until the hsin-hsüeh Press, 1995.
and the li-hsüeh became contrasting de Bary, Wm. Theodore and John W.
schools of thought. See also Ch’eng Hao. Chaffee, eds. Neo-Confucian
Education: The Formative Stage.
de Bary, Wm. Theodore. Neo-Confucian Berkeley, CA: University of
Orthodoxy and the Learning of California Press, 1989.
the Mind-and-Heart. New York: Hucker, Charles O. A Dictionary of
Columbia University Press, 1981. Official Titles in Imperial China.
Stanford, CA: Stanford University
Press, 1985.
Chu Hui-an Lee, Thomas H. C. Government Education
See Chu Hsi. and Examinations in Sung China.
New York: St. Martin’s Press, 1985.
Chü-jen
A quasi-official designation used from the Chu-ju (Miscellaneous Scholars)
Sui dynasty to the Ch’ing dynasty, the The category used by Huang Tsung-hsi
chü-jen refers to those who had passed in his Ming-ju hsüeh-an or The Records
the chieh-shih examination (Prefectural of Ming Scholars to describe a group of
Examination), the first level of civil ser- Ming dynasty Confucians who were
vice examinations, and were forwarded somewhat related to the Ch’eng-Chu
by local authorities to the capital to par- School or the Wang Yang-ming School,
ticipate in the second level of examina- but whose lineages were unclear. They
tion, the sheng-shih examination, or had known neither teachers nor disci-
Government Departmental Examination. ples themselves. The prominent schol-
Those who failed the sheng-shih exami- ars Fang Hsiao-ju, Ts’ao Tuan, Lo
nation would keep the title chü-jen, trans- Ch’in-shun, Lü K’un, and Hao Ching
lated by institutional historian Charles were classified under this group.
Hucker as Recommendees (before the
Sung dynasty), Prefectural Graduates Huang Tsung-hsi. The Records of Ming
(during the Sung), or Provincial Scholars. Edited by Julia Ching with
Graduates (after the Sung). This created a Chaoying Fang. Honolulu, HI:
class of people who were well-educated, University of Hawaii Press, 1987.
but prohibited from an eminent career
and therefore utilized at the level of local
governmental positions. Chu-k’o Examinations
In the Ming and Ch’ing periods when A term used to describe the regular exam-
an additional level of local examination ination grouping given at the tien-shih
known as the hsiang-shih examination, examination, or Palace Examination, the
or Provincial Examination, was added, highest level of the civil service examina-
chü-jen came to refer to those who had tions system, by the li-pu, or Ministry of
passed both the Prefectural and Rites. The chu-k’o, various subjects, in the
Provincial Examinations. It seems that T’ang dynasty generally included all regu-
they were more qualified in terms of lar examinations offered at the capital.
being able to enter higher official posi- During the Northern Sung period, howev-
tions, but in reality most of them could er, the chin-shih examination, or
not be granted immediate appoint- Presented Scholar Examination, became
ments and served only as local teachers. independent and the chu-k’o denoted
See also te-chieh chü-jen. all but one of the examinations. At that
time students could complete either the
Chaffee, John W. The Thorny Gates of chin-shih or the chu-k’o examinations.
Learning in Sung China: A Social “Various subjects” referred to examina-
History of Examinations. Albany, tions in a series of fields, including the
123
Ch’un ch’iu
chiu ching, or Nine Classics; wu ching, or of the states. While the tradition of
Five Classics; K’ai-yüan li, or Rites of the Confucius’ involvement in the creation of
K’ai-yüan Reign; san shih, or Three the work is important, from the
Histories (Shih chi, Han shu, and Hou Confucian perspective it is probably just
Han shu); san li, or Three Ritual Classics as important that the work is a record of
(I li, Chou li, and Li chi); san chuan, or events in the native state of Confucius.
Three Commentaries to the Spring and The fact that a chronicle from the
Autumn Annals; hsüeh-chiu, or Specific state of Lu would be chosen as one of the
Classics; ming-ching, or Understanding Five Classics suggests that a record of the
the Classics; and others. Nominally the native state of Confucius was regarded as
chu-k’o examinations were of equal sta- having broad implications far beyond
tus with the chin-shih examination, but the confines of the state of Lu itself.
in practice they were of less prestige. History, from a Confucian perspective,
Eventually in the Southern Sung dynasty has meaning as a ground for the actions
the chin-shih became the degree of of T’ien (Heaven), and the history of the
choice and all other examinations were state of Lu has special meaning because
eliminated. The later dynastic periods of its connection to the founder of the
refer only to the chin-shih degree as Confucian tradition itself.
the degree achieved at the third level, The Ch’un ch’iu is not particularly
or Palace Examination level. See also readable as a text, it being nothing more
Ch’un ch’iu and Shih chi (Records of than a string of events tied together with
the Historian). little narrative. As a result it has been
accompanied by the Tso chuan com-
Chaffee, John W. The Thorny Gates of mentary which attempts to describe in
Learning in Sung China: A Social detail the historical events that the Ch’un
History of Examinations. Albany, ch’iu mentions only in passing. Two addi-
NY: State University of New York tional commentaries of didacticism
Press, 1995. accompany the work: the Kung-yang
Hucker, Charles O. A Dictionary of chuan and the Ku-liang chuan. All three
Official Titles in Imperial China. commentaries became significant works
Stanford, CA: Stanford University in their own right and are regarded as
Press, 1985. part of the Twelve Classics from the
Lee, Thomas H. C. Government Education T’ang dynasty. See also San chuan.
and Examinations in Sung China.
New York: St. Martin’s Press, 1985. Legge, James, trans. The Chinese
Classics. Vol. 5, The Ch’un Ts’ew with
the Tso Chuen. Hong Kong: London
Ch’un ch’iu Missionary Society, n.d.; Reprint. (as
Spring and Autumn Annals; the fifth of vol. 4), Taipei, Taiwan: SMC, 1991.
the Five Classics according to traditional Loewe, Michael, ed. Early Chinese Texts:
accounts. A chronicle of the state of Lu A Bibliographical Guide. Early China
between the years 722 and 481 B.C.E., Special Monograph Series, no. 2.
Ch’un ch’iu, in terse and laconic form, Berkeley, CA: Institute of East Asian
provides a running account of events in Studies, 1994.
and around the state of Lu. With brief
records of internal affairs, diplomatic
meetings, feudal wars, and natural disas- Ch’un ch’iu fan-lu (Luxuriant Dew
ters, the text reads like a listing of events. of the Spring and Autumn
Confucius, by traditional accounts since
Mencius, is given a major role in the Annals)
compilation, a work supposedly to bear A major writing in the New Text tradi-
out the deeds of the rulers and ministers tion ascribed to the Former Han
dynasty Confucian Tung Chung-shu.
124
Chung (Loyalty)
The Ch’un ch’iu fan-lu built upon the repository of quotations from Chou and
importance Tung placed on the Kung- Han texts. Its authenticity, however, has
yang chuan commentary to the Ch’un been doubted by Chu Hsi and other Sung
ch’iu, or Spring and Autumn Annals. dynasty critics. Modern scholars tend to
The character lu, dew, in its title is inter- accept it as a collective work. See also
preted to be the gems hanging down New Text/Old Text (chin-wen/ku-wen).
like drops of dew from a ceremonial hat.
The philosophical orientation of the Chan, Wing-tsit, trans. and comp. A
work suggested, through a wide ranging Source Book in Chinese Philosophy.
number of subjects and incidents, the Princeton, NJ: Princeton University
underlying beliefs that were prevalent Press, 1969.
at the time: yin/yang and the wu hsing, Loewe, Michael, ed. Early Chinese Texts:
or Five Elements. A Bibliographical Guide. Early China
Still grounded in Confucian teach- Special Monograph Series, no. 2.
ings, it stressed virtues such as jen Berkeley, CA: Institute of East Asian
(humaneness), as the defining quality Studies, 1994.
of humankind and Heaven, as well as
the key for proper leadership to be exer-
cised by the emperor in ordering the Chung (Loyalty)
state. It established a mysterious cosmic A central virtue for Confucius and gen-
system called the T’ien-jen kan-ying, or erations of later Confucians and Neo-
correspondence of Heaven and human, Confucians, chung, commonly translat-
to deify Confucius and his teachings as ed as loyalty and rendered by philoso-
the orthodox state cult, and standard- phers David L. Hall and Roger T. Ames as
ized the vocabulary of the Confucian “giving of oneself completely,” is pre-
ethical code and political principles. sented in the Lün yü (Analects) as one of
The text, as suggested by Sinologists two fundamental principles to tie
Steve Davidson and Michael Loewe, together the teachings of Confucius. The
may be divided into two parts. The first key passage to illuminate the centrality
part is a set of analyses of the moral and of the teaching of chung is in the
political lessons drawn from the Ch’un Analects, the famous discussion of the
ch’iu, which was read as an obscured “single thread,” i-kuan, that is said to
writing of Confucius—the “uncrowned run throughout Confucius’ teachings.
king” who does not have political Confucius is recorded as saying to his
power, but has received the Mandate of disciple Tseng-tzu that there is a single
Heaven. The subject matter of this part thread that runs throughout his Tao
includes the cheng-ming (rectification (Way); that is, throughout his teachings.
of names), the role of the sages, the Tseng-tzu responds by agreeing with
notion of the Tao (Way), and others. The Confucius. After Confucius has left,
second part is mainly theoretical appli- other disciples who heard the comment
cations of yin/yang and wu hsing meta- ask Tseng-tzu to explain what Confucius
physics to Confucian ideas. For the first meant by a single thread running
time in the scholarship of yin/yang, evil through his teachings. Tseng-tzu says
was identified with yin in opposition to that the teachings or the Way of
the goodness of yang, hence there exist- Confucius is chung, loyalty, and shu
ed a hierarchic relation between the two (reciprocity or empathy). This passage
complementary forces. Other topics dis- from the Analects has established chung
cussed are T’ien-tao or Heavenly Way, and shu as the center of the way in
Confucian virtues, ruler-subject rela- which Confucius describes his teach-
tionship, governmental patterns such as ings. In turn chung and shu have been
hsing (punishment or criminal law), subject to much interpretation by gen-
rites and sacrifices, etc. The contents of erations of Confucians attempting to
the work are very broad, also serving as a understand the nature of a “single
125
Chung (Loyalty)
thread” running through the teachings The Sung dynasty and Ming dynasty
of Confucius. Neo-Confucians enlarged the discus-
Chung has been most commonly sion of chung to a more self-conscious
translated as loyalty, but this translation philosophical level, but never failed to
can fail to recognize the depth of the relate it to an understanding of the
concept in elucidating an internal development of the individual to the
process of self-expression. Hall and realization of a sage-like capacity. In the
Ames, citing Hsü Shen’s lexicon Shuo- Pei-hsi tzu-i of Ch’en Ch’un, one of the
wen chieh-tzu, or Analysis of Characters major writings of the li-hsüeh (School
as an Explanation of Writing, and its of Principle or learning of Principle),
commentary demonstrate the connec- one finds a discussion of chung both in
tion of the term to ching (reverence or relation to hsin and to shu. Of the rela-
seriousness), ch’eng (sincerity), and the tion of chung and hsin, Ch’en Ch’un
idea of chin-chi, exhausting oneself, says that both trace their definitions to
suggesting the root meaning as putting the exercise of human effort, a point in
oneself forth with full sincerity and rev- line with their earliest usage. Ch’en
erence, or “giving of oneself completely.” Ch’un quotes Ch’eng I as suggesting
Represented in this fashion, it is possi- that chung means the full exertion of
ble to see how the term loyalty came to the self and hsin means making things
be the common translation, because true or real. For Ch’en Ch’un this brings
loyalty means to give oneself to some- the concepts together by suggesting
thing fully, or to do one’s best for some- that chung refers to the internal process
thing. In this context, however, of the self and hsin refers to the external
Confucius is using the term to refer to a expression of the self. Both are seen as
deeper sense of the individual’s ability referring to that which is true and in
to reflect on the inner capacity for turn are related, as we have already
moral action. seen, to the concept of ch’eng, sincerity,
The concept is closely related to the where it is also pointing to that which
Confucian use of ch’eng, sincerity, is true.
integrity or authenticity, which means to Next, Ch’en Ch’un discusses the rela-
be true or authentic to that which is with- tion between chung and shu. Ch’en
in oneself. It is also related to hsin, fre- Ch’un again quotes Ch’eng I who had
quently translated as belief or faith, but suggested that chung referred to the full
more accurately rendered by Hall and exertion of the self while shu represented
Ames as living up to one’s word, or acting the extension of the self outward to oth-
in a fashion that is true to one’s nature. In ers. For Ch’en Ch’un chung and shu are
each case the concepts reflect a focus two tracks of a single process, one is
upon the inner nature of the self and the inward and pertains to oneself, the other
capacity to relate that inner nature to the outward and pertains to others. This also
external world. The centrality of this con- varies little from the earliest usage of the
cept, as well as related ideas for words by Confucius as we have seen.
Confucius, should suggest the degree to The difference can be found between
which an interpretation of Confucius the Neo-Confucian usage from the Sung
(e.g. the Han dynasty Confucian Ma through the Ming dynasties and the earli-
Jung’s Chung ching or Book of Loyalty) as er usage, lies in the capacity for chung to
merely social and political philosophy become more reflective of a broader
misses the way in which Confucius was philosophical agenda. Chung may be in
involved in an in-depth analysis of the line with the earliest usage as long as it is
nature of the self and its relation to the referring to the self and an internal
world at large and sought a method of expression of self, but when it is equated
learning that would allow for the cultiva- with the heart-mind as Ch’en Ch’un does,
tion of a self that bore the capacity for the then there is a broader metaphysical
unfoldment of its true nature. implication. Chung and shu become
126
Chung (People)
descriptions as well of the “single thread” (heart-mind), the point of greatest cen-
that runs through Heaven and Earth as trality where he or she is related to
the unifying mind of the universe, not just everything else by sharing the same
the teaching of Confucius. Later Neo- nature of Heaven. Tu proposes that the
Confucians of the Ching dynasty will image of “centrality” conveys the sense
attempt to move the meaning back into a of the individual at the center of his or
less metaphysical framework, suggesting her being. In this state one is related
such categories refer to specific moral both to all things and to oneself. Chung
teaching as elucidated by Confucius and thus refers not just to the center point
the early Confucian teachers. See also between extremes, but also a profound
hsin (faithfulness). level of self-awareness. It carries a reli-
gious meaning by bringing the Absolute
Chan, Wing-tsit, trans. and ed. Neo- into the context of the relationship
Confucian Terms Explained (The between the self and others.
Pei-hsi tzu-i) by Ch’en Ch’un, 1159–
1223. New York: Columbia Chan, Wing-tsit, trans. and comp. A
University Press, 1986. Source Book in Chinese Philosophy.
––––––, trans. and comp. A Princeton, NJ: Princeton University
Source Book in Chinese Philosophy. Press, 1969.
Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Tu Wei-ming. Centrality and Commonality:
Press, 1969. An Essay on Confucian Religiousness.
Hall, David L., and Roger T. Ames. Albany, NY: State University of New
Thinking Through Confucius. York Press, 1989.
Albany, NY: State University of New
York Press, 1987.
Lau, D. C., trans. The Analects (Lun yü). Chung (People)
New York: Penguin Books, 1979. One of several terms used in early
Confucian writings to refer to the
masses of people as opposed to the rul-
Chung (Mean) ing classes. Chung, according to
Key term in Confucian thought particu- philosophers David L. Hall and Roger T.
larly as it is reflected in the “Chung Ames, is used more generally than the
yung” (“Doctrine of the Mean”). Chung phrase pai-hsing (hundred cognomina),
means middle, mean, or, as Confucian which is inclusive of the upper classes.
scholar Tu Wei-ming renders it, central- Thus chung can be used to apply to a
ity, suggesting that one rests in the right wide spectrum of the population. The
place. The “Doctrine of the Mean” key in its usage seems to be the spec-
defines it in terms of the wei-fa or trum that can be included in the term
unmanifested state of emotions and suggesting the commonest people to
regards it as the root of the world. the upper classes.
Unlike Buddhism and Taoism, however, The usage of chung stands in con-
Confucianism does not seek to extermi- trast to the term min (masses), which
nate the ch’ing (emotions or feelings); seems only to refer to the lowest level of
instead, it tries to control them by society and is originally used as a pejo-
means of ethical behavior. rative. Its usage stands in contrast as
In Confucian cosmology and moral well to the term jen (human), which
philosophy there is a recognition of the speaks directly to the character of the
intimate relation between the individ- individual. Words such as chung refer
ual and T’ien (Heaven), and chung indi- only to a group, though from the
cates the point at which the individual Confucian perspective there is no per-
understands this relation. In other son in any such group who is beyond the
words, the individual discovers within capacity of becoming a person in the
his or her own hsing (nature), or hsin
127
Ch’ung-hsien Kuan (Institute for Veneration of the Worthies)
128
Ch’ung Yü
129
Chung Yung (Doctrine of the Mean)
mother. He takes the opportunity to ask was primarily from Buddhists and
Mencius whether he feels he was exces- Taoists who saw in the work a subtle
sive in the employment of the funeral and profound philosophical statement
rituals with which he buried his mother. about the nature of the universe and its
Mencius responds by suggesting that relation to human nature. With the
the use of the finest coffin-wood, if they advent of Neo-Confucianism interest
are available and can be purchased, is a was kindled in the work by the
show of hsiao (filial piety) and therefore Confucians. Ssu-ma Kuang and Ch’eng
appropriate because it is an outward Hao both showed interest in the text,
expression of inner feelings. but like the “Great Learning,” it was Chu
In another passage Ch’ung Yü finds Hsi who was able to move the work into
Mencius troubled and asks him about a position of great prominence. This he
his appearance of unhappiness, sug- accomplished through including the
gesting that he should hold neither “Chung yung” in the collection of
T’ien (Heaven) nor humankind respon- Confucian writings known as the Four
sible for his failure to be recognized. Books (ssu-shu), a group of writings
Mencius responds, saying that Heaven that included the “Great Learning,” the
must not yet be ready to bestow its “Chung yung,” the Lun yü (Analects),
authority on a new ruler, otherwise he and the Book of Mencius.
would have been chosen. This passage, The question of authorship with the
not unlike several in the Analects, sug- “Chung yung” is not unlike the discus-
gests that Mencius, in a similar way to sion of authorship with any of the writ-
Confucius, seemed to regard himself as ings found in the Li chi. The writings
a potential selection to become the per- reflect a strong influence from the early
son upon whom T’ien would bestow its Confucian school, but it is difficult to tie
mandate. It is difficult to interpret such any one of the writings to a specific
passages other than to see them as an author. In the case of the “Chung yung,”
affirmation of the authority of T’ien and the traditional account by Ssu-ma
a view of themselves as specially pos- Ch’ien and Cheng Hsüan suggests the
tured to represent such authority. author as Tzu-ssu, the grandson of
These passages also reflect an inti- Confucius. This was the account accept-
macy of conversation between Mencius ed by Chu Hsi, though modern scholar-
and a close disciple and illustrate for us ship tends to place the work as late as the
some of the more personal observations Ch’in or Han dynasty. Regardless of the
of Mencius about himself and his role in author or the date of composition, since
the world. See also Lun yü (Analects). becoming a part of the Four Books, the
“Chung yung” has exerted a tremendous
Lau, D. C., trans. Mencius. Harmondsworth, influence on the development of Neo-
England: Penguin Books, 1970. Confucian philosophy from the four-
teenth century. As one of the Four
Books, it became part of the center-
Chung Yung (Doctrine of the piece of the Confucian educational sys-
Mean) tem and the basis for the civil service
Originally a chapter from the Li chi or examination.
Records of Rites. Confucian scholar Tu Chu Hsi suggests an order that repre-
Wei-ming had rendered the title “cen- sents a progression of learning the Four
trality and commonality.” Like the Books. First is the “Great Learning”
“Great Learning” (“Ta-hsüeh”) it because it represents the foundation and
became one of the major Confucian a summary plan for the process of learn-
texts under the influence of the Neo- ing. Next follows the Analects of
Confucians. Unlike the “Great Learning,” Confucius as the foundation of the tradi-
the “Chung yung” attracted interest tion. Mencius’ work is placed after
prior to the Sung dynasty, but the interest the Analects to become the official
130
Chung yung chang-chü
131
Chung yung chih-chieh
“Chung yung” (“Doctrine of the Mean”). combination with the Chung yung
Chu Hsi considers the “Chung yung” to chang-chü, the work shows the extraordi-
be the essence of Confucian teachings. nary importance placed on the “Chung
The Chung yung chang-chü explains yung” in the Neo-Confucian curriculum.
Chu’s belief that Principle (li) is the ulti-
mate substance of the world. It became Chan Wing-tsit, trans. Reflections on
the standard commentary to the Things at Hand: The Neo-Confucian
“Doctrine of the Mean” as part of the Anthology Compiled by Chu Hsi and
Four Books (ssu-shu) in the Ming Lü Tsu-ch’ien. New York: Columbia
dynasty and Ch’ing dynasty. See also University Press, 1967.
Chung yung huo-wen.
through the pursuit of learning and self- the chün-tzu is described as calm and at
cultivation. Thus chün-tzu emerges for peace, the petty person is seen as agitat-
Confucius as a term to characterize a ed and filled with worries. The chün-tzu
person of moral virtue or personal is described as looking upward; the
nobility, a term of philosophy rather petty person is said to look downward.
than sociology. Therefore the Po-hu The chün-tzu is described as focusing
t’ung (White Tiger Discussions) defines on what is righteous and truthful; the
the chün-tzu as a title of morality. petty person is said to seek after what is
If nobility is conferred by personal profitable. A contrast is made between
moral breeding and learning, the differ- the chün-tzu and the petty person in
ence between those who have attained terms of seeking virtues versus seeking
nobility and those who have not is a mat- material goods.
ter of culture and education, rather than The moral difference between the
birth. For Confucius, education was two types of individuals concerns the
something that was open and accessible commitment of the chün-tzu to help
to all, not simply a birthright of the high- humankind do good and avoid evil. The
er classes. The goal of the chün-tzu is not petty person is said to do the opposite.
easy to attain, since the path of learning The chün-tzu serves the larger good; the
as outlined in Confucius’ educational petty person focuses on special interests
and ethical doctrines is a long and chal- and cliques. Probably the best summary
lenging one. Confucius was only con- of these contrasts can be found in the
cerned that his disciples had a commit- statement that the chün-tzu looks to
ment to learning rather than the appro- himself, that is, he takes personal
priate pedigree by birth. responsibility for his actions. By con-
It has often been suggested that with trast, the petty person looks to others or
this change in the meaning of the term relies on others, shifting the responsibil-
chün-tzu, Confucius in one bold stroke ity away from himself.
opened up the entire notion of educa- In the Analects the term chün-tzu is
tion as something that was accessible to used for a person of seriousness, com-
any person. This may well be a bit of an mitment, moral striving, and concern
exaggeration because there is no clear for the benefit of others. Confucius
evidence that Confucius’ disciples came qualifies the chün-tzu with three
from the general population. However, virtues: jen (humaneness), chih (wis-
the philosophical foundation was laid dom), and yung, or courageousness. In
and the mark for access to learning describing the virtue jen, Confucius
became the commitment of the students says that a chün-tzu who is not humane
or disciples to the principle of learning would cease to be a chün-tzu. Thus the
seemingly with no regard for the back- chün-tzu is a person who fulfills the
ground of the disciples themselves. For highest virtues spoken of by Confucius.
later generations of Confucians the focus He or she is also seen as a person of
on the chün-tzu as a person of moral depth and personal strength of
learning brought about the traditional character. He or she is spoken of as a
Confucian belief that education should courageous person with no fear. This is
be open and accessible. not to say that the chün-tzu is careless,
The term chün-tzu is used frequently but that he or she is focused on the Tao
by Confucius in the Lün yü (Analects) to (Way), rather then preoccupied with
describe the ideal person of learning fears and anxieties. He or she is said to
and moral cultivation. To draw out char- be fearful only of three things: T’ien-
acteristics of the chün-tzu, the Analects ming (Mandate of Heaven), great men,
contrasts him or her to the hsiao-jen and the words of the sages. All else in
(petty person), who does not fulfill his the way of normal anxieties and fears is
or her potential for becoming a person dwarfed by comparison. For Confucius,
of learning and moral cultivation. While normal anxieties and fears do not exist
133
Chu Shih
for the chün-tzu because upon examining Therefore, the chün-tzu is one who is
himself he or she finds nothing that is not not only a person of learning and moral
in rapport with the Mandate of Heaven, cultivation, but ultimately focused on
great men, and the words of the sages. the Way of Heaven as it is represented in
With these characteristics, the chün- the words of the sages of antiquity.
tzu might be described in several differ- Because the chün-tzu is focused on the
ent ways. He or she is a person of learn- Way of Heaven, the term’s meaning is
ing and moral cultivation, the embodi- ultimately founded in religious princi-
ment of the virtues of the Confucian tra- ples. Most of the translations for the term
dition. He or she is the endpoint for chün-tzu do not properly render this
which Confucius taught in his own gen- meaning. To translate the term as “gen-
eration, the ideal type who could bring tleman” or “exemplary person” or even
order to a society in ruinous division “noble person” may miss the subtler
and civil strife. He or she is, however, dimension of the chün-tzu. The transla-
not a sheng (sage), and for Confucius at tion as “profound person” by Confucian
least, this still separated him or her scholar Tu Wei-ming captures both the
from the full embodiment of virtue rep- role of the chün-tzu to act in and through
resented by the sage figures in ancient society and human relations and the
history. But in Confucius’ time the sages possibility of seeing these actions as
were only figures of high antiquity and rooted in his or her commitment to the
thus the chün-tzu was as close an Way of Heaven. See also sheng or sheng-
embodiment of their principles as one jen (sage) and T’ien (Heaven).
could hope to achieve.
To Mencius the concept of the chün- Boodberg, Peter A. “The Semasiology of
tzu takes on a profound sense because Some Primary Confucian Concepts.”
he believed that the noble person Philosophy East and West 2.4
embodies the way of the sages them- (January, 1953): 317-32.
selves. Because he believed that there Hall, David L., and Roger T. Ames.
exists a common human nature of Thinking Through Confucius. Albany,
goodness that is shared by sages and all NY: State University of New York
people, he claimed that it is possible for Press, 1987.
anyone to become a sage. This possibil- Lau, D. C., trans. The Analects (Lun yü).
ity is already implicit in Confucius’ New York: Penguin Books, 1979.
beliefs. By asserting that the chün-tzu Tu Wei-ming. Centrality and Commonality:
stands in fear of Heaven and the sages, An Essay on Confucian Religiousness.
Confucius acknowledged that the end- Albany, NY: State University of New
point for the chün-tzu is to be in rapport York Press, 1989.
with Heaven and the sages.
Such alignment with Heaven and the
sages becomes far more explicit as the Chu Shih
tradition develops from Mencius forward. (1665–1736) Confucian scholar of the
If one looks, for example, at the “Chung Ch’ing dynasty; also known as Chu Jo-
yung” (“Doctrine of the Mean”) the chün- chan and Chu K’o-ting. Chu Shih was a
tzu is represented as in alignment with native of Kiangsi province. Having
the Way of Heaven by embodying ch’eng received his chin-shih or Metropolitan
(sincerity). By the time one arrives at the Graduate degree in 1694, he held official
development of Neo-Confucianism, this positions from the Hanlin Academy to
connection to the sages of antiquity the Ministry of Personnel. When he
becomes the basis for substituting sage served as Provincial Education
for chün-tzu. Thus, while the term is still Commissioner in Shensi, he propagated
employed as representing an ideal type, the philosophy of Chang Tsai. After he
all attention is placed on the capacity to
develop the state of sageliness itself.
134
Chu-tzu wen-chi
At the end of the Twice Yearly Confucian Ceremony, the ritual address is burned.
philology, with frequent use the Chou li, or Rites of Chou, explain
of the Han dynasty lexicon Shuo- that the dance is associated with
wen chieh-tzu, or Analysis of Characters autumn and winter and detail its per-
as an Explanation of Writing. See formance with feathers and a flute. See
also han-lin yüan (Academy of also Martial Dance (wu-wu) and yüeh-
Assembled Brushes). chang (liturgical verse).
In this photo, Civil Dancers with pheasant feathers and red bamboo flutes act out a number of intricate
movements to the verses sung during the Twice Yearly Confucian Ceremony.
139
Collected Commentaries on the Book of Mencius
Four Books
See Ssu-shu chi-chu. Collecting Together (Body and
Heart-Mind)
Collected Commentaries on See shou-lien (collecting together).
Hsin-chai
See Ming-ju Wang Hsin-chai hsien- Collection of Literary Works by
sheng i-chi. (Master) Ch’eng I
See I-ch’uan (hsien-sheng) wen-chi.
Collected Works of Chou Lien-hsi
See Chou-tzu ch’üan-shu. Collection of Literary Works by
Master Chu
Collected Works of Chou Yüan-kung See Chu-tzu wen-chi.
See Chou-tzu ch’üan-shu.
140
Comprehensive Learning
Compassion
One of several translations of the central Complete Works of the
Confucian virtue jen. Other translations Two Ch’engs
include humaneness, benevolence, See Erh Ch’eng ch’üan-shu.
altruism, human-heartedness, humani-
ty, love, kindness, and co-humanity. See
jen (humaneness). Complete Works of Yang-ming
See Wang Wen-ch’eng Kung ch’üan-shu.
chai Wang
See Hsin-chai Wang Hsien-sheng Comprehensive Learning
ch’üan-chi. Translation of t’ung-hsüeh. See
Cheng-hsüeh.
141
Comprehensive Record of Admonitions to Sons
142
Confucian Folklore
Reign Period; and even in the official his- relates Tung's ability in distinguishing a
tory Shih chi (Records of the Historian). fox spirit from human beings. Ma Jung
of the Later Han period became extraor-
Ancient Stories dinarily erudite after he had eaten a
Probably the best known episodes are beautiful flower in his dream.
those related to Confucius himself. The
Shih chi and wall paintings depict Sacred Places and Things
Confucius’ miraculous birth on Mound Confucius’ birthplace in Ch’ü-fu is seen
Ni-ch’iu. The K’ung-tzu chia-yü and wall as a sacred location and its cult center is
paintings also depict the appearance of the Confucian temple. Within the tem-
a kylin-unicorn, two dragons, and five ple complex, the library built during the
immortal musicians in front of Southern Sung dynasty is considered to
Confucius’ mother on the eve of be celestial, since it alone survived the
Confucius’ birth. These two sources also natural fire of 1499 and the great earth-
tell of Confucius’ prediction of a flood quake of 1668. The K’ung-tzu mu
caused by heavy rain when he heard of a (Tomb of Confucius), on the other
single-footed bird hopping and flapping hand, was reported to be opened by the
its wings in front of the palace in the First Emperor of Ch’in, who was con-
state of Ch'i. The Han dynasty tradition demned to death for this profane act.
has it that Confucius was a grotesque Sacred things are present in Confucian
man of unusual strength. folklore. In addition to sacrificial utensils,
There are also folk tales concerning a number of objects are regarded as
ancient kings and ministers, Confucius’ supernatural. For instance, a well at the
disciples, and later Confucians. One foot of Mound Ni-ch’iu is sacred because
comes from a popular painting about the it was created when Confucius’ mother
virtue of hsiao (filial piety); it depicts the wanted some water on a hot day when
sage king Shun, who was so hardworking she took her abandoned child home. A
and dutiful toward his parents that an sacred, ancient bell inscribed with
elephant and a flock of birds came to Buddhist sutras is found in the Mencian
assist him in ploughing and weeding. temple at Mencius’ hometown in
Another story, which has been written in Shantung province. According to legend,
the Lun-heng and other books, is about the spirit of Mencius made the big bell
Tseng-tzu. He develops an uneasy feeling sound as a warning of the flood.
when his mother bites her finger far away Afterward, those who escaped from the
at home, indicating a telepathy between disaster decided to move the bell into the
he and his mother. At the funeral of his temple. This may be a product of the
parents, Tseng-tzu cries for so long that a fusion between Confucianism and
spring arises on the spot. Buddhism in folk culture.
The Lun-heng, the T’ai-p’ing yü-lan,
and a wall painting all record that a Plants and Animals
white horse appeared as an omen of Yen The old Chinese juniper plant in the
Hui’s untimely death. A fictional source Confucian temple at Ch’ü-fu is
also describes how Yen Hui cut a snake ascribed to Confucius. Its growing,
spirit into two with a sword. Early withering, and rebirth supposedly
sources tell a story about an episode in reflect the dynastic cycle as well as the
which Confucius instructs Tzu-lu to kill fortunes of Confucius’ family. It was
a fish demon. It is said that Mencius’ burned in 1214 and 1499, but revived
birth was presaged by his mother’s in 1732. The cypresses on Mound Ni-
dreaming of the god of Mount ch’iu, too, were allegedly planted by
T’ai-shan, while Tung Chung-shu, Confucius. They would transform into
according to a fairy tale from the Ch’ing brushes when Confucius’ disciples
dynasty, was the son of the mythical needed to practice calligraphy, and
Weaving Maid. An earlier fantastic story would change back into trees when
144
Confucian Folklore
This stone carving depicts Confucius as a sage ruler in imperial courtly style. He is seated at
the head of his major disciples, who are arranged in hierarchical fashion.
145
Confucian Hall
they were returned to the hill. The altars, and cloisters. The ancestral tablet
stalks of alpine yarrow, especially those is a wooden tablet whose only inscrip-
from the Confucian Grove at Ch’ü-fu, tion is an honorific title for the person
are chosen to be used with the I ching, being represented. There have been
or Book of Changes, for divination. periods, however, when paintings of the
Either fictive or real, the animals kylin- various figures of the tradition have also
unicorn, dragon, phoenix, bat, crow, and hung in the temple. There also seems to
crane are considered divine or auspi- be some evidence that at other times
cious. Crows are deemed to be the guards various Confucians were represented in
of Confucius and his temple since the the temple by statues. The ancestral
master named them as a filial bird, where- tablet has been the norm, but this has
as the white cranes and gray cranes in the not prevented the tradition from creat-
Confucian Grove are believed to be edi- ing various representations of its most
fied by Confucianism. Even the mosqui- important figures.
toes there are said to have been instruct- Confucius is found in paintings, stone
ed by Confucius, and so they never bite etchings, and statues. His iconographic
students who are studying or working! representation consists of several differ-
Such legends preserve the folk ver- ent images. One image is that of a ruler.
sion of the tradition, in which He is dressed in imperial courtly style and
Confucius is often portrayed as a per- carries symbols of rulership, including a
son of extraordinary religious power. As crown. In this image, when it is found in a
is characteristic of folk traditions, the painting, he is frequently at the head of
focus on the supernatural defines the his disciples. Confucius sits facing south,
way in which Confucian beliefs were a position reserved for the emperor alone,
elaborated into a tradition rich with and his disciples are spread out before
religious themes. See also ch’en-shu him in hierarchical fashion, following the
(prognostication text); sacred/profane; arrangement of the tablets in the
san chiao ho-i; Yen Yüan (Hui). Confucian temple. This arrangement imi-
tates that of the imperial court, in which
Kramers, Robert P., trans. K’ung-tzu the emperor sits facing south and all his
chia-yü: The School Sayings of ministers face him in hierarchical order.
Confucius. Leiden, Netherlands: Another image of Confucius is that
E. J. Brill, 1949. of a loyal minister to the court and the
Yang, Hsien-i, and Gladys Yang, trans. ruler. Here he is portrayed in official
Records of the Historian. Hong Kong: courtly attire and carrying a hu (tablet),
Commercial Press, 1974. which was held at one’s chest in audi-
ences with the emperor. His counte-
nance is formal and dignified.
Confucian Hall A third image is that of the scholar
See Confucian temple. and teacher. Here he is not formal, but
portrayed with a warmth of personality
Confucian Iconography and a humbleness of character. His
The Confucian tradition is often clothes are not those of the court, but
thought to be devoid of iconographic humble attire, old, and not of great
representations of its founders and means. He appears as a loving, warm,
representative figures. This characteri- and fatherly person whose only focus is
zation is not entirely true as several his love of teaching and his commit-
forms of Confucian iconography exist. ment to his students.
For most periods in the history of the The images of Confucius as loyal
Confucian temple, Confucius and his minister and humble teacher can be
disciples have been represented by the repeated in other Confucian figures.
placement of ancestral tablets, shen- The portrayal of Confucius as the ruler
wei, on the temple altar, various side
146
Confucian Temple
This image depicts the Confucian temple layout of the Ming dynasty.
From north (right) to south (left), the Confucian temple contains the Hall of Great Accomplishments,
which is centered in the northern courtyard and flanked by the east and west cloisters.
the K’ung family, Confucius’ family, The Confucian temple has undergone
located in Ch’ü-fu, Shantung, where a variety of changes throughout its long
Confucius was born and died. It was history. Various individuals venerated by
rebuilt by Duke Ai of Lu as a family tem- the tradition were added to the temple.
ple in 471 B.C.E. Emperor Kao Tsu of the Different altars have been incorporated
Former Han dynasty stopped at Ch’ü-fu to include additional persons. Some also
during a tour to offer sacrifice at the lost their privileged position of having
tomb of Confucius in 195 B.C.E. This their tablet placed upon one of the altars.
appears to be the first recognized sacri- There have also been periods when the
fice offered to Confucius by an emperor. individuals included in the temple were
Other visits followed and during the not represented by their tablets, but
Later Han dynasty there were at least instead by images or portraits. For most
three visits by emperors for the purpose of the history of the temple, however,
of offering sacrifice to Confucius. All of tablets have been the principle means of
these early sacrifices were conducted at recognizing the presence of various
the tomb of Confucius in the ancestral Confucian figures.
temple of the K’ung family. Sacrifices The Confucian temple has also been
by the emperor brought honor and known by many different names
esteem to Confucius, but since throughout its history. These names
they took place at a family ancestral included hsien-sheng miao (Temple of
temple, they were not yet considered the Sage of Antiquity), wen miao
state ceremonies. (Temple of Culture), K’ung-tzu miao
The sacrifice that was performed on (Temple of Confucius), hsüeh-kung
each of these occasions, as well as oth- (Pavilion of Learning), Wen-hsüan
ers that followed during the subsequent Wang miao (Temple of the
periods of the Wei and Ch’in dynasties, Comprehensive King), and p’an-kung
was the t’ai-lao or Great Offering, a sac- (Pavilion of the Pond). Some of these
rifice reserved for only the most impor- names simply reflect different titles
tant occasions. The rising status of given to Confucius, but in other cases
Confucius and his teachings and follow- the names reflect larger issues of con-
ers was apparent in the level of recogni- cern for how the Confucian temple was
tion he was paid. to be known.
It was during the T’ang dynasty that In 1530 the Ming dynasty emperor
the Confucian temple fully developed Chia-ching mandated a number of
as an institution separate from the name changes to the temple. He insist-
ancestral temple of the K’ung family. In ed that buildings that had been titled
619, emperor Kao Tsu of the T’ang miao (temple or shrine), should be
dynasty first ordered a temple dedicat- titled tien, hall, to differentiate the
ed to both Confucius and the Duke of Confucian temple from other religious
Chou be constructed in the capital institutions named miao. The general
Ch’ang-an. Within a short period, the names of wen miao and K’ung-tzu miao
T’ang emperor T’ai Tsung eliminated remained, however, as the popular des-
the Duke of Chou from the temple, ignations for the Confucian temple.
thus establishing the first temple out- Apart from these differences, however,
side of a family ancestral temple, dedi- the ceremonial practices performed in
cated to Confucius. the Confucian temple have been remark-
In 630, emperor T’ai Tsung ordered ably consistent across a long period of
temples whose sole object of venera- time and several different cultural set-
tion was Confucius be constructed tings. The t’ai-lao has remained the dom-
throughout the country. He was also inant form of sacrificial offering, though
responsible for enlarging the number sacrificial objects were subject to change.
of figures housed in the temple, sug- In Japan the practice of sacrificing animals
gesting the addition of tablets, shen- was eliminated due to the influence of the
148 wei, of various Confucians. nativistic tradition Shinto. The shih-tien
Confucian Temple
Confucius, founder of the Confucian school and reformer of the ju tradition, believed that the individual
should fulfill the Way of Heaven in society, in family, and in oneself.
151
Confucius
Parents care for the young and the always contrasted with the hsiao-jen
young grow up to care for the elderly. (petty person). The noble person places
Showing respect for one’s parents is not demands on himself, while the petty
performed just to fulfill a formal duty, person blames others; the noble person
but should be done out of a genuine thinks of what is i or righteous, whereas
spirit of love. In Confucius’ view, that the petty person thinks of what is li
spirit of love is the foundation for moral or profitable; the noble person holds
conduct and a moral society. to virtues, as the petty person holds
Another definition of jen given by to objects. A humane person bears
Confucius is k’o-chi fu-li, disciplining the responsibility for his or her own
of the self and returning to the rites or actions and is ready to sacrifice for the
propriety. Confucius came from the ju ideal of jen.
tradition, which was dominated by li
(propriety or rites). He saw that the Confucius as a Religious Teacher
rites had become merely empty forms Much attention has been paid to
of ritual performance, and he wanted to Confucius’ religious attitude. Over the
restore the inner content and feeling of years there has often been the argument
rites. When he asserts that rites are that Confucius is more a humanist than
more than sacrificial offerings and a religionist, someone who finds ulti-
music is more than musical instru- mate meaning in the rationality of being
ments, he suggests that what is lacking human rather than searching for mean-
is the core virtue, jen. Rites after all are ing in an ultimate source. For some such
to be the outward performances and as philosopher and Confucian scholar
boundaries of the inner humaneness. Wing-tsit Chan, Confucius’ thought is
Modern Chinese thinkers have sought the beginning of a tradition of human-
to identify Confucianism with various ism in China that has been largely devel-
politicized agenda, arguing that oped to the exclusion of religious ele-
Confucius was a conservative who ments. Traditionally, five statements
maintained only the conventional rites from the Analects have been used to
or a reformer who valued jen over li. For show Confucius’ disinterest in religious
Confucius, however, rites are to express matters. In one passage he states that
humaneness, the fundamental moral one should respect the kuei/shen, or
relation between individuals. ghosts and spirits, but keep them at a
The textbooks that Confucius used in distance. In another passage, it is point-
his teaching are the Five Classics, in ed out that to offer sacrifices to the spir-
which he found that the ancient sages’ its is to treat them as if they exist; that is,
ways of thinking and acting not only cre- sacrifice is important because of its ritu-
ated a world of peace, but also a person al role to express the participants’ sin-
at peace as well. Humaneness is at a pro- cerity, not a validation of belief in the
found level––the structure of all things supernatural. It is also recorded that the
and the person who has achieved or real- master never speaks of the strange or
ized it is at peace with all things, sharing supernatural and the spirits. When
the deepest of feelings that any being asked about death and ghosts,
can possess. It is the ideal of jen with Confucius replies that he does not yet
which he wishes to educate all people. understand life, nor is he able to serve
Confucius believes that one can human beings, and so he could not pos-
become a chün-tzu (noble person). The sibly understand death or serve ghosts.
chün-tzu, while originally referring to There may be a religious critique
people of noble birth, came to be rede- implied in these statements, but in none
fined by Confucius as those of noble of the cases does he deny that his teach-
capacity, that is, those who had devel- ings possess a religious orientation.
oped their moral virtues through The most convincing statement of
education. The chün-tzu is almost Confucius’ religious sentiment is found
153
Confucius’ Disciples
This modern illustration depicts Confucius’ disciples mourning the death of their master at his grave,
with Tzu-kung dwelling in a hut for six years.
There is another group of disciples and Tzu-hsia appear to have lived a life-
that traditionally has been highlighted time of devotion to the teachings. Tzu-
for particular attention. This group chang, Tseng-tzu, and Yu-tzu apparent-
includes Tzu-yu, Tzu-chang, Tzu-hsia, ly joined the ranks of disciples at a later
Tseng-tzu, and Yu-tzu. All survive point, even though they still played an
Confucius’ death, presumably with other instrumental role in the growth of
disciples, but are given the responsibility Confucianism after the death of the
of transmitting Confucius’ teachings. As master. See also li (propriety or rites).
literary scholar D. C. Lau has pointed out
in his study of the disciples of Confucius, Creel, H[errlee] G. Confucius and the
this group is differentiated from the oth- Chinese Way. New York: Harper &
ers by having its own sayings in the Brothers, 1960.
Analects. This suggests that the group Lau, D. C., trans. The Analects (Lun yü).
had achieved a more advanced position New York: Penguin Books, 1979.
in learning or higher stature that permit-
ted them to be in a position of authority.
How such advancement might have Confucius’ Family Sayings
occurred is not known, other than See K’ung-tzu chia-yü (Confucius’
through their demonstration to Family Sayings).
Confucius of particular virtues or
advanced learning. This group was also Confucius’ Gravesite
listed in other Confucian writings such The gravesite of Confucius at Ch’ü-fu
as the Book of Mencius, verifying that it (in modern Shantung province), his
was commonly recognized that the hometown, is marked by a memorial
group transmitted the teachings. stone stele erected in 1443. The stele
Only Tzu-yu and Tzu-hsia are on stands in front of a grave mound and
both the list of those with virtuous con- bears the inscription Ta-ch’eng Chih-
duct and those responsible for trans- sheng Wen-hsüan Wang mu, Tomb of
mitting Confucius’ teachings. Tzu-yu
155
Confucius’ Gravesite
This memorial stone stele at Confucius’ gravesite reads “Tomb of the Comprehensive
King of Great Accomplishments and Highest Sageliness.”
156
Crane
Confucius’ Manor
See K’ung-fu. Cosmic Law
See T’ien-li (Principle of Heaven).
Conscience
A moral arbiter within an individual Cosmic Order
that judges between right and wrong. See T’ien-li (Principle of Heaven).
Conscience is often translated into the
classical Confucian term liang-hsin, lit-
erally, heart-mind of the good. Another Cosmogony
equivalent is the Neo-Confucian term See li-hsüeh (School of Principle or
liang-chih, or knowledge of the good. learning of Principle); t’ai-chi (Great
This term is defined in Wang Yang- Ultimate); T’ai-chi t’u (Diagram of the
ming’s ssu chü chiao, Four-Sentence Great Ultimate); “T’ai-chi t’u shuo”;
Teaching, as that which knows good wu-chi (Non-Ultimate).
and evil, and is hence capable of moral
decision making. Cosmology
See t’ai-chi (Great Ultimate); T’ai-chi
Constant Production of Life t’u (Diagram of the Great Ultimate);
See sheng-sheng. “T’ai-chi t’u shuo”; wu-chi (Non-
Ultimate); yin/yang.
Contemplation
See ching-tso (quiet-sitting). Crane
Throughout China, Korea, and Japan,
the crane is a bird frequently used to
Contemporary Chinese Philosophy symbolize the Confucian scholar.
See Tang-tai Chung-kuo che-hsüeh. Historian of religion Spencer Palmer
suggests that the dignified and graceful
157
Creation Myth
style of the crane is reminiscent of the of the world neither originate in the
popular image of the scholar. Confucian narratives nor are accepted
Decorative patterns on official courtly by the Confucians as a cosmogonic
robes frequently depict cranes with principle; however, they form the foun-
pines and clouds––symbols of noble or dation of Chinese thought, from which
unsullied character––thus connecting Confucian thought grew and pro-
the wearer with the ideal of the gressed. See also myth.
Confucian scholar.
Birrell, Anne. Chinese Mythology: An
Palmer, Spencer J. Confucian Rituals Introduction. Baltimore, MD: Johns
in Korea. Berkeley, CA: Asian Hopkins University Press, 1999.
Humanities Press, 1984.
Creed
Creation Myth A formulation of authoritative teach-
Two creation myths are best known in ings used in religious practice. An
the Chinese tradition. In one, the myth example of a Confucian creed is the
figure P’an Ku separates the sky and shih-liu tzu hsin-ch’uan, or the Sixteen-
earth, his body transforms into the Character Message of the Heart-Mind.
parts of the universe, and insects on his
body become humans. In another the
goddess Nü Kua creates human beings. Criminal Law
These mythic explanations of the origin See hsing (punishment or criminal law).
A crane, which is suggestive of dignity, is often depicted together with pine, which suggests
158 noble character, to symbolize the Confucian scholar.
Culture
159
Culture and Life
The creation myth describing the mythical figure P’an Ku’s separation of sky and earth is not accepted by
the Confucians as an explanation of the world’s origin.
160
Disciple
D
an element of ming (destiny or fate), but
it is referred to only in those circum-
stances where an explanation of events
seems to be beyond the grasp of under-
standing. See also i (change).
Design
Generally referring to the existence of Diagram of What Antedates Heaven
meaning and purpose in life and the See “Hsien T’ien t’u.”
universe, design is a key element in any
definition of religion. It suggests that Diagrams and Explanations of
things happen for a goal, or that behind
events there is always some form of end the Four Books
or plan. When applied to Confucianism, See Ssu-shu t’u-shuo.
the notions of T’ien (Heaven) and T’ien-
li (Principle of Heaven) are seen as the Diagrams of the Proper Business
proof that there is a design on the face of
the world and human life. of the Sages’ School
See Sheng-men shih-yeh t’u.
Taylor, Rodney L. The Religious
Dimensions of Confucianism. Different Paths Reaching the
Albany, NY: State University of New
York Press, 1990. Same End
See Shu t’u t’ung kuei.
Desire
See yü (desire). Directorate of Education
See Kuo-tzu chien.
Destiny
See ming (destiny or fate). Disciple
In the Confucian tradition, a disciple has
a special moral relation to his hsien-
Determinism sheng (teacher). The relationship
From the Confucian point of view there is between teacher and disciple serves to
no rigid system of determinism in the uni- pass on teachings from one generation to
verse. The universe is seen as developing the next. The transmission of teachings
in a pattern of change and transformation becomes a critical element in preserving
that is understandable and subject to the the authenticity of the teachings. As a
underlying structure of T’ien (Heaven), or result, a great deal of attention is paid to
T’ien-li (Principle of Heaven). However, the specific lineage of teachers and
there is no sense that the individual lacks disciples. This is captured in the notion of
options in his or her life. There is at times Tao-t’ung or tradition of the Way. 161
Disciple
Stone columns along the front of the Hall of Great Accomplishments are carved with twin dragons,
each with five claws––a symbol normally reserved for the emperor, yet also applied to Confucius.
Fewer claws indicate those of lower rank.
162
Dragon
164
Duty
The Duke of Chou is credited with the concept of the T’ien-ming, or Mandate of Heaven.
165
Earth
E
process of learning from self-cultivation
to political ideal. The text opens with the
Three Items of the teaching of the great
learning, that is, illuminating the lumi-
nous virtue, loving or renovating the peo-
ple, and resting in the highest good. The
“Great Learning” goes on to describe the
learning that will result in the full realiza-
tion of the Three Items. This learning
process is described as the Eight Steps.
Earth The Eight Steps unfold as a regimen
See ti (earth). of learning that begins with the individ-
ual and extends outward to include
family, state, and t’ien-hsia, all under
Eastern Grove Academy Heaven. In order, the Eight Steps are:
See Tung-lin Academy. ko-wu (investigation of things); chih-
chih (extension of knowledge); ch’eng-i
(sincerity of will); cheng-hsin, or rectifi-
Eastern Grove Party cation of the heart-mind; hsiu-shen, or
See Tung-lin Party.
cultivation of the self; ch’i-chia, or regu-
lation of the family; chih-kuo, or gover-
Eastern Grove School nance of the state; and p’ing t’ien-hsia,
See Tung-lin School. or pacification of the world.
Virtually all Confucians agree that
the first five steps describe an educa-
Ecology tional process, while the last three sug-
See Confucian ecology. gest a procedure of coming to rule. The
meaning of each step and their order
have been the subject of much philo-
Ecstasy sophical discussion throughout the his-
Generally not a term associated with
tory of Neo-Confucianism. Any one of
the Confucian tradition, the experience
the steps themselves has been subject
of ecstasy within the setting of
to a wide variety of interpretation. The
Confucianism can be found in the state
first step, ko-wu, is a case in point. To
of wu (enlightenment), when one
investigate or to come to know some-
experiences the fundamental unity with
thing suggests a range of differing epis-
all things.
temological principles. The quality of
the thing that is designated as the
Education object of investigation has, potentially,
See chiao (teaching or religion) and an equally wide spectrum of meaning.
hsüeh (learning). Are we talking about things in the
world? Are we talking about human
feelings, ethics, or both? The answer is
Eh-hu chih hui yes to both questions. The discussion
See Goose Lake debate. also includes many more subjects,
including religious knowledge.
The second problem is the order of
Eight Conducts the steps. Chu Hsi edited and
See pa hsing.
rearranged the text of the “Great
Learning.” The critical issue involves his
Eight Steps placement of the investigation of things
Found in the “Great Learning” (“Ta- and extension of knowledge before the
hsüeh”) the Eight Steps form a standard sincerity of will. Arguing on the basis of
166
Eight Trigrams
a lost section of the text, he asserted that Book of Changes, from which are built
the investigation of things and exten- the first layer of symbolic correspon-
sion of knowledge would come before dences between natural phenomena
the sincerity of will on the grounds of and human affairs. The trigram is a
their priority as he understood the structure of three lines composed of var-
nature of the learning process. For Chu ious combinations of solid and broken
Hsi, the learning process was the accu- lines. A solid line represented as yang
mulation of knowledge of the Principle symbolizes Heaven, sun, light, life, and
(li) of things in a search external to the male, whereas a broken line represented
mind so as to recover one’s a priori as yin symbolizes earth, moon, dark, and
knowledge or inborn nature of goodness female. Solid and broken lines are com-
or nature of Heaven. Others such as bined into trigrams, or units of three
Wang Yang-ming would argue that lines. All possible combinations of solid
knowledge is an internal process, seek- and broken lines produce eight trigrams.
ing li within oneself; thus the proper Each trigram is given a core symbolic
first step of learning is the sincerity of meaning and a set of correspondences
will, an internal process, rather than any are developed with a wide spectrum of
process suggesting accumulation from interconnections. The eight trigrams
external sources. include: ch’ien, called creative with the
The Eight Steps remain one of the image of Heaven; k’un, called receptive
most frequently used concepts for the with the image of earth; chen, called
learning process in Neo-Confucian dis- arousing with the image of thunder,
course. Great controversy surrounds hsün, called gentle with the image of
their interpretation, but such contro- wind; k’an, called abysmal with the
versy is only an indication of the promi- image of water; li, called clinging with
nence with which the “Great Learning” the image of fire; ken, called keeping still
is held and the authority it represents as with the image of mountain; and tui,
a summary statement of the meaning of called joyous with the image of marsh.
Confucian learning and education. When two trigrams are combined, a
hexagram is created. The I ching is built
Chan, Wing-tsit, trans. and comp. A on a system of hexagrams, but it is the
Source Book in Chinese Philosophy. trigrams that are the basic building
Princeton, NJ: Princeton University blocks for the work.
Press, 1969. The correspondences represented
Gardner, Daniel K. Chu Hsi and the by the trigrams as well as the account of
Ta-hsueh: Neo-Confucian Reflection their origins is taken up in the commen-
on the Confucian Canon. tary layers or “Ten Wings” of the I ching.
Cambridge, MA: Council on East The “Hsi-tz’u chuan” and the “Shuo kua
Asian Studies, Harvard University, chuan” commentaries are the major
1986. source of discussion concerning the
Legge, James, trans. The Chinese extended and philosophical meanings
Classics. Vols. 1 & 2, Confucian of the trigrams and hexagrams. The
Analects, the Great Learning, the “Shuo kua” commentary gives various
Doctrine of the Mean, the Works of correspondences for each trigram,
Mencius. Oxford, England: naming attributes for each as well as
Clarendon Press, 1893–95; Reprint relationships between them. The “Hsi-
(2 vols. in 1), Taipei, Taiwan: SMC, tz’u chuan” is primarily focused on the
1994. meaning of the hexagrams, but builds
this meaning out of the recognition of
the primacy of the trigrams, suggesting
Eight Trigrams that Fu Hsi himself was responsible for
The eight trigrams, or pa kua, represent the creation of the trigrams.
the basic units within the I ching, or
167
Eight Trigrams
This illustration shows the positions of the pa kua, or eight trigrams, ascribed to Fu Hsi.
The heavenly ch’ien is on the top and the earthly k’un is at the bottom.
168
Empiricism
169
Emptiness
Esoteric/Exoteric
Escapism The distinction between inner or secret
A typical criticism of Taoism and traditions and what is open and accessible
Buddhism by the Confucians, escapism to the public, esoteric/exoteric is a
is seen as the tendency of other religious
171
Essence
Essence
When applied to humanity, essence Ethics
corresponds in Confucian vocabulary to As the general study of moral philoso-
hsing (nature). At the level of the phy, ethics includes almost everything
macrocosm, essence would refer to in Confucianism. For a Confucian, all
T’ien (Heaven) in classical learning concerns morality. In ancient
Confucianism and T’ien-li (Principle of China, ethics was inseparable from pol-
Heaven) in the Neo-Confucian tradi- itics. It was a view of the world as well as
tion. See also macrocosm/microcosm. a theory of knowledge. Political and cul-
tural documents, such as the Shu ching,
Taylor, Rodney L. The Religious or Book of History, and the Chou li, or
Dimensions of Confucianism. Rites of Chou, together with the Four
Albany, NY: State University of New Books (ssu-shu), became the Confucian
York Press, 1990. classics of ethical thought. Confucius
and Mencius were representatives of
Confucian ethics among the hundred
Essential Learning for schools of thought.
Examination Studies of Ancient Since Tung Chung-shu established
the doctrines of san kang, or Three
and Modern Times Bonds, and wu ch’ang, or Five
See Ku-chin wen-yüan chü-yeh ching-hua.
Constants, as the ethical code during
the Han dynasty, Confucian ethics had
Essential Meanings of the been the state orthodoxy for two thou-
sand years until the late Ch’ing dynasty
Analects when Western ethics was introduced
See Lun yü ching-i.
into China. Subjects explored by
Confucian ethics include the character
Essential Meanings of the Book of human nature, the grounds for moral
evaluation, the essence and principle of
of Mencius morality, the goal and methods of self-
See Meng-tzu ching-i.
cultivation as well as the meaning of
life. A central topic often discussed is
the choice between rightness and prof-
Essential Method for the it. See also hsing (nature); i (righteous-
ness or rightness); li (profit).
Preservation of the Heart-Mind
See “Ts’un-hsin yao-fa.”
172
Exorcism
173
Expiation
Expiation
See atonement.
Extension of Knowledge of
the Good
See chih liang-chih.
174
Fan Chung-yen
F
to standard Confucian virtues such as
jen (humaneness) and chih (wisdom)
as well as the rectification of evil behav-
ior. Confucius states his appreciation of
the questions asked, but finds Fan Ch’ih
to be of slow understanding.
Faith
See hsin (faithfulness). Fan Chung-yen
(989–1052) Confucian statesman and
writer of the Northern Sung dynasty;
Faithfulness also named Fan Hsi-wen. Fan Chung-
See hsin (faithfulness). yen was a native of Kiangsu province.
He was an orphan, but he was able to
pass the chin-shih examination and
Family Instructions for the Liu Clan gain his Metropolitan Graduate degree
See Liu-shih chia-hsün. in 1015. He held a number of offices,
including a post in the kuo-tzu chien, or
Directorate of Education. Fan became
Family Instructions for the Yen Clan known as an outspoken official for
See Yen-shih chia-hsün.
reform. He promoted Hu Yüan and Sun
Fu, and worked with Ou-yang Hsiu to
Family Rituals carry out his political, economic, and
See chia-li. military reforms. Though the reform
efforts came to an end all too shortly,
Fan set a model for the later reforms of
Family Teachings of Grandfather Wang An-shih.
See T’ai-kung chia-chiao. Fan Chung-yen was also concerned
with the ti-hsüeh or learning of the
emperors. He emphasized the impor-
Family Temple tance of hsiao (filial piety) in establish-
See chia-miao (family temple).
ing a moral order for the state as well as
the world. As a scholar, he was versed in
Fan Ch’ih the Six Classics, especially the I ching or
(b. 515 B.C.E.) One of the twenty-five dis- Book of Changes. He had many stu-
ciples of Confucius referred to in the dents, including Chang Tsai, who stud-
Lün yü (Analects); also known as Fan ied the “Chung yung” (“Doctrine of the
Hsü. Fan Ch’ih was not, however, Mean”) under him. Fan advocated the
included in the list of ten disciples, gen- control of desires. For these reasons,
erally recognized as the most promi- according to the Sung Yüan hsüeh-an
nent of Confucius’ disciples, found list- or Records of Learning in Sung and
ed in the Analects 11.3. He is also not Yüan, Chu Hsi regarded him as one of
included amongst those said to have the precursors of Neo-Confucianism.
been responsible for the transmission See also yü (desire).
of Confucius’ teachings after the death
of the master. Franke, Herbert, ed. Sung Biographies.
Fan Ch’ih is quoted as having asked 2 vols. Wiesbaden, Germany:
questions of Confucius on several occa- Steiner, 1976.
sions. The questions he asked pertained
175
Fan Chung-yen
Fan Chung-yen, reformer of the Northern Sung dynasty and teacher of Chang Tsai, was concerned
with the learning of the emperors.
176
Fang Hsiao-ju
issues. It is said that he gave the emper- Hanlin Academy, and was eventually
or disastrous advice. As the capital, promoted to Grand Secretary at the fall
Nanking, was defeated, the emperor of the Ming dynasty. He refused the
disappeared. The new emperor, Ch’eng post, however, and became a Buddhist
Tsu, asked Fang to draft the imperial monk to avoid imprisonment by the
edict announcing his succession, but Manchus. He is known for scholarly
Fang refused. So Ch’eng Tsu command- expertise in a wide variety of subjects,
ed that he be executed along with his including astronomy, rites, music, pho-
family, friends, and students. According netics, philology, calligraphy, painting,
to Mote, his loyalty became legendary swordsmanship, and the study of the I
and a model of the Confucian minister. ching, or Book of Changes, with focuses
He was eventually given a posthumous on the hsiang-shu (image-number),
title and honored in the Confucian tem- calendar, and medicine.
ple centuries later. As a Confucian thinker, Fang was
Huang Tsung-hsi has pointed out dissatisfied with both the li-hsüeh
that Fang Hsiao-ju was keenly interest- (School of Principle or learning of
ed in the Tao-t’ung, or tradition of the Principle) and the hsin-hsüeh (School
Way, and had a commitment to action of Heart-Mind). This dissatisfaction was
as it was revealed in his life. He was part of the movement from what is
highly critical of Taoism and Buddhism often described as the abstract learning
for their failure to direct their followers of the Sung dynasty and Ming dynasty
to the rectification of the world. In his to the shih-hsüeh or practical learning
philosophy, Fang distinguished the of the late Ming dynasty and Ch’ing
T’ien-li (Principle of Heaven) from dynasty. Fang sought to expand his
human desires, suggesting that one worldview to include Buddhist teach-
should not only like i (righteousness ings and the Western knowledge intro-
or rightness) as much as one likes duced into China by the Jesuits. While
food and drink, but one should recoil much of his understanding was limited,
from profit. See also han-lin yüan his fundamental orientation toward the
(Academy of Assembled Brushes); li world of concrete things was reaffirmed
(profit); yü (desire). by his Western learning.
Fang I-chih advocated the method of
Goodrich, L. Carrington, and Chaoying chih-ts’e, or physical experimentation,
Fang, eds. Dictionary of Ming which he thought was ignored by the
Biography, 1368–1644. 2 vols. New Neo-Confucians. Like Wang Fu-chih, he
York: Columbia University Press, tried to break away from the bounds of
1976. Neo-Confucianism by interpreting ko-
Huang Tsung-hsi. The Records of Ming wu (investigation of things) in terms of
Scholars. Edited by Julia Ching with physical experimentation. It resulted in a
Chaoying Fang. Honolulu, HI: link between traditional Chinese philos-
University of Hawaii Press, 1987. ophy and modern Western science. For
instance, the Confucian notion of ch’i
(vitality) was identified with fire, which
Fang I-chih was considered by Fang to be the singu-
(1611–1671) Philosopher and scientist lar origin of the universe. Fang was a
of the late Ming dynasty and early prolific writer, with over a hundred
Ch’ing dynasty; also named Fang Mi- works, including two encyclopedias. See
chih and Fang Man-kung. Fang I-chih also han-lin yüan (Academy of
was a native of T’ung-ch’eng, Anhwei. Assembled Brushes) and li (propriety
He passed the chin-shih examination, or rites).
obtaining his Metropolitan Graduate
degree in 1640. He subsequently was Peterson, Willard J., trans. Bitter Gourd:
appointed an Examining Editor in the Fang I-chih and the Impetus for
178
Fang I-chih
Fang Hsiao-ju, a Neo-Confucian of the Ming dynasty, suggested that one should like
i (righteousness or rightness) as much as one likes food and drink.
179
Fang Pao
the sages, whose sayings are found in the province, he studied under Sun Ch’i-
Confucian classics. Except for Confucius feng. He devoted his life to writing and
and his followers, almost all pre-Ch’in teaching, taking no civil service exami-
philosophers and former Han scholars, nations. From his philosophical point of
especially alchemists and magicians, view, the Tao (Way) should be a useful
were ridiculed in the Fa yen. Thus, the one. He criticized the abstraction of Neo-
Confucian teachings seem to be the basic Confucianism, pointing out the incom-
level of Yang Hsiung’s thought, though as patibility between abstract discourse and
a product of the Han period, much of his solving real problems since the rise of the
thought is synthetic. See also hsing li-hsüeh (School of Principle or learning
(nature) and T’ai-hsüan ching (Classic of Principle) during the Sung dynasty.
of Supreme Mystery). For Fei Mi, the Neo-Confucian con-
cepts of hsing (nature) and ming (des-
Fung Yu-lan. A History of Chinese tiny) are empty words, and Neo-
Philosophy. Translated by Derk Confucian asceticism is no better than
Bodde. 2 vols. Princeton, NJ: indulging in desires. Moreover, the Neo-
Princeton University Press, 1983. Confucian genealogy of Tao-t’ung, or
Loewe, Michael, ed. Early Chinese transmission of the Way, is not justified.
Texts: A Bibliographical Guide. Fei argued that their Han-dynasty prede-
Early China Special Monograph cessors overshadowed the scholarship of
Series, no. 2. Berkeley, CA: Institute the Sung Confucians. In this respect he
of East Asian Studies, 1994. represented the interests of the Han-
hsüeh, or Han learning, during the Ch’ing
period. Fei’s contribution to the ching-
Fear hsüeh (study of classics) can be seen in
Fear is best used to describe the relation his commentary on the Shih ching, or
of an individual to what is regarded as the Book of Poetry. See also yü (desire).
Absolute. The element of fear was
expressed toward T’ien (Heaven), or Hummel, Arthur W., ed. Eminent
T’ien-ming (Mandate of Heaven), in the Chinese of the Ch’ing Period (1644–
early Confucian tradition when T’ien still 1912). 2 vols. Taipei, Taiwan: SMC,
appeared to have some sense of a deity. As 1991.
it became a more abstract understanding
of the Absolute in Neo-Confucianism,
fear seemed to drop out of reference. This Feng and Shan Sacrifices
is not to say that there is no awe present, Two sacrifices traditionally associated
but such awe is more ching (reverence or with rulership, the feng and shan sacri-
seriousness) than fear. fices had been carried out historically by
the emperor to T’ien (Heaven) and ti
Waley, Arthur, trans. The Analects of (earth), respectively. The feng sacrifice
Confucius. New York: Vintage Books, was held on a mountain, while the shan
1938. sacrifice was offered at ground level. The
sacrifices were highly elaborate and
solemn events, in which the ruler acted
Feelings on behalf of the people to establish a link
See ch’ing (emotions or feelings). between the high gods and the state.
These grand occasions reveal the full
Fei Mi extent to which the sovereign, known as
(1625–1701) Scholar of the late Ming T’ien-tzu (Son of Heaven) was viewed as
dynasty and early Ch’ing dynasty; also a key religious figure.
known as Fei Tz’u-tu and Fei Yen-feng. The parallel sacrifices usually took
Fei Mi was an advocate of shih-hsüeh, or place at the peak and foothill of the
practical learning. A native of Szechwan sacred T’ai-shan, the mountain nearest
182
Feng-shui
well as their increasing doubts as to the Four Masters of the Ch’eng School
authenticity of the classical heritage as A reference to four major followers of
represented by the Five Classics, the Ch’eng brothers, Ch’eng Hao and
authority for the repository of Ch’eng I, the Four Masters of the
Confucian tradition came to rest in the Ch’eng School includes Lü Ta-lin,
Four Books. In turn, Confucian tradi- Hsieh Liang-tso, Yu Tso, and Yang
tion represented the preservation of Shih. Lü was a former student of Chang
the ancient culture, or wen. The rever- Tsai and thus was deeply influenced by
ence and deference for the past Chang’s “Hsi-ming,” or “Western
remains, but for the Neo-Confucians Inscription.” Hsieh focused his learn-
such respect is paid to the early ing on ching (reverence or serious-
Confucian writings as interpretations ness), whereas Yu tended to incorpo-
of the teachings of the Tao (Way). The rate Ch’an or Zen Buddhism into Neo-
Neo-Confucians also expressed interest Confucianism. Yang, a disciple of both
in the immediacy and relevancy of the Ch’eng Hao and Ch’eng I, was consid-
goal of sageliness, which saw sageliness ered to be the orthodox inheritor of the
emerge from the distant past and Ch’eng school among the four.
become a goal of learning and self-cul-
tivation. Sageliness was close at hand, Franke, Herbert, ed. Sung Biographies.
and the Four Books represented a new 2 vols. Wiesbaden, Germany:
authority of Confucian teaching; taken Steiner, 1976.
together the Four Books emerge as the
new scriptural authority for the Neo-
Confucians. It is rooted in the original Four Negatives
teachings of the tradition, and the See ssu-wu.
teachings of the tradition represented
are the product of those who have
manifested their sageliness. See also
Four-Sentence Teaching
See ssu chü chiao.
Ch’eng Hao; Ch’eng I; wen (culture).
187
Fu Hsi
This is a depiction of Fu Hsi, to whom the drawing of the eight trigrams is ascribed.
189
Fu-ku
190
Funeral
An early example is Han Yü’s rigid or represent the ancestors (tsu) in the
adherence to the “original” Confucianism miao (temple or shrine) and the coffin
and opposition to other points of view, is brought into the dwelling. Relatives
particularly Buddhism. De Bary has also and friends of the dead follow strict
suggested that the espousal of certain rules as to what may be worn and how
classical texts in the Ming dynasty and to observe mourning. The body is
Ch’ing dynasty was a possible form of eventually buried but only after the
fundamentalism, which focused on passage of several months. The process
shedding abstract philosophical con- of locating a proper site for the mu
cerns and a restoration of basic moral (tomb) takes time; it involves the feng-
teachings. See also ching (classic). shui geomancy and the determination
of an auspicious time for burial. This
de Bary, Wm. Theodore. The Message of was criticized by Ch’en Ch’üeh, a
the Mind in Neo-Confucianism. New Confucian between the Ming dynasty
York: Columbia University Press, and Ch’ing dynasty, as superstitious
1989. and redundant.
––––––. Neo-Confucian Orthodoxy and Only at the time of burial is the tablet
the Learning of the Mind-and-Heart. inscribed, brought back and placed in
New York: Columbia University the ancestral temple. Throughout the
Press, 1981. whole process, sacrifices are offered
––––––. “Some Common Tendencies in everyday to the dead represented by the
Neo-Confucianism.” Confucianism tablet as if he or she is still alive. The
in Action. Edited by David S. leading person is the oldest son. Should
Nivison and Arthur F. Wright. he die, the official duty is passed to his
Stanford, CA: Stanford University son, not his younger brothers. To
Press, 1959. express the idea of hsiao (filial piety), as
Confucius maintains in the Lun yü
(Analects), the formal period of mourn-
Funeral ing lasts for three years, though this
Funeral as a ritual activity is laid out in means into the third year and thus cor-
great detail in various Confucian and responds to two full years. That such
Neo-Confucian texts, for example, the Li procedures were commonly observed in
chi, or Records of Rites; the Chou li, or pre-modern China can be seen from
Rites of Chou; and Chu Hsi’s work Chia-li many biographies of Confucian officials
(Family Rituals). In Confucius’ view, the over the centuries who resigned from
scale of a funeral must match with the office in order to conduct their full
dead person’s social status. Social histori- mourning rites for the death of their
an Patricia Buckley Ebrey has pointed out parents. See also sacrifice.
that funerals, like other ceremonies, are
demonstrations of the rigid structure and Ebrey, Patricia Buckley, trans. Chu Hsi’s
hierarchy of the society. As a result, differ- Family Rituals: A Twelfth-Century
ent classes have different sizes of coffins Chinese Manual for the Performance
and varied expenditures in the rites. of Cappings, Weddings, Funerals,
Funerals are a means of formalizing and Ancestral Rites. Princeton, NJ:
the loss of a relative. They reflect a Princeton University Press, 1991.
number of traditional beliefs brought Lau, D. C., trans. The Analects (Lun yü).
into the full contextual meaning of New York: Penguin Books, 1979.
Confucianism. At the occurrence of Legge, James, trans. The Sacred Books of
death, there is the practice of chao China: The Texts of Confucianism.
hun, calling back the soul. The body is Vols. 3 & 4, The Li Ki. Delhi, India:
then prepared for burial. The shen-chu Motilal Banarsidass, 1966.
or ancestral tablets are made to house
191
Fung Yu-lan
192
Giving of Oneself Completely
G
Generosity
See shu (reciprocity or empathy).
Gentleman
One of several translations for the central
Confucian concept of chün-tzu (noble
person), gentleman is a widely accepted
rendering suggested by literary scholar D.
C. Lau in his translation of the Lun yü
Gate of the Lattice Asterism (Analects). Other translations include
See ling-hsing men (Gate of the Lattice superior man, noble person, profound
Asterism). person, exemplary person, and lordson.
Geomancy
General Meaning of Literature See feng-shui.
and History
See Wen-shih t’ung i.
Getting It Oneself
See tzu-te.
General Mirror
See Tzu-chih t’ung-chien.
Ghosts
English translation of the Chinese char-
General Mirror for the Aid acter kuei. See kuei/shen.
of Government
See Tzu-chih t’ung-chien. Ginkgo Tree
Long associated with Confucius, the
ginkgo tree is said to have been the tree
General Rites of the K’ai-pao Period under which Confucius sat and taught.
See K’ai-pao t’ung-li.
Derived from the ginkgo tree is the
name of the hsing-t’an (apricot plat-
General Significance of the form), a location in the Confucian tem-
ple at Ch’ü-fu where Confucius gave
Elementary Learning lectures to his disciples. While translat-
See Hsiao-hsüeh ta-i.
ed as “apricot,” the tree in question is in
fact a ginkgo. See also tree symbolism.
General Study of Literary Remains
See Wen-hsien t’ung-k’ao. Palmer, Spencer J. Confucian Rituals
in Korea. Berkeley, CA: Asian
Humanities Press, 1984.
General Study of the Five Rites
See Wu-li t’ung-k’ao.
Giving of Oneself Completely
A translation of the central Confucian
Genereal Treatises notion of chung (loyalty) by philoso-
See T’ung chih (General Treatises). phers David L. Hall and Roger T. Ames.
See chung (loyalty).
193
Gloss of the Four Books
Ginkgo, the tree under which Confucius sat and taught, often is mistaken for apricot
because both are called hsing in Chinese.
Gloss of the Four Books vary from the standard idea of gnosis is
See Ssu-shu hsün-i. in the Confucian belief in their accessi-
bility. Gnosis always remained a form of
esoteric knowledge and therefore inac-
Gnosis cessible and hidden. The Confucian
An esoteric and intuitive knowledge of perspective always focuses upon the
spiritual truth, gnosis is potentially ability of anyone to manifest such
comparable with the classical knowledge. See also esoteric/exoteric.
Confucian notions of chih (knowledge
or knowing) and chih (wisdom), and
particularly with the Neo-Confucian God
concept of liang-chih, or knowledge of See agnosticism; kuei/shen; Shang-ti
the good, as a form of inner knowledge. (Lord upon High); T’ien (Heaven).
Where the Confucian forms of knowing
194
Great Learning (Ta-hsüeh)
195
Great Learning (Ta-hsüeh)
the great man, according to Wang Yang- three other texts and creating a new col-
ming. Its message was aimed at the lection called the Four Books (ssu-shu).
rulers or ministers of state, but because The ssu-shu, composed of the “Great
of its discussion of learning and educa- Learning,” the “Chung yung”
tion as well as the priority it places upon (“Doctrine of the Mean”), the Lun yü
the learning of the individual, its appeal (Analects), and the Book of Mencius,
became very broad in scope. It became became the centerpiece of the Chinese
recognized as a writing that summa- educational system from the fourteenth
rized much of the agenda of Confucian century to the twentieth century. They
learning. were given primacy over the Five
A very short writing of only some Classics, treated as the first object of
seventeen hundred characters, the study before one undertook the study of
chapter in the Li chi called the “Great the Classics. They became the basis for
Learning” was given no particular spe- the civil service examinations, were
cial status until Ssu-ma Kuang wrote a seen as guides for rulers and ministers,
commentary on it in the eleventh cen- and were regarded as the point of
tury. Following Ssu-ma’s commentary, departure for self-study and self-learn-
both Ch’eng I and Ch’eng Hao also ing as part of a process of self-cultiva-
regarded the writing as important and tion toward the goal of sageliness. In the
something that could stand as a sepa- Four Books, the “Great Learning” was
rate text. Both the Ch’eng brothers placed first because it was said to pro-
worked with the text, but it was Chu Hsi vide the foundation for the beginnings
who was principally responsible for the of learning.
text as we now have it, a writing he sup- When looked at as a text that offers
plemented, rearranged, and divided this foundation, the “Great Learning” is
into a text and commentary. said to provide a summary of the
Authorship of the text was attributed process of learning through the Three
by Chu Hsi to Confucius himself with a Items and the Eight Steps. The text
transmission through Confucius’ disci- begins by saying that the Tao (Way) of
ple, Tseng-tzu. Another traditional the Great Learning consists of the Three
account of authorship attributes the Items. The Three Items are: illuminating
work to Tzu-ssu, the grandson of the luminous virtue, loving or renovat-
Confucius. Modern scholarship tends to ing the people, and resting in the high-
see a later date, potentially as late as the est good. Each of the three items refers
Warring States period or the early Han to the process of self-learning and self-
dynasty, though there is little to sub- cultivation. Thus one acts in a way
stantiate these datings either. Like a whereby one’s virtuous nature is mani-
number of the writings in the Li chi, its fested. Through self-reflection and self-
connection to the early Confucian examination one can keep oneself
school is strong if not uncontested, but upright and thus act correctly toward
its actual authorship and the point at others. By engaging in this process, one
which the text was written remain can rest or abide in a state of the highest
unanswered questions. good, acting in a virtuous manner
Regardless of its actual author, the toward all others.
responsibility for the discovery or redis- The Three Items are seen as the way
covery of the text lies with the T’ang in which the chün-tzu (noble person)
Confucians Li Ao and Han Yü, but par- acts; the Eight Steps are the method
ticularly with the Sung-dynasty Neo- wherein the Three Items are brought to
Confucian Chu Hsi. In addition to his fruition. The Eight Steps include: the
work with the text, Chu Hsi elevated the investigation of things; extension of
“Great Learning” to a position of extra- knowledge; sincerity of will; rectifica-
ordinary prominence in Confucian lit- tion of the heart-mind; cultivation of
erature by combining the work with the self; regulation or harmonization of
196
Great Learning (Ta-hsüeh)
the family; governance of the state; and goodness or the nature of Heaven.
pacification of the world. As a formula Therefore, his rearrangement of the
for bringing order to the world, the text gave priority to the investigation of
“Great Learning” focused its attention things. This idea has been a source of
on the process of learning, specifically major controversy. Wang Yang-ming,
self-learning, as the point of departure. who saw learning as an internal
The agenda of the “Great Learning,” process of looking within the heart-
aimed at the rulers and ministers of mind for the Principle of things, found
state, was to bring about world peace, it inappropriate to rearrange the text.
or at least order in the state. To accom- He was content with what had been the
plish this end priority was placed upon original arrangement with the sincerity
the process of self-learning and self- of will as the first step because it placed
cultivation. It is significant that of the emphasis on beginning with an internal
Eight Steps, which function as a process rather than external process. These are
to bring about order in the world, five of only the broadest terms of the debate
the steps involve themselves with learn- over the “Great Learning,” a debate that
ing and self-cultivation within the per- goes to the very heart of differences
son, and only three concern processes between the two major schools of Neo-
external to the person. This suggests the Confucianism. It is an indication of the
dominance of attention given to self- esteem with which the “Great
learning within Confucianism and the Learning” was held that this work
degree to which a social or political would become the focal point for
problem is first and foremost seen as an such debate.
issue to be taken up in the context of The work has had tremendous influ-
personal cultivation. ence upon the development of Neo-
There has always been general Confucianism as well as playing a central
agreement about the importance of role in the educational system of China.
learning within Confucianism; the It has also played equally important
“Great Learning” was seen to exemplify roles in the development of Neo-
a general schema for the process of Confucianism in Korea and Japan.
learning. The interpretation of what
constitutes learning or how best it is Chan, Wing-tsit, trans. and comp.
accomplished, however, has been of A Source Book in Chinese
great debate throughout the history of Philosophy. Princeton, NJ: Princeton
the tradition. The Eight Steps of the University Press, 1969.
“Great Learning,” for example, have de Bary, Wm. Theodore, Wing-tsit Chan,
been seen as a rigorous program of and Burton Watson, comps. Sources
learning, self-cultivation, and social of Chinese Tradition. New York:
commitment, but there has been much Columbia University Press, 1960.
debate within the Neo-Confucian Gardner, Daniel K. Chu Hsi and the
schools about the meaning of each of Ta-hsueh: Neo-Confucian Reflection
the Eight Steps and the order in which on the Confucian Canon. Cambridge,
they should occur. Chu Hsi placed great MA: Council on East Asian Studies,
importance on the investigation of Harvard University, 1986.
things as the initial step of the learning Legge, James, trans. The Chinese
process. He saw learning predominant- Classics. Vols. 1 & 2, Confucian
ly as a process of gradually accumulat- Analects, the Great Learning, the
ing knowledge about things as an external Doctrine of the Mean, the Works of
search for what he called the Principle Mencius. Oxford, England: Clarendon
(li) of things, that is, external to the Press, 1893–95; Reprint (2 vols. in 1),
mind, before one could recover one’s a Taipei, Taiwan: SMC, 1994.
priori knowledge or inborn nature of
197
Great Learning in Chapters and Verses
H
Huang Tsung-hsi. The Records of Ming
Scholars. Edited by Julia Ching with
Chaoying Fang. Honolulu, HI:
University of Hawaii Press, 1987.
Han Dynasty
The period of the first major Chinese
empire after the short-lived Ch’in
dynasty, the Han dynasty (206 B.C.E.–202
C.E.) was an era of expansion. The Han
Half-Day Quiet-Sitting, Half-Day
boundaries were pushed far into the
Reading western reaches of Asia as well as south-
See pan-jih ching-tso pan-jih tu-shu. east Asia. The evolution of the Chinese
government during this time was char-
Hall of Great Accomplishments acterized by the consolidation of imper-
See ta-ch’eng tien (Hall of Great ial power, a growing complexity of the
Accomplishments). bureaucratic structure as well as a con-
tinuing role for noble families. While the
Ch’in dynasty had been established
Hall of Illustrious Sages under a code of Legalist philosophy, the
See ch’ung-sheng tz’u (Hall of Han dynasty saw the means used by the
Illustrious Sages). Ch’in as unnecessarily harsh and sought
to rid the government of Legalism. In its
place were substituted Taoism in the
Hall of Light early years of the Former Han (206
See ming-t’ang (hall of light). B.C.E.–8 C.E.) and Confucianism after 134
B.C.E. and throughout the Later Han (C.E.
25–220). The Han dynasty represents the
Hall of Prayer for the Year first official recognition and adoption of
See ch’i-nien tien (Hall of Prayer for
Confucianism as state orthodoxy.
the Year).
The movement toward the establish-
ment of Confucianism as mainstream
Han Ch’ang-li thought was primarily the product of
See Han Yü. the emperor Han Wu Ti and his chan-
cellor, Tung Chung-shu. Under Wu Ti
several important steps were taken to
Han Chen institutionalize Confucianism. First, Wu
(1516–1585) Disciple of Chu Shu and Ti played a critical role in the canoniza-
Wang Pi; also known as Han I-chung tion of the Confucian classics as the
and Han Lo-wu. Han Chen was a native basis for education. In the spring of 136
of Kiangsu province. A member of the B.C.E. he set up the wu-ching po-shih
Neo-Confucian T’ai-chou School and a (Erudites of the Five Classics) as the
potter by trade, he maintained that the state-sanctioned arbiters of the inter-
Tao (Way) lies in everyday life. He was pretation of the textual sources. Also,
devoted to educating the people and is Wu Ti opened the t’ai-hsüeh (National
said to have attracted more than a thou- University) at the capital for the train-
sand farmers, workers, and merchants ing of Confucian officials in 124 B.C.E. It
to his lectures. In learning, Han empha- supported the ch’a-chü system, which
sized the immediacy of understanding sought to select people of talent and
by the enlightenment of the heart- merit in the Confucian fashion for gov-
mind, opposing pedantic textual study. ernment positions.
See also hsin (heart-mind) and wu The Confucianism that Wu Ti elevat-
(enlightenment). ed was under the influence of Tung
199
Han Dynasty
Many of commemorative steles in the Hall of Great Accomplishments date to the Han dynasty
and mark the ceremonial visits of important officials.
Chung-shu, the father of the New Text of writing, there are also profound dis-
School. This was a form of Confucianism crepancies in content between the two
that was infused with theories of versions. While the New Texts are heavi-
yin/yang and wu hsing, or Five ly imbued with the ideas of yin/yang and
Elements. It sought to grapple with the the Five Elements as well as miraculous
order of things through underlying tales, the Old Texts are free of these
common structures. The doctrine of materials. Liu Hsin was known for pro-
T’ien-jen kan-ying, or correspondence moting the Old Texts as the official ver-
of Heaven and human, promulgated by sion, arguing that the New Texts violat-
Tung Chung-shu, evolved a cosmology ed the basic sense of Confucius’ teach-
based on the ch’en-shu or prognostica- ings.
tion texts and wei (apocrypha). It sug- Thus, the Later Han dynasty is char-
gested not only the divine right of kings, acterized by this move in the direction
but also a Confucius about whom there of a more rational and humanistic
were miraculous folk stories told of his image of Confucius, which became
birth and deeds performed throughout dominant in the tradition. The con-
his life. This image of Confucius is much tention between the Old Text and New
closer to what is normally thought to be Text Schools has lasted for a long period
that of a religious founder than the dom- of time. It is hard to overemphasize the
inant image of him throughout history. importance of this debate and the
The Later Han witnessed the tri- establishment of Confucianism during
umph of the Old Text School over the the Han. Truly, the Han dynasty is
New Text School. The Old Text School responsible for the official acceptance
represented a set of Confucian classics and significant development of
discovered to be written in ancient Confucianism in terms of the ching-
script. With this difference in the styles hsüeh (study of classics). See also
200
Han-hsüeh
discourse of the heart-mind and nature. Chu Hsi to equal those of Confucius and
Ku’s Han-style exegetics was cre- Mencius.
atively inherited by Yen Jo-ch’ü and Hu
Wei, though these two did not empha- de Bary, Wm. Theodore. The Message of
size the practical use of the Confucian the Mind in Neo-Confucianism. New
classics as did Ku. The Han-hsüeh was York: Columbia University Press,
further established by Hui Tung and Tai 1989.
Chen during the reigns of Ch’ien-lung Elman, Benjamin A. From Philosophy to
and Chia-ch’ing (1736–1820). They fol- Philology: Intellectual and Social
lowed the examples of Hsü Shen and Aspects of Change in Late Imperial
Cheng Hsüan, whose etymology and China. Los Angeles, CA: UCLA Asian
commentaries on the classics became a Pacific Monograph Series, 2001.
standard of excellence. The Han learn- Hummel, Arthur W., ed. Eminent
ing of the Ch’ing period stressed rigor- Chinese of the Ch’ing Period (1644–
ous collation and compilation of 1912). 2 vols. Taipei, Taiwan: SMC,
ancient texts, contributing to philologi- 1991.
cal, historical, geographical, astronomi-
cal, and institutional research. See also
hsin (heart-mind); hsing (nature); Kuo- Han-hsüeh shih-ch’eng chi
ch’ao Han-hsüeh shih-ch’eng chi. See Kuo-ch’ao Han-hsüeh shih-
ch’eng chi.
Elman, Benjamin A. From Philosophy to
Philology: Intellectual and Social Han Kao Tsu
Aspects of Change in Late Imperial (r. 202–195 B.C.E.) Founder of the Han
China. Los Angeles, CA: UCLA Asian dynasty. Han Kao Tsu Liu Pang is signif-
Pacific Monograph Series, 2001. icant to the Confucian tradition
Hummel, Arthur W., ed. Eminent because he carried out sacrifice to
Chinese of the Ch’ing Period (1644– Confucius. Kao Tsu is said to have visit-
1912). 2 vols. Taipei, Taiwan: SMC, ed Lu, the birthplace of Confucius, dur-
1991. ing a tour of the country in 195 B.C.E.,
and offered sacrifice at the K’ung family
Han-hsüeh p’ai temple. While this is an important indi-
See Han-hsüeh. cation of the increasing influence of
Confucius, it does not indicate any par-
ticular attraction of Kao Tsu to
Han-hsüeh shang-tui Confucius, the teachings of the
Major work by Fang Tung-shu, the Han- Confucian school, or the literary tradi-
hsüeh shang-tui, or An Assessment of the tions that the Confucians sought to pre-
Han Learning, was completed in 1824 serve and teach. Kao Tsu himself kept a
and was first published in 1831. Written number of the restrictions of the previ-
to refute Chiang Fan’s work Kuo-ch’ao ous Ch’in dynasty in effect, particularly
Han-hsüeh shih-ch’eng chi, or Record of proscriptions on the circulation of vari-
Han-Learning Masters in the Ch’ing ous books, including the Confucian
Dynasty, and a critique of the Han- classics. He appears to have had little
hsüeh, Han learning, or the k’ao-cheng respect for the scholar class (shih), and
hsüeh, textual criticism, it was intended his own interest in religious matters
to defend the Sung-hsüeh, Sung learn- tended to side with the Taoists.
ing, or the li-hsüeh (School of Principle In spite of this disregard for the
or learning of Principle). Criticizing Han Confucians, the influence of the
learning as an empty philological pursuit Confucian school continued to grow.
without social conscience, the author The fact that Kao Tsu carried out the
called for a return to the moral philoso- sacrifice to Confucius is only one indi-
phy of the Ch’eng-Chu School. In his cation of such growing influence. In
202 preface, Fang elevated the teachings of
Han-lin yüan (Academy of Assembled Brushes)
This is a modern depiction of Han Kao Tsu’s sacrifice to Confucius with the Great Offering
of a sheep, ox, and pig.
addition, though Kao Tsu did not remove Han-lin yüan (Academy of
the proscriptions on the classics, the
effort was begun during his reign to gath-
Assembled Brushes)
One of the most famous scholarly insti-
er remaining fragments of the proscribed
tutions in imperial China, the han-lin
works that had been subject to book-
yüan, or Academy of Assembled
burning under the Ch’in dynasty and the
Brushes was begun by the T’ang
havoc of civil war during the siege of the
dynasty emperor, Hsüan Tsung, in 738.
Ch’in capital with the establishment of
Classified as one of the advisory col-
the Han dynasty. See also “burning of the
leges, it was composed of a large team
books” and shih-tien ceremony (Twice
of Confucian scholars whose chief
Yearly Confucian Ceremony).
function was to produce imperial
rescripts, that is, imperial responses to
Shryock, John K. The Origin and
various state policy questions, as well
Development of the State Cult of
as the handling of day-to-day problems
Confucius: An Introductory Study.
in governing. During the Sung dynasty,
New York: The Century Co., 1932.
it was called han-lin hsüeh-shih yüan,
Academy of Assembled Brushes
Han Learning Academicians, whose job was to draw
See Han-hsüeh. up imperial edicts. The Hanlin
Academicians of the Ming dynasty and
Ch’ing dynasty were responsible for
Han-lin hsüeh-shih yüan compiling official history and drafting
(Academy of Assembled Brushes imperial mandates. Working closely
with the emperor as a secretariat, the
Academicians) Confucian scholars were given an
See han-lin yüan (Academy of
increasingly important role in the for-
Assembled Brushes).
mulation of state policy, an indication
203
Han Lo-wu
by Pan Ku under his father Pan Piao’s friend Lü Tsu-chien. His attack on Chu
inspiration sometime after 36 C.E. and was because of the latter’s sympathy
was completed by his younger sister with his political opponent. In the late
Pan Chao upon his death. Unlike the 1190s he branded Neo-Confucianism as
Shih chi, the scope of the Han shu is wei-hsüeh, heterodox learning, and cre-
limited to a single dynasty. It covers the ated nearly insurmountable problems
Former Han dynasty from the emperor for Chu’s fledgling attempts to receive
Han Kao Tsu’s (r. 202–195 B.C.E.) early an official hearing for his teachings.
life in circa 210 B.C.E. to the execution of
the usurper Wang Mang in 23 C.E. A Chan, Wing-tsit, trans. Reflections on
model for subsequent dynastic histo- Things at Hand: The Neo-Confucian
ries, the Han shu both details and Anthology Compiled by Chu Hsi and
chronicles events of the Former Han Lü Tsu-ch’ien. New York: Columbia
and provides the opportunity for University Press, 1967.
understanding the moral lessons of his- Franke, Herbert, ed. Sung Biographies.
tory. It also traces the origin of the 2 vols. Wiesbaden, Germany:
Confucian school to the ancient Steiner, 1976.
Ministry of Education.
205
Han Wu Ti
Emperor Wu of the Han dynasty established Confucianism as the state orthodoxy in 134 B.C.E.
206
Han Yü
These sacrifices had a long history of Han dynasty closer toward an official
association with the ruler, stretching back patronage of the Confucian school as
to the rulers of antiquity. Confucians were well as a state cult of Confucianism. See
brought into the court of Wu Ti as special- also sacred/profane.
ists in these and other ceremonies to pro-
vide the court with accurate information Taylor, Rodney L. The Way of Heaven: An
for ritual performance. Introduction to the Confucian
The Confucians were responsible for Religious Life. Leiden, Netherlands:
convincing Wu Ti to reestablish the cere- E. J. Brill, 1997.
monial center, called the ming-t’ang
(hall of light), a hall that purportedly
dated back to the Duke of Chou for sac- Han Ying
rificial performance. Wu Ti also carried (fl. 150 B.C.E.) Associated with the inter-
out the feng sacrifice at the foot of the pretation of the Shih ching or Book of
eastern sacred mountain T’ai-shan sev- Poetry during the Former Han dynasty,
eral times during his reign, another long- Han Ying was the founder of the Han
standing tradition purportedly going school and an erudite, po-shih, of the
back to rulers of high antiquity. More Shih ching. This was one of the four
important is the degree to which the schools of interpretation that arose
Confucians were regarded as experts on around the recovery of multiple ver-
the traditions of ceremony and ritual sions of the Shih ching following the
and were utilized in this role by Wu Ti. “burning of the books” twice during
Confucians were also sought out for the Ch’in dynasty.
their knowledge of the literary tradi- Han Ying was born in the state of
tions contained in the classics. In the Yen. After receiving his education, he
spring of 136 B.C.E., Wu Ti established rose to become a tutor within the court.
the position of wu-ching po-shih Four works have been attributed to him,
(Erudites of the Five Classics). He is but the only remaining work since the
also responsible for the establishment Southern Sung dynasty has been the
of the t’ai-hsüeh (National University) Han-shih wai-chuan, or Han’s
in 124 B.C.E., an institution for the edu- Miscellaneous Commentary on the
cation and training of individuals who Poetry. This places him squarely in the
became civil servants within the gov- Confucian tradition. Although taking a
ernment. The college based its curricu- position in the New Text School, Han
lum upon the Five Classics and Ying had disputed with Tung Chung-
employed Confucian scholars as shu in front of the emperor Han Wu Ti.
instructors. The training offered in the See also New Text/Old Text (chin-
college was a broad-based humanistic wen/ku-wen).
training, not simply technical skills.
Wu Ti also employed one of the Hightower, James Robert. Han shih wai
major Confucian thinkers, Tung Chung- chuan: Han Ying’s Illustrations of the
shu, as his advisor. While a number of Didactic Application of the Classic of
scholars were employed in this way and Songs. Cambridge, MA: Harvard
represented a great variety of thought, University Press, 1952.
Tung Chung-shu exercised great
influence upon Wu Ti, steadily increas- Han Yü
ing the influence of Confucianism on (768–824) Considered one of the major
the government and state. It would be precursors to the Neo-Confucian move-
an exaggeration to say that Wu Ti was ment; also known as Han T’ui-chih and
himself a Confucian, but he greatly pro- Han Ch’ang-li. Han Yü is a T’ang
moted the Confucian school by initiat- dynasty Confucian and a celebrated
ing a process of inclusion of Confucians writer. He is remembered principally for
into the government, which moved the
207
Han Yü
Han Yü, a defender of Confucianism, established the “tradition of the Way” from the sage
kings to Confucius, from Confucius to Mencius, and then to himself.
209
Hao-jan chih ch’i (Flood-Like Vitality)
Ho Chi Ho Hsin-yin
(1188–1268) Disciple of Chu Hsi’s stu- (1517–1579) Ming dynasty Neo-
dent Huang Kan; also called Ho Tzu- Confucian scholar and member of the
kung or Master of Pei-shan. Ho Chi was T’ai-chou School; originally named
one of the key figures in the promulga- Liang Ju-yüan and Liang Fu-shan. Ho
tion of Chu Hsi’s teachings in the Chin- Hsin-yin was a native of Kiangsi
hua area of Chekiang province during province. He gained the chü-jen, or
the late Sung dynasty. He was responsi- Provincial Graduate, status with highest
ble for passing on Chu Hsi’s teachings to honors in 1546, but he did not go on for
Wang Po and Chin Lü-hsiang. Ho fol- the Metropolitan Graduate or chin-shih
lowed Chu’s teachings closely and examination and never accepted any
regarded the Ssu-shu chang-chü chi- official position. Instead, he came
chu, or Collected Commentaries on the under the influence of Wang Ken
Four Books in Chapters and Verses, as the through Yen Chün and planned to cre-
perfect interpretation of the Four ate a community in accordance with
Books. Although Ho was very familiar the T’ai-chou teachings. The communi-
with the Four Books and the I ching, or ty was a reorganization of his own clan
Book of Changes, and had publications into a self-sufficient and autonomous
on the “Great Learning” (“Ta-hsüeh”) utopia. Difficulties developed with the
and the “Chung yung” (“Doctrine of the community and local officials, so Ho
Mean”), he contributed little innovation changed his name and left to begin
to the Ch’eng-Chu School. His teach- traveling and lecturing.
ings mainly emphasized chü-ching During his life, Ho had offended two
(abiding in reverence or seriousness). powerful Grand Secretaries. While he
caused the downfall of the first, the sec-
Chan, Wing-tsit., ed. Chu Hsi and Neo- ond drove him to his death. In the latter
Confucianism. Honolulu, HI: case, Ho attempted to rescue the broth-
University of Hawaii Press, 1986. ers Keng Ting-hsiang and Keng Ting-li
213
Ho Hsiu
Works of the Two Ch’engs. The I-shu was “River Chart” is said by the Han dynasty
compiled by Chu Hsi from several sepa- Confucians to be a cosmological chart
rate records of sayings of the Ch’eng carried on the back of a dragon emerg-
brothers collected by their disciples. ing from the Yellow River at the time of
While some sections contain passages the culture hero Fu Hsi. The chart repre-
attributed to both brothers, others are sents the creation of the Five Elements,
attributed to one of them. namely, metal, wood, water, fire, and
earth. It is purportedly connected to the
Chan, Wing-tsit. trans. and comp. origins of the I ching through the associ-
A Source Book in Chinese ation of the theory of Five Elements with
Philosophy. Princeton, NJ: Princeton the eight trigrams, the basic building
University Press, 1969. blocks of the I ching attributed to Fu Hsi.
Graham, A. C. (Angus Charles). Two The connection of the Five Elements to
Chinese Philosophers: The the eight trigrams is not actually por-
Metaphysics of the Brothers Ch’eng. trayed in the “River Chart,” but is found
La Salle, IL: Open Court, 1992. in the “Lo shu” (“Lo Writing”).
The writing was first brought to light
during the Former Han dynasty. Those
Honan Ch’eng-shih wai-shu who promulgated its wisdom claimed
Also known as the Erh Ch’eng wai-shu, that it had been directly transmitted
or Additional Works of the Two Ch’engs, from the time of the sage rulers of high
the Honan Ch’eng-shih wai-shu, or antiquity. That it first emerged during
Additional Works of the Ch’engs of the Han period suggests that it fits into
Honan is a collection of conversations of a category of literature described as the
the Sung dynasty Neo-Confucians ch’en-shu (prognostication text) and
Ch’eng Hao and Ch’eng I in addition to wei (apocrypha), which were exceed-
the Honan Ch’eng-shih i-shu, or ingly popular during this period. Such
Surviving Works of the Ch’engs of Honan. writings professed to shed secret and
The sayings contained in the Wai-shu esoteric meanings upon events. They
were recorded by the Ch’eng brothers’ gave a supernatural overlay of meaning
disciples and put together by Chu Hsi. It to a variety of literary sources and even
was later included in the Erh Ch’eng changed the status of Confucius to a
ch’üan-shu, or Complete Works of the founder of miraculous powers. This
Two Ch’engs. point of view enjoyed general populari-
ty with the New Text School and was
Chan, Wing-tsit. trans. and comp. condemned by the Old Text School.
A Source Book in Chinese The Sung Neo-Confucians Shao Yung
Philosophy. Princeton, NJ: Princeton and Chu Hsi even went so far as to con-
University Press, 1969. sider the chart to be part of the text of the
I ching. This inclusion has been ques-
Honoring Virtuous Nature and tioned since the Ming dynasty. The mod-
ern scholar Kao Heng suggests that the
Following the Way of Inquiry “Ho t’u” may be an ancient geographical
and Learning text. See also chin-wen chia (New Text
See Tsun te-hsing erh Tao wen-hsüeh. School); esoteric/exoteric; ku-wen chia
(Old Text School); New Text/Old Text
(chin-wen-ku-wen); wu hsing.
Ho t’u (River Chart)
Originally an auspicious sign mentioned Wilhelm, Richard, trans. The I Ching or
in the ancient texts, including the Shu Book of Changes. Translated by Cary
ching, or Book of History, and the “Hsi- F. Baynes. Princeton, NJ: Princeton
tz’u chuan” commentary to the I ching, University Press, 1967.
or Book of Changes. The “Ho t’u” or
216
Ho t’u (River Chart)
The “Ho t’u” or “River Chart” is said to represent the creation of the Five Elements.
217
Ho-tung School
Shang dynasty or Yin dynasty. As the temple when all paintings and statues
Confucian school reflected upon the were replaced by the simple shen-wei
history of the Hsia dynasty, Yü and (tablet) that listed only names and
Chieh become paradigmatic figures for titles. It is unclear whether these hsiang
praise and blame, roles they played were ever used as icons or idols to elicit
throughout the subsequent history of extraordinary religious devotion, but
the development of Chinese culture. See the removal suggests a conclusion with-
also Yü (king). in the Confucian circles of the inappro-
priateness of displaying the figures’
Fitzgerald, C. P. China: A Short Cultural images in the temple.
History. Boulder, CO: Westview
Press, 1985. Shryock, John K. The Origin and
Development of the State Cult of
Confucius: An Introductory Study.
Hsiang (Image) New York: The Century Co., 1932.
A philosophical term largely related to Taylor, Rodney L. The Way of Heaven: An
the study of the I ching, or Book of Introduction to the Confucian
Changes. Hsiang, or image, refers to the Religious Life. Leiden, Netherlands:
representation of natural and social phe- E. J. Brill, 1997.
nomena by hexagrams and their lines. Wilson, Thomas A. Genealogy of the
The “Hsi-tz’u chuan,” or “Commentary Way: The Construction and Uses of
on the Appended Judgments,” suggests the Confucian Tradition in Late
that hsiang is used by the sheng, or sages, Imperial China. Stanford, CA:
to observe the world, and that the very Stanford University Press, 1995.
concept of i (change) can simply be
defined in terms of hsiang. Accordingly,
all things and their positions and rela- Hsiang-shan (hsien-sheng)
tions with each other can be represented ch’üan-chi
by hsiang. A complex study of cosmology The Hsiang-shan (hsien-sheng) ch’üan-
known as hsiang-shu (image-number) chi, or Complete Works of (Master) Lu
has been developed, with hsiang and shu Hsiang-shan, is a collection of the writ-
(number) combined together. See also ings of Lu Hsiang-shan or Lu Chiu-
sheng or sheng-jen (sage) and sixty-four yüan, a major Neo-Confucian of the
hexagrams. Southern Sung dynasty. Compiled by
Lu’s son in 1205 and published by Lu’s
Fung Yu-lan. A History of Chinese disciples in 1212, it consists of a variety
Philosophy. Translated by Derk of genres including essays, letters,
Bodde. 2 vols. Princeton, NJ: poems, various documents, and record-
Princeton University Press, 1983. ed conversations. The recorded sayings
Smith, Kidder, Jr. et al. Sung Dynasty are no less important than the essays in
Uses of the I Ching. Princeton, NJ: expounding Lu’s School of Heart-Mind.
Princeton University Press, 1990. Lu’s writings are not as extensive as
other Neo-Confucian authors, and this
Hsiang (Portrait or Statue) probably reflects his own philosophical
The art of hsiang, portrait or statue, was point of view that writing represents a
employed in the Confucian temple secondary pursuit to the cultivation of
between 720 and 1530 to present the the hsin (heart-mind). See also hsin-
images of Confucius, the Confucian hsüeh (School of Heart-Mind).
worthies, and philosophers as well as
those Confucians honored in the wu Chan, Wing-tsit, trans. and comp. A
(cloisters). The practice ended during a Source Book in Chinese Philosophy.
reform movement of the Confucian Princeton, NJ: Princeton University
Press, 1969.
219
Hsiang-shih Examination
the aged worthies, to the capital for the Accounts of the community com-
higher level of examination in the civil pact are given in Chu Hsi’s Hsiao-
service system. See also civil service hsüeh, or Elementary Learning. The first
examinations. recorded hsiang-yüeh is the “Lü-shih
hsiang-yüeh,” or “Community Compact
Hucker, Charles O. A Dictionary of of the Lü Family,” installed by Lü
Official Titles in Imperial China. Ta-chün in 1077. In this community
Stanford, CA: Stanford University compact, the regulations of the Lü fam-
Press, 1985. ily are extended to the larger communi-
Lee, Thomas H. C. Government Education ty. Various kinds of immoral conduct are
and Examinations in Sung China. condemned with strong admonitions
New York: St. Martin’s Press, 1985. for their correction and prevention.
Legge, James, trans. The Sacred Books of The sense of the community com-
China: The Texts of Confucianism. pact is to see each person as responsible
Vols. 3 & 4, The Li Ki. Delhi, India: not only for his or her own behavior, but
Motilal Banarsidass, 1966. also for the conduct of those around
Steele, John, trans. The I-li, or Book of him or her. Everyone is ultimately
Etiquette and Ceremonial. 2 vols. responsible for the social customs and
London: Probsthain & Co., 1917. therefore should be watchful of others.
Übelhör, Monika. “The Community It is not, however, considered to be a
Compact (Hsiang-yüeh) of the Sung negative fashion insofar as the welfare
and Its Educational Significance.” of the whole community is concerned.
Neo-Confucian Education: The For those who are in need of help, the
Formative Stage. Edited by Wm. community is always there to give
Theodore de Bary and John W. a hand.
Chaffee. Berkeley, CA: University of The “Lü-shih hsiang-yüeh” became
California Press, 1989. well known because of Chu Hsi’s inter-
est in propagating the hsiang-yüeh. Chu
Hsi compiled an expanded version of
Hsiang-yüeh (Community Compact) the “Lü-shih hsiang-yüeh” called
The hsiang-yüeh, or community com- “Tseng-sun Lü-shih hsiang-yüeh,” or
pact, refers to a set of behavioral rules “Amended Community Compact of the
laid down by village organizations Lü Family.” According to intellectual
beginning in the Northern Sung historian Monika Übelhör, Chu Hsi’s
dynasty. Such organizations are volun- edition changed the nature of the com-
tary in nature and are aimed at insuring pact to one that also created an organi-
order, cooperation, and assistance zation for the educated class. The result
among community members. Its origin was the continued growth of the com-
can be traced back to the Chou li, or munity compact as an institution into
Rites of Chou, where the formation of a the twentieth century. Its collectivity is
community association for the benefit utilized by the Chinese communist gov-
of its members in times of difficulty is ernment in its statecraft.
discussed. An element of the hsiang-
yüeh not found in the Chou li is the Übelhör, Monika. “The Community
emphasis upon individual moral con- Compact (Hsiang-yüeh) of the Sung
duct. It typifies the Confucian perspec- and Its Educational Significance.”
tive in terms of both individual moral Neo-Confucian Education: The
rectification and moral responsibility to Formative Stage. Edited by Wm.
the community at large. The communi- Theodore de Bary and John W.
ty compact is a local agreement of ethi- Chaffee. Berkeley, CA: University of
cal stipulations observed by all villagers. California Press, 1989.
It is an implementation of the Confucian
code in public life.
221
Hsiao (Filial Piety)
This drawing depicts the positions of guests and officials at hsiang-yin-chiu or community libation,
a local way to seek out men of worth.
The concept of hsiao has been at the chün-tzu (noble person). Confucius
center of the Confucian understanding suggests that if the chün-tzu can act as
of proper relationships within the family. an example to serve his parents whether
When filial piety is discussed, it tends to they’re alive or dead, then the capacity
be described consistently in terms of the for humaneness will be aroused among
proper relation of children to their par- his people. One passage finds a disciple
ents. From this meaning has been asking Confucius about filial piety.
derived a set of submissive behaviors Confucius replies by saying that one
concerning the way in which children never disobeys. Nothing else is said, and
should act toward their parents. Though another disciple asks what this answer
the dominant theme of filial piety is the means. Confucius elaborates by saying
obedience of children to parents, when it that as long as one’s parents are alive,
is discussed in the Lun yü (Analects) one serves them with proper ritual and
there is one passage where filial piety is propriety; when they have died, one
represented as a reciprocal relationship continues to serve them through proper
between parents and children. The pas- burial and sacrifice. Whether one’s par-
sage concerns the observance of mourn- ents are alive or dead, the exercise of
ing rites to serve the dead. The disciple proper ritual and propriety continue.
Tsai Wo asked Confucius whether three Another passage suggests that the
years of mourning for one’s parents was judgment of whether a son has shown
not excessive and suggested that one filial piety is to be found in the ability of
year was sufficient. Confucius responds the son to conform to his father’s will,
suggesting that one simply would not both while his father is alive and after
feel at ease in resuming normal life after his father dies, for the three years of the
such a short mourning period. Tsai Wo mourning period following death.
answers that he would feel at ease. After As far as conduct toward one’s par-
he has departed, Confucius comments ents when they are alive is concerned,
to his other disciples that Tsai Wo is with- several passages give some detail as to
out jen (humaneness), and then justifies how the son is to behave. It is said that
the specification of a three-year mourn- he is not to go too far from home, or, if
ing period. he must travel, the parents must be kept
The three-year mourning period informed of his whereabouts. Several
represents, according to Confucius, the passages address the issue of remon-
period of time the parents take care of stration of the parents by a son, includ-
the child before it leaves their arms. It is ing the case where the parents have
this period that is the beginning of filial committed some wrong. Confucius says
piety, the care of the child by the par- that remonstration should be gentle. If
ents. The care of the parents by the child the parents remain unmoved then the
as they become old and infirm is the son is to resume his attitude of rever-
reciprocal response to the initial care ence and continue to follow their wish-
shown by the child, and the observance es. The later Confucian Hsün-tzu, how-
of the three-year mourning period is the ever, elevates i (righteousness or right-
ritual fulfillment of the initial period of ness), over obedience to the father.
care by the parents. Confucius is presented with the case
Other passages in the Analects sug- of a man who was considered so chih
gest filial piety as the proper relation of (upright) that when his own father
the children to their parents and the appropriated a sheep, he bore witness
performance of filial piety becomes one against him. Confucius responds by sug-
of the marks of virtue. For Confucius, fil- gesting that uprightness might best be
ial piety is seen as one of the character- measured in terms of the ability of the
istics of a person who has developed the father to shield his son and the son to
capacity for humaneness, the person shield his father. This is an interesting
fully manifest with virtue, that is, the passage because Confucius is suggesting
223
Hsiao (Filial Piety)
that the special filiation between father Confucius as discussing the filial piety of
and son takes precedence over the rela- the sage ruler Shun as well as the
tion of either of them to the state. To pro- founders of the Chou dynasty, suggesting
tect a family member is a higher moral their perfection of filial piety in terms of
calling than sacrificing him or her to the the maintenance of proper ritual as well
state because social order is always as the carrying out of their ancestors’ will.
based on familial harmony. The name most frequently associat-
Another issue discussed in several ed with filial piety is Confucius’ disciple
passages pertains to the relation Tseng-tzu. A passage in the Analects
between filial piety as a demonstration suggests Tseng-tzu’s extreme devotion
of correct conduct toward the parents to the ideal of filial piety, in particular,
and the feelings that accompany such his attempt to keep his body free of
conduct. Confucius acknowledges the injury as an obligation to his parents. It
appropriateness of the conduct of serv- is probably because of this reference
ing the parents, but suggests that a that Tseng-tzu becomes the chief
much more difficult element is the spokesperson for filial piety in writings
countenance, that is, the inner feeling as found in the Li chi, Records of Rites, as
it is reflected on the face. In other words, well as the small volume devoted to fil-
is such conduct something that one is ial piety, the Hsiao ching (Book of Filial
doing out of a feeling of respect, or is it Piety), a work frequently attributed to
simply something that is expected and Tseng-tzu himself.
required to be thought a filial son? In the Li chi, filial piety is expanded
In yet another passage Confucius upon as a central virtue, as a focal point
suggests that filial piety, as he observes for practice and perfection. The conduct
it, has become little more than what of the filial son is described in some
the Shu ching, or Book of History, stip- detail, suggesting the complete obliga-
ulates, that is, feeding the parents. tion of the son to his parents. As his par-
Such feeding, he says, is no different ents gave him his life complete, the Li chi
than the treatment of dogs and horses. argues, he is to return to them at death
What is missing is the feeling or atti- his own body unhurt and undamaged. In
tude, what Confucius will describe as other words, he is to do nothing during
ching (reverence or seriousness); that his life that would damage his body so
is, holding the parents in the proper that at his own death it may be returned
esteem. This comment, similar to his to his parents in the same perfect condi-
observation about ritual and music tion in which they gave it to him at birth.
needing to be more than just perfor- As this theme of extreme caution
mance, suggests the degree to which with one’s body is developed, no action
filial piety is regarded as a natural feel- is to be performed without thought for
ing within humankind for those with one’s parents. Every step taken, every
whom there is a shared close relation. breath, every thought—each must be
This natural feeling of affection is considered for the potential harm it
given expression through a set of could bring to the body and, by implica-
behaviors, but they are only meaning- tion, to the parents, since the body had
ful to the degree that they reflect the been the gift of the parents to their son.
affection felt within. This emphasis on The Li chi also establishes the difference
reverence is reiterated by Mencius. between simply taking care of one par-
Many other Confucian writings con- ents and showing them proper rever-
tain references to filial piety, and there is ence, suggesting that it is the latter that
hardly a Confucian of any generation represents the highest level of filial piety.
who did not comment upon the impor- When the obligation and reverence were
tance of its practice as a natural expres- pushed to the extreme in the Sung
sion of human feeling. The “Chung dynasty, the filial son would have to die
yung” (“Doctrine of the Mean”) quotes if his father required him to do so.
224
Hsiao ching (Book of Filial Piety)
The Book of Filial Piety focuses upon commonly held value. As a result, filial
filial piety as the central virtue of piety is one of the central virtues to play
Confucian teachings, suggesting that it a role as part of a general world view
is at the very heart not just of that characterizes East Asia as a whole.
humankind, but the way of Heaven and See also li (propriety or rites).
earth itself. In this work all other
Confucian virtues are subsumed under Chan, Wing-tsit, trans. and comp.
the category of filial piety, making filial A Source Book in Chinese
piety the highest expression of virtue. Philosophy. Princeton, NJ: Princeton
Thus, the classic advocates governing University Press, 1969.
the world by filial piety. Fung Yu-lan. A History of Chinese
As the Book of Filial Piety became Philosophy. Translated by Derk
widely utilized in terms of basic cur- Bodde. 2 vols. Princeton, NJ:
riculum from the Twelve Classics, Princeton University Press, 1983.
much of the centrality of the virtue of Knapp, Keith N. “The Ru Reinterpretation
filial piety argued in the text became a of Xiao.” Early China 20 (1995):
common perspective widely held as 195–222.
part of the general value system of the Lau, D. C., trans. The Analects (Lun yü).
cultures of East Asia. Though little role New York: Penguin Books, 1979.
remains for such works in the context
of present day Asia, their values remain
as generally held values to this day. Hsiao ching (Book of Filial Piety)
Even for people who would disavow A small work attributed to Confucius or
any connection to the Confucian tradi- his disciple Tseng-tzu, the Hsiao ching
tion, filial piety would be seen as a or Book of Filial Piety takes hsiao (filial
piety) as the central teaching of the
A stone carving at Ch’ü-fü purports to represent the virtue of filial piety by displaying the honoring of the
worthy, whether it be a parent or a ruler.
225
Hsiao-hsüeh
The third meaning of the term refers and self-cultivation. Of the three major
to one of the major primers of Neo- themes, the majority of sections focus
Confucian education published by Chu on human relations. In fact, given the
Hsi in 1187 during the Sung period. The number of works that Chu Hsi focused
Hsiao-hsüeh, or Elementary Learning, on education and self-cultivation, and
remained popular as a textbook into the the lateness of this publication in his
twentieth century. Compiled by Liu career, it is probably not surprising that
Ch’ing-chih under the direction of Chu this work came to be representative of his
Hsi, it was seen as the primary or ele- concerns about human relations. Within
mentary learning with which a student the sphere of human relations it was fam-
would begin his education. It was used ily relations that occupied most of his
as a preparatory text for the learning of attention, in particular the relationship
the Four Books (ssu-shu). between children and parents. The ideals
The text of Hsiao-hsüeh was com- suggested filial children, faithful wives,
posed of a selection of materials from and, extended outward, loyal ministers.
classical sources as well as contempo- Throughout the centuries, much of the
rary Confucian writings of the Sung East Asian population received
dynasty. Liu Ch’ing-chih was the per- Confucianism through the instructions in
son chosen by Chu Hsi to compile the such works as the Hsiao-hsüeh. For chil-
anthology because of his extensive work dren it was a source of education in prop-
in the compilation of instructional er relations with their parents, a founda-
manuals and primers. In fact, there is a tion for learning the nature of filial piety
great deal of overlap between Liu’s own as a recognition of the superiority of their
work, Chieh-tzu t’ung-lu, or parents’ position over their own. For
Comprehensive Record of Admonitions women it was a tool for learning about
to Sons, and what he compiled for Chu relationships between men and women
Hsi. The end product was a thorough as well as the ways in which women were
moral admonition for young people, expected to be subservient. The Three
filled with classical references but Obediences, san-ts’ung, find their home
including much of the contemporary in this writing, telling a woman she must
Sung Confucian discourse. For those always be subordinate to the male, as a
who read the text, few regard it as a child to her father, as a wife to her hus-
primer in style. The passages included band, and as a widow to her son. For
in the work are demanding, and it rarely young men, it was a training manual for
appears as a text that would have been relationships with their parents, wives,
intended for children. This has suggest- and the larger outer world in which they
ed to some that the title, Elementary would function. The work is often
Learning, actually signifies the roots of referred to as the basis for Neo-
moral education rather than something Confucian instruction in various human
that is intended for very young people. relations. While its later sections deal
It appears historically to have been read with issues of self-cultivation, by far the
by both children and adults and thus majority of it is focused on discussions
probably fulfills, in Chu Hsi’s mind, and exemplifications of proper relations,
roles as education for children as well as and historically its primary role has been
the foundation of moral learning. instruction in moral relations. See also li
The text itself is divided into inner (propriety or rites); san-ts’ung ssu-te;
and outer chapters roughly equal to women in Confucianism.
each other in length. The inner chapters
contain materials from classical sources, Gardner, Daniel K. Chu Hsi and the
while the outer chapters present writ- Ta-hsueh: Neo-Confucian Reflection
ings of specific Confucians as well as on the Confucian Canon. Cambridge,
stories of their actions from the Han to MA: Council on East Asian Studies,
the Sung times. The major themes of the Harvard University, 1986.
work are education, human relations, 227
Hsiao-hsüeh ta-i
229
Hsien-ch’iu Meng
Chu Hsi in 1159 as the Shang-ts’ai yü-lu, the hsien-ju (former Confucians), so
or Recorded Conversations of Shang- called since the Ming dynasty emperor
ts’ai. See also yü (desire). Chia-ching’s reign. The hsien-hsien
have numbered more than one hun-
Franke, Herbert, ed. Sung Biographies. dred, a number that has varied over the
2 vols. Wiesbaden, Germany: centuries with various additions and
Steiner, 1976. deletions. A number of the hsien-hsien
are direct disciples of Confucius. Some
are also disciples of Mencius. Others
Hsien-ch’iu Meng are prominent Confucians of later gen-
Identified by Chao Ch’i, who wrote the erations, particularly major Neo-
first extant commentary to the Book of Confucian figures.
Mencius, as one of the fifteen disciples
of Mencius. He is referred to in only a Shryock, John K. The Origin and
single passage. He engages Mencius in Development of the State Cult of
an extended conversation about the Confucius: An Introductory Study.
interpretation of the classics, specifi- New York: The Century Co., 1932.
cally issues pertaining to the relation Wilson, Thomas A. Genealogy of the
between the sage rulers Yao and Shun Way: The Construction and Uses of
as well as Shun’s own father. If the clas- the Confucian Tradition in Late
sics are interpreted literally, the rela- Imperial China. Stanford, CA:
tionship appears awkward, as it seems Stanford University Press, 1995.
as though Shun treated Yao as a subject
and failed to minister to his own father.
Mencius uses the opportunity to sug- Hsien-hsüeh
gest that it is more important to derive General name for district schools, the
an author’s intention from the classics hsien-hsüeh was ranked as the lowest
than to interpret them in a sense of lit- level of state school topped by the
eral truth. This is an important issue in chou-hsüeh, prefectural school, and
terms of general hermeneutical tradi- the t’ai-hsüeh (National University).
tions that arise within Confucianism. In the civil service examinations
See also Five Classics. system from the Sui dynasty to the
Ch’ing dynasty, a candidate who
Lau, D. C., trans. Mencius. Harmondsworth, passed the local preliminary examina-
England: Penguin Books, 1970. tion and was admitted to a district
school for further examinations was
designated as sheng-yüan, Government
Hsien-hsien (Former Worthies) Student, or later as hsiu-ts’ai,
Within the main building of the Cultivated Talent.
Confucian temple, the ta-ch’eng tien
(Hall of Great Accomplishments) are a Chaffee, John W. The Thorny Gates of
series of altars. In the center at the Learning in Sung China: A Social
northern end stands the altar to History of Examinations. Albany,
Confucius. Along the sides and close to NY: State University of New York
the main altar are the p’ei altars (altars Press, 1995.
of the worthies), facing east and west,
and next to them the che altars (altars
of the philosophers), also facing east Hsien-ju (Former Confucians)
and west. Outside the main building Within the Confucian temple, the major
and running along both eastern and building, ta-ch’eng tien (Hall of Great
western sides are a series of wu (clois- Accomplishments) contains a number
ters). Within these cloisters are found of altars. The central altar at the most
the hsien-hsien, Former Worthies, and northern location is the altar dedicated
230
Hsien-ju (Former Confucians)
231
Hsien-sheng (Sage of Antiquity)
to Confucius. Directly beside the altar to (Teacher of Antiquity). But in 628, the
Confucius on both eastern and western second year of T’ai Tsung, the temple
sides are the p’ei altars (altars of the for worshipping the Duke of Chou was
worthies). Behind them stand the che abandoned and Confucius was again
altars (altars of the philosophers) also referred to as hsien-sheng, with Yen
on both eastern and western sides. Yüan (Hui) bearing the title of hsien-shih.
Outside the main building there are The title hsien-sheng was changed
wu (cloisters), running along both the to Wen-hsüan Wang (Comprehensive
eastern and western sides of the court- King) by Hsüan Tsung in 739 and
yard. Inside these cloisters are found formed part of the title for Confucius
the hsien-hsien (former worthies), until it was done away with in 1530 dur-
and the hsien-ju, Former Confucians. ing the Ming dynasty by the emperor
The hsien-hsien number about one Chia-ching. With the elimination of the
hundred and are located closer to the title wang, or king, the title was
main hall. returned to the earlier incorporation of
The hsien-ju, so called since the hsien-sheng and hsien-shih. The stan-
Ming dynasty emperor Chia-ching’s dard title from 1530 to the present has
reign, occupy the most distant position been Chih-sheng Hsien-shih (Teacher
from the main hall, but are still named of Antiquity and Highest Sageliness).
figures to whom sacrifice is offered. See also wang (king) title for
Hsien-ju number about seventy. They Confucius.
include prominent Confucians, though
they are not as prominent as those in the Shryock, John K. The Origin and
other categories. Hsien-ju are typically Development of the State Cult of
disciples of disciples or individuals who Confucius: An Introductory Study.
performed some action considered New York: The Century Co., 1932.
important in the history of the
Confucian tradition, such as a contribu-
tion to the exegesis of the Confucian Hsien-sheng (Teacher)
classics. Confucians from most histori- The standard term for teacher or mas-
cal periods are represented in the rank ter, hsien-sheng first appears in early
of the hsien-ju. Chinese texts such as the Li chi, or
Records of Rites. It is inclusive of all tra-
Shryock, John K. The Origin and ditions of thought and general educa-
Development of the State Cult of tion as well. The term means “formerly
Confucius: An Introductory Study. born” or “elder” and thus conveys the
New York: The Century Co., 1932. sense of respect that is paid to one’s
Wilson, Thomas A. Genealogy of the elder. It is a term of deep respect, and
Way: The Construction and Uses of when used, suggests a person who is
the Confucian Tradition in Late one’s elder or teacher, that is, a person
Imperial China. Stanford, CA: of learning and knowledge. It is some-
Stanford University Press, 1995. times used interchangeably with the
term shih, scholar or literati. It desig-
nates anyone who is regarded as one’s
Hsien-sheng (Sage of Antiquity) senior either by age or in skill and
Title used for Confucius between the occupation who serves as one’s teacher
years 240 and 610. During the reign of or instructor. Thus it is used as a sign of
Kao Tsu, the founder of the T’ang respect and honor. Hsien-sheng is
dynasty (618–626), the Duke of Chou widely used today in southern China
was given the title of hsien-sheng, and and Japan, and is pronounced sensei in
Confucius was demoted to hsien-shih Japanese. See also scholar class (shih).
232
Hsien T’ien t’u
233
Hsien T’ien t’u
Emperor Kao Tsu, founder of the T’ang dynasty, conferred the posthumous title Teacher of
Antiquity on Confucius between 618 and 626.
234
Hsin (Faithfulness)
precedes Heaven and earth, the self and manifestations being many. It is
becomes the origin of Heaven and included in the Chang-tzu ch’üan-shu,
earth. Therefore, Shao describes his or Complete Works of Master Chang. See
learning of hsien T’ien as a hsin-fa, or also “Hsi-ming chieh-i” and T’ien-ti
method of the heart-mind. chih se wu ch’i t’i.
Hsi-ming
Probably the most famous writing of the Hsi-ming chieh-i
Sung dynasty Neo-Confucian Chang Chu Hsi’s “Hsi-ming chieh-i” or
Tsai, the “Hsi-ming,” or “Western “Explanation of the Meaning of the
Inscription,” was originally part of a ‘Western Inscription’” was written in
chapter of the Cheng-meng, or 1172. It is a major philosophical writing
Correcting Youthful Ignorance. The pas- that has become the standard commen-
sage was inscribed by Chang on the tary on Chang Tsai’s work “Hsi-ming,”
west window of his lecture hall and was or “Western Inscription.”
entitled “Ting wan,” or “Correcting of
the Ignorant,” which was so renamed by Chan, Wing-tsit, trans. and comp.
Ch’eng I. It became an independent text A Source Book in Chinese
when Chu Hsi wrote a commentary on Philosophy. Princeton, NJ: Princeton
it. Both Ch’eng I and Chu Hsi have the University Press, 1969.
greatest esteem for it. Ch’eng even
describes it as the purest writing since
the Han dynasty. Hsin (Faithfulness)
The “Western Inscription” repre- A term used frequently by Confucius,
sents a vision of the unity of Heaven, hsin has been translated most often as
earth, and humankind, and talks of the faithfulness or truthfulness. The charac-
responsibility of humankind in relation ter hsin is composed of two parts; one
to all things. It opens with the declara- part means person and the other means
tion that Heaven is one’s father, earth is to speak. Thus, it means a person speak-
one’s mother, what fills up Heaven and ing and suggests that the emphasis is
earth is one’s body, all people are one’s placed upon speaking that which is true.
brothers and sisters, and all things are To be faithful is to express what is true.
one’s companions, suggesting that the Philosophers David L. Hall and Roger T.
tired, the weak, and the infirm all are Ames have suggested that hsin be ren-
brothers to whom one owes care and dered as “living up to one’s word.” The
help. This has become one of the most translation has the advantage of demon-
important statements in the Neo- strating the importance of the concept
Confucian view of the universe as a sin- as an indicator of not just speaking what
gle body and the ethical role of human- is true, but carrying it out as well.
ity within this shared community of all That Confucius considers the concept
things. The work is interpreted by of great importance can be seen in the
Ch’eng I and Chu Hsi in terms of li-i passage in the Lun yü (Analects) where
fen-shu, with Principle (li) being one Confucius is described as teaching four
things: wen (culture), hsing (conduct),
235
Hsin (Heart-Mind)
(humaneness), and suggests that hsin is body, its spirit and intelligence also
an organ of ssu (thinking), the master of depend on other organs. In spite of its
sense organs. While one who follows the special functions in thinking, feeling,
heart-mind is a great person, one who and understanding, the heart-mind will
follows his or her sense organs is a become worthless should one of the
hsiao-jen (petty person). Hsün-tzu sense organs malfunction. Wang’s idea
agrees with Mencius in that the heart- sounds more scientific than religious.
mind is the repository of humaneness See also Lu-Wang School.
and the ruler of sense organs. The Han
dynasty Confucian Tung Chung-shu Fung Yu-lan. A History of Chinese
goes further to aver that the heart-mind Philosophy. Translated by Derk
is the authority over ch’i (vitality). Bodde. 2 vols. Princeton, NJ:
The Sung dynasty Neo-Confucian Princeton University Press, 1983.
Shao Yung considers the hsin to be the Lau, D. C., trans. Mencius. Harmondsworth,
t’ai-chi (Great Ultimate), hence the England: Penguin Books, 1970.
begetter of all things. Shao’s contempo-
rary Chang Tsai puts forward the theory
that the heart-mind is the unity of hsing Hsin-chai Wang hsien-sheng
(nature) and ch’ing (emotions or feel- ch’üan-chi
ings). Chu Hsi inherits Chang’s theory, Published by the author’s grandson, the
explaining that the heart-mind includes Hsin-chai Wang hsien-sheng ch’üan-chi,
both the unmoved nature and the or Complete Works of Master Hsin-chai
moved feelings. Chu’s rival, Lu Chiu- Wang, is a reprint of the mid-sixteenth-
yüan, identifies the hsin with Principle century collection of Wang Ken’s writ-
(li) and regards the heart-mind as a gift ings. It was originally compiled by
from T’ien (Heaven) to all persons. This Wang’s disciple Tung Sui and his sons
teaching laid the foundation for the Wang I and Wang Pi. This earliest edi-
hsin-hsüeh (School of Heart-Mind). tion was soon enlarged by Wang Pi,
Thus, Wang Yang-ming, representa- Tung Sui, and Nieh Ching, who added to
tive of the School of Heart-Mind during it the Hsin-chai yü-lu, or Recorded
the Ming period, equates the heart- Conversations of Hsin-chai, and a
mind with Heaven. For Wang, the heart- chronicle of Wang Ken’s life. The collec-
mind is synecdochic of Heaven and tion was expanded again at the end of
earth as well as all things in between. the Ch’ing dynasty and renamed as
Therefore, the essential step to unite the Ming-ju Wang Hsin-chai hsien-sheng i-
heart-mind with Principle is chih liang- chi, or Collected Surviving Works of the
chih, extension of knowledge of the Ming Confucian Master Wang Hsin-chai.
good, within one’s heart-mind. Its contents reveal Wang Ken’s belief of
Influenced by the Lu-Wang teachings, the Tao (Way) as the common people’s
the late Ming Confucian Liu Tsung- everyday life.
chou proclaims the heart-mind as the
spiritual noumenon of the universe. By Goodrich, L. Carrington, and Chaoying
the end of the Ming era, the Neo- Fang, eds. Dictionary of Ming Biography,
Confucian conception of the hsin has 1368–1644. 2 vols. New York: Columbia
been completed. University Press, 1976.
An echo to the Han notion of the hsin
is found in the views of Huang Tsung-hsi
and Ku Yen-wu. Both Huang and Ku per- Hsin-chai yü-lu
ceive the heart-mind as the ch’i filling the A collection of Wang Ken’s conversa-
space between Heaven and earth. Their tions, the Hsin-chai yü-lu, or Recorded
contemporary Wang Fu-chih, however, Conversations of Hsin-chai, is included
argues that although the heart-mind is in the Hsin-chai Wang hsien-sheng
the most important part of the human ch’üan-chi, or Complete Works of Master
237
Hsin-chih-t’i
the early Sung dynasty. They were and the other is the graph for life––to be
regarded as the first teachers to rejuve- alive or to be born. The two together
nate Confucianism, hence the reposito- suggest the quality of mind-heart with
ries of sagely teachings. which one is born or that is most essen-
As intellectual historian Wm. tial to life itself. As reflected in its com-
Theodore de Bary has pointed out, hsin- mon English translation, nature, the
fa also refers to a specific form of term points to what appears to be
instruction and practice. It is a method essence. It is usually employed to
of self-cultivation. The source of this denote human nature, though some-
method seems to be primarily the times used for the nature of Heaven or
“Chung yung” (“Doctrine of the Mean”) the nature of things. The nature of
as interpreted by Chu Hsi. In his preface humankind and that of Heaven, howev-
to the text he explains that it represents er, are inseparable, since in the early
the hsin-fa of the Confucian school Confucian text “Chung yung”
transmitted from Tzu-ssu to Mencius. (“Doctrine of the Mean”), T’ien-ming
Unlike its original Buddhist emphasis (Mandate of Heaven) is called hsing,
on non-language learning, the hsin-fa is which is to be understood as human
used by Neo-Confucians to include nature. Philosophers David L. Hall and
study of the Confucian canon as part of Roger T. Ames render hsing as “natural
the training. tendency,” calling attention to the need
It was quite typical that the method to exercise caution in viewing human
was illustrated in chart form for nature as essentialistic, and suggesting
instructional purposes. Examples are instead that hsing is always in the
the diagrams of Li Yüan-kang’s “Ts’un- process of changing and developing.
hsin yao-fa,” or “The Essential Method Within Confucianism, hsing has
for the Preservation of the Heart- played an important role in defining
Mind;” Ch’eng Fu-hsin’s “Lun hsin what best characterizes the fundamen-
t’ung hsing ch’ing,” or “Exposition of tal nature of humankind, not in a static
the Heart-Mind Coordinating the fashion, but as a matter of process and
Nature and Emotions;” and “Sheng- potential for development. Confucius
hsien lun hsin chih yao,” or “Essentials himself only points out that by nature,
of the Sages’ and Worthies’ Exposition human beings are alike, but through hsi
of the Heart-Mind.” or practice they grow apart. As such, he
passes no judgment upon human
de Bary, Wm. Theodore. The Message of nature. It is left to Mencius to formulate
the Mind in Neo-Confucianism. New the classical Confucian position on
York: Columbia University Press, human nature.
1989. In his debates with Kao-tzu,
––––––. Neo-Confucian Orthodoxy and Mencius rebuts Kao-tzu’s assumptions
the Learning of the Mind-and-Heart. that human nature is neither good or
New York: Columbia University evil, and denies that hsing is simply
Press, 1981. desires or basic instincts free of moral
value. He argues for the inborn good-
ness of human nature in terms of the
Hsing (Nature) ssu-tuan (Four Beginnings), suggesting
A key philosophical concept in the that goodness is the essential difference
Confucian tradition, hsing or nature has between human beings and brutes, and
often been seen as the element that is inherent only within human nature
gives the tradition its most characteris- but needs to be nurtured to come to full
tic feature, namely, the belief in the fun- realization. Mencius suggests, as many
damental goodness of humankind. The generations of Confucians after him do,
word hsing itself is composed of two that learning, education, and moral cul-
parts: one is the radical of heart-mind,
239
Hsing (Nature)
tivation will lead to the development The theories of mixture and three
and fulfillment of this goodness. The grading by Han Confucians has influ-
endpoint of such goodness is sheng, enced their T’ang dynasty successors.
sagehood, a goal that becomes increas- Han Yü inherited Wang Ch’ung’s divi-
ingly relevant and accessible as the tra- sion of three grades based upon the
dition develops, particularly in its Neo- combination of good and evil. It was
Confucian forms of learning. then a matter of accounting for the par-
There have been some notable ticular combination of these elements in
exceptions to the theory of the good- any particular person. Han Yü’s student
ness of human nature within the Li Ao distinguishes hsing from ch’ing in
Confucian tradition. The earliest of his Fu hsing shu (Discourse on
these was Hsün-tzu’s notion of hsing, Returning to the Nature). His distinc-
which argued for the inborn evilness of tion between human nature and feel-
human nature. Hsün-tzu believes that ings categorizes the former as good and
the evil human nature is transformable, the latter as evil.
but only through strict and disciplined With the rise of Neo-Confucianism
education and learning. The Legalist and the acceptance of Mencius as the
school took up his call and generally orthodox interpreter of Confuciu––dur-
believed that human nature beginning ing the Sung dynasty, the theory of the
from a position of evil had to be subject goodness of human nature prevails—
to strict rules and laws if social order though it is subject to subtle differences
was to be maintained. This is not a posi- in the various schools of Neo-
tion, however, that the Confucian Confucianism. For the li-hsüeh (School
school adopts. of Principle or learning of Principle),
The general backdrop of the theory hsing remains the locus of attention in
of hsing after Mencius and Hsün-tzu learning and self-cultivation. One has to
tends to see human nature as more cultivate the original nature, which
complex than simply good or bad. The means realizing one’s inherent capacity
Han dynasty Confucian Tung Chung- for goodness. The Neo-Confucians of
shu proposes a division between hsing the Sung dynasty developed hsing to be
and ch’ing (emotions or feelings). He the T’ien-ming chih hsing, the nature
argues in the Ch’un ch’iu fan-lu conferred or destined by Heaven.
(Luxuriant Dew of the Spring and Ch’eng I avers that what lies in Heaven
Autumn Annals) that there is both good is called ming (destiny or fate), and
and evil, which corresponds to yang and what lies in humankind is nature. Hsing
yin, respectively. In this scheme the and ming are therefore two sides of the
hsing of humaneness is associated with same coin.
yang, a positive or good nature, while According to the Pei-hsi tzu-i of
that of corruptness is related to yin, a Ch’en Ch’un, hsing is identical with
negative or evil nature. Tung also Principle (li) and T’ien-li (Principle of
divides human nature into three grades: Heaven). Identified with Principle,
already good, potentially good, and not human nature is good in the same way
good. Yang Hsiung considers human that Mencius argues the goodness of
nature to be a combination of good and hsing. Relying upon Ch’eng Hao and
evil, with goodness capable of cultiva- Ch’eng I, Ch’en Ch’un argues that evil is
tion. Wang Ch’ung follows Tung Chung- no longer seen as a product of ch’ing, but
shu’s three grades by dividing human rather is shifted to the relation between
nature into the superior, the medium, the two major metaphysical forces in
and the inferior. In addition, Wang also Neo-Confucianism: li, Principle, and
brings forth the quality of ch’i (vitality), ch’i, vitality. Evil is not attributed to ch’i
in the determination of the goodness or per se, but suggested as a potential of a
evilness of hsing. This set the ground for person in whom ch’i is dominant over
the Neo-Confucian understanding of Principle. Ch’i is seen as having both
240 the concept of hsing.
Hsing (Punishment or Criminal Law)
yang and yin capacities, positive and attempt to fully realize the capacity for
negative, hence good and bad. Such goodness. In spite of the controversy
capacities in interaction with things in about emotions and desires, this theory
the world can be the cause for the aris- of the goodness of human nature con-
ing of evil, hence the differentiation of ferred by Heaven stands at the very cen-
the ch’i-chih chih hsing, or nature of ter of the Confucian tradition through-
temperament, from the T’ien-ming chih out its history. See also hsin-hsüeh
hsing. This causality between ch’i and (School of Heart-Mind); yin/yang; yü
evil, however, was rejected by some (desire).
Confucians during the Ch’ing dynasty.
For Wang Yang-ming, master of the Chan, Wing-tsit, trans. and ed. Neo-
School of Heart-Mind, focus shifts to the Confucian Terms Explained (The
hsin (heart-mind), as the substance of Pei-hsi tzu-i) by Ch’en Ch’un, 1159–
hsing and the locus of the highest good- 1223. New York: Columbia University
ness, where the capacity for the realiza- Press, 1986.
tion of goodness is inherent within the ––––––, trans. and comp. A Source Book
individual. Great attention is thus given in Chinese Philosophy. Princeton,
to the role of heart-mind and the imme- NJ: Princeton University Press, 1969.
diate relation between heart-mind and Hall, David L., and Roger T. Ames.
Principle. As a result, human nature is Thinking Through Confucius. Albany,
not only identified with the Principle of NY: State University of New York
Heaven, but also equated with liang- Press, 1987.
chih, or knowledge of the good in the Legge, James, trans. The Chinese
heart-mind. However, it is important to Classics. Vols. 1 & 2, Confucian
remember that the full development of Analects, the Great Learning, the
nature remains at the center of attention Doctrine of the Mean, the Works of
for the School of Heart-Mind as much as Mencius. Oxford, England: Clarendon
it does for the School of Principle. Press, 1893–95; Reprint (2 vols. in 1),
Wang Fu-chih tries to return to the Taipei, Taiwan: SMC, 1994.
conception of human nature from
Confucius’ own words. He differentiates
the innate nature from the acquired one Hsing (Punishment or Criminal Law)
by ascribing them to Heaven and hsi, A term used by Confucius to contrast a
practice, respectively. Thus, there is society ordered through the implemen-
both human nature of Principle and tation of li (propriety or rites) and one
that of desires. Tai Chen of the Ch’ing organized around the principle of penal
period, however, argues that desires, law and corporal punishment. For
the perceptual and the rational, all Confucius the hope was to be able to
belong to natural tendency, in which create a society where hsing, punish-
the rational, through the act of learning, ment or criminal law, was exercised to
plays the most significant role in realiz- the least possible degree. Instead, for
ing the goodness of human nature. Confucius and generations of later
Throughout the centuries in which Confucians, the ordering principle for
Confucian philosophy develops, there society was found through the imple-
remains at the center of the tradition an mentation of ritual and propriety.
interpretation of human nature as The term hsing which occurs in the
morally good, human nature as a moral Lun yü (Analects), was later replaced by
nature. Human nature is generally seen the term fa, law or standard, but it still
as not yet fully developed in goodness formed the foundation for the contrast
at birth, but inclined toward goodness. seen between a society ordered by moral
With this inclination the object of learn- principles and one ordered through the
ing and cultivation becomes the enactment of law and punishments. The
241
Hsing (Punishment or Criminal Law)
contrast drawn between hsing and li is a order about was merely a matter of the
fundamental one in the history of enactment of laws and punishments that
Chinese political and moral philosophy. became progressively stringent. The use
It forms the foundation for the differen- of the term hsing suggests the tendency
tial between the Confucian school and to emphasize severity of law and punish-
the so-called Legalist School, fa-chia. ment, arguing that order is a direct prod-
The Confucian school throughout its uct of the threats posed for maximizing
history has continued to insist that laws punishment for the violation of stan-
and punishments were fundamentally a dards and norms.
failure of the ability of humans to relate The Confucians did not rule out the
to each other in moral ways. Whether use of hsing if the condition of disorder
moral character was part of one’s original was of such magnitude that it was man-
nature, as Mencius insisted, or some- dated, but they continued to suggest
thing inculcated from the external para- that laws and punishments were unnec-
digms of the sage rulers of the past, as essary when li was fully utilized. The
was insisted upon by Hsün-tzu, the basis advice given by Confucius, Mencius,
for the interactions of one person with and other Confucians to the various
another remained a moral relationship. rulers of the day often bore upon this
For Confucius himself such moral rela- point. If a ruler would simply become a
tionships are contrasted with the neces- man of jen and fulfill the ideal of the
sity of demanding social order through chün-tzu, then society itself would exer-
the enactment of law and punishments. cise its moral virtue and there would be
The Confucian model was built little need for laws and punishments.
upon the character of the chün-tzu The endpoint appears to remain the
(noble person) as a moral person, who same for both the Confucian and the
practiced jen (humaneness) and acted Legalist: the establishment of order in
upon the basis of proper relations society. However, where the Legalist
between himself and others. The rela- ended with order at the cost of the indi-
tionships with others were formulated vidual, the Confucians focused upon the
for the Confucian through the system of development of the moral nature of the
li in which proper relationships became individual. In other words, order in soci-
the basis for order and the exercise of ety for the Confucians was an important
morality. The degree to which there was objective, but it remained a by-product of
reversion to the enactment of laws and the establishment of the moral order of
punishments was, from the Confucian the individual. If every individual were
point of view, the degree to which the moral then society would follow in his or
system of special moral relations estab- her footsteps. To suggest that order in
lished through li had failed. society was established at the cost of the
The Legalists looked upon this same individual remained a step that the
issue in an entirely different way. From Confucian school was under most cir-
their perspective, a discussion of moral cumstances unwilling to take. See also
relations was at best a very idealized hundred schools of thought.
image of the nature of humankind. They
held strongly that man’s nature was evil Chan, Wing-tsit, trans. and comp.
and only through threats of discipline A Source Book in Chinese
and punishment could he be made to do Philosophy. Princeton, NJ: Princeton
good. Thus, to try to maintain order in University Press, 1969.
society was not to let man exercise his Hall, David L., and Roger T. Ames.
nature, but to mandate conditions of law Thinking Through Confucius. Albany,
to such a degree that no deviation from NY: State University of New York
the accepted standard of what constitut- Press, 1987.
ed order could be exercised. To bring this
242
Hsing-erh-shang/hsing-erh-hsia
244
Hsing-ming Group
245
Hsing-ming ku-hsün
246
Hsin-hsüeh (New Learning)
247
Hsin-hsüeh (School of Heart-Mind)
This is the Apricot Platform, where Confucius is said to have taught his disciples.
sagehood; and li-hsüeh, learning of the early hsin-hsüeh teachings that are
Principle, without any particular school later seen in Wang Yang-ming. An earlier
in mind. potential precursor of the School of
De Bary has identified three critical Heart-Mind is Ch’eng Hao, who also
notions related to the early meaning of stresses the role of heart-mind in search
hsin-hsüeh. They are Tao-t’ung, or tra- of Principle.
dition of the Way; hsin-fa, method or After Wang Yang-ming, the School of
message of the heart-mind; and ch’uan- Heart-Mind has divided into various
hsin (transmission of the heart-mind). further schools based upon differences
All three are associated with the preser- among Wang’s disciples in the interpre-
vation and revitalization of the teach- tation of their master’s teachings. Some
ings of the ancient sages. The Neo- turned to the Ch’eng-Chu School for
Confucians presumed that the tradition broad-based learning, while others,
had been interrupted after Mencius and most notably the T’ai-chou School,
was only rejoined by themselves. They took a more radical position in empha-
stress the learning of these teachings in sizing the immediacy of knowledge of
practical and applied methods of self- the good in all actions, thus asserting
cultivation and instruction. The ideas of the state of sagehood as ordinary life
hsin-fa and ch’uan-hsin especially itself without learning or self-cultiva-
emphasize the role of the heart-mind in tion. The hallmark of this discrepancy
the transmission. was a debate between two famous dis-
In its later use, hsin-hsüeh became ciples of Wang Yang-ming, Ch’ien Te-
the name of a Neo-Confucian school hung and Wang Chi. Ch’ien represented
that distinguished itself from the ortho- the call for learning and self-cultivation,
dox teachings that had formed the core whereas Wang called for the immediacy
of the tradition. The focus of the differ- of the realization of the knowledge of
ence is upon the heart-mind as the the good. Many controversies have con-
repository of Principle (li). The term tinued to take place within the School
seems very technical and philosophical, of Heart-Mind, as well as between the
but there are practical ramifications in Lu-Wang and Ch’eng-Chu followers. As
terms of learning and self-cultivation. a result, today there is a clearly marked
The goal toward sagehood remains the set of teachings belonging to the School
same in both School of Principle and of Heart-Mind. See also Hsiang-shan
School of Heart-Mind, but where the (hsien-sheng) ch’üan-chi and sheng or
former necessitates ko-wu (investiga- sheng-jen (sage).
tion of things) to gradually realize
Principle, the latter argues that de Bary, Wm. Theodore. The Message of
Principle is always already inherent in the Mind in Neo-Confucianism. New
the heart-mind. Wang Yang-ming refers York: Columbia University Press,
to this as liang-chih, or knowledge of 1989.
the good, and suggests that instead of ––––––. Neo-Confucian Orthodoxy and
investigating things, one needs only to the Learning of the Mind-and-Heart.
cheng-hsin, or rectify the heart-mind. New York: Columbia University
The School of Heart-Mind believes in Press, 1981.
the internal capacity of the individual to
fully realize sagehood, rather than rely
upon a broad-based and external Hsin ju-chia
process of learning. It appears that some See New Confucianism.
of Lu Chiu-yüan’s teachings also empha-
size the heart-mind as the locus of Hsin ju-hsüeh
Principle, and therefore he represents See New Confucianism.
249
Hsin li-hsüeh
250
Hsin-t’i yü hsing-t’i
Emperor Kuang-wu, founder of the Later Han dynasty, banished Huan T’an
because of his anti-superstitious views expressed in Hsin lun, or New Treatises.
251
Hsin wei-shih lun
252
Hsiung Shih-li
extensive discussion of the history of native of Hupeh province. His early life
Chinese civilization beginning with Fu is marked by his participation in the
Hsi, based on the discovery of the impli- 1911 revolution and his interest in
cations of the various hexagams that Buddhism. In 1922 he accepted an offer
compose the book itself. Throughout the to teach Buddhism at Peking University.
commentary, Confucius is quoted at He continued his career at two acade-
length, although these quotes represent a mies in Szechwan during World War II
separate tradition of materials said to and spent most of his life after 1949
portray Confucius, and virtually all refer- writing in Shanghai. Among his works
ences to Confucius are to the way of the are the Hsin wei-shih lun, or New
chün-tzu (noble person) of the Doctrine of Consciousness-Only, and the
Confucian tradition. Yüan ju, or Tracing the ju.
The “Hsi-tz’u chuan” attributes great Hsiung is known for his reconstruc-
and profound philosophical meaning to tion of the hsin-hsüeh (School of Heart-
the I ching. The commentary suggests Mind). He incorporated into his interpre-
that the I ching can provide a template tation Buddhist elements, teachings from
for all actions because of its insight into the I ching, or Book of Changes, and
the order and structure of the cosmos as Henri Bergson’s philosophy of intuition.
defined by the structure of the trigrams From this eclectic set of sources he
and hexagrams. Not only can the I ching advanced Wang Yang-ming’s idea of
provide such a template, but it has pro- T’ien-ti wan-wu wei i-t’i; that is, Heaven,
vided this template throughout China’s earth, and all things as one body.
history as witnessed by the way in which Hsiung developed his theory of the
the sages have built Chinese civilization unity of t’i, substance or body, and
itself upon the basis of the images pro- yung, function, in his later years.
vided through the hexagrams. Hsiung Shih-li emphasized that the
The “Hsi-tz’u chuan” continues to purpose of philosophy was to make an
play a prominent role in the Confucian exhaustive inquiry of the pen-t’i, or orig-
interpretation of the I ching. It is a inal substance, the source of all virtues.
Confucian compendium to the classic Since the pen-t’i is located in the heart-
text, though it represents primarily mind, learning and self-cultivation need
a form of Han-dynasty Confucianism. not be pursued outwardly. One must
See also eight trigrams and sixty- return to one’s pen-hsin (original heart-
four hexagrams. mind) to realize the transcendent truth
and goodness. For Hsiung, there is an
Wilhelm, Hellmut. Change: Eight Absolute in Confucian ethics, though
Lectures on the I ching. Translated by notions such as li (propriety or rites)
Cary F. Baynes. Princeton, NJ: and jen (humaneness) are to be
Princeton University Press, 1973. enriched by the modern Western ideas
Wilhelm, Richard, trans. The I Ching or of independence, freedom, and equality.
Book of Changes. Translated by Cary See also hsin (heart-mind) and t’i/yung
F. Baynes. Princeton, NJ: Princeton (substance/function).
University Press, 1967.
Boorman, Howard L., and Richard C.
Howard, eds. Biographical Dictionary
Hsiu-chi of Republican China. 5 vols. New
See hsiu-shen. York: Columbia University Press,
1967–79.
Hsiung Shih-li Chan, Wing-tsit, trans. and comp.
(1885–1968) Major philosopher of the A Source Book in Chinese
modern period, Hsiung Shih-li was a Philosophy. Princeton, NJ: Princeton
University Press, 1969.
253
Hsiung Tz’u-li
254
Hsü (Vacuity)
255
Hsü Ai
256
Hsüan-hsüeh (Mysterious Learning)
Chan, Wing-tsit, trans. Instructions for Chaffee, John W. The Thorny Gates of
Practical Living and Other Neo- Learning in Sung China: A Social
Confucian Writings by Wang Yang- History of Examinations. Albany,
ming. New York: Columbia NY: State University of New York
University Press, 1985. Press, 1995.
Huang Tsung-hsi. The Records of Ming Hucker, Charles O. A Dictionary of
Scholars. Edited by Julia Ching with Official Titles in Imperial China.
Chaoying Fang. Honolulu, HI: Stanford, CA: Stanford University
University of Hawaii Press, 1987. Press, 1985.
Lee, Thomas H. C. Government Education
and Examinations in Sung China.
Hsüan-chü System New York: St. Martin’s Press, 1985.
The general term used to refer to a system
by which officials were selected. The civil
service examinations system was one of Hsüan-fu (Comprehensive Father)
the methods used by the imperial Title used for Confucius by the T’ang
Chinese government for the training and dynasty emperor T’ai Tsung in the year
selection of officials and ministers of state 637. T’ai Tsung was responsible for the
from the Sui dynasty into the twentieth restoration of Confucius’ title as hsien-
century. This involved the development sheng (Sage of Antiquity), a title that had
of schools at the local, county, prefectural, been removed from Confucius and given
and national levels with examinations to the Duke of Chou by the first emperor
offered as the major route for entry and of the T’ang dynasty, Kao Tsu, between
eventual completion of degrees. As a 618 and 626. The address of Confucius as
broad-based training system for the cre- Comprehensive Father was short-lived.
ation of officials, it represented one of the The emperor Hsüan Tsung began the use
most thorough educational programs in of the title wang, king, in 739 to elevate
the world. Originating in the ch’a-chü sys- Confucius to the status of rulership. See
tem of the Former Han dynasty, the also wang (king) title for Confucius.
hsüan-chü system rapidly expanded into
a national examination, training, and Shryock, John K. The Origin and
selection system during the Sung dynasty Development of the State Cult of
and continued in this way throughout Confucius: An Introductory Study.
Chinese dynastic history. The system New York: The Century Co., 1932.
included four levels of schools and exam-
inations across a wide range of subjects.
Graduation at the highest level, usually Hsüan-hsüeh (Mysterious Learning)
associated with the awarding of the A term associated with Taoism in the
degree of chin-shih, Presented Scholar Three Kingdoms period and the Ch’in
(into early Sung) or Metropolitan dynasty, hsüan-hsüeh or mysterious
Graduate (from Sung on), guaranteed a learning was used to describe the activi-
high-level official position. Graduation ties of several brilliant leaders of the
from lesser levels, such as Prefectural philosophical Taoist movement, some-
Graduate, te-chieh chü-jen, or more com- times called Neo-Taoism, as a reaction
monly chü-jen, still meant appointment to the overly elaborate research of the
in official positions, but at a regional or ching-hsüeh (study of classics), the
local level. In all, the system preserved the ch’en-shu (prognostication text), and
basic educational model that sought to the wei (apocrypha) of the Han
train and select people of talent for ser- dynasty. Individuals such as Ho Yen,
vice positions. The ideal was to produce Wang Pi (Fu-ssu), and Kuo Hsiang, who
tu-shu jen, intellectuals, for government are major commentators of the Taoist
service. See also chin-shih examination;
civil service examinations.
257
Hsüan-hsüeh (Mysterious Learning)
and Confucian classics, are referred to ing in the world. Thus, Confucius was
as exponents of the hsüan-hsüeh. regarded as the epitome of not just
Hsüan-hsüeh means the learning Confucian sages, but all sages including
focused on the hsüan, mysterious or the Taoists. Accordingly, as Kuo Hsiang
abstract, concepts found in several of asserted in his commentary on the
the Taoist classics such as the Tao te Chuang-tzu, the Confucian ethical code
ching of Lao-tzu and the Chuang-tzu. and the Taoist ideal of nature and non-
The hsüan, as an alternative reference to action were no longer mutually exclusive.
the Tao (Way), is the ultimate basis of all To incorporate Confucianism into
things and matters. Particular attention Taoism, advocates of the mysterious
was placed upon the metaphysical learning reinterpreted some of the
notion of wu, non-being, as a concept Confucian classics by means of ch’ing-
worthy of extended philosophical dis- t’an (pure conversation) and exegesis.
cussion. The Neo-Taoists found notions The I ching, or Book of Changes, being
of non-being and hsü (vacuity) as a viewed as the most profound work
philosophical position that argued for among the Confucian classics, was
an ontology of the cosmos and a way of expounded in the light of Lao-tzu’s phi-
acting in the world itself. losophy. Wang Pi’s commentaries on the
The earlier Taoists had focused upon I ching and the Tao te ching suggested
wu-wei (non-action) as a way of acting that the Confucian ethical code was
by retiring from the world, but for the derived from nature and nonbeing.
Neo-Taoists, wu-wei became a way of Another example was Ho Yen’s com-
acting without retiring from the world. mentary on the Analects of Confucius,
This suggested the development of a in which Lao-tzu’s notion of non-action
state of being, actually non-being, in was applied to define the Confucian
which one was open and empty to all virtues. Ho’s elevation of the Analects
things. By being open and empty, one over the Ch’un ch’iu, or Spring and
was detached from things in the world, Autumn Annals, the most favored clas-
and by being detached, one was in a sic of the Han dynasty, had far-reaching
state of non-being without being significance on inclusion of the Analects
removed from ordinary life. Thus, there into the Four Books (ssu-shu) later dur-
was no need to retire from the world. ing the Sung dynasty.
There was, however, a problem with When it came to the Eastern Ch’in
the image of non-being and non-retire- dynasty, mysterious learning tended to
ment. The stories told about the collaborate with Buddhism in terms of
founders of Taoism always suggested the Taoist notion of non-being and the
their retirement from the world and Buddhist idea of emptiness (k’ung). This
retreat to nature. If they had truly culti- gave rise to the Buddhist hsüan-hsüeh
vated non-being, they would not have and eventually the florescence of
had to retire from the world. The solu- Buddhism, which caused the decline of
tion to this problem tells us a great deal the Taoist hsüan-hsüeh. The influence
about the fluidity of systems of thought of mysterious learning on Confucianism,
during this period. The solution was to however, was witnessed in the Neo-
look upon Confucius as the greatest sage Confucian movement of the Sung era.
of all. From the Neo-Taoist point of view, See also Lun yü (Analects) and Neo-
Confucius was a man who had achieved Confucianism.
the highest understanding possible
while staying in the world. This must Fung Yu-lan. A History of Chinese
mean that he had achieved the state of Philosophy. Translated by Derk
highest non-being that would allow him Bodde. 2 vols. Princeton, NJ:
to continue to commit himself to work- Princeton University Press, 1983.
258
Hsü Ch’ien
This is a modern depiction of the Sung-dynasty emperor Chen Tsung’s sacrifice to Confucius, and his
bestowal of the posthumous title Profound Sage and Comprehensive King upon Confucius in 998.
259
Hsü Ch’ien
Hsü Ch’ien established Neo-Confucianism as the state ideology under the Mongols.
260
Hsüeh (Learning)
Yüan, Hsü was known for his emphasis or On Reading the Rites: A General Study,
on human relations and moral cultiva- a collection of classical and historical
tion. He advocated Chu Hsi’s theory of writings on mourning rites that included
hsin-ch’uan, or message of the heart- his own remarks. See also han-lin yüan
mind, believing that hsüeh (learning) (Academy of Assembled Brushes).
must be based on the heart-mind of the
sheng-jen, sage, which could be found Elman, Benjamin A. From Philosophy to
in the Four Books (ssu-shu), whose Philology: Intellectual and Social
meanings had in turn been thoroughly Aspects of Change in Late Imperial
expounded by Chu Hsi. See also hsin China. Los Angeles, CA: UCLA Asian
(heart-mind); sheng or sheng-jen Pacific Monograph Series, 2001.
(sage); shih-liu tzu hsin-ch’uan. Hummel, Arthur W., ed. Eminent
Chinese of the Ch’ing Period (1644–
Chan, Wing-tsit. “Chu Hsi and Yüan 1912). 2 vols. Taipei, Taiwan: SMC,
Neo-Confucianism.” Yüan Thought: 1991.
Chinese Thought and Religion
Under the Mongols. Edited by
Hok-lam Chan and Wm. Theodore Hsüeh (Learning)
de Bary. New York: Columbia One of several terms used in the
University Press, 1982. Confucian tradition to describe the con-
ditions of thinking, hsüeh, translated as
learning, has been at the center of the
Hsü Ch’ien-hsüeh Confucian agenda. According to philoso-
(1631–1694) Confucian scholar of the phers David L. Hall and Roger T. Ames,
early Ch’ing dynasty; also named Hsü the larger context of the dynamics of
Yüan-i and Hsü Chien-an. Hsü Ch’ien- thinking involves for Confucius not just
hsüeh played an important role in the hsüeh, but also ssu (thinking) and chih
compilation of several major works. A (knowledge or knowing). Hsüeh refers to
native of Kiangsu province, he was Ku a process of the acquisition of knowl-
Yen-wu’s nephew. Having taken the chin- edge; ssu is a form of reflection or reason-
shih examination, he received the ing about what has been acquired; and
Metropolitan Graduate degree in 1670. chih suggests the point at which the
Hsü was appointed Junior Compiler in knowledge has been understood, experi-
the Hanlin Academy and was promoted enced, or realized. The interplay between
to be Director-general of the Ming shih, hsüeh and ssu yields chih. For Confucius,
or History of the Ming Dynasty, in 1682. reasoning without learning is worse than
He was also assigned other posts, includ- learning without reflection.
ing Academician of the Grand Learning holds a position of primacy
Secretariat, Vice Minister of Rites, for Confucius and this is proven by the
Minister of Justice, Participant in the fact that hsüeh, learning, is the first word
ching-yen, or Classics Colloquium, and spoken by Confucius in the opening
Vice Director-general of the Ta Ch’ing i- passage of the Analects. In this opening
t’ung chih, or Comprehensive Geography sentence, memorized by generations of
of the Great Ch’ing. youth across East Asia for the past two
As a forerunner of the k’ao-cheng millennia, Confucius says that learning
hsüeh, or textual criticism, Hsü Ch’ien- and the practice of what one has learned
hsüeh devoted himself to the ching- is a pleasure. The object of this learning
hsüeh (study of classics), compiling the for Confucius is primarily wen (culture),
T’ung-chih t’ang ching-chieh or The the legacy of tradition representing the
T’ung-chih Hall’s Exegeses of the Classics. recorded sayings and activities of the
He also put together the Tu Li t’ung-k’ao founding rulers of the Chou dynasty.
261
Hsüeh-an (Records of Learning)
The ways of these rulers represent a nor- became an activity in which the focus
mative standard of what is morally cor- was an acquisition of knowledge of
rect because they are seen as the fulfill- Principle (li), the underlying structure
ment of T’ien-ming (Mandate of of the individual and universe alike, and
Heaven). For Confucius, to learn of their the end point of this process was the
ways was to be able to inculcate within unfolding of the individual into a state
oneself and society the virtues they of sageliness, sheng. By the late Ming
themselves embodied. It was this tradi- period and the Ch’ing dynasty, the
tion that Confucius referred to when he philosophical level of discourse repre-
described himself as a transmitter rather sented by the earlier Neo-Confucians
than a creator and expressed his admi- had given way to a return to more fun-
ration for the learning of the ancients. damental moral learning and a return
Learning may be described as a to the teachings as they were found in
process of acquisition of knowledge the Analects itself. The goal of sageliness
about the ancients. Such knowledge remained, and learning continued to
was acquired through a variety of focus upon the transformation of the
means. The tradition has largely individual into the full realization of
focused upon a process of book learn- one’s moral virtue. See also chih
ing through the classical writings rep- (knowledge or knowing); Lun yü
resenting the early Chou period, but (Analects); sheng or sheng-jen (sage).
the concept of learning is far broader
than book learning. References to the Chan, Wing-tsit, trans. and comp.
Six Arts, liu i, suggest that activities of A Source Book in Chinese
ritual, music, archery, charioteering, Philosophy. Princeton, NJ: Princeton
calligraphy, and mathematics are University Press, 1969.
equally important pursuits for the Hall, David L., and Roger T. Ames.
transmission and acquisition of learn- Thinking Through Confucius. Albany,
ing. Thus, learning can be seen as NY: State University of New
equally engaged in skill acquisition, York Press, 1987.
not simply book learning. The criteria Lau, D. C., trans. The Analects (Lun yü).
for the inclusion of activities within the New York: Penguin Books, 1979.
context of learning is their ability to
provide a basis for the transmission of
the models of moral virtue as estab- Hsüeh-an (Records of Learning)
lished by the early founders of the A term used in the title of several works
Chou dynasty. recounting major Neo-Confucian
For the classical period of Confucian schools, their origins and developments,
thought, learning referred specifically teachings, sectarian traditions, and rep-
to the learning transmitted from the resentative scholars. Hsüeh-an, or
ancients, though its focus was upon the records of learning, is a genre of writings
transformative quality of this learning that combines scholarly summaries and
for both the individual and society alike. comments. These works, for example,
It was seen as the critical component in the Ming-ju hsüeh-an, or Records of
the creation of the chün-tzu (noble per- Ming Scholars, and the Sung Yüan
son). For the Sung dynasty and Ming hsüeh-an, or Records of Learning in
dynasty Neo-Confucians, learning Sung and Yüan, by the noted Confucian
shifted both in terms of the particular Huang Tsung-hsi of the Ch’ing dynasty,
textual foundation, substituting the create a synthetic overview of Confucian
Four Books (ssu-shu) for the Five scholarship across a wide expanse of
Classics, and the plane of discussion of time and provide a rich source of writ-
the nature of learning. Learning now ings from a great variety of scholars.
262
Hsüeh chi
263
Hsüeh Chi-hsüan
themselves. The “Hsüeh chi” points out contemporaries. Hsüeh opposed the
that it is only through education and so-called empty talk of hsing (nature)
learning that the transfomation of the and ming (destiny or fate). For him, the
people and society can come about, Tao (Way) is inseparable from the ch’i
and it is the responsibility of a true (utensils), or concrete things; instead, it is
ruler to be the catalyst for such a trans- always contained in utensils. His practical
formation. Taken together with the approach was inherited by Ch’en Fu-
“Fang chi,” another chapter from the Li liang and Yeh Shih, with whom the prag-
chi, the “Hsüeh chi” highlights educa- matic Yung-chia School was formed. In
tion as the best way to prevent evil addition to a collection of his writings,
behaviors. Hsüeh left behind works on the Shu
The chapter discusses both learning ching. or Book of History, and the Ch’un
and teaching, detailing what constitutes ch’iu, or Spring and Autumn Annals.
both good learning and teaching. While
it never achieved the status of the “Great
Learning” (“Ta-hsüeh”) or the “Chung Hsüeh-hai Hall’s Exegeses of
yung” (“Doctrine of the Mean”), it is an the Classics
important Confucian writing because it See Huang-Ch’ing ching-chieh.
is the earliest treatise on school educa-
tion. It might almost be thought of as the
discussion of how to teach works such Hsüeh-hai t’ang
as the “Ta-hsüeh” and “Chung yung.” Its One of the shu-yüan academies of the
attention to teaching techniques and Ch’ing dynasty, the Hsüeh-hai t’ang, or
the role of the teacher as the catalyst of Sea of Learning Hall, was opened by Juan
learning give it a central place in the Yüan at Canton in 1820 when he served
Confucian literature dealing with the as Governor-general of Kwangtung and
importance of learning. Kwangsi provinces. Modeled after Juan’s
Ku-ching ching-she, or Refined Study for
Legge, James, trans. The Sacred Books of the Explication of the Classics, it provided
China: The Texts of Confucianism. its students with a curriculum of classics
Vols. 3 & 4, The Li Ki. Delhi, India: and commentaries, philology and philos-
Motilal Banarsidass, 1966. ophy, history and poetry. Both the Han
dynasty exegetic tradition and Chu Hsi’s
Neo-Confucian interpretation were cov-
Hsüeh Chi-hsüan ered. Its textbooks included the Thirteen
(1134–1173) Scholar of the Southern Classics, the Shih chi (Records of the
Sung dynasty; also known as Hsüeh Historian), and the Han shu or History of
Shih-lung and Hsüeh Ken-chai. Hsüeh the Han Dynasty, as well as Han Yü’s writ-
Chi-hsüan was a native of Yung-chia, ings. The hall is also known as a volumi-
Chekiang. Though his life was short, he nous publisher, especially for its produc-
was promoted to Assistant Minister of tion of the Huang-Ch’ing ching-chieh, or
the Court of Judicial Review in his last Imperial Ch’ing Exegeses of the Classics.
few years. A student of Yüan Kai, one of See also shu-yüan academy.
Ch’eng I’s disciples, Hsüeh concentrat-
ed his efforts not only on ritual and Elman, Benjamin A. From Philosophy to
musical institutions, but also on eco- Philology: Intellectual and Social
nomics, topography, military systems, Aspects of Change in Late Imperial
and water conservancy. China. Los Angeles, CA: UCLA Asian
As it is pointed out in the Sung Yüan Pacific Monograph Series, 2001.
hsüeh-an, or Records of Learning in Sung Hummel, Arthur W., ed. Eminent
and Yüan, Hsüeh Chi-hsüan’s teachings Chinese of the Ch’ing Period (1644–
are essentially utilitarian. This distin- 1912). 2 vols. Taipei, Taiwan: SMC,
guishes him from his Neo-Confucian 1991.
264
Hsüeh Hsüan
265
Hsüeh Hsüan
266
Hsüeh-kung (Pavilion of Learning)
267
Hsüeh-lu
268
Hsü Heng
that things would become objects of official state ideology during the early
attachment rather than a basis for under- years of the Yüan dynasty; also called
standing the underlying Principle (li) or Hsü Chung-p’ing or Master of Lu-chai.
T’ien-li (Principle of Heaven). Hsü Heng was born in Honan province
For Hsü Fu-yüan, Principle is found at the time when the North was con-
in the heart-mind and is called jen quered by the Mongols, and he was cap-
(humaneness). To preserve it, one tured by the Mongols. After Khubilai had
needs to return to and work on oneself, ascended the throne, Hsü Heng was
or, in Confucius’ words, k’o-chi, disci- summoned to serve the new court. He
plining the self—restraining one’s self- met Yao Shu and learned from him the
ishness and desires. Although Hsü saw writings of the Ch’eng brothers and Chu
the senses as inseparable from one’s Hsi, which he admired very much. He
nature, he considered them problemat- studied and discussed the Confucian
ic and thus to be kept under control by classics, philosophy, and history with
following the Principle of Heaven. As Yao Shu and Tou Mo, enjoying equal
for the relation of the hsin (heart- popularity with Wu Ch’eng, a famous
mind) and the hsing (nature), Hsü Confucian in the South.
defined it by analogy with fire and light: Hsü Heng served as a close advisor
The heart-mind, like fire, is substantial, to Khubilai and tutor to the heir appar-
while nature, its light, is not. The heart- ent. He became the director of
mind can be identified with nature Khubilai’s educational efforts in open-
when it is an altruisitc heart-mind, a ing schools throughout the country and
Tao-hsin (heart-mind of the Way). It establishing the National University in
cannot be said to be nature if it is a self- the capital, of which he was eventually
ish heart-mind, a mere jen-hsin appointed the chancellor with the offi-
(heart-mind of humanity). cial title Grand Academician of
Hsü Fu-yüan’s methodology of learn- Scholarly Worthies. Hsü’s educational
ing places a higher value on action and thought can be described as practical.
experience than on talk and compre- He emphasized broad-based learning
hension. Hsü is best known for his criti- and the application of knowledge to
cism of the extreme followers of Wang current needs.
Yang-ming, who indulged in what he As intellectual historian Wm.
saw as empty talk. In particular he Theodore de Bary has pointed out, the
opposed the idea of wu-shan wu-eh, or task in front of Hsü was enormous. Hsü
beyond good and evil, arguing that this saw it necessary to convince the Mongol
interpretation would only lead to a ruler to adapt to Chinese tradition and
divergence from the teachings of the to care for the people. This was the art of
ancient sheng, or sages. In this respect, ti-hsüeh or learning of the emperors. He
Hsü shared a common point of view attempted to introduce the political sci-
with other scholars such as Li Ts’ai. See ence of the “Great Learning” (“Ta-
also k’o-chi fu-li; sheng or sheng-jen hsüeh”) as well as Confucius’ and
(sage); yü (desire). Mencius’ ideal of humane governing. He
regarded cheng-hsin, rectification of the
Huang Tsung-hsi. The Records of Ming heart-mind, as the root of self-cultiva-
Scholars. Edited by Julia Ching with tion and the basis of rulership. And the
Chaoying Fang. Honolulu, HI: contents of cheng-hsin were jen
University of Hawaii Press, 1987. (humaneness), i (righteousness or right-
ness), li (propriety or rites), chih (wis-
dom), and hsin (faithfulness).
Hsü Heng Hsü represents what de Bary refers to
(1209–1281) An important scholar in the as an almost fundamentalist form of
establishment of Neo-Confucianism as Neo-Confucianism. Hsü focused on only
269
Hsün-ocarina
a few select writings from the Ch’eng- thread. Knowing that one must preserve
Chu School and held them in great one’s heart-mind and the T’ien-li
esteem. As the Neo-Confucian works (Principle of Heaven) to become a fully
were brought to the North by Chao Fu, moral individual, one should act to con-
Hsü embraced them as the guidance for trol the ch’i and to hold back human
civil rule and personal beliefs. De Bary desires. Hsü Heng’s efforts at disseminat-
considers it a near conversion experience ing Neo-Confucianism and combining
as Hsü adopted the Neo-Confucian agen- Chu Hsi’s li-hsüeh (School of Principle
da as his own. Hsü’s memorials to or learning of Principle) with Lu Chiu-
Khubilai reveal his peasant origin and his yüan’s hsin-hsüeh, or learning of the
commitment to practical learning and heart-mind, give him a major role in the
moral education as found in the Four continued development of the Neo-
Books (ssu-shu) with Chu Hsi’s com- Confucian movement. See also chih
mentaries and the Hsiao-hsüeh, or hsing ho-i and yü (desire).
Elementary Learning. He saw the Hsiao-
hsüeh and the “Ta-hsüeh” as a critical Chan, Wing-tsit. “Chu Hsi and Yüan
combination that could lay the founda- Neo-Confucianism.” Yüan Thought:
tion for public education. Thus he wrote Chinese Thought and Religion Under
about these works in vernacular for the the Mongols. Edited by Hok-lam
widest possible appeal. Chan and Wm. Theodore de Bary.
Hsü Heng was enshrined in the New York: Columbia University
Confucian temple in 1313 for his contri- Press, 1982.
bution to the elevation of Neo- de Bary, Wm. Theodore. Neo-Confucian
Confucianism as state orthodoxy. In the Orthodoxy and the Learning of the
same year, the new civil service examina- Mind-and-Heart. New York: Columbia
tions system was initiated. Modeled upon University Press, 1981.
Hsü’s ideas, the new system bore little
resemblance to the examinations of the
T’ang and Sung periods. Instead of focus- Hsün-ocarina
ing on literary techniques and poetic One of the musical instruments used in
composition, it turned to practicality and the performance of Confucian ceremony,
applied knowledge of Confucian ethics. particularly the shih-tien ceremony
Moreover, Hsü had a sense of mission of (Twice Yearly Confucian Cermony). The
spreading the Tao-hsüeh, or learning of hsün-ocarina, a globular flute, is conical
the Way, to all peoples, including Mongols in shape with a flat bottom, and is made
and Central Asians, due to his belief in the of clay or bone. It is considered to be one
fundamental goodness of human nature. of the earliest holed wind instruments
For Hsü Heng, the human nature and was used in a variety of ritual and cer-
bestowed by T’ien (Heaven) is the key to emonial events. The earliest forms of the
understanding the relations of hsing instrument had a total of six openings,
(nature) and ming (destiny); of Principle three in the front and two in the back plus
(li) and ch’i (vitality); and of chih, knowl- the embouchure on the top. (See illustra-
edge, and hsing, action. Hsü regarded tion). See also music.
ming as the dominator of history and
social order, but it was the hsin, or heart- Palmer, Spencer J. Confucian Rituals
mind, and Principle that governed and in Korea. Berkeley, CA: Asian
united all things. He equated Heaven Humanities Press, 1984.
with Principle, which was considered pri- Taylor, Rodney L. The Way of Heaven: An
mary to things, and identified the heart- Introduction to the Confucian
mind with Heaven and earth; thus, the Religious Life. Leiden, Netherlands:
heart-mind and Principle are of the same E. J. Brill, 1997.
270
Hsün-tzu
271
Hsün-tzu
The work that bears the name Hsün- learning based on the model of the
tzu demonstrates the brilliance of sages of antiquity was a necessity for
Hsün-tzu as a thinker. Though it was the transformation of the individual
never raised to the status of a classic and the world. Such transformation was
and has not been regarded as part of the possible, but only through the rigorous
Confucian canon, it contains some of application of learning. This learning
the most extensive early argumentation for Hsün-tzu focused on the classics,
for Confucian teachings. Unlike the the literature representing the early tra-
Book of Mencius and the Lün Yü ditions of the Chou dynasty. In fact it
(Analects), which are constructed was Hsün-tzu who first discussed the
around dialogues between the teacher classics as a group representing a broad
and his disciples or rulers of the day, the curriculum with each classic contribut-
Hsün-tzu is composed of chapters that ing certain specific aspects to learning
argue certain specific themes, the first as a whole. Learning was said to begin
major Confucian writings to employ and end with the classics.
this strategy of discourse. All importance rested with learning.
Within the chapters of the Hsün-tzu As Hsün-tzu says in the opening passage
are a variety of major Confucian of the first chapter, learning must never
themes, most of which are mainstream stop. Through such learning, it was possi-
themes of the Confucian tradition. ble to transform both the individual and
Hsün-tzu praised Confucius for his the world. To illustrate this point he used
highest embodiment of learning. He the metaphors of the blue from the indigo
also praised the Chou dynasty, in par- plant being bluer than the plant itself, and
ticular its founders King Wen and the the possibility of straightening a piece of
Duke of Chou, as the highest manifesta- wood by pressing it against a straight
tion of virtue. Like Confucius, he sug- board. It is no different with learning.
gested that much of the solution to the Learning itself improves upon the original
world’s problems lay in the emulation of state in which humankind is found. This
the ways of early Chou society. The is because learning comes from the sages
world that Hsün-tzu experienced, how- who, unlike the humankind of Hsün-tzu’s
ever, was a far more disruptive world own day, had perfected their nature in
than that of Confucius. In fact, it was an goodness. They were a model for emula-
even more chaotic time than that of the tion, but one that required strength and
earlier Confucian, Mencius. The tenacity given the distance that separated
Warring States period had reduced the the contemporary condition of
country to constant civil strife and war- humankind from the age of the sages.
fare. The number of states had been It was not only against the background
reduced to only three prominent states, of political chaos from which Hsün-tzu
Ch’u, Ch’i, and Ch’in, and all-out war- spoke, but the challenge of alternative
fare was taking place for control of the philosophical positions that rebuffed the
country. In such an age, the state of Confucian emphasis on learning. There
humankind was not the ground for had been no real alternatives in
optimism that earlier Confucians Confucius’ day. Mencius had dealt with
found. They were tough times; in such a opposition, but by the time of Hsün-tzu,
setting, a tough message was probably Taoism in particular represented a direct
appropriate. challenge to Confucianism.
The centerpiece of Hsün-tzu’s teach- For the Taoists, the world’s problems
ing was his stress on learning and edu- were defined largely in terms of the very
cation, not unlike Confucius and teachings the Confucians promulgated.
Mencius, but different in the degree of Learning and the acquisition of knowledge
strictness necessitated. For Hsün-tzu, only contributed, from the Taoist point
272
Hsün-tzu
of view, to increasing chaos. For Hsün- for learning and education, but also in
tzu such advice was a recipe for disaster; the view of li (propriety or rites), as a
it was the elimination of the capacity to critical component in the exercise of
learn, a feature unique to humankind, proper authority for the ruler and prop-
that reduced humans to a level of natur- er behavior for the individual. Li is of
al action. It no longer permitted the critical importance throughout the his-
exercise of what would correct the ills of tory of the Confucian school, but it
the world. Hsün-tzu used the term wei takes on an even greater role in the
(artificial action), a cognate of wei, or thought of Hsün-tzu, particularly
action, to describe this unique human because it was through ritual that
feature. It is not so much artificial Hsün-tzu saw a pattern of order in an
behavior as it is acquired learning, and otherwise chaotic world. Thus through
from Hsün-tzu’s point of view, such the education in and practice of ritual
behavior is what is added to the person he saw a solution to the chaos that
through the process of learning. enveloped the world as he knew it.
Typical of an age of chaos, Hsün-tzu The backdrop to li for Hsün-tzu is
turned his attention to a teaching that the recognition that humankind is born
would focus on the creation of stability, with desires. Li was seen as a way of
order, and peace in a world torn apart by keeping desires in check with the
civil strife. His message of the necessity means for their satisfaction. Thus li was
for order had a quality more stern than seen as a way to fulfill desires, desires
both Confucius and Mencius. He saw tempered by the understanding of how
the necessity of a strong ruler and pow- human life might be fulfilled. For Hsün-
erful government to ward off the ele- tzu human life was seen in a balance
ments of chaos that so marked his own with Heaven and earth; each was
time. The school of Legalism that his assigned its own duties and responsibil-
disciples promoted found its philosoph- ities and seen as a critical part of the
ical roots in Hsün-tzu’s own teachings of order of things. Ultimately for Hsün-tzu
the need for strong authority in setting the order of things is itself connected to
state and society right. The ruler still li, suggesting that li is deep, profound,
rules, according to Hsün-tzu, by his and found within this order of Heaven,
virtue and righteousness. In this respect, earth, and humankind. Such order rep-
Hsün-tzu differs from the later Legalistic resented a stark contrast to the chaos of
philosophy, but the ruler must address the day and li became for Hsün-tzu the
the rectification of society with stronger origin of state systems and social ethics.
measures, for example fa, or law, if a Through the practice of li the order
society of righteousness and virtue is to inherent in things was brought forth,
be created. and through the function of music
The theory of cheng-ming (rectifica- social harmony would be achieved.
tion of names) first mentioned by Hsün-tzu’s interpretation of li is also
Confucius, has been the core of found in selected chapters of the Li chi,
Confucian political and moral theory. or Records of Rites, where various philo-
Suggesting that society could become sophical meanings of li are discussed. It
morally correct through the application has been argued that materials from the
of the principle of rectification of Hsün-tzu are the basis for the discus-
names, cheng-ming was seen by most sions found in the Li chi, indicating the
Confucians as a way of instilling moral widespread influence of Hsün-tzu, par-
value into the relation of one person to ticularly during the Han dynasty.
another. For Hsün-tzu, much of the Hsün-tzu also discussed the meaning
process of rectification is found not and role of T’ien (Heaven). The context
only in the unending recommendation was the ritual order of Heaven, earth,
273
Hsün-tzu
and humankind. Hsün-tzu said that anything that was inherent to human
each element of the triad had its role and nature itself. This for Hsün-tzu is the
mission. Order is maintained when each effect of wei, the activity of learning that
fulfills its mission. In the case of when added to human nature creates the
humankind, that mission is government; possibility of goodness. Left to his own
for earth it is its resources; for Heaven it ways, Hsün-tzu believed that man
is the seasons. The seasons suggest the became evil.
natural processes of things and in many The difference between Mencius’
respects the term t’ien comes to corre- and Hsün-tzu’s theories of human
spond to what we mean by nature, as the nature has been presented over the
natural process of change and transfor- centuries as the contrast between
mation in the cosmos. inherent goodness and evilness. The
Heaven as nature stood in stark con- extremity of the contrast is unfortu-
trast to an image of Heaven as a high nate, for it has been employed to cover
god in the fashion of the early Chou all of Hsün-tzu’s thought, ignoring the
dynasty. Little of the element of the degree to which he is largely in agree-
supernatural was left in Hsün-tzu’s ment with other Confucians about the
understanding of the term. Responding capacity of humankind to transform
to the religious practices of his day, he their condition to one of moral virtue.
stated that Heaven is not something The theory of evilness was also used as
that one could pray to for rain. It may the basis for the development of
rain or not, but it has nothing to do with Legalism by his disciples and thence-
prayer or the ability of Heaven to act in forth tied him even more strongly to
ways reflecting volitional action. its interpretation.
Heaven is simply a natural process, When all is said and done, Hsün-tzu
though natural process understood as a lived in a time of increasing chaos. His
deep and profound process. Confucian thought is stern and harsh,
The last issue to discuss with Hsün-tzu but it remains largely within the main-
is the issue that receives the most atten- stream of other Confucian thinkers,
tion when his thought is presented, arguing for the ability of learning and
namely, his theory of hsing (nature) of education to transform a world of chaos
human beings. It is the single most to one of moral virtue. Later scholars
important cause of the general neglect such as Han Yü could not help compar-
and disregard Hsün-tzu has suffered. Of ing his place in the Confucian tradition
the thirty-two chapters of the Hsün-tzu, with that of Mencius and Yang Hsiung.
the theory of the evilness of human See also Book of Mencius; ching (clas-
nature occurs only in a single chapter, sic); yü (desire).
and the theory itself is contradicted in a
variety of other chapters that assume a far Chan, Wing-tsit, trans. and comp.
more optimistic view of human nature. A Source Book in Chinese
The theory of the evilness of human Philosophy. Princeton, NJ: Princeton
nature argues that humankind’s goodness University Press, 1969.
is not the original nature, but something Knoblock, John. Xunzi: A Translation
that is added to the raw stuff that makes and Study of the Complete Works.
up the nature through the inculcation of 3 vols. Stanford, CA: Stanford
the learning of the sages. Thus, unlike University Press, 1988-94.
Mencius, who argued that human nature Machle, Edward J. Nature and Heaven in
was inherently good, Hsün-tzu argued the Xunzi: A Study of the Tian Lun.
that while human nature could become Albany, NY: State University of New
good, it was because of learning and edu- York Press, 1993.
cation and the teaching of the sages, not
274
Hsün Yüeh
275
Hsü Pi
276
Huai-nan-tzu
277
Huang-chi ching-shih (shu)
278
Huang Kan
Huang Kan, the closest disciple of Chu Hsi, assisted his teacher in editing and writing a number of works.
280
Huang Ti
The legendary Huang Ti, or Yellow Emperor, is associated with medicine, sericulture, and other inventions.
281
Huang Tsung-hsi
282
Hu An-kuo
de Bary, Wm. Theodore. Waiting for the and Ch’eng I by studying their surviving
Dawn: A Plan for the Prince. New works himself and associating with
York: Columbia University Press, three of their prominent disciples,
1993. namely, Hsieh Liang-tso, Yang Shih,
Hummel, Arthur W., ed. Eminent and Yu Tso. He advocated the Ch’eng
Chinese of the Ch’ing Period (1644– brothers’ teachings in the fledgling
1912). 2 vols. Taipei, Taiwan: SMC, years of the Neo-Confucian movement
1991. when they were not only unpopular but
Huang Tsung-hsi. The Records of Ming were also viewed as heretical. To say
Scholars. Edited by Julia Ching with that Hu An-kuo was a faithful follower
Chaoying Fang. Honolulu, HI: of the Ch’engs’ teachings is to suggest
University of Hawaii Press, 1987. his adoption of a system of thought with
a certain political risk.
In his learning for sheng, or sage-
Huang Tsun-su hood, Hu An-kuo regarded chih-chih
(1584–1626) An official of the Ming (extension of knowledge) as the means
dynasty; also known as Huang Chen- to ch’iung-li (exhausting Principle).
ch’ang and Huang Po-an. Huang Tsun- Thus, between knowledge and action,
su was from Wang Yang-ming’s home- the former was given priority. Besides,
town. He passed the Metropolitan ching (reverence or seriousness) was
Graduate or chin-shih examination in considered by Hu to be the way of self-
1616 and served as a judge and censor cultivation. As Ch’üan Tsu-wang put it
during the tumultuous period of the in the Sung Yüan hsüeh-an, or Records
ch’ing-i (pure criticism). Classified by of Learning in Sung and Yüan, in the dis-
his son Huang Tsung-hsi as a member semination of the two Ch’engs’ Neo-
of the Tung-lin School, Huang Tsun-su Confucian teachings in south China
had personally impeached the eunuch during the early Southern Sung period,
Wei Chung-hsien and sought to plot a Hu’s role was almost as important as
course to guarantee the employment of Yang Shih’s.
those of moral worth. He was tortured What distinguishes Hu An-kuo’s
to death in a purge staged by Wei scholarship from that of his son Hu
Chung-hsien. Hung (Jen-chung) is probably the
father’s specialty in the Ch’un ch’iu, or
Huang Tsung-hsi. The Records of Ming Spring and Autumn Annals. His com-
Scholars. Edited by Julia Ching with mentary to the classic appeared when
Chaoying Fang. Honolulu, HI: Wang An-shih’s reforms placed empha-
University of Hawaii Press, 1987. sis upon the Chou li, or Rites of Chou,
and in turn diminution in the impor-
Hu An-kuo tance of the Ch’un ch’iu. Hu’s work
(1074–1138) Prominent Neo-Confucian restored the classic to a position of
scholar of the Southern Sung dynasty authority, and the commentary became
and the founder of the Hu-Hsiang an official textbook for civil service
School; also known as Hu K’ang-hou. examinations during the early Ming
After passing the chin-shih examina- period. See also sheng or sheng-jen
tion, Hu An-kuo received his (sage).
Metropolitan Graduate degree in his
early twenties; he was appointed po- Schirokauer, Conrad. “Chu Hsi and
shih, or Erudite, of the t’ai-hsüeh Hu Hung.” Chu Hsi and Neo-
(National University), Expositor-in- Confucianism. Edited by Wing-tsit
waiting, and Auxiliary Academician. Hu Chan. Honolulu, HI: University of
learned the teachings of Ch’eng Hao Hawaii Press, 1986.
283
Huan T’an
284
Hu Chü-jen
health, and as a result, was there for Hu-Hsiang School, or Hunan School
only four years before his death. includes Hu An-kuo, his sons Hu Ning
Hu Chü-jen considers Principle (li) and Hu Hung (Jen-chung), his adopted
prior to ch’i (vitality) and identical with nephew Hu Yin, and another nephew, Hu
the heart-mind. Since the heart-mind Hsien. Hu Hsien was on close terms
and Principle are inseparable, the most with Chu Hsi’s father and, as a result,
important route to self-cultivation lies in became one of Chu Hsi’s teachers. Hu
ching (reverence or seriousness). Yet Hung is regarded as the most outstanding
there is still emphasis upon the Ch’eng- among them. The school was very
Chu method of ko-wu chih-chih, investi- defensive of the developing Neo-
gation of things and extension of knowl- Confucian movement. Its connection
edge. Being a Ch’eng-Chu follower, Hu to the teachings of Ch’eng Hao and
attacked Buddhism and Taoism, criticiz- Ch’eng I was mainly through their
ing their rejection of the external search disciple Yang Shih. Besides regionalism
for the principles of things as the sub- and consanguinity, the school was also
stance of the heart-mind. united in its opposition to Buddhism, a
As philosopher and Confucian schol- religion considered responsible for
ar Wing-tsit Chan has pointed out, Hu’s many of China’s problems.
thought represents a transition from the
Ch’eng-Chu tradition to Wang Yang- Schirokauer, Conrad. “Chu Hsi and
ming’s regimen, a shift from the exterior Hu Hung.” Chu Hsi and Neo-
scope of learning to the interior dimen- Confucianism. Edited by Wing-tsit
sion of self-cultivation. To Hu, the heart- Chan. Honolulu, HI: University of
mind is not an empty space, but a repos- Hawaii Press, 1986.
itory of knowledge awaiting the self to
explore. Hu was enshrined in the
Confucian temple in 1584 with the hon- Hu Hsien
orary title Wen-ching. See also hsin (1086–1162) Neo-Confucian scholar of
(heart-mind). the Southern Sung dynasty; also known
as Hu Yüan-chung and Master Chi-hsi.
Chan, Wing-tsit. “The Ch’eng-Chu Hu Hsien was a native of Fukien
School of Early Ming.” Self and province. He was a nephew of Hu An-
Society in Ming Thought. Edited by kuo, under whom he studied the
Wm. Theodore de Bary and the Ch’eng brothers’ philosophy, and in
Conference on Ming Thought. New turn Hu was a teacher of Chu Hsi. A stu-
York: Columbia University Press, dent of the t’ai-hsüeh (National
1970. University), Hu Hsien declined office
Goodrich, L. Carrington, and Chaoying because of his view that the government
Fang, eds. Dictionary of Ming was dominated by corrupt officials,
Biography, 1368–1644. 2 vols. New spending most of his life in reclusion
York: Columbia University Press, and lecturing. He became so popular
1976. that the emperor conferred the title of
Huang Tsung-hsi. The Records of Ming Regular chih-shih or Metropolitan
Scholars. Edited by Julia Ching with Graduate on him and appointed him
Chaoying Fang. Honolulu, HI: Instructor in his native prefecture.
University of Hawaii Press, 1987. Hu Hsien’s method of learning and
self-cultivation, according to the Sung
Yüan hsüeh-an, or Records of Learning
Hu-Hsiang School in Sung and Yüan, is focused on the
A grouping of several prominent Neo- kung-fu (moral effort) of k’o-chi, mean-
Confucians living in the Hunan area ing disciplining of the self. Such effort
during the Southern Sung period, the can be achieved by scrupulously
286
Hu Hung (Jen-chung)
observing the ancient rites in everyday Chu Hsi was under Li T’ung’s guidance
life. Hu used the image of a dead tree to of ching-tso (quiet-sitting). Hu Hung
describe the quiet positions that one implied that learning and self-cultivation
should take, no matter whether one required rigorous efforts, not quietude.
is sitting or standing. Although this is According to historian Conrad
not quite the practice of ching-tso Schirokauaer, Chu Hsi seemed to be
(quiet-sitting), it aims at a physical as influenced by him.
well as mental state of calmness. See Hu Hung did accept an internal
also chin-shih examination; k’o-chi fu- search for the Principle (li), but he
li; li (propriety or rites). emphasized more the external process
of ko-wu chih-chih, or investigation of
Schirokauer, Conrad. “Chu Hsi and things and extension of knowledge. For
Hu Hung.” Chu Hsi and Neo- Hu Hung, things are inseparable from
Confucianism. Edited by Wing-tsit the Tao (Way); they are manifestations
Chan. Honolulu, HI: University of of the Tao. Thus, one must master all
Hawaii Press, 1986. things in order to understand the Tao.
Here the Tao is identified with T’ien
(Heaven) and defined as the combina-
Hu Hung (Jen-chung) tion of jen (humaneness), as its t’i or
(1105–1155) A Neo-Confucian of the substance, and i (righteousness or
Southern Sung dynasty; also known as rightness), as its yung or function.
Hu Jen-chung and Master of Wu-feng or Therefore the Tao, as the highest cate-
Five Peaks. Hu Hung was the third and gory in Hu’s philosophy, became an
youngest son of Hu An-kuo, and a stu- Absolute with moral attributes.
dent of the Ch’eng brothers’ disciples Hu Hung elaborated the hsing
Yang Shih and Hou Chung-liang. (nature) as the repository of all things.
Refusing to make political compromises, All things, including human beings,
he remained in seclusion in Hunan share the same inherent nature. The
province for approximately twenty hsin (heart-mind) is not isolated from
years. His major work, Chih-yen, or human nature, but part of it. This places
Understanding Words, is a centerpiece in human nature ultimately beyond good
the formulation of the Hu-Hsiang and evil, though Hu was at odds with
School; he is generally regarded as the the Mencian theory of the goodness of
school’s most prominent philosopher. human nature. It also acknowledges the
Hu Hung also composed the Huang- presence of T’ien-li (Principle of
wang ta-chi, or Great Records of Emperors Heaven) within everything, including
and Kings, a comprehensive history of human desires. Chu Hsi eventually
China from its mythological beginnings became critical of Hu Hung for his the-
to the end of the Chou dynasty, in which ory of human nature as well as aspects
he included his father’s work on the of his teachings about self-cultivation.
Ch’un ch’iu, or Spring and Autumn See also Mencius and yü (desire).
Annals, as part of his study.
In the history of Neo-Confucianism, Franke, Herbert, ed. Sung Biographies.
the importance of Hu Hung lies chiefly 2 vols. Wiesbaden, Germany:
in his indirect contact with Chu Hsi. Steiner, 1976.
Though they never met each other, Schirokauer, Conrad. “Chu Hsi and
there was an exchange of poems Hu Hung.” Chu Hsi and Neo-
between Hu Hung and the young Chu Confucianism. Edited by Wing-tsit
Hsi. In his poem, Hu criticized Chu’s Chan. Honolulu, HI: University of
method of self-cultivation. At that time Hawaii Press, 1986.
287
Hu Hung (Ying-ch’i)
288
Hu Kuang
classical sources. His writings on the I he was young, studied literature, history,
ching, or Book of Changes; the Chou li, philosophy, Buddhism, and Taoism. The
or Rites of Chou; and the Ch’un ch’iu, or rest of his life was spent in pursuit of the
Spring and Autumn Annals, stressed the ching-hsüeh (study of classics), partic-
contribution of Han interpretations. In ularly the Han-hsüeh, or Han learning.
the last work, he emphasized the Hui Tung had a number of disciples and
importance of all three ancient com- as a result his school flourished.
mentaries to the annals but inclined Hui stuck very much to the inter-
toward the ku-wen chia, or Old Text pretations of Han dynasty Confucians.
School, of Han learning. See also Han- His Chou i shu, or Discourse on the
hsüeh; han-lin yüan (Academy of Chou Changes, for instance, is largely a
Assembled Brushes); New Text/Old Text collection of Han commentaries on the
(chin-wen/ku-wen). I ching, or Book of Changes, though he
also discussed the Sung dynasty theo-
Hummel, Arthur W., ed. Eminent ries of the t’ai-chi (Great Ultimate)
Chinese of the Ch’ing Period (1644– and hsien T’ien, or preceding Heaven,
1912). 2 vols. Taipei, Taiwan: SMC, in relation to the “Ho t’u” (“River
1991. Chart”) and the “Lo shu” (“Lo
Writing”). His work on the Shu ching,
or Book of History, distinguished the
Hui-shih Examination forged from the authentic sections of
Begun in 1313, the Metropolitan or hui- the Old Text version transmitted by the
shih examination was a test in the civil Han scholar Cheng Hsüan. His etymo-
service examinations system between logical study of the Nine Classics,
the Yüan dynasty and Ch’ing dynasty. It again, is based on Han lexicons such as
functioned as the former sheng- the Shuo-wen chieh-tzu, or Analysis of
shih examination, or Government Characters As an Explanation of
Departmental Examination, of the Sung Writing. See also “Hsien T’ien t’u” and
dynasty and was conducted every three New Text/Old Text (chin-wen/ku-wen).
years at the capital during the Ming and
Ch’ing periods. Provincial Graduates, Elman, Benjamin A. From Philosophy
chü-jen, who passed this examination to Philology: Intellectual and Social
would then take the tien-shih examina- Aspects of Change in Late Imperial
tion or Palace Examination for the degree China. Los Angeles, CA: UCLA Asian
of chin-shih or Metropolitan Graduate. Pacific Monograph Series, 2001.
See also chin-shih examination. Hummel, Arthur W., ed. Eminent
Chinese of the Ch’ing Period (1644–
Hucker, Charles O. A Dictionary of 1912). 2 vols. Taipei, Taiwan: SMC,
Official Titles in Imperial China. 1991.
Stanford, CA: Stanford University
Press, 1985.
Hu Kuang
(1370–1418) Neo-Confucian scholar and
Hui Tung calligrapher of the Ming dynasty; also
(1697–1758) Classical scholar of the known as Hu Kuang-ta and Hu Huang-
Ch’ing dynasty; also known as Hui Ting- an. Hu Kuang was a native of Kiangsi
yü and Hui Sung-ya. Hui Tung was the province. He passed as optimus in the
founder of the Wu (Kiangsu province) Metropolitan Graduate or chin-shih
School of the k’ao-cheng hsüeh, or tex- examination of 1400 and was appointed
tual criticism. A native of Kiangsu, he Senior Compiler in the Hanlin Academy.
was the second son of Hui Shih-ch’i and He was then promoted to Hanlin
the grandson of Hui Chou-t’i. He inher- Academician and Grand Secretary.
ited his family’s scholarship and, when
289
Human
Humanism Humanity
The word humanism has often been One of several translations of the
used to describe the Confucian tradi- central Confucian virtue jen. Other
tion because within Confucianism,
290
Hundred Schools of Thought
Hunan School
See Hu-Hsiang School. Hundred Family Names
See Pai-chia hsing.
Hundred Cognomina
See pai-hsing (Hundred Cognomina) Hundred Schools of Thought
Referring to a number of schools of
thought that arose during the Eastern
Hundred Days of Reform Chou dynasty, the hundred schools of
Also known as the Reform Movement of thought represent the classical systems of
1898, the Hundred Days of Reform was Chinese philosophy. The rise of these con-
led by K’ang Yu-wei and his followers, tending schools corresponds with the
including Liang Ch’i-ch’ao and T’an increasingly chaotic political conditions of
Ssu-t’ung. It was a proposal for a broad the Eastern Chou period, a time that saw
sweep of changes presented to Emperor continuous and increasing erosion in the
Kuang-hsü to counteract the massive authority of the Chou dynastic rule while
intrusion of Western powers and the at the same time a constant increase of
steady decline of the Ch’ing dynasty. In power in the hands of various indepen-
June 1898 the emperor asked K’ang to dent states, one vying with another. These
reform the government according to the conditions progressed into the Warring
plan. The reform represented an agenda States period, a designation aptly chosen
of modernization. There was adoption to describe the continuously deteriorating
of a Western education system, a com- civil and political conditions of the
plete reorganization of the military, Eastern Chou dynasty. The period, howev-
major economic initiatives, and a er, witnessed a spread of knowledge and
democratic move toward a constitu- rapid development of specialized sub-
tional government. jects, resulting in the hundred schools.
Behind this introduction of Western With the rise of the scholar class
institutions and ideas stood K’ang’s (shih), a substantial number of thinkers
belief in the degree to which emerged and expressed a variety of
Confucianism justified such reform philosophical points of view during this
efforts. Rather than suggesting the end period. It is in this setting that the
of Confucianism, K’ang argued that Confucian school arises. Confucius,
Confucianism was relevant to the Mencius, and Hsün-tzu, the three
transformation of China. However, the founding figures of the tradition, all
291
Hundred Schools of Thought
lived during the Eastern Chou. Most of The Legalists advocated the rigorous
the major writings of the classical implementation of laws, punishments,
Confucian tradition are concluded by and rewards to force people to conform
the end of the Eastern Chou as well. In to the power of a centralized monarchy.
addition to the Confucian school, The Legalists saw the necessity of com-
Taoism, Legalism, yin/yang cosmology, mitment to the plight of society, but
Moism, Logicians, and a number of approached it with little confidence in
smaller schools all have their begin- humans’ ability to do right or to be
nings. Some of the states even had morally virtuous. For people like Li Ssu,
academies, such as the Chi-hsia Han Fei-tzu, and Shen Tao, there was
Academy in the state of Ch’i, where little basis for confidence in the good-
philosophers could meet to discuss ness of human nature. Evil was every-
their ideas with each other. where and, having to meet it with stern
Essentially, each school of thought response, a system of laws and punish-
sought to define what they considered ments was, from their realistic point of
to be the Tao (Way), that is, the path or view, the only appropriate vehicle. Rites
road that one should pursue for the and virtue were regarded as ineffective
deepest meaning of one’s life and the in a materialistic age.
betterment of all people. In the time of The Yin/yang School saw the chaos
chaos that characterized the period in of the time as a failure to understand
which the schools arose, the Way spoken the order and structure operating in the
of most frequently was a path to bring change of the universe. Through the use
back order and peace to the world and of yin/yang symbolism, and with the
to the individual alike. The Confucian addition of the use of the concept of the
school looked to the order of the sage Five Elements, wu hsing, thinkers such
kings of antiquity and suggested that the as Tsou Yen saw a way of harmonizing
rulers of their day take their lessons forces in the world. But it was through a
from the accounts of such sage rulers, subtle if not complex process of under-
returning to the ways of virtue and rites standing at a metaphysical level, how
exemplified by the sage kings. They saw change takes place and adjusting
man’s responsibility as serving his fellow human and societal activities to the
men to restore order and bring meaning larger dimensions of change as it oper-
and care to individual lives. ates in the universe.
The Taoists also looked to the past, The Moists, named after the philoso-
but an even more remote past before the pher Mo-tzu, advocated a form of utili-
distinctions and differentiations of tarianism, the greatest good for the great-
human society had arisen, and they est number, suggested the doing away
sought a return to this simplest and with excessive ceremony and ritual and
most peaceful of environments. Lao-tzu lavish wealth that only serve to differenti-
and Chuang-tzu sought an ideal time ate people. He looked to the Confucians
and society before the development of as those who sought to preserve such dis-
good and bad or right and wrong. In the tinctions through their system of differ-
immediate they saw little benefit to try entiated love and care and advocated in
to correct the ways of the world, advo- its place the concept of chien-ai, or uni-
cating instead a simple retirement from versal love. Instead of a special moral
the chaos that surrounded them. The relation with one’s own relatives, Mo-tzu
way for one to respond to the conditions suggested that peace would come to the
of the time was not to respond! Act by world only at the point that all people
wu-wei (non-action), and one survives loved each other equally.
in a time of chaos. Act by not acting and The Logicians focused on the use of
one no longer moves in the distinctions language and sought clarity in the way
with which the world operates. terms were employed, arguing that
292
Hun-jan i-t’i
order could not come to the world students of the highest-ranking nobles
before there was order in the way we and officials taking the official examina-
used language. A point of view remark- tions, catering to a small number of stu-
ably modern in its philosophical dents. Offering a more informal setting
nuance and language, its clarification than the regular university, it persisted
was seen as the path to the establish- throughout the dynasty and served as
ment of order in the world. an example of the range of educational
There are a number of smaller institutions established for the student
schools and individual thinkers that in preparation of official examinations.
anyone interested in the study of the As the institution was formally linked to
Hundred Schools should delve into. The the court, the scholars of the college
schools mentioned thus far should give were brought into official discussions
some sense of the range of thought and regarding matters of state concern. This
types of responses that were generated. is an indication of the increasing role of
The schools with the greatest impact the Confucians in the functioning of the
upon the future development of state itself. See also chi-hsien yüan
Chinese history and philosophy are the (Academy of Assembled Worthies);
Confucian, Taoist, and Legalist. They ch’ung-wen kuan (Institute for the
differ profoundly from each other and Veneration of Literature); han-lin yüan
continue to provide a backdrop of dif- (Academy of Assembled Brushes); t’ai-
fering opinion as each develops its own hsüeh (National University).
philosophical agenda.
Hucker, Charles O. A Dictionary of
Chan, Wing-tsit. trans. and comp. Official Titles in Imperial China.
A Source Book in Chinese Stanford, CA: Stanford University
Philosophy. Princeton, NJ: Princeton Press, 1985.
University Press, 1969. McMullen, David. State and Scholars in
Fung Yu-lan. A History of Chinese T’ang China. New York: Cambridge
Philosophy. Translated by Derk University Press, 1988.
Bodde. 2 vols. Princeton, NJ:
Princeton University Press, 1983.
Hun-jan i-t’i
Phrase derived from the Honan
Hung-wen kuan (Institute for the Ch’eng-shih i-shu, or Surviving Works
Advancement of Literature) of the Ch’engs of Honan. Hun-jan i-t’i,
One of the informal educational institu- meaning total realization of oneness,
tions established during the early T’ang was originally used by the Ch’eng
dynasty by Confucian officials, the brothers to describe the universality of
hung-wen kuan was founded in the year jen (humaneness), which includes the
621 under the name of hsiu-wen kuan other virtues of rightness, propriety,
(Institute for the Cultivation of wisdom, and faithfulness. Ch’eng I’s
Literature); it was renamed in 626. follower Li T’ung employed it to
Subordinate to the state chancellery, the express his feeling of oneness with all
institute appointed litterateurs to assist things, suggesting that all things in the
in drafting imperial pronouncements, universe are interconnected and of a
reforming courtly rules and rites, to single substance. The phrase i-t’i, liter-
proofread books, and to instruct select- ally, one body, emphasizes the corpore-
ed young men of the ruling class in the al structure of the universe. Such one-
Confucian classics and history. After 719 ness is to be experienced through t’i-
it also served as a preparatory college for jen, or personal realization. See also
293
Hun/p’o
chih (wisdom); hsin (faithfulness); i A new set of terms comes into play in
(righteousness or rightness); li (pro- the discussion of the ancestral spirits,
priety or rites). shen and kuei, or spirit and ghost. Since
hun is fundamental and p’o is deriva-
de Bary, Wm. Theodore. “Sagehood as tive, it was generally believed that the
a Secular and Spiritual Ideal in hun-soul became a shen, a form of aus-
Tokugawa Neo-Confucianism.” picious spiritual power; the p’o-soul,
Principle and Practicality. Edited by however, could in turn easily become a
Wm. Theodore de Bary and Irene kuei if improper care was given through
Bloom. New York: Columbia the failure to maintain a proper level of
University Press, 1979. sacrifice or ritual. While these concepts
form the foundation of much of
Chinese popular religion, especially
Hun/p’o that of Taoism, the Confucian attitude
The Confucian school inherited a com- toward such beliefs tended to be highly
mon set of beliefs concerning matters skeptical and agnostic. This did not stop
of life and death from the broader cul- continual and meticulous ritual perfor-
tural context of the Chou dynasty. One mance toward the dead, but it shifted
of these beliefs pertained to the under- the attention from a belief in the exis-
standing of the human soul and its dis- tence of the spirits as the motivation for
persion at the point of death. By tradi- the ritual to one that saw ritual as a way
tional Chinese accounts, each individ- of expressing feeling and partaking in
ual possesses two souls, the hun and the the order and structure of the cosmos
p’o, a duality identified with the that ritual performance exemplified.
yin/yang principle since the late fourth See also ancestors (tsu); Hsün-tzu;
or early third centuries B.C.E. These are kuei/shen; li (propriety or rites).
held together as long as life persists, but
separate at the moment of death. de Groot, J. J. M. The Religious System of
Related to the crescent moon, the p’o, or China: Its Ancient Forms, Evolution,
“white-soul,” is considered coarse, History and Present Aspect, Manners,
heavy, bodily, and feminine. Upon sep- Customs and Social Institutions
aration, the p’o-soul sinks down and Connected Therewith. 6 vols. Taipei,
abides in or around the earth, after stay- Taiwan: Literature House, 1964.
ing in association with the grave site. Thompson, Laurence G. Chinese Religion:
The hun, or “cloud-soul,” on the other An Introduction. Belmont, CA:
hand, is fine, light, spiritual, and mas- Wadsworth Publishing Company,
culine. It is said to rise up, dwelling 1995.
above, and remain accessible to the Yu, Ying-shih. “‘O Soul, Come Back!’ A
family through ritual and sacrifice to Study in the Changing Conceptions
answer their needs. A T-shaped silk of the Soul and Afterlife in Pre-
painting from the Ma-wang-tui tomb of Buddhist China.” Harvard Journal
the Han dynasty shows a journey of the of Asiatic Studies 47.2 (Dec. 1987):
soul in its afterlife. The ancestral spirits 363–95.
are in need of continued care and main-
tenance, that is, proper and timely cere-
mony and sacrifice, according to much Huo-jan kuan-t’ung
of Chinese popular religion. Should this Phrase used by Chu Hsi to express his
care cease, then the ancestral spirits will experience of the unity of things, huo-
become increasingly desperate, carry- jan kuan-t’ung, meaning sudden and
ing out vengeful acts towards the living total penetration of the pervading unity,
members of their families. suggests the understanding of the
294
Hu Shih
interconnection of all things through ethical code, his other works compared
t’i-jen, or personal realization. A com- pragmatism with the methodology of
parable term is wu (enlightenment). the Neo-Confucianism of the Sung
dynasty, especially Chu Hsi’s doctrine
de Bary, Wm. Theodore. “Sagehood as a of ko-wu chih-chih, or investigation of
Secular and Spiritual Ideal in things and extension of knowledge, and
Tokugawa Neo-Confucianism.” with the learning method of the Ch’ing
Principle and Practicality. Edited by dynasty k’ao-cheng hsüeh, evidential
Wm. Theodore de Bary and Irene research or textual criticism.
Bloom. New York: Columbia Hu Shih is not a revolutionary, but a
University Press, 1979. reformer or evolutionist. Interestingly, as
intellectual historian Yu Ying-shih and
historian Wang Hui have observed, Hu’s
Hu Shih understanding of Thomas Henry
(1891–1962) Major scholar of the May Huxley’s Darwinism and Dewey’s prag-
Fourth movement; also known as Hu matism was bound by the early training
Shih-chih. Hu Shih was a native of in Neo-Confucianism and the k’ao-cheng
Anhwei province. In an era marked by hsüeh that he received in his family
revolutions and continuing intrusion of school. For Hu, Chu Hsi’s gradual learn-
Western powers, Hu was at the forefront ing process and Ku Yen-wu’s emphasis
of intellectual leadership seeking the on textual evidence are both “scientific.”
import of Western ideas. In fact, the per- Not surprisingly, when Ch’en Tu-hsiu
sonal name he chose for himself––Shih, turned to Marxism in the winter of 1920,
or “fit,” as derived from the Darwinist slo- Hu decided to part company with him.
gan “survival of the fittest”––reflects his
early interest in the theory of evolution Boorman, Howard L. and Richard C.
under the influence of Yen Fu and Liang Howard, eds. Biographical
Ch’i-ch’ao. From 1910 to 1917 Hu studied Dictionary of Republican China.
in the United States, where he received a 5 vols. New York: Columbia
B.A. degree in philosophy at Cornell University Press, 1967–79.
University and worked for his Ph.D. under Brière, O. Fifty Years of Chinese
John Dewey at Columbia University. Philosophy, 1898–1950. Translated
Upon his return to China, Hu Shih by Laurence G. Thompson. Edited
became a professor at Peking by Dennis J. Doolin. Westport, CT:
University. Together with Ch’en Tu- Greenwood Publishing Group,
hsiu, he was responsible for the literary 1979.
revolution that successfully replaced de Bary, Wm. Theodore, Wing-tsit Chan,
classical Chinese with the vernacular as and Burton Watson, comps. Sources
the national language. He also actively of Chinese Tradition. New York:
took part in the New Culture Movement Columbia University Press, 1960.
by writing a number of essays to criti- Grieder, Jerome B. Hu Shih and the
cize Confucianism and to propagate Chinese Renaissance: Liberalism in
science and democracy. Hu was the Chinese Revolution, 1917–1937.
appointed Chinese ambassador to the Bridgewater, NJ: Replica Books,
United States in 1938 and chancellor of 2001.
Peking University in 1945. He left China Wang, Hui. “The Fate of ‘Mr. Science’ in
for the United States again in 1948. Ten China: The Concept of Science and
years later he assumed the presidency Its Application in Modern Chinese
of the Academia Sinica in Taiwan. Thought.” Translated by Howard Y.
As a student of Dewey, Hu Shih found F. Choy. Formations of Colonial
his solutions to China’s problems in the Modernity in East Asia. Edited by
adoption of pragmatism. While his Tani E. Barlow. Durham, NC: Duke
“Shuo ju” or “On the ju” outlines his cri- University Press, 1997.
tique of the Confucian tradition and
295
Hu Shih-chih
Hymn
See yüeh-chang.
297
I (Change)
I
I (Righteousness or Rightness)
I is one of the central virtues discussed
by Confucius and generations of
Confucian scholars. Usually rendered as
righteousness or rightness, i is consid-
ered to be one of the major distinguish-
ing features of the chün-tzu (noble per-
son). Despite the importance of i to
Confucius, Mencius, and other
Confucian thinkers, its understanding
I (Change) has often been mired in an Anglo-
I is a Chinese philosophical term associ- European attempt to explain the appro-
ated most frequently with the I ching or priateness of the English word “right-
Book of Changes. Being the title of the eousness” as a translation, particularly
book, the term itself, as the Han dynasty as it reflects certain characteristics of a
commentator Cheng Hsüan points out, Western theistic worldview with a
carries three different meanings. The divine lawgiver. As such, a Confucian
first and dominant meaning is change, virtue is transposed into an Old
suggesting the transformation of things Testament one. It is also frequently dis-
in the universe. The second meaning is sociated from the second definition of
constancy and regularity, implying a the term, that is, the “meaning” or “sig-
regularity to the process of change. nificance” of something.
Change is not capricious and random in Within the Confucian context i, as is
Chinese thought. It follows an ordered denoted by the character’s lower com-
and structured pattern of constant ponent part wo (self ), is associated with
movement. This is represented in the I the self and, by combining both its
ching by patterns of trigrams and hexa- meanings, it suggests an attempt to pro-
grams. The third meaning of i is ease or duce meaning in association with the
simplicity, suggesting the ease that individual. As philosophers David L.
comes from being able to live in accord Hall and Roger T. Ames assert, the term’s
with the changing nature of things. etymological root suggests a personal
The “Hsi-tz’u chuan,” or “Commentary attempt to reveal meaning. They
on the Appended Judgments,” to the describe this as a process of self-realiza-
I ching ascribes the origin or basic tion. And what is to be realized in the
principle of all things to the functioning self, as the character’s upper compo-
of i. It suggests that i possesses the nent yang or sheep symbolizes, must be
t’ai-chi (Great Ultimate), which in turn something that is positive, reminiscent
splits into two, then four, then the eight of two other Chinese characters com-
trigrams, and so forth. Therefore it posed of the graph “sheep,” namely,
defines i as “the constant production shan (goodness) and mei, or beautiful.
of life, sheng-sheng.” When it comes to This ties together the two basic mean-
Neo-Confucianism, Wang Yang-ming ings of the term itself, rightness and
identifies i with liang-chih, or knowledge meaning, by suggesting that the term
of the good, thus inviting the functioning may best be described as the revelation
of change into the heart-mind. of the meaning of the self.
How does the quality of rightness
Wilhelm, Hellmut. Change: Eight become associated philosophically with
Lectures on the I ching. Translated by the meaning of the self? From a
Cary F. Baynes. Princeton, NJ: Confucian perspective, the revelation of
Princeton University Press, 1973. the meaning of the self demonstrates
the moral character of the individual.
Such moral character is part of the basic
298
I (Righteousness or Rightness)
definition of the self, and its fulfillment an external operation between the self
becomes part of the measure of becom- and one’s feudal lord, companions, and
ing human and acting in a fashion that juniors.
is fully human. It is no surprise that Confucius does not take the discus-
Confucius equates i with the character sion of i far enough to determine
of the chün-tzu. whether the discourse of Mencius or
In one of the most important pas- Hsün-tzu is closer to the meaning
sages involving a reference to i or right- Confucius had in mind. But it is signifi-
ness, Confucius says that the chün-tzu cant that Confucius discusses i in terms
considers i as his basic or raw material. of chih, the raw material of the nature of
This basic material is shaped by li (pro- the chün-tzu. It at least indicates the
priety or rites), and brought forth with degree to which the chün-tzu, by devel-
ch’eng (sincerity). Through this process, oping i, was developing that which was
the chün-tzu is formed. Clearly li and considered his most basic character.
ch’eng are given an important role in the In the development of this basic
formation of the character that can be character with the intent to reveal the
described as rightness. They are the meaning of the self, i is contrasted with
basic ingredient from which the charac- li (profit). This is a significant contrast
ter is molded. and one that operates through a great
As is typical of discussions of human amount of early Confucian writings.
nature in early Confucian writings, The chün-tzu focuses on i, righteous-
there are debates about the location of ness or rightness, whereas the hsiao-jen
the source of goodness within human (petty person) focuses on whatever will
nature. No Confucian doubts that the bring li (profit). Both in a sense are self-
individual can become good and, in directed, but in the case of i, the self-
turn, society itself can be transformed direction is toward the deepest layer of
by such goodness. But whether such the self where the moral character will
goodness originates within the struc- manifest itself. In the case of profit, one
ture of human nature or is something is dealing with the material self, the self
that is imposed from external models is perhaps best described as the hsiao-jen,
a debate of major proportions within or the petty person, as opposed to the
the tradition. A virtue such as i is very ta-jen, or the great person.
much a part of such a debate. For The virtue i suggests the capacity for
Mencius i is considered to be a part of revealing the true meaning of the self, a
human nature. In fact, it is described as self manifesting its deepest moral char-
the manifestation of the heart-mind of acter in the way in which it responds to
shame (ch’ih) and disgrace, which is the outside world. That such a person
one of the so-called Four Beginnings— would conduct himself with righteous-
the four beginnings of moral goodness ness is not far from the way in which the
within the structure of human nature. term is used. But it needs to be separated
Therefore the Han dynasty philosopher from being associated strictly with
Tung Chung-shu defines i as nourish- theistic structures interpreting the rela-
ment of the heart-mind. Mencius also tion of humankind and the Absolute as
demands that one should sacrifice one’s an act of divine law and looking at
own life for i in case of necessity. For humankind as being free of sin in their
Hsün-tzu, a virtue such as i is of major development of the virtue. For these
importance in the process of the cre- reasons, while the bulk of translations
ation of the chün-tzu. Yet it is ascribed remain as “righteousness,” it is better to
to external sources of learning and self- follow literary scholar D. C. Lau and
cultivation based on the model inherit- adopt the use of the translation “right-
ed from the sage kings of antiquity ness.” The term rightness still allows for
rather than found within the nature of the self to express meaning; it suggests
each individual. As a result, i becomes as the expression of such meaning a self
299
I ching
fully revealing of itself in its moral charac- finds its origins in the stalk method of
ter. See also ssu-tuan (Four Beginnings). divination, principally because the use
of long and short stalks seems to corre-
Boodberg, Peter A. “The Semasiology of spond to the use of solid and broken
Some Primary Confucian lines that is the mainstay of the I ching
Concepts.” Philosophy East and form of divination.
West 2.4 (January, 1953): 317-32. In the I ching, solid and broken lines
Fung Yu-lan. A History of Chinese are constructed into groupings of three,
Philosophy. Translated by Derk called ching-kua, or trigrams, and six,
Bodde. 2 vols. Princeton, NJ: called pieh-kua, or hexagrams. All pos-
Princeton University Press, 1983. sible combinations of solid and broken
Hall, David L., and Roger T. Ames. lines in a grouping of three produces
Thinking Through Confucius. eight trigrams, the basic building
Albany, NY: State University of New blocks of the I ching. When extended to
York Press, 1987. hexagrams, all possible combinations
Lau, D. C., trans. The Analects (Lun yü). produce sixty-four hexagrams. With
New York: Penguin Books, 1979. the eight trigrams and sixty-four hexa-
grams, the I ching purports to represent
a map of order and change in the cos-
I ching mos. Through divination, the construc-
The fourth of the Five Classics by tradi- tion of a hexagram, one can read the
tional accounts, the I ching, or Book of future because the hexagram provides
Changes, also known as the Chou i, or insight into the way in which things are
Chou Changes, is best described as a going to change. For the I ching, change
divinatory text with appended philo- is an ordered process in an ordered
sophical writings that expand the world, and the book is viewed as a
meaning of the basic divinatory formu- roadmap of the way in which change
lae. The origins of the text are tradition- will occur.
ally attributed to high antiquity. The At its earliest layer of meaning, the
basic structure of the work is said to work is a divinatory text probably based
have been created by Fu Hsi and King on long oral traditions of the practice of
Wen. Confucius is said to be the author divination. There are enough rhyming
of the later appended philosophical phrases at this layer to suggest the oral
writings known as the “Shih i” (“Ten tradition behind it. There is little philo-
Wings”). The very title of the book, I, has sophical speculation at this point.
three meanings: change, as it is usually Rather, it is more straightforward: a cer-
rendered; constancy, as in the move- tain situation is either auspicious or
ment of change; and ease, as in the sim- inauspicious. With the passage of time
plicity of change. more philosophical writings were
That the work has its origins in div- added. For example, the so-called “Ten
ination is of little debate. Its age and Wings” and the meaning of divination
connection to divination as it was prac- became a more expansive one to
ticed are problems of a little greater include the process of change occurring
complexity. There were at least two dis- throughout the cosmos. The “Hsi-tz’u
tinct forms of divination during the chuan” commentary is the particular
Shang Dynasty and Chou Dynasty. One focus for deriving expanded philosoph-
form used tortoise shells and scapula ical meaning from the text. In the
bones and burned cracks into the bones advanced philosophical rendering of
to foretell the future. The other major the I ching, humankind is seen as a
method used the stalks of the alpine microcosm of the universe with the
yarrow plant, manipulating long and same process of change taking place
short stalks to derive answers. It is gen- within humankind that takes place at
erally claimed that the I ching probably
300
Idol
the level of the cosmos. The object of which the book has been held in the
the work becomes not so much a quick Confucian school. See also ch’ien hexa-
answer to a particular issue about the gram and i (change).
future, but rather the ability to under-
stand the present placement or charac- Legge, James , trans. The Sacred Books of
ter of change and the ability for man to China: The Texts of Confucianism.
match himself to that particular pattern Vol. 2, The Yi King. Delhi, India:
of change. In this state, microcosm and Motilal Banarsidass, 1966.
macrocosm are in line with each other Loewe, Michael, ed. Early Chinese Texts:
and while an individual does not neces- A Bibliographical Guide. Early
sarily know the future, he is in line with China Special Monograph Series,
it as it unfolds and emerges. no. 2. Berkeley, CA: Institute of East
The Confucian school has interpret- Asian Studies, 1994.
ed the I ching in a variety of ways Wilhelm, Hellmut. Change: Eight
throughout its history. For some, it is Lectures on the I ching. Translated by
principally a divinatory text and is used Cary F. Baynes. Princeton, NJ:
as a source for the performance of div- Princeton University Press, 1973.
ination. For others it is primarily a Wilhelm, Richard, trans. The I Ching or
philosophical writing which uses the Book of Changes. Translated by Cary
structure of trigrams and hexagrams to F. Baynes. Princeton, NJ: Princeton
explain the way in which order takes University Press, 1967.
place within the universe, the world,
and within ourselves. It is important to
remember as well that while the I ching I chuan
is referred to as one of the Five Classics, See “Shih i” (“Ten Wings”).
other religious traditions have claimed
the work as their own or at least have I-ch’uan (hsien-sheng) wen-chi
based their interpretation on it. The I-ch’uan (hsien-sheng) wen-chi, or
Buddhists, Taoists, and yin/yang Collection of Literary Works by (Master)
Cosmologists alike have used the work Ch’eng I, is a major collection of writings
extensively throughout their histories of the Sung dynasty Neo-Confucian
and it is also used in the practice of Ch’eng I. Compiled by Yang Shih and
Chinese popular religion as a source- edited by Chang Shih (Ch’ih), it is
book of fortune-telling. included in the Erh Ch’eng ch’üan-shu,
The significance of the work for the or Complete Works of the Two Ch’engs.
Confucian school is hard to overesti- The collection consists of a variety of
mate. Whether taken strictly as a divina- genres including poetry and letters,
tory work or seen as a philosophical which, as sources of insight into Ch’eng
rendering of the way in which change I’s thought, are not secondary in signifi-
takes place in the cosmos, the work cance to his philosophical essays .
stands as an ancient repository replete
with the insight of those regarded as Chan, Wing-tsit, trans. and comp. A
possessing the wisdom and virtue of a Source Book in Chinese Philosophy.
sage, sheng, he who hears the Way of Princeton, NJ: Princeton University
Heaven. As such, the work represents a Press, 1969.
blueprint of the Way of Heaven itself, be
it in the oscillations of the universe or
the patterns of change within the world, Icon
society, and the individual himself. A See hsiang (portrait or statue).
book with a blueprint of such dimen-
sions is a sacred book, and the category
of sacred book is an appropriate way to Idol
describe the esteem and reverence with See hsiang (portrait or statue) and idolatry.
301
Idolatry
302
I-kuan
303
I li
or hsin (heart-mind). If one looks for li are complex, however, with claims of
an example in the Pei-hsi tzu-i of Ch’en early authorship, but material that ties the
Ch’un, the “single thread” becomes a text to the Han dynasty era.
reference to a single Principle spread- The I li contains a great amount of
ing and penetrating throughout the very detailed information about the
universe. It is said that the mind of the performance of a number of rituals and
sage is the embodiment of such ceremonies. The information it con-
Principle. As this Principle flows forth, tains is almost exclusively descriptive
it manifests into all the separate virtues with little or no elaboration or explo-
that make up the teachings of the ration of philosophical meanings. The
Confucian school. work has the feeling of a manual of ritu-
By the time of the late Ming dynasty al performance. It is the kind of book
and Ch’ing dynasty rejection of broad one would use to find out the proper
metaphysical categories, something ceremonies for a number of occasions.
such as the “single thread” had for some One finds, for example, descriptions of
the meaning of a unification of teach- rituals and ceremonies covering a num-
ings around an expression of common ber of life events such as weddings,
moral conduct, bringing chung and shu mourning, and sacrifice, as well as spe-
back to meanings approximating a cial occasions such as receptions, impe-
sense of moral forms of behavior. See rial audience, archery contests, and
also Lun yü (Analects). even drinking events.
Although the work was not consid-
Chan, Wing-tsit, trans. and ed. Neo- ered by the Confucian school to be as
Confucian Terms Explained (The important as the Li chi, it did become
Pei-hsi tzu-i) by Ch’en Ch’un, 1159– part of the canon when it was elevated
1223. New York: Columbia University along with the Chou li to the Twelve
Press, 1986. Classics. Its classification as part of the
––––––, trans. and comp. A Source Book Twelve Classics meant that it was seen
in Chinese Philosophy. Princeton, as an authoritative writing on the per-
NJ: Princeton University Press, 1969. formance of ritual and a repository of
Hall, David L., and Roger T. Ames. information on the rites and cere-
Thinking Through Confucius. monies of the Chou period. See also
Albany, NY: State University of New Five Classics.
York Press, 1987.
Lau, D. C., trans. The Analects (Lun yü). Loewe, Michael, ed. Early Chinese Texts:
New York: Penguin Books, 1979. A Bibliographical Guide. Early China
Special Monograph Series, no. 2.
Berkeley, CA: Institute of East Asian
I li Studies, 1994.
Also known as Shih li and Ch’ü li, the I li, Steele, John, trans. The I-li, or Book of
or Ceremonies and Rites, is one of the Etiquette and Ceremonial. 2 vols.
three major writings on the subject of li London: Probsthain & Co., 1917.
(propriety or rites), within the Confucian
canon. Together with the Chou li, or Rites
of Chou, and the Li chi, it forms the cor- I-li chih hsing
pus of materials dealing with the practice See T’ien-ming chih hsing.
and philosophical discussions of rites and
ceremony. The I li is traditionally consid-
ered a work from the fifth or fourth cen- Illusion
turies B.C.E., after the time of Confucius, Unlike some religions, such as
but earlier than the composition of the Hinduism and Buddhism, which sug-
Chou li and the Li chi. The origins of the I gest that the present reality is merely an
304
Immortality
Immersion
Image Immersion in water as a symbolic
See hsiang (image). activity is found in a number of reli-
gions. Although later Confucians do
not practice it, their forerunners, the
Image Hall ju, might be ritual bathers who purify
See ying-t’ang (image hall). themselves before handling cere-
monies or offering sacrifices.
Image-number
See hsiang-shu (image-number). Choy, Howard Y. F. “Did Confucius Take
Showers? An Etymological Trace of
ru.” Paper read at American
Immanent Oriental Society Western Branch
A term meaning the existence of the Meeting, Oct. 10–12, 1997, at
Absolute in the ordinary or the inter- University of Colorado, Boulder.
mingling of the sacred and the profane
in which the Absolute is not separated
from the ordinary. For some religions Immortality
rooted in a theistic structure, the Confucianism does not pursue
Absolute is looked on as transcendent; immortality. From the outset, the tra-
for others, the Absolute is part of all dition has focused on this life and the
things and thus more accurately fulfillment of religious goals within the
described as immanent. In classical life span. Unlike Taoism, it does not
Confucianism, there are those scholars practice self-cultivation for the sake of
who treat T’ien (Heaven) as purely tran- creating a state of immortality, nor
scendent, while others see it as entirely does it project the continued existence
immanent. In Neo-Confucianism, of the self in any other form. The belief
305
Imperial Ch’ing Exegeses of the Classics
in the afterlife of the two souls, hun of those who are devoted to the cultivation
and p’o, has not changed the Confucian of the self. Such conscious pursuit of the
position that immortality is really only to education for the self walks a delicate
be found in the legacy of one’s teachings edge between self-enlightenment and
upon future generations of disciples, not selfishness. It is easy to misinterpret the
corporeal eternality. See also hun/p’o. immediacy of liang-chih, knowledge of
the good, in the material world as a mere
de Bary, Wm. Theodore, Wing-tsit Chan, material desire rather than a ground for
and Burton Watson, comps. Sources the Absolute to be shared by all people.
of Chinese Tradition. New York: The ideal object of such selfishness
Columbia University Press, 1960. remains the moral uplifting of the self
for the betterment of others.
Insight Integrity
See wu (enlightenment). One of several translations for the cen-
tral Confucian virtue ch’eng. Other
translations include sincerity and truth.
Inspiration See ch’eng (sincerity).
See wu (enlightenment).
Intellectual Knowledge
Instinct See rationality.
Instinct as that which is inherent in the
individual, would be used in
Confucianism to refer to the innate Intellectualism
hsing (nature) and for some, the hsin Certain aspects of the li-hsüeh (School
(heart-mind). For the Confucians, it is of Principle or learning of Principle)
specifically the moral character of the may be seen as a form of intellectual-
person that defines the essential nature ism. Intellectual activity is a means by
of the human being. which one can gain understanding of
the self and the world in order to know
Lau, D. C., trans. Mencius. Harmondsworth, and act in moral ways. Intellectual
England: Penguin Books, 1970. activity is fully appreciated as part of
the process of learning, but it is not to
be seen as an end unto itself. In this
Institute for the Advancement of sense all intellectual activity must serve
Literature the broader agenda of moral learning
See hung-wen kuan (Institute for the and cultivation.
Advancement of Literature).
Intuition
Institute for the Veneration of As a form of knowing, intuition assumes
direct cognition without elaborate intel-
Literature lectual activities such as rationality. The
See ch’ung-wen kuan (Institute for the Neo-Confucian hsin-hsüeh (School of
Veneration of Literature). Heart-Mind) is seen as advocating a
kind of intuitive knowledge inherent in
Institutes of Chou the heart-mind, namely, liang-chih, or
The Institutes of Chou or Chou kuan is knowledge of the good. Such innate
the original title of the Chou li, or Rites knowledge is suggestive of the individ-
of Chou. See Chou li. ual’s ability to realize the Absolute
directly. See also hsin (heart-mind).
307
Intuitive Ability
Chan, Wing-tsit, trans. and comp. A humanity) and the Tao-hsin (heart-
Source Book in Chinese Philosophy. mind of the Way). It is suggested that
Princeton, NJ: Princeton University humankind is bound by the often small
Press, 1969. and petty, if not selfish, concerns of the
Fung Yu-lan. A History of Chinese human heart-mind when people ought
Philosophy. Translated by Derk to be acting on the basis of the heart-
Bodde. 2 vols. Princeton, NJ: mind of the Way. The latter represents
Princeton University Press, 1983. the state of the sheng, or sagehood,
which is not only the goal but also the
oughtness of humanity. See also hsing
Intuitive Ability (nature) and sheng or sheng-jen (sage).
See liang-neng.
I ta-chuan
Intuitive Knowledge See “Shih i” (“Ten Wings”).
See intuition and liang-chih.
I-t’u ming-pien
Investigation of Things Major work by Hu Wei, the I-t’u ming-
See ko-wu (investigation of things). pien, or Clarification of the Diagrams in
the Changes, was completed in 1700 and
Investigation of Things and printed six years later. The author dis-
cerned clearly between the illustrations
Exhaustion of Principle attached to the I ching, or Book of
See ko-wu ch’iung-li. Changes, and the text itself. He argued
that the “Ho t’u” (“River Chart”) and the
Investigation of Things and “Lo shu” (“Lo Writing”) on which the
Sung dynasty Neo-Confucians devel-
Extension of Knowledge oped their theories of Principle (li),
See ko-wu chih-chih. heart-mind, and nature, were originally
not an integral part of the classic, but
I-shu (Ch’eng brothers) drawings added by a tenth-century
See Honan Ch’eng-shih i-shu. Taoist and transmitted through Shao
Yung to Chu Hsi. Thus Hu demonstrated
the relation between Neo-Confucianism
Is/Ought and Taoism, and cast doubt on the Sung-
The relation between what is the case hsüeh, or Sung learning, ability to draw
and what ought to be the case is funda- on classical sources to support their
mental to any religious tradition in point of view. See also hsin (heart-mind)
describing the movement of the indi- and hsing (nature).
vidual from his or her present condi-
tions, always limited in some way, Hummel, Arthur W., ed. Eminent
toward the ideal circumstances. In Chinese of the Ch’ing Period (1644–
Confucianism, Mencius’ theory about 1912). 2 vols. Taipei, Taiwan:
the shan (goodness) of human nature is SMC, 1991.
understood by some scholars as the
“ought” rather than the “is”; that is to
say, Mencius sees human nature as I t’ung (Penetrating the Book
what ought to be the case, the condition of Changes)
of being morally good, though it is not Original title of the T’ung-shu. See T’ung-
always good in reality. shu (Penetrating the Book of Changes).
Another example is the distinction
between the jen-hsin (heart-mind of
308
Jao Lu
J
was in the employ of Confucius himself.
He seems to have held positions within
Confucius’ own household until he took
up a position with Chi K’ang-tzu, the
senior minister of Lu between 492 and
468 B.C.E. in the Chi-sun household.
When Jan Yu speaks of his goals for his
life, he talks in terms of governmental
administration. He confesses that he has
little interest in ritual and ceremony,
Jan Ch’iu desiring instead to devote himself to the
See Jan Yu. administering of a state.
Confucius is not without his criti-
cism of Jan Yu, particularly in his
Jan Keng employment by the Chi household.
See Jan Po-niu. Confucius has reservations about Jan
Yu’s jen (humaneness) and accuses him
of lacking forthrightness because he
Jan Po-niu fails to warn Confucius of military plans
(b. 544 B.C.E.) A direct disciple of
drawn up by the Chi-sun household
Confucius; also known as Jan Keng. Jan
whom he served. His most severe criti-
Po-niu is listed in Analects 11.3 as one of
cism of Jan Yu, however, pertains to his
ten disciples identified for their accom-
perception of Jan Yu’s role in the accu-
plishments. Jan Po-niu is listed as hav-
mulation of excessive wealth by the
ing been known for te-hsing (virtuous
Chi-sun family. At the heart of this criti-
nature). Unfortunately nothing of his
cism is the Confucian disdain for profit
virtuous action is identified in the
and the commitment to the welfare of
Analects. The only reference to him con-
the people. For what Confucius regards
cerns a visit from Confucius while he is
as a violation of the standards of virtu-
suffering from a life-threatening illness.
ous conduct, he suggests that Jan Yu is
Confucius comments that his life will be
no longer his disciple. This does not
lost because of ming (destiny or fate).
seem to be taken as a lasting expulsion
The comment suggests perhaps
from the ranks of the disciples, and the
Confucius’ closeness to Po-niu, and the
comment did not prevent Jan Yu’s name
personal loss Confucius suffered in his
from appearing among the ten disci-
death. See also Confucius’ disciples;
ples. See also Confucius’ disciples and
Lun yü (Analects).
Lun yü (Analects).
Lau, D. C., trans. The Analects (Lun yü).
Lau, D. C., trans. The Analects (Lun yü).
New York: Penguin Books, 1979.
New York: Penguin Books, 1979.
Chu’s, toward the end of the Sung The use of the term jen (human)
dynasty. He passed on his teachings to suggests more than just the difference
Ch’eng Jo-yung. Jao failed the civil ser- between the individual and the group.
vice examinations, but was well known Its special meaning in Confucianism
for his work on the Five Classics and the lies, according to David L. Hall and
Four Books (ssu-shu), his commentaries Roger T. Ames, in its connection with
on the Chin-ssu lu, or Reflections on the homonym jen (humaneness). It is a
Things at Hand, and his collection of combination of “human” and the num-
teaching articles for the Pai-lu-tung, or ber two, hence the relation between
White Deer Grotto Academy. two persons. Therefore, to be a human
Unfortunately, most of these writings no is the first step toward fulfilling the
longer exist. ideal of humaneness.
Being a Neo-Confucian scholar, Jao Lu Thus, the way Confucius uses the
advocated a philosophical interpretation term suggests his identification of the
of the classics and opposed the Han individual who has begun to show signs
dynasty method of philological and syn- of developing jen (humaneness), or in
tactic analysis. With regard to learning, he other words a person who has identified
emphasized thinking followed by practice. himself as one committed to learning
As for self-cultivation, he stressed ching and moral cultivation. The term does
(reverence or seriousness), and cheng- suggest that an individual who is jen, a
hsin, or rectification of the heart-mind. He person, is one who is living up to his
regarded ching-tso (quiet-sitting) as a capacity to act as a person. From this
means of cultivating the heart-mind. In perspective, to be a person is to be
Jao’s view, the practices of Buddhism and human and the connection to jen
Taoism are nothing more than concen- (humaneness) cannot but be seen as
trating on the heart-mind. See also hsin the logical conclusion of the definition
(heart-mind) and Wu Ch’eng. of what it means to be most human. To
be truly human is to be humane. Such is
Chan, Wing-tsit. “Chu Hsi and Yüan the essence of human by which
Neo-Confucianism.” Yüan Thought: Mencius distinguishes jen from birds
Chinese Thought and religion Under and beasts and differentiates the chün-
the Mongols. Edited by Hok-lam tzu (noble person) from shu-jen.
Chan and Wm. Theodore de Bary.
New York: Columbia University Hall, David L., and Roger T. Ames.
Press, 1982.” Thinking Through Confucius.
Albany, NY: State University of New
York Press, 1987.
Jen (Human) Lau, D. C., trans. The Analects (Lun yü).
A term used in early Confucian writings to New York: Penguin Books, 1979.
focus on the individual as opposed to a
group of people. According to David L. Hall
and Roger T. Ames, there are a number of Jen (Humaneness)
terms for groups of people, such as pai- No virtue is more central to the teach-
hsing (hundred cognomina), a phrase ings of Confucius and generations of
usually associated with the upper classes; later Confucians and Neo-Confucians
shu jen (common people) and chung then jen (humaneness). The term has
(people), both suggesting the masses been rendered in a variety of ways
though inclusive of people from a variety including benevolence, compassion,
of social backgrounds; and min (masses) altruism, goodness, human-hearted-
understood in a negative way as connotat- ness, humanity, love, and kindness, to
ing those who make up the lowest strata of name only the more prominent
society. By contrast to these terms, jen translations. The character itself is com-
focuses on the individual per se. posed of two parts. The left and major
310
Jen (Humaneness)
part of the character is the radical, also When we look at some of the pas-
pronounced jen, which means person. sages where the concept is discussed by
The right part of the character is the Confucius, we can see some of the diffi-
word erh, meaning the number two. culties involved in pinpointing its
Thus, the character itself is composed of meaning but also see how its use is
two units meaning person and the num- intended as a very broad-based con-
ber two. Together they suggest a word cept. In one passage, Confucius says
that attempts to speak to the relation- that jen (humaneness) is to be found in
ship of one person to another, specifi- the practice of five virtues: respectful-
cally the proper relationship that exists ness, tolerance, truthfulness, dutiful-
between two persons. Accordingly, ness, and caring. Another passage sug-
philologist Peter Boodberg translates gests filial piety and fraternity as the
the term into co-humanity. roots of humaneness. In other words,
For Confucius and later generations humaneness is each of these virtues as
of Confucians, the relationship of one well as all of these virtues. It can be
person to another represented by jen measured in very specific terms as well
was characterized by a variety of sepa- as very broad terms.
rate virtues. But none was so prominent In describing his favorite disciple
as the discussion of the single thread, i- Yen Yüan (Hui), Confucius said that his
kuan, that was said to run through the heart-mind did not vary from humane-
teachings of Confucius. This reference ness for a period of three months. For
occurs in a passage where Confucius others it was a much shorter period of
says to Tseng-tzu, his disciple, that there time. In fact, for some it was hardly any
is a single thread that runs through his time at all. Thus Yen Yüan was viewed
teachings. Tseng-tzu is asked by other as the embodiment of virtue. Little con-
disciples what is meant by the single crete sense is given to what it meant to
thread. He replies by saying that the remain unmoved from humaneness,
Master’s teachings center around chung except that we can imagine a person of
(loyalty) and shu (reciprocity or empa- extraordinary virtue whose every
thy). The various translations of the thought and action bears out a moral
word jen have tried in some fashion to concern for others around him. But the
express both the complexity and sim- master did tell Yen Yüan that jen is to
plicity of the term, but this is no easy discipline the self and return to li (pro-
task. Some translators have simply priety or rites), when the disciple
refused to render the word in English at asked about it. Confucius says in
all, preferring to keep it as jen. another passage that the person of
Its complexity of interpretation can humaneness will at times even have to
be measured by the amount of time and sacrifice his life in the cause of
attention that has been spent in the humaneness. This is a recognition of
interpretation of the concept both with- the high moral ground represented by
in the history of the tradition itself as the embodiment of jen and a statement
well as the development of scholarship. of the kind of commitment involved in
That such attention is justified is taking the high moral ground. There are
beyond doubt for it is referred to more times when issues will be confronted
than any other single virtue in the that require a compromise in the moral
Analects and becomes the frequent sub- stance taken as part of the expression
ject matter of later Confucian writers. It of humaneness. The response suggests
is also used in a fashion that makes pin- that for Confucius there are issues
ning down its meaning difficult. It has more important than life itself, such as
been said, for example, that it is almost the creation and preservation of the
used as a kind of generic phrase for embodiment of humaneness. This has
virtue, which then is filled in by a num- been taken seriously by later
ber of specific characteristics. Confucians like Ku Yen-wu.
311
Jen (Humaneness)
Several passages from the Analects more explicit about the foundation for
have caused a great deal of discussion humaneness within the nature of the
about the nature of jen. In one, person. For Mencius, the individual is
Confucius asks whether humaneness is said to have an inherent quality of
something distant. He answers his own goodness. This is not goodness learned
question by saying that it is near at from some external source, but rather a
hand—that is, it is as close as wanting to goodness that comes from within the
be humane. He also suggests that every- individual. It is the stuff with which an
one has the strength to become individual is born. This is described by
humane. It is not something that is Mencius not as virtue fully developed,
incompatible with being human. In but as the beginnings, specifically the
fact, it may very well be the fulfillment four beginnings of goodness. Of the
of being truly human. It is just a matter Four Beginnings, humaneness is the
of setting one’s mind to it. In another first, which grows from the heart-mind
passage, Confucius says that a person of caring and compassion. And the
without humaneness cannot persevere heart-mind of jen is pu jen jen chih hsin
through difficult circumstances. (the heart-mind that cannot bear to see
Without this quality of jen, the individ- the suffering of people). In addition for
ual cannot endure for long, but in Mencius, these beginnings of goodness
humaneness he finds rest or peace. are implanted in the individual by T’ien
All three of these passages have sug- (Heaven), thus composing what we
gested to some interpreters that might describe as our Heaven-endowed
humaneness is a description of a quality nature. With this correlation made
or virtue within the person. Although between the individual and the nature
Confucius himself remained free of of Heaven, a virtue such as jen becomes
commenting on the makeup of human not only an inherent quality of the indi-
nature, later Confucians commented at vidual, but part of the nature of T’ien
length on whether such virtue was itself. This is further developed in the
inherent within the nature or assimilat- Han dynasty by Tung Chung-shu, who
ed from external sources. For Confucius suggested that jen resided in T’ien and
himself, it is difficult to say that such thus it was from Heaven that humans
passages refer specifically to internal received humaneness.
qualities or to the capacity of the indi- In Classical Confucianism, there
vidual to learn from external models. were alternatives to this interpretation
Whether internal or external, the pas- of Mencius. Within the Book of
sages do suggest the degree to which Mencius, we see such alternatives in
Confucius believed that the virtue of jen terms of the debate of Mencius with the
was accessible and something that philosopher Kao-tzu who argued that
could be learned and most important, virtues were inculcated from external
once learned, brought a profound sense sources. The most prominent voice rep-
of the fulfillment of being human. resenting an alternative to Mencius,
Certainly as the tradition develops and far more prominent in his own day
beyond Confucius, the issues of the than Mencius, was the Confucian
inherent quality versus an external philosopher Hsün-tzu. For Hsün-tzu,
source for humaneness come into high human nature was evil, or at least neu-
profile. For Mencius, jen is looked on as tral, rather than good, and thus virtues
very similar to the way in which could only find their way into the indi-
Confucius described it, especially when vidual through a program of massive
both define it as loving others. In fact, education and learning. The individual
there are references to the same issue of could become good, and it was this
the necessity of following humaneness capacity to learn to become good that
even if it might mean one’s own death. would bring about the transformation
But unlike Confucius, Mencius is far of society. But such a process was at the
312
Jen che hun-jan yü wu t’ung t’i
intervention of the Tao-hsin, then the Yang-ming to Wang Chi.” Self and
jen-hsin, lacking a moral guide, will Society in Ming Thought. Edited by
become steadily influenced by its con- Wm. Theodore de Bary and the
tacts with the material world and begin Conference on Ming Thought. New
to manifest not morality, but the growth York: Columbia University Press,
of selfish desires. Ch’eng Hao first 1970.
comes to expound the notions of jen-
hsin and Tao-hsin in terms of human
desires and Heavenly Principle, respec- Jen-hsing
tively. Chu Hsi further affirms that Tao- Standard term in Chinese for human
hsin originates in Principle (li), while nature. See hsing (nature) for a
jen-hsin emerges from the ch’i (vitality) discussion of Confucian concepts of
within everybody, even the sheng or human nature.
sage. He admonishes us of the danger of
such desires that only serve to obfus- Jen-hsüeh
cate the capacity of the moral heart- Major writing of T’an Ssu-t’ung, the Jen-
mind to realize fully the Principle of hsüeh, or A Study of Humaneness, was
Heaven, hence obstructing the passage completed between 1896 and 1897. It was
to the state of sagehood. Thus, jen-hsin published posthumously in newspapers
should always be under the control and in 1899 by Liang Ch’i-ch’ao and T’ang
guidance of Tao-hsin. Ts’ai-ch’ang in Japan and Shanghai,
Lu Chiu-yüan and Wang Yang- respectively. The work is eclectic, com-
ming identify heart-mind with bining Western economy, sociology, and
Principle and stress that jen-hsin and science with Confucianism, Buddhism,
Tao-hsin are one, not two. For the Lu- and Taoism. It represents T’an’s philo-
Wang School, jen-hsin and Tao-hsin sophical thought and political view with
must not be simply categorized by the Confucian virture of jen (humane-
human desires and T’ien-li. But Wang ness) as the origin of wan-wu, or all
Yang-ming admits that jen-hsin, being things between Heaven and earth. By
the deviant Tao-hsin, is the negative comparing jen to ether and associating
result of human activity. One has to it with equality, T’an called for a consti-
correct the jen-hsin in order to mani- tutional reform and modernization of
fest the original heart-mind. Confucian ethics.
The relation between Tao-hsin and
jen-hsin suggests the present condi- Chan, Wing-tsit, trans. and comp. A
tions of humankind as represented by Source Book in Chinese Philosophy.
jen-hsin and the ideal state of sagehood Princeton, NJ: Princeton University
as represented by Tao-hsin. These terms Press, 1969.
have become common designations for de Bary, Wm. Theodore, Wing-tsit Chan,
not only the two levels of heart-mind, and Burton Watson, comps. Sources
but also the larger dynamics in the of Chinese Tradition. New York:
movement of humankind from their Columbia University Press, 1960.
present conditions to the ideal state of Hummel, Arthur W., ed. Eminent
sagehood. See also New Text/Old Text Chinese of the Ch’ing Period (1644–
(chin-wen/ku-wen); sheng or sheng-jen 1912). 2 vols. Taipei, Taiwan:
(sage); yü (desire). SMC, 1991.
Chan, Wing-tsit, trans. and comp. A
Source Book in Chinese Philosophy. Jen-tao
Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Since it is said in the Lun yü (Analects)
Press, 1969. that Confucius seldom talks about the
Tang, Chun-i. “The Development of the T’ien-tao, or Way of Heaven, the jen-tao,
Concept of Moral Mind from Wang or way of humanity, can be regarded as
315
Jen-yü (Human Desires)
the major concern of the master. Hsün- Confucian Tao (Way) and to remedy the
tzu even asserts that the Tao (Way) is world. The author asserts that what fills
neither of T’ien (Heaven) nor of earth, up Heaven and earth is the ch’i (vitali-
but of humankind. Thus he holds that ty), which in turn is identified with shen
T’ien-ming (Mandate of Heaven) (spirit). See also ching (classic).
should be of human use. Mencius, how-
ever, suggests that although ch’eng (sin- de Bary, Wm. Theodore, Wing-tsit Chan,
cerity) is the Way of Heaven, to ssu, or to and Burton Watson, comps. Sources
reflect on sincerity, is the way of of Chinese Tradition. New York:
humanity. This is inherited by the Neo- Columbia University Press, 1960.
Confucians who believe that human Hummel, Arthur W., ed. Eminent
beings have the capacity to realize the Chinese of the Ch’ing Period (1644–
Way of Heaven. For Wang Fu-chih, the 1912). 2 vols. Taipei, Taiwan: SMC,
great achievement of the jen-tao would 1991.
be to be in accord with the T’ien-tao,
that is to precede Heaven without
opposition from Heaven. See also ssu Ju
(thinking). Usually translated as “Confucians,” the
term ju actually predates Confucius
Henderson, John B. Scripture, Canon, himself. The oracle bone inscription of
and Commentary: A Comparison of the graph ju depicts a person having a
Confucian and Western Exegesis. bath, indicating a bather and his action
Princeton, NJ: Princeton University of purification, both physically and rit-
Press, 1991. ually. The bath might be taken before
Lau, D. C., trans. The Analects (Lun yü). leading a ceremony, sacrifice, or divina-
New York: Penguin Books, 1979. tion. The character ju was later a loan
––––––, trans. Mencius. Harmondsworth, word for “waiting” and “weakling.” Thus
England: Penguin Books, 1970. it is the weakling who is the man of let-
Watson, Burton, trans. Basic Writings of ters. The suggestion, of course, is that a
Mo Tzu, Hsün Tzu, and Han Fei Tzu. man of strength is not a man of letters;
New York: Columbia University the man of strength is one who labors
Press, 1963. with his body, not his mind. In turn he
who labors with his mind and cleanses
his virtue is not physically strong.
Jen-yü (Human Desires) The ju class, with which Confucius is
See yü (desire). associated, may have been the ritual
and religious specialists, hence house
advisors at the Shang court, focusing
Jih-chih lu their labors on religio-political activities
Major writing by Ku Yen-wu, the Jih- rather than physical labor. As ritualists,
chih lu, or Record of Daily Knowledge, not only is their connection to educa-
was first printed in 1670 and reprinted tion and learning clear, but their focus on
in 1695 with additional material and the ancient texts becomes that much
many revisions suggested by Yen Jo- more understandable. In fact, after the ju
ch’ü and other scholars. It covers a wide had lost their position and power when
range of topics, including classics and the Chou people overthrew the Shang
exegetics, government and economics, dynasty, Confucius emerged as an expert
ethics and customs, rites and institu- and a private teacher of the Six Arts, and
tions, art and literature, historiography brought scholarship to the public.
and geography, astronomy and mathe- In its later usage, the term simply
matics, and military and philological seems to indicate a person with a focus
matters. A model of cha-chi, or reading on the study and preservation of the
notes, it is intended to illuminate the
316
Juan Yüan
317
Ju-chia
Ju-hsüeh
Ju-hsüeh has two meanings: first, it is
one of the standard terms in Chinese for
Confucianism and can be translated as
“learning of the ju,” being used like the
term ju-chia; second, it refers to a
Confucian school as an educational
institution.
Ju-hsüeh as an educational institu-
tion refers to the Confucian school
established since the Yüan dynasty for
the purpose of providing young men
with preliminary training. Such schools
were part of the civil service system at
all local levels. The fact that students in
these schools were largely subsidized by
the state reveals the government’s high
regard for Confucian education.
K
models itself closely on the K’ai-yüan
li, or Rites of the K’ai-yüan Period, of
the T’ang dynasty. Classified as a shu-i
(etiquette book), it covers an expansive
range of rituals in all phases of family
life, but limits itself exclusively to the
court and the imperial family. The work
has been enlarged and revised twice
under the titles T’ai-ch’ang yin-ko li, or
Customary and Reformed Rites of the
K’ai-ch’eng shih-ching (K’ai- Chamberlain for Ceremonials, and
ch’eng Stone Classics) Cheng-ho wu-li hsin-i, or New Forms
Refers to the Twelve Classics carved in for the Five Categories of Rites of the
stone between 833 and 837 during the Cheng-ho Period.
reign of emperor Wen Tsung of the
T’ang dynasty. The K’ai-ch’eng shih- Ebrey, Patricia Buckley, trans. “Education
ching, or K’ai-ch’eng Stone Classics, is Through Ritual: Efforts to Formulate
also called the T’ang shih-ching, or Family Ritual During the Sung
T’ang Stone Classics. It was thus named Period.” Neo-Confucian Education:
because 837 was the second year of the The Formative Stage. Edited by Wm.
reign of K’ai-ch’eng. Since nine of the Theodore de Bary and John W.
twelve classics were standard texts for Chaffee. Berkeley, CA: University of
the civil service examinations, the 227 California Press, 1989.
stone tablets were erected in the t’ai-
hsüeh (National University) at the K’ai-yüan li
T’ang capital Ch’ang-an (modern-day Issued in C.E. 741 by the T’ang dynasty
Xian). Although the Lun yü (Analects) of emperor Hsüan Tsung, the K’ai-yüan li,
Confucius was not among the Nine or Rites of the K’ai-yüan Period, also
Classics, its inclusion in the official known as Ta T’ang K’ai-yüan li, or Rites
Stone Classics indicated its rising status of the K’ai-yüan Period of the Great
in the T’ang period. This finally led to its T’ang, represents the earliest surviving
prominence as one of the Four Books account of imperial rituals. It covers all
(ssu-shu) grouped by the Neo- phases of life from birth through mar-
Confucians of the Sung dynasty. The riage to death. It was used as a basis of
stone tablets were partially damaged in the civil service examinations. An
an earthquake during the Ming early example of shu-i (etiquette
dynasty. See also stone classics. book), it reveals the close relationship
between established ritual codes and
McMullen, David. State and Scholars in Confucian ideology.
T’ang China. New York: Cambridge
University Press, 1988. Ebrey, Patricia Buckley, trans. Chu Hsi’s
Family Rituals: A Twelfth-Century
K’ai-ch’eng Stone Classics Chinese Manual for the Performance
See K’ai-ch’eng shih-ching (K’ai-ch’eng of Cappings, Weddings, Funerals,
Stone Classics). and Ancestral Rites. Princeton, NJ:
Princeton University Press, 1991.
––––––, trans. “Education Through
K’ai-pao t’ung-li Ritual: Efforts to Formulate Family
A government publication of the early Ritual During the Sung Period.” Neo-
Sung dynasty, the K’ai-pao t’ung-li, or Confucian Education: The Formative
General Rites of the K’ai-pao Period, Stage. Edited by Wm. Theodore de
focuses on matters of family rituals. It Bary and John W. Chaffee. Berkeley,
322
K’ai-yüan li
Emperor Hsüan Tsung of the T’ang dynasty issued Rites of the K’ai-yüan Period in 741 C.E.
323
Kan-ch’üan School
CA: University of California Press, since then, the book documents Wu’s
1989. devotion to the pursuit of sagehood.
There is little speculation of Sung
thought, but rather personal records of a
Kan-ch’üan School life of hardship and poverty. Most writ-
A Ming dynasty Neo-Confucian school ings are about self-cultivation, particu-
named after its founder Chan Jo-shui, larly about cleansing the human heart-
whose surname is Kan-ch’üan, literally mind to keep it from being influenced
Sweet Spring. Chan was a contemporary by desires and obscured by things. See
rival of Wang Yang-ming. He criticized also hsin (heart-mind) and yü (desire).
Wang’s theory of liang-chih, or knowl-
edge of the good, for referring only to the Goodrich, L. Carrington, and Chaoying
heart-mind within the body, suggesting Fang, eds. Dictionary of Ming
that no inner- or outer-binary opposi- Biography, 1368–1644. 2 vols. New
tion should be set up with regard to the York: Columbia University Press, 1976.
heart-mind found within and without all
things between Heaven and earth.
Accordingly, the T’ien-li (Principle of K’ang Yu-wei
Heaven) could be realized anywhere. (1858–1927) Major thinker and
Chan also distinguished ching (rever- reformer of the late Ch’ing dynasty and
ence or seriousness) from ching (qui- early republican periods; also known as
etude), arguing that the latter method of K’ang Kuang-hsia and K’ang Ch’ang-su.
self-cultivation was merely a product of K’ang Yu-Wei was a native of
Zen Buddhism. As a result, unlike his Kwangtung province. He was educated
teacher Ch’en Hsien-chang, Chan did not through the Confucian tradition, espe-
lay emphasis on ching-tso (quiet-sitting). cially that of the Ch’eng-Chu School,
Some students of the Kan-ch’üan the li-hsüeh (School of Principle or
School, however, admired Wang Yang- learning of Principle), and the shih-
ming’s teachings and adopted an attitude hsüeh, or practical learning, but he
of reconciling Wang’s theory of liang-chih devoted more time to Buddhism and
to Chan’s concept of T’ien-li. But other the Lu-Wang School of heart-mind in
members such as Hsü Fu-yüan and his later studies. He was also influenced
T’ang Po-yüan maintained Chan’s by Western science and began to see the
stance. They denounced Wang’s theory as need for societal reform. Between 1890
a fraud and an invitation of Buddhism and 1893, K’ang taught in Canton,
into Confucianism. The school was influ- where he dedicated himself to the
ential in the middle of the Ming period. development of his reform theory.
See also hsin (heart-mind). In 1891 K’ang Yu-wei published his
first controversial writing, the Hsin-
Huang Tsung-hsi. The Records of Ming hsüeh wei-ching k’ao, or An
Scholars. Edited by Julia Ching with Investigation on the Forged Classics of
Chaoying Fang. Honolulu, HI: New Learning. He claimed that the offi-
University of Hawaii Press, 1987. cially recognized Old Text versions of
the Confucian canon were all Liu Hsin’s
falsifications. K’ang passed the
K’ang-chai wen-chi Metropolitan Graduate or chin-shih
The K’ang-chai wen-chi, or Collected examination in 1895, but he refused an
Works of Wu Yü-pi, contains essays, appointment to become secretary in
poems, memorials, letters, and post- the Ministry of Works. Instead, he orga-
scripts written by the Ming dynasty nized societies and founded newspa-
Neo-Confucian Wu Yü-pi. First pub- pers in Peking and Shanghai to promote
lished in 1494 and reprinted many times reforms. In 1897 he published his second
324
K’ao-cheng hsüeh
provocative book, the K’ung-tzu kai- became the president of the Confucian
chih k’ao, or An Investigation on Association in 1912, elevating Confucius
Confucius’ Institutional Reforms, in not only as a reformer, but also as a reli-
which he advocated the idea of t’o-ku gious leader. As Chinese historian Kung-
kai-chih, meaning “finding in antiquity chuan Hsiao has pointed out, K’ang
the sanction for present-day changes.” reinterpreted Confucianism as both a
Though K’ang Yu-wei based his ideas philosophy of reform and a religion. In
of reform on Western models, he sought addition to the Ta-t’ung shu, he wrote
to justify them in Chinese tradition. He commentaries to the “Li yün,” or
regarded Confucianism not as a doc- “Evolution of Rites”; the Lun yü
trine to be dropped in the face of mod- (Analects); the “Chung yung” (“Doctrine
ernization, but as a vehicle for the of the Mean”); the Book of Mencius; and
transformation of China. The combina- a study of Tung Chung-shu’s Ch’un ch’iu
tion of his interests in classical scholar- scholarship. See also hsin-hsüeh (new
ship and reform was facilitated by the learning); hsin-hsüeh (School of Heart-
Kung-yang hsüeh, or Kung-yang Mind); New Text/Old Text (chin-
School. A New Text school specializing wen/ku-wen).
in the study of the Kung-yang chuan
commentary to the Ch’un ch’iu, or Boorman, Howard L. and Richard C.
Spring and Autumn Annals, the Kung- Howard, eds. Biographical Dictionary
yang School provided K’ang with the of Republican China. 5 vols. New
Three-Age theory that serves as the York: Columbia University Press,
backbone for the reforms. 1967–79.
From 1888 to 1898, K’ang memorial- Chan, Wing-tsit, trans. and comp. A
ized Emperor Kuang-hsü seven times Source Book in Chinese Philosophy.
for reforms. Finally in June 1898 he was Princeton, NJ: Princeton University
summoned by the emperor to begin a Press, 1969.
reform movement, known as the de Bary, Wm. Theodore, Wing-tsit Chan,
Hundred Days of Reform. K’ang pro- and Burton Watson, comps. Sources
posed a series of reforms on education, of Chinese Tradition. New York:
the military, and economic and govern- Columbia University Press, 1960.
ment structure. K’ang had unsparing Hsiao, Kung-chuan. A Modern China
support from his partisans, such as and a New World: K’ang Yu-wei,
Liang Ch’i-ch’ao and T’an Ssu-t’ung. Reformer and Utopian, 1858–1927.
However, the conservative forces in Seattle, WA: University of Washington
government considered these actions to Press, 1975.
be a threat and prevailed upon the Thompson, Laurence G. Ta t’ung shu:
empress dowager to force the emperor The One-World Philosophy of K’ang
to abdicate. With the arrests of the Yu-wei. London: Allen & Unwin, 1958.
reformers, the reform efforts came to an
end in September; K’ang barely escaped
to Hong Kong. Kao Ch’ai
K’ang then lived in exile for fifteen See Tzu-kao.
years, during which time he formulated
his utopian ideas into the Ta-t’ung shu, K’ao-cheng hsüeh
or Book of Great Unity. After the down- A school of ching-hsüeh (study of clas-
fall of the Manchu court in 1911, he sics) during the Ch’ing dynasty, the
found himself more and more as a rem- k’ao-cheng hsüeh is usually translated as
nant of a past era. Yet he still struggled textual criticism, evidential research, or
to reintroduce Confucianism as the empirical learning. As a reaction against
national religion in a time that wit- the philosophical agenda of the Neo-
nessed the rejection of Confucianism as Confucianism of the Sung dynasty and
both institution and ideology. He
325
K’ao-cheng hsüeh
de Bary, Wm. Theodore. The Message of de Bary, Wm. Theodore, Wing-tsit Chan,
the Mind in Neo-Confucianism. New and Burton Watson, comps. Sources
York: Columbia University Press, 1989. of Chinese Tradition. New York:
Elman, Benjamin A. From Philosophy to Columbia University Press, 1960.
Philology: Intellectual and Social Hummel, Arthur W., ed. Eminent
Aspects of Change in Late Imperial Chinese of the Ch’ing Period (1644–
China. Los Angeles, CA: UCLA Asian 1912). 2 vols. Taipei, Taiwan:
Pacific Monograph Series, 2001. SMC, 1991.
Hummel, Arthur W., ed. Eminent
Chinese of the Ch’ing Period (1644–
1912). 2 vols. Taipei, Taiwan: Kao P’an-lung
SMC, 1991. (1562–1626) Prominent late Ming
dynasty Neo-Confucian; also known as
Kao Ts’un-chih and Kao Ching-i. Kao
Kao Ching-i P’an-lung was a native of Wu-hsi,
See Kao P’an-lung. Kiangsu. Together with Ku Hsien-
ch’eng, he is one of the leaders of the
Tung-lin School. He took the chin-shih
K’ao-chü examination to receive his Metropolitan
Alternative term of k’ao-cheng. See k’ao- Graduate degree in 1589. His embroil-
cheng hsüeh. ment in the ch’ing-i (pure criticism)
resulted in his demotion. He retired to his
K’ao hsin lu hometown between 1595 and 1621.
Major historical work by Ts’ui Shu, the During this period he was involved in the
K’ao hsin lu, or Record of Beliefs reopening of the Tung-lin Academy,
Investigated, was written between 1783 where he engaged in teaching and writ-
and 1814. With its title derived from the ing. At the age of sixty, he was asked again
Shih chi (Records of the Historian), it is to hold office because of the Tung-lin
one of the finest examples of the k’ao- Party’s victory. But the apparent victory
cheng hsüeh, or evidential research. Not was short-lived, and with a number of his
only were all commentaries and anno- partisans imprisoned and tortured to
tations produced after the Han dynasty death, Kao drowned himself in a pond to
rejected by Ts’ui, but those by the Han avoid arrest.
Confucians were also subject to a check Kao P’an-lung followed the Ch’eng-
against the classics. The latter is inter- Chu School, but he also absorbed some
esting because the author’s skepticism basic teachings of the Heng-ch’ü School
made no exception of the prevailing and Lu-Wang School. For him, the wan-
Han-hsüeh, or Han learning, in which wu, or myriads of things, originate from a
the Han scholarship was favored. single t’ai-chi (Great Ultimate), which is
Some data about Confucius and his seen as the absolute state of Principle
disciples in the Shih chi, for instance, (li). Kao emphasized the understanding
was doubted. Attribution of the “Great of Principle through the process of ko-wu
Learning” (“Ta-hsüeh”) and the chih-chih, or investigation of things and
“Chung yung” (“Doctrine of the Mean”) extension of knowledge. He particular-
to Tseng-tzu and Tzu-ssu, respectively, ly focused on the methods of quiet
was questioned. The authenticity of the retreat and ching-tso (quiet-sitting).
K’ung-tzu chia-yü (Confucius’ Family This results in an experience of wu
Sayings) was also repudiated. Such crit- (enlightenment), which he admitted
ical spirit of the K’ao hsin lu has changed his life forever.
327
Kao-tzu (disciple)
329
Keng Ting-li
Graduate degree in 1556, he held a was one of the two younger brothers of
number of government positions before Keng Ting-hsiang. His teachings
retiring to T’ien-t’ai Mountain, where he focused on the realization of the Tao
spent his remaining years teaching. He (Way) without the necessity of learning.
was highly regarded by the top official He is portrayed as saying few words and
Chang Chü-cheng. Keng’s younger replying to questions by terse expres-
brother Keng Ting-li was also a scholar of sions in order to call attention to the
the T’ai-chou School. immediacy of the Way. His strong incli-
Keng Ting-hsiang’s own teachings nation for Ch’an Buddhism is exempli-
focused on the immediacy and univer- fied by both his teachings and his teach-
sality of liang-chih, or knowledge of the ing style. He was also closely connected
good. Keng believed that liang-chih was with Li Chih, one of the most radical
possessed by everybody and the Tao thinkers of Neo-Confucianism.
(Way) was understandable to the com-
mon people. Huang Tsung-hsi suggests Huang Tsung-hsi. The Records of Ming
that Keng presented three strategies for Scholars. Edited by Julia Ching with
learning. First, the heart-mind is the Chaoying Fang. Honolulu, HI:
Way; second, the heart-mind is present University of Hawaii Press, 1987.
in affairs; and third, the art of caution is
used in practicing liang-chih. Keng
interpreted ko-wu (investigation of Kindness
things) as a search for jen (humane- One of several translations of the cen-
ness), which, like the ssu-tuan (Four tral Confucian virtue jen. Other transla-
Beginnings), is innate in oneself. The tions include humaneness, benevo-
investigation of things, therefore, is an lence, compassion, altruism, human-
introspective process. heartedness, humanity, love, and co-
Keng Ting-hsiang’s teachings were humanity. See jen (humaneness).
opposed by Li Chih, who criticized
Keng in his writings. Keng was a volumi- King Ch’eng
nous writer who compiled biographical (r. 1042/35–1006 B.C.E.) The young son
works on ancient and contemporary of King Wu, King Ch’eng was too young
officials, state code as well as a selection to rule at the time of the death of King
of Lu Chiu-yüan’s sayings. His Keng Wu in 1045 B.C.E. As a result, King Wu’s
T’ien-t’ai hsien-sheng wen-chi, or younger brother, the Duke of Chou,
Collected Works of Master Keng T’ien- acted as a regent for the young king.
t’ai, was published posthumously by his Little is said of the young king by the
student in 1598. See also hsin (heart- Confucian school, but his regent, the
mind). Duke of Chou, becomes one of the most
frequently cited references as an exem-
Goodrich, L. Carrington, and Chaoying plar of virtuous rule and moral conduct.
Fang, eds. Dictionary of Ming
Biography, 1368–1644. 2 vols. New Lau, D. C., trans. Mencius. Harmondsworth,
York: Columbia University Press, 1976. England: Penguin Books, 1970.
Huang Tsung-hsi. The Records of Ming Legge, James, trans. The Chinese
Scholars. Edited by Julia Ching with Classics. Vol. 3, The Shoo King or the
Chaoying Fang. Honolulu, HI: Book of Historical Documents. Hong
University of Hawaii Press, 1987. Kong: London Missionary Society,
n.d.; Reprint (as vol. 2), Taipei,
Keng Ting-li Taiwan: SMC, 1994.
(1534–1584) Ming dynasty Neo- Nienhauser, William H., Jr., ed. The
Confucian and member of the T’ai- Grand Scribe’s Records. Translated
chou School; also known as Keng Tzu- by Tsai-fa Cheng et al. Bloomington,
yung and Keng Ch’u-k’ung. Keng Ting-li IN: Indiana University Press, 1994.
330
King Chou
331
King Chou
King T’ang, founder of the Shang dynasty, rescued the empire from a despotic ruler.
332
King T’ang
Legge, James, trans. The Chinese bestowed upon him by Heaven. In the
Classics. Vol. 3, The Shoo King or the highest fulfillment of the Mandate of
Book of Historical Documents. Hong Heaven, King Wen remains a constant
Kong: London Missionary Society, reference point for the Confucian school
n.d.; Reprint (as vol. 2), Taipei, as an embodiment of virtuous rule and a
Taiwan: SMC, 1994. paradigm against which many would be
Nienhauser, William H., Jr, ed. The measured. This explains why the sixty-
Grand Scribe’s Records. Translated four hexagrams and the hexagram state-
by Tsai-fa Cheng et al. Bloomington, ments in the I ching, or Book of Changes,
IN: Indiana University Press, 1994. are traditionally attributed to him. See
also T’ien-ming (Mandate of Heaven).
This woodcut depicts King Wen, founder of the Chou dynasty, to whom the combination
of the eight trigrams into sixty-four hexagrams is attributed.
335
King Wu
King Wu of the Chou dynasty is regarded as a ruler of extraordinary virtue by the Confucian school.
336
Ko-jen chu-i
Most frequently there is a common Yüan: Do not look, listen, speak, or move
reference to the three founding rulers of unless it is in accordance with rites.
the Chou dynasty—King Wen, King Wu, In Chu Hsi’s gloss, the phrase means
and the Duke of Chou. Although they the elimination of one’s own yü (desire)
had very different roles to play historical- and rediscovering the T’ien-li (Principle
ly and inherited the fledging dynasty in of Heaven). It reveals the relation
very different states of development and between the jen-hsin (heart-mind of
order, they were viewed synonymously humanity) and the Tao-hsin (heart-
as paradigms of virtue. The three togeth- mind of the Way), a relation of the
er become a common reference point for is/ought. After one’s selfishness is sub-
extolling the ways of the ancients. dued, the self will be capable of fully
manifesting the endowed hsing
Lau, D. C., trans. Mencius. Harmondsworth, (nature) of T’ien (Heaven).
England: Penguin Books, 1970.
Legge, James, trans. The Chinese de Bary, Wm. Theodore. The Liberal
Classics. Vol. 3, The Shoo King or the Tradition in China. New York:
Book of Historical Documents. Hong Columbia University Press, 1983.
Kong: London Missionary Society, Hall, David L., and Roger T. Ames.
n.d.; Reprint (as vol. 2), Taipei, Thinking Through Confucius.
Taiwan: SMC, 1994. Albany, NY: State University of New
Nienhauser, William H., Jr., ed. The York Press, 1987.
Grand Scribe’s Records. Translated Lau, D. C., trans. The Analects (Lun yü).
by Tsai-fa Cheng et al. Bloomington, New York: Penguin Books, 1979.
IN: Indiana University Press, 1994.
Ko-chih
Knowledge Meaning “investigation and extension,”
See chih (knowledge or knowing). ko-chih is the short form of the phrase
ko-wu chih-chih, or investigation of
things and extension of knowledge. See
Knowledge of the Good ko-wu chih-chih.
See liang-chih.
Ko-jen chu-i
K’o-chi fu-li Modern Chinese term for individual-
Phrase used by Confucius in the Lun yü ism, ko-jen chu-i is a loan word of kojin
(Analects) to answer a question about shugi, the Japanese translation of the
jen (humaneness) posed by Yen Yüan Western idea. The question remains
(Hui), his disciple. K’o-chi fu-li, disci- whether there was any form of individu-
plining of the self and returning to li alism in the Chinese culture, particular-
(propriety or rites), refers to the ly the Confucian tradition, prior to the
process of overcoming selfishness with introduction of the Western concept
the cultivation toward the ideal of the into China. Intellectual historian Wm.
chün-tzu (noble person). The first step, Theodore de Bary has argued at length
k’o-chi, or disciplining the self, suggests for the existence of such a notion at the
subduing the hsiao-jen (petty person) center of Confucianism.
within the chi or oneself in contrast
with the wo (self ), according to philoso- de Bary, Wm. Theodore. “Individualism
phers David L. Hall and Roger T. Ames. and Humanitarianism in Late Ming
The second step, fu-li, returning to pro- Thought.” Self and Society in Ming
priety, is to aim at realizing the wo as a Thought. Edited by Wm. Theodore
true human through the practice of li, de Bary and the Conference on
or rites. As Confucius explains to Yen Ming Thought. New York: Columbia
University Press, 1970.
337
Ko-wu (Investigation of Things)
––––––. The Liberal Tradition in China. Chu Hsi reordered parts of the text in
New York: Columbia University Press, order to place ko-wu and chih-chih as
1983. steps one and two respectively, followed
Liu, Lydia H. Translingual Practice: by ch’eng-i. In Chu Hsi’s mind and as a
Literature, National Culture, and general position for the School of
Translated Modernity—China, 1900– Principle, this meant that learning was
1937. Stanford, CA: Stanford focused on the exhaustive search within
University Press, 1995. things for Principle (li). Only after the
completion of the exhaustive search
would this knowledge be brought back
Ko-wu (Investigation of Things) into an inward-directed process of mak-
One of the key phrases describing a ing the inner self manifest, i.e., the sin-
process of learning and self-cultivation cerity of intention, or ch’eng-i.
primarily associated with the li-hsüeh In discussing his interpretation of the
(School of Principle or learning of text, Chu Hsi suggests a fundamental
Principle) though referred to by virtual- School of Principle position. All things
ly all points of view within the Neo- possess Principle, and if we expect to be
Confucian movement. The epistemolog- able to gain the utmost knowledge, then
ical term derives from the “Great we must be able to understand the
Learning” (“Ta-hsüeh”), a chapter from Principle that lies within things. To under-
the Li chi, or Records of Rites, which the stand such Principle, we must investigate
Confucians chose to treat early on as a things for Principle. Furthermore,
separate work of great importance for its because all things possess Principle, we
Confucian perspective on learning. The must extend our investigation to as many
phrase ko-wu, meaning to investigate things as possible in order to increase our
things or the investigation of things, understanding of Principle. This is the
occurs in the so-called Eight Steps, the process of both ko-wu, investigating
steps of learning that begin with the things, and chih-chih, extending knowl-
individual and end with bringing peace edge. Most important, the verb-object
to the world. In the standard order of the structure of the terms reflects a dynamic
Eight Steps, ko-wu is the first step and is subject-object relation.
usually paired with the second step, Investigation itself is broad in scope.
chih-chih (extension of knowledge). Though the phrase suggests that one
These two steps become frequent refer- investigates things, wu or “things”
ences to the method of learning and comes to mean any circumstance in
self-cultivation advocated by the School which Principle will be present. Thus,
of Principle. great attention is given to the examina-
One of the great debates within Neo- tion of relationships with other persons’
Confucianism took place around the special moral relations––with relatives,
interpretation of the order of these for example. There is also concern that
steps and thus the priority that should one’s service in government or educa-
be given to ko-wu and chih-chih as the tion be understood as an occasion for
first steps of the process of self-learning. the understanding of Principle. Much of
According to Chu Hsi, the great synthe- the investigation is a textual form of
sizer of the School of Principle, the text learning, believing that texts provide the
appeared to have several sections out of clue to understanding Principle in his-
place or missing. In particular, the refer- torical context or within the framework
ence to ko-wu and chih-chih was not of philosophical thought. If there is a
placed before the third step ch’eng-i slant to the nature of what is included in
(sincerity of will). the investigation of things, it is one that
To Chu Hsi, this order made no sees major emphasis placed on book-
sense, though to the School of Heart- learning and thus a potential for pedan-
Mind it made perfect sense. As a result, tic scholarly study. In the Chin-ssu lu, or
338
Ko-wu (Investigation of Things)
339
Ko-wu chih-chih
340
Kua-yü (Reducing Desires)
341
Ku-ching ching-she
342
Kuei fan
other Confucians of his times, Lü K’un The Confucian tradition has tradition-
promoted a reciprocal relationship in ally come to the question of the exis-
marriage, condemned widow-suicide, tence of kuei and shen as well as the
encouraged aged widows to support human souls, hun and p’o, with a highly
themselves, and acknowledged women’s skeptical attitude. Confucius is recorded
rights to literacy. In combination with a as having said that one should respect
set of his works written for children, the kuei and shen but keep them at a
especially for girls, Lü K’un showed the distance. This has been interpreted by
importance of extending Confucian the tradition to suggest that the spiritu-
teachings to women and children. He al world is of far less importance than
expressed sagehood as a universal goal the world of the living and that exis-
for all people regardless of gender, age, tence or non-existence of the spiritual
and background. See also Kuei chieh world is of little consequence for the liv-
and women in Confucianism. ing. Because the Confucian school
placed much importance on ritual and
Handlin, Joanna F. Action in Late Ming the performance of proper ceremony,
Thought: Reorientation of Lü K’un the rituals themselves surrounding the
and Other Scholar-Officials. Berkeley, dead were maintained with extraordi-
CA: University of California Press, nary care and attention. The issue for
1983. the Confucian was not the existence of
Nienhauser, William H., Jr., ed. and the spirits per se, but the importance of
comp. The Indiana Companion to the performance of ritual as a display of
Traditional Chinese Literature. proper attention to the order and struc-
Bloomington, IN: Indiana University ture of the cosmos as represented by rit-
Press, 1986. ual. This produces what is often taken
as an agnostic stance on the issue of the
existence of the spirits themselves. Such
Kuei-ko ssu-shu (Boudoir an attitude culminates in the writings of
Four Books) Hsün-tzu where he suggests that sacri-
Alternative title of the Nü ssu-shu (Four fice is carried out to the spirits as if they
Books for Women). See Nü ssu-shu (Four existed. Again, the center of attention
Books for Women). for the Confucian is on the importance
of the ritual act as a participation in the
order and structure of the cosmos and a
Kuei/shen method of restoring and maintaining
The terms kuei and shen generally sug- order in the world.
gest a range of spiritual beings. Kuei is For the later Neo-Confucian tradi-
usually translated as “ghost” and can tion, which discussed kuei and shen at
refer to a range of apparitions often great length, there is no attention to
associated with some form of malevo- their existence as spiritual beings at all.
lent behavior. Shen is translated as In a sense, Hsün-tzu had set the terms
“spirit” and also refers to a host of dif- for the consideration of kuei and shen.
ferent types of spiritual beings usually To sacrifice to the spirits as if they were
benevolent in response to humans. A there indicates they are not there and
connection is made between the terms therefore it is not a point of discussion.
for the human souls, the hun and the The Neo-Confucians did not revisit the
p’o, and shen and kuei respectively. It is question of the existence of individual
believed that the hun, or “cloud-soul,” is spiritual beings; however, kuei and shen
associated with benevolent acts toward did suggest to a number of Neo-
the living and the p’o, or “white-soul,” Confucian thinkers that there is a
can be the source of evil acts. Moreover, broader set of metaphysical categories
the kuei/shen duality corresponds to the of spiritual forces in the universe. In this
yin/yang principle.
344
Ku Hsien-ch’eng
vocabulary, kuei and shen became higher ethical standard to the function-
terms to describe negative and positive ing of government, in particular the
spiritual forces, or ch’i (vitality). The conduct of the Grand Secretaries,
terms are also placed in the larger eunuchs, and, by implication, the
context of yin/yang as symbols of nega- emperor himself.
tive and positive forces in the universe. Ku’s official career ended in 1594
Kuei is associated with yin and shen is when he was dismissed by the emperor
associated with yang. for partisan nominations. He returned
Probably the most detailed discus- home as a commoner and engaged in
sion of kuei and shen is by Ch’en writing and teaching. In 1604 he and his
Ch’un, a Sung dynasty Neo-Confucian, younger brother Ku Yün-ch’eng
in his major work, the Pei-hsi tzu-i. reopened the Tung-lin Academy. The
Ch’en Ch’un refers to two different academy attracted scholars such as Kao
meanings of kuei and shen. On one P’an-lung and Ch’ien I-pen to lecture
level kuei and shen refer to specific there. It became one of the most impor-
spiritual beings capable of good and tant academies in the late Ming period,
evil acts. On another level, and far not only because it was a center of
more important for Ch’en Ch’un, the Confucian study, but also because of
terms refer to positive and negative the role it played in forming a clique of
forces in the universe, removing any pure criticism. Ku Hsien-ch’eng com-
question of their existence as actual bined teaching and practice, turning
spiritual beings. In their later meaning, the academy into a political party.
drawing the terms into company with The teachings of Ku Hsien-ch’eng
yin and yang, they are used extensively and his circle were in the tradition of
by Neo-Confucians, but with little the Ch’eng-Chu School. Ku identified
association to the terms’ earlier mean- the hsing (nature) with Principle (li)
ings. See also hun/p’o. and with t’ai-chi (Great Ultimate). By
defining the t’ai-chi as the root that
Chan, Wing-tsit, trans. and ed. Neo- gave rise to Heaven and earth, he laid
Confucian Terms Explained (The the ontological foundation for human
Pei-hsi tzu-i) by Ch’en Ch’un, 1159– nature. Shan (goodness) is the basis of
1223. New York: Columbia University such nature as well as the essence of the
Press, 1986. T’ien-li (Principle of Heaven) and is
De Groot, J.J.M. The Religious System of opposite to the evilness of human
China: Its Ancient Forms, Evolution, desires. Thus, although he admired the
History and Present Aspect, Manners, precision of Wang Yang-ming’s theory
Customs and Social Institutions of liang-chih, or knowledge of the good,
Connected Therewith. 6 vols. Taipei, Ku saw a danger in Wang’s ssu chü
Taiwan: Literature House, 1964. chiao, or Four-Sentence Teaching,
Lau, D. C., trans. The Analects (Lun yü). which suggested that the hsin-chih-t’i,
New York: Penguin Books, 1979. or substance of the heart-mind, was
wu-shan wu-eh, beyond good and evil.
For Ku, knowledge of the good was
Ku Hsien-ch’eng not innate. It must be learned. Ku
(1550–1612) Prominent Ming dynasty emphasized the importance of kung-
Neo-Confucian and leader of the Tung- fu (moral effort), and self-cultivation
lin School; also known as Ku Shu-shih in attaining sagehood. Ku came to the
and Ku Ching-yang. Ku Hsien-ch’eng Ch’eng-Chu teachings, however, with
was a native of Wu-hsi, Kiangsu. After the typical position of the Ming peri-
passing the chin-shih examination, he od, that is, a much greater stress on an
obtained his Metropolitan Graduate internal process of learning. To
degree in 1580. He is associated with the accomplish self-cultivation, Ku advo-
ch’ing-i (pure criticism) that involved a cated ching-tso (quiet-sitting), the
group of officials who tried to apply a
345
Ku-liang chuan
Neo-Confucian method of meditation. lar ruler. Because the Ch’un ch’iu does
He grounded his practice in Chou Tun- not pass such judgment itself, the
i’s idea of chu-ching (regarding qui- authors of the commentary were of the
etude as fundamental). opinion that judgment was there, but
Because of this interior form of hidden in the choice of words used to
learning, Ku Hsien-ch’eng and his Tung- describe events, which become a moral
lin School have been criticized for dif- lesson. For example, which word was
fering little from the Wang Yang-ming used for the death of a particular ruler?
School. The difference is still to be One word might mean praise, another
found, however, in the Tung-lin School’s condemnation. Every particular word
accent on the process of learning and should bear a profound significance
the accumulation of knowledge. Even if awaiting to be decoded.
much of the knowledge was based on Though the commentary never
interior reflection, it was still seen as achieved the stature of the Tso chuan
accumulated rather than spontaneus. commentary, it has been regarded as a
See also Tung-lin Party; wu (enlighten- valuable source for the detailed analysis
ment); yü (desire). of the vocabulary of the Ch’un ch’iu as
far back as 51 B.C.E. Since T’ang times, it
Goodrich, L. Carrington, and Chaoying has been included in the collection of
Fang, eds. Dictionary of Ming the Twelve Classics and thus regarded
Biography, 1368–1644. 2 vols. New as part of the Confucian canon. See also
York: Columbia University Press, 1976. New Text/Old Text (chin-wen/ku-wen)
Huang Tsung-hsi. The Records of Ming and san chuan.
Scholars. Edited by Julia Ching with
Chaoying Fang. Honolulu, HI: Legge, James, trans. The Chinese Classics.
University of Hawaii Press, 1987. Vol. 5, The Ch’un Ts’ew with the Tso
Chuen. Hong Kong: London
Missionary Society, n.d.; Reprint.
Ku-liang chuan (as vol. 4), Taipei, Taiwan: SMC, 1991.
One of three major commentaries to the Loewe, Michael, ed. Early Chinese Texts:
Ch’un ch’iu, or Spring and Autumn A Bibliographical Guide. Early
Annals, the Ku-liang chuan, or China Special Monograph Series,
Commentary of Ku-liang, is traced back no. 2. Berkeley, CA: Institute of East
by traditional accounts to the period of Asian Studies, 1994.
the fifth century B.C.E. Its lineage, how-
ever, is complex and unclear until it
appears in the Han dynasty as a New K’un-chih chi
Text. The Ku-liang chuan, similar to the Major philosophical writing by the
Kung-yang chuan, is not an expansive Ming dynasty Neo-Confucian Lo Ch’in-
narrative on the Ch’un ch’iu, but is a cat- shun, the K’un-chih chi, or Records of
echism. In this way it differs markedly Knowledge Painfully Acquired, was first
from the Tso chuan commentary. published around 1552 and enlarged in
Instead it is a very close analysis of the 1622. It contains, in addition to the
wording of the Ch’un ch’iu, paying par- autobiographical insights about the
ticular attention to words chosen to author’s conversion to and abandon-
describe specific events. This analysis ment of Buddhism, Lo’s arguments for
leads to a strong element of praise and the unity of Principle (li) and ch’i (vital-
blame in the interpretation of the ity), as well as his theory of the separa-
events recorded in the Ch’un ch’iu. A tion of the hsin (heart-mind) from the
detailed analysis of a particular word hsing (nature). The analysis and criti-
may determine whether the author of cisms of Buddhism, of the Neo-
the Ch’un ch’iu, attributed to Confucius, Confucian Ch’eng-Chu School and Lu-
was praising or condemning a particu- Wang School as given in the work are
346
Kung-ch’i (Public Vessel)
deemed major contributions to the Hsi have judged that the extant Old Text
understanding of Neo-Confucian thought chapters of the Shu ching, together with
during the Ming period. the preface and the commentary osten-
sibly written by him, were a forgery of
Bloom, Irene. Knowledge Painfully the early fourth century C.E.
Acquired: The K’un-chih chi by Lo Nevertheless, K’ung An-kuo’s prestige
Ch’in-shun. New York: Columbia as an Erudite, or po-shih, of the Shu
University Press, 1995. ching is revealed in the fact that he was
Goodrich, L. Carrington, and Chaoying one of the scholars of the classics whom
Fang, eds. Dictionary of Ming Ssu-ma Ch’ien consulted in compiling
Biography, 1368–1644. 2 vols. New the Shih chi (Records of the Historian).
York: Columbia University Press, See also New Text/Old Text (chin-
1976. wen/ku-wen) and wu-ching po-shih
Huang Tsung-hsi. The Records of Ming (Erudites of the Five Classics).
Scholars. Edited by Julia Ching with
Chaoying Fang. Honolulu, HI: Fung Yu-lan. A History of Chinese
University of Hawaii Press, 1987. Philosophy. Translated by Derk
Bodde. 2 vols. Princeton, NJ:
Princeton University Press, 1983.
Kung-an (Kôan) Loewe, Michael, ed. Early Chinese Texts:
Literally “public records” and better A Bibliographical Guide. Early China
known in Japanese as kôan, kung-an is Special Monograph Series, no. 2.
used as a kind of riddle in the Ch’an or Berkeley, CA: Institute of East Asian
Zen school of Buddhism. A kung-an is a Studies, 1994.
catechetic question posed to the disci-
ple by the master for meditation, in
which all normal learning and intellec- K’ung Chi
tual activities are to come to an end. Its See Tzu-ssu.
solution, often an impossible question
to answer, is to be found in an experi-
ence that only occurs after the ending of Kung-ch’i (Public Vessel)
intellectual activities. Intellectual histo- A term first used in the “T’ien-kuan,” or
rian Wm. Theodore de Bary suggests “Heavenly Offices,” chapter of the Chou
that the term hsüeh-an (records of li, or Rites of Chou, kung-ch’i means
learning) may have been coined as a public vessel or the ones who hold the
counter to this prominent Buddhist public vessels, that is, the officials.
method of self-cultivation. During the T’ang dynasty it was
employed to refer to state officials, also
implying the principle of merit in the
K’ung An-kuo choice of appointment. The official is a
(c.156–c.100 B.C.E.) A direct descendant “public vessel”; that means he is not the
of the eleventh generation from choice of someone because of
Confucius, K’ung An-kuo was an favoritism, but has emerged through
important figure in the establishment of civil service training both in terms of
the Old Text School during the Former education and examination on the basis
Han dynasty. He is particularly known of merit. The word kung or “public” in
for his scholarship pertaining to the Shu the term also reinforces the ideal that
ching, or Book of History and, according anyone could have access to the educa-
to the preface attributed to him, the dis- tional and examination system whatev-
covery of its Old Text version in the wall er his background. This may have been
of Confucius’ home. Since the Sung more ideal than real, but there are cer-
dynasty, however, scholars such as Chu tainly examples of individuals who
347
K’ung-chiao
emerged at the top of the examination century during the Ming dynasty. The
lists but had very humble origins. See inscription wan-shih shih-piao, or
also civil service examination and t’ai- Exemplary Teacher for All Ages, is hung
hsüeh (National University). in the main hall to honor Confucius.
Huang avers that the heart-mind has no official position and a person who
pen-t’i, or original substance, except seems to have knowledge and interest
what is achieved by moral effort. Thus, in ritual.
kung-fu is not an effort to “return” to the
heart-mind or nature, but rather a Lau, D. C., trans. The Analects (Lun yü).
process of expanding and developing New York: Penguin Books, 1979.
the moral goodness through cognition
and learning. The object of learning,
however, is still the goodness of the K’ung Kuang-sen
heart-mind, not myriads of other things (1752–1786) Classical scholar, phonolo-
in the world. Kung-fu, therefore, is the gist, and mathematician of the Ch’ing
effort to know and do good. dynasty; also known as K’ung Chung-
chung and K’ung Hui-yüeh. K’ung
de Bary, Wm. Theodore. The Unfolding Kuang-sen was a descendant of
of Neo-Confucianism. New York: Confucius in the seventieth generation.
Columbia University Press, 1975. He passed the Metropolitan Graduate
–––––– and Irene Bloom, eds. Principle or chin-shih examination in 1771 and
and Practicality: Essays in Neo- was appointed Hanlin bachelor and
Confucianism and Practical Learning. Examining Editor. A student of Tai Chen
New York: Columbia University and Yao Nai, he was well versed in clas-
Press, 1979. sics and history, particularly the Kung-
Huang Tsung-hsi. The Records of Ming yang chuan commentary to the Ch’un
Scholars. Edited by Julia Ching with ch’iu, or Spring and Autumn Annals. His
Chaoying Fang. Honolulu, HI: writing on the Kung-yang chuan was
University of Hawaii Press, 1987. not limited to the New Text School, but
also adopted explanations from the Tso
chuan, the Ku-liang chuan, and other
K’ung Fu-tzu commentaries. His approach was dif-
See Confucius. ferent from that of Ho Hsiu. In addition,
K’ung also worked on the Ta Tai Li chi,
or Elder Tai’s Records of Rites. See also
Kung-hsi Hua ching (classic); han-lin yüan (Academy
(b. 509 B.C.E.) One of the twenty-five dis- of Assembled Brushes); New Text/Old
ciples of Confucius mentioned in the Text (chin-wen/ku-wen).
Lun yü (Analects); also known as Kung-
hsi Ch’ih. Kung-hsi Hua is a native of Elman, Benjamin A. From Philosophy to
the state of Lu. Kung-hsi was not Philology: Intellectual and Social
included, however, in the list of ten dis- Aspects of Change in Late Imperial
ciples, recognized as the most promi- China. Los Angeles, CA: UCLA Asian
nent of Confucius’ disciples, in Analects Pacific Monograph Series, 2001.
11.3. He is also not included amongst Hummel, Arthur W., ed. Eminent
those said to have been responsible for Chinese of the Ch’ing Period (1644–
the transmission of Confucius’ teachings 1912). 2 vols. Taipei, Taiwan:
after the death of the master. According SMC, 1991.
to the Li chi, however, he was the person
in charge of Confucius’ funeral.
Though Kung-hsi Hua plays a minor Kung-kuo ko (Ledger of Merit
role amongst the disciples, he seems to and Demerit)
have been frequently mentioned A form of writing that had been in exis-
amongst the disciples both by tence since the Sung dynasty and
Confucius as well as other disciples. The became increasingly popular in later
passages where he is referred to indi- periods, the kung-kuo ko is a record of
cate a disciple interested in holding an daily deeds. It transfers human deeds
349
K’ung-men
351
Kung-tu-tzu
Ariel, Yoav. K’ung-Ts’ung-Tzu, the K’ung people who become bad, but argues
Family Masters’ Anthology: A Study that such badness is not part of the
and Translation of Chapters 1-10, inherent nature, it is something external
12-14. Princeton, NJ: Princeton and therefore imposed upon the person.
University Press, 1989. Kung-tu-tzu also asks in another
passage why some people are great and
noble while others are small and petty.
Kung-tu-tzu Mencius’ answer is to say that the great
(c. 4th-3rd century B.C.E.) Identified as person is he who focuses upon that
one of Mencius’ fifteen disciples by which is important; that is, he looks to
Chao Ch’i, who wrote the first extant the Tao (Way). The petty person can
commentary to the Book of Mencius, only see what is small and thus insignif-
Kung-tu-tzu is considered one of the icant. All of these passages engage
four major disciples. All four major dis- Mencius in major articulations of some
ciples are given a place within the ranks of his most important concepts, a point
of the Confucians included in the of no small significance in identifying
Confucian temple, also called wen miao. Kung-tu-tzu as a major disciple.
Kung-tu-tzu appears in a number of
passages, in most of them asking ques- Lau, D. C., trans. Mencius. Harmondsworth,
tions of Mencius. The most significant England: Penguin Books, 1970.
passages where Kung-tu-tzu appears
relate to Mencius’ discussion of hsing
(nature), the central teaching of his phi- K’ung-tzu
losophy. One of the major questions See Confucius.
debated was whether moral virtue was
internal and a part of human nature, or
something learned as an external Kung Tzu-chen
attribute. Specifically the question is (1792–1841) Thinker and poet of the
posed whether i (righteousness or Ch’ing dynasty; also known as Kung Se-
rightness) is part of human nature or jen and Kung Ting-an. Kung Tzu-chen
something acquired through learning. was a representative figure of the shih-
When Kung-tu-tzu is asked about this hsüeh, or practical learning, and the
problem, he is unable to field the ques- chin-wen chia (New Text School). A
tions and asks Mencius for an explana- native of Hangchow, Chekiang, he was
tion. Mencius affirms that righteous- born into a family of scholars and was
ness is not something external, but a well-trained in the Han-hsüeh or Han
vital part of human nature itself. learning. He was the grandson of the
In another passage, Kung-tu-tzu great linguist Tuan Yü-ts’ai, under
seems confused by the various theories whom he learned philology. He also
of human nature. For example, people studied the Kung-yang chuan com-
such as Kao-tzu (thinker) argue that mentary to the Ch’un ch’iu, or Spring
human nature is either good or bad or and Autumn Annals, under Liu Feng-lu.
neither, while others like Hsün-tzu con- Kung passed the chin-shih examina-
tend that goodness is external and tion for his Metropolitan Graduate
added as education to a raw substance. degree in 1829 and was appointed sec-
Still others assert that human nature is retary in the Ministry of Rites.
inherently good. Mencius attempts to Kung Tzu-chen called for social and
explain to Kung-tu-tzu his own theory, political reforms, including the elimina-
that every person has the capacity of tion of the examination system, abolish-
becoming good and that this capacity is ment of foot-binding, and punishment
part of human nature. This capacity is of opium users. Such reforms grew out
within each person and is what is called of his attention to a Confucianism con-
the four beginnings of goodness. cerning real problems of the world. As
Mencius does not deny that there are an advocate of practical learning, he
352
K’ung-tzu chia-yü (Confucius’ Family Sayings)
Yen Shih-ku, depicted here, questioned the authenticity of the extant K’ung-tzu chia-yü.
354
Kung-yang chuan
Han theology, the K’ung-tzu chia-yü is Shryock, John K. The Origin and
regarded as an important work demon- Development of the State Cult of
strating a strong humanistic perspec- Confucius: An Introductory Study.
tive of Confucianism. See also chin-wen New York: The Century Co., 1932.
chia (New Text School); ku-wen chia
(Old Text School); New Text/Old Text
(chin-wen/ku-wen). K’ung-tzu mu (Tomb of Confucius)
Located in Ch’ü-fu, Shantung, the K’ung-
Kramers, Robert P., trans. K’ung-tzu tzu mu is the first location where
chia-yü: The School Sayings of Confucius received imperial sacrifice.
Confucius. Leiden, Netherlands: E. This occurred in 195 B.C.E. when the Han
J. Brill, 1949. dynasty emperor Kao Tsu presented the
Loewe, Michael, ed. Early Chinese Texts: t’ai-lao offering to Confucius. The tomb
A Bibliographical Guide. Early China is marked by a stone column with a post-
Special Monograph Series, no. 2. Yüan dynasty inscription that reads the
Berkeley, CA: Institute of East Asian mu (tomb) of Ta-ch’eng Chih-sheng
Studies, 1994. Wen-hsüan Wang (Comprehensive King
of Great Accomplishments and Highest
Sageliness).
K’ung-tzu chu-i
A contemporary term in Chinese for Shryock, John K. The Origin and
Confucianism. With the use of the word Development of the State Cult of
chu-i, or “ism,” the phrase could be trans- Confucius: An Introductory Study.
lated as the doctrine of Confucianism. It New York: The Century Co., 1932.
is used in a similar way to ju-chiao chu-
i, the doctrine of the Confucian religion
or teachings. See also ju-chiao chu-i. Kung-yang chuan
One of the three major commentaries to
the Ch’un ch’iu, or the Spring and
K’ung-tzu miao (Temple Autumn Annals, the Kung-yang chuan, or
of Confucius) Commentary of Kung-yang, is by tradi-
One of the names used for the tional accounts the product of the Kung-
Confucian temple, K’ung-tzu miao yang family who received the Ch’un ch’iu
simply uses the name of the founder to from Tzu-hsia, one of Confucius’ disci-
designate the temple. This title has ples. According to tradition, the work was
been a popular way of referring to the not committed to writing until the sec-
temple, though not as popular as refer- ond century B.C.E. Its origin, not unlike
ring to it as wen miao (Temple of the other two commentaries to the Ch’un
Culture). Though there have been con- ch’iu—the Tso chuan and the Ku-liang
cerns historically in referring to the chuan—is complex and involves the his-
Confucian temple as a miao (temple tory of a text considered controversial
or shrine) and attempts have been because of potentially damaging judg-
made to refer to the major building ta- ments that were being made about the
ch’eng, or Great Accomplishments, as a rulers of the state of Lu. Therefore, there
tien, or hall, rather than a miao, this is a tradition of oral transmission before
popular designation for the temple has the text was eventually written down and
continued to include the term miao. transmitted as a “new text.” This tradition
See also Confucius and ta-ch’eng tien was thoroughly studied by Tung Chung-
(Hall of Great Accomplishments). shu in his Ch’un ch’iu fan-lu (Luxuriant
Dew of the Spring and Autumn Annals)
and was granted official recognition by
the emperor Han Wu Ti.
355
Kung-yang hsüeh
Similar to the Ku-liang chuan com- supposedly hidden in the classic and, in
mentary and unlike the Tso chuan Ho Hsiu’s annotation to the commentary
commentary, the Kung-yang chuan for example, was mixed with the use of
attempts to expand on the very terse the ch’en-shu (prognostication text),
style of the Ch’un ch’iu. It does this by and the wei-shu, apocrypha. However,
providing a running commentary in the since the ku-wen chia (Old Text School)
form of catechism upon specific words won the ruler’s favor, it gradually
and wording used in the Ch’un ch’iu. became marginal.
There is little that might be described as The Kung-yang hsüeh was revived in
an expanded narrative on the events the Ch’ing dynasty as a school of New
only tersely referenced in the Ch’un Text Confucianism attempting to
ch’iu. For this reason, the Kung-yang address ethical and current political
chuan is considered a literary or histor- issues. The new Kung-yang School was
ical work unto itself. Like the Ku-liang founded by Chuang Ts’un-yü and Liu
chuan, there is a concern to find hidden Feng-lu from Ch’ang-chou, and is
indications of virtue or vice among the therefore also referred to as the Ch’ang-
rulers as a continuing application of the chou School. Representing generally
praise and blame interpretation of the the New Text School of the Ch’ing peri-
Ch’un ch’iu attributed to Confucius. od, it sought to adopt a more liberal
Though it receives far less praise agenda. Kung Tzu-chen and Wei Yüan
than the Tso chuan commentary, it was argued that history necessitates change
included in the expanded grouping of rather than reactionary response. Kung
works known as the Twelve Classics called for the elimination of the civil
from the T’ang dynasty on. As a part of service examinations system, abolition
the Twelve Classics, it was a part of the of footbinding, and the balance of for-
Confucian canon. Its influence in the eign trade as well as a variety of social
late imperial period had yielded a and economic reforms.
school of its own, known as the Kung- During the reign of Kuang-hsü, Liao
yang hsüeh, or the Kung-yang School. P’ing asserted in detail that the Old Text
See also chin-wen chia (New Text classics were forged, whereas the New
School); New Text/Old Text (chin- Text versions were authentic works cre-
wen/ku-wen); san chuan. ated by Confucius himself. This laid the
theoretical foundation, known as t’o-ku
Legge, James, trans., The Chinese kai-chih, meaning finding in antiquity
Classics. Vol. 5, The Ch’un Ts’ew with the sanction for present-day changes, of
the Tso Chuen. Hong Kong: London the later reform movement led by K’ang
Missionary Society, n.d.; Reprint. Yu-wei. For these scholars of the Kung-
(as vol. 4), Taipei, Taiwan: SMC, 1991. yang hsüeh, it was Confucius as a states-
Loewe, Michael, ed. Early Chinese Texts: man who seemed most pressing in the
A Bibliographical Guide. Early China chaotic late Ch’ing era. Their attempt was
Special Monograph Series, no. 2. to find Confucius’ solution to the national
Berkeley, CA: Institute of East Asian crises and to justify their governmental
Studies, 1994. reforms by reinterpreting the Confucian
canon. See also New Text/Old Text (chin-
wen/ku-wen) and wei (apocrypha).
Kung-yang hsüeh
Study of the Kung-yang chuan com- Elman, Benjamin A. Classicism, Politics,
mentary to the Ch’un ch’iu, or Spring and Kinship: The Ch’ang-chou
and Autumn Annals, the Kung-yang School of New Text Confucianism in
hsüeh, or Kung-yang learning, emerged Late Imperial China. Berkeley, CA:
during the Han dynasty as part of the University of California Press, 1990.
chin-wen chia (New Text School). It was ––––––. From Philosophy to
intended to discover Confucius’ teachings Philology: Intellectual and Social
356
K’un Hexagram
357
K’un Hexagram
358
K’un-pien lu
Looking at the commentaries com- poles, the yin and yang. The other hexa-
posing the “Ten Wings,” additional grams represent various points in this
images and correspondences are estab- process of ordered change. Together the
lished, building on the basic and core sixty-four hexagrams combine to por-
meaning of the receptive. The “Shuo tray the totality of change in the cos-
kua” commentary discusses k’un as a mos, and from the Confucian point of
trigram, expanding its associated view, a representation of the moral
meanings. As a season, k’un is associat- structure that underlies the universe as
ed with winter; its direction is north. Its well. See also eight trigrams and “Shih
symbolic animal is the cow and its affil- i” (“Ten Wings”).
iated part of the body is the belly.
Additional symbols include association Legge, James , trans. The Sacred Books of
with a kind of cauldron, subjects, and China: The Texts of Confucianism.
the masses. Vol. 2, The Yi King. Delhi, India:
The “Hsi-tz’u chuan” commentary Motilal Banarsidass, 1966.
adds discussion of what it considers the Wilhelm, Richard, trans. The I Ching or
deeper implications of the hexagram. Book of Changes. Translated by Cary
Although it saw ch’ien as the beginning F. Baynes. Princeton, NJ: Princeton
point of things and a moment of cre- University Press, 1967.
ation, it views k’un as the endpoint of
things. Ch’ien was seen as in move-
ment, while k’un is seen to be in repose K’un-hsüeh chi
and stillness. From such repose, Autobiography by the late Ming dynasty
according to the commentary, all Neo-Confucian Kao P’an-lung, the
things are accomplished. K’un-hsüeh chi, or Records of the Toils of
The “Wen-yen” commentary exists Learning, represents a genre of personal
for only the first two hexagrams and the writing that delves into learning and
majority of the commentary is devoted self-cultivation. It was composed in
to the ch’ien hexagram. But what is said 1614 and is contained in the Kao-tzu i-
of the k’un hexagram still draws its shu, or Remaining Works of Master Kao.
interpretation into the Confucian With its title allusive to the Lun yü
teachings. It speaks of k’un as yielding (Analects), the text focuses on the
yet strong, firm, and capable of estab- author’s progression toward the goal of
lishing proper or correct direction in its sagehood. Fascinating is its account of
movement. The image of stillness and Kao’s experience of wu (enlighten-
repose is identified with moral upright- ment), through which he felt a unity
ness, which suggests a condition that with all things.
does not waive from the right. In a pas-
sage referred to by later Neo-Confucians, Goodrich, L. Carrington, and Chaoying
the text says that the noble person uti- Fang, eds. Dictionary of Ming
lizes ching (reverence or seriousness) to Biography, 1368–1644. 2 vols. New
straighten himself internally and i (right- York: Columbia University Press, 1976.
eousness or rightness) to straighten Taylor, Rodney L. The Cultivation of
himself externally. This becomes one of Sagehood as a Religious Goal in Neo-
the hallmarks of instructions for learning Confucianism: A Study of Selected
and self-cultivation by the Neo- Writings of Kao P’an-lung (1562–
Confucian school known as li-hsüeh 1626). Missoula, MT: Scholar’s
(School of Principle or learning of Press, 1978.
Principle).
Together with the ch’ien hexagram, K’un-pien lu
the k’un hexagram speaks to the basic Major philosophical work by the Ming
representation of the cosmos as a pat- dynasty Neo-Confucian Nieh Pao, the
tern of change moving between two K’un-pien lu, or Records of the Toils of
359
Kuo-ch’ao Han-hsüeh shih-ch’eng chi
Understanding, was written while Nieh yüan chi, or Record of the Origins of
was in jail in 1547 and was annotated by Sung Learning during the Ch’ing
Lo Hung-hsien. It focuses on certain Dynasty, another intellectual history of
Confucian concepts such as chung the Ch’ing era by Chiang. See also New
(mean); i (change); hsin (heart-mind); Text/Old Text (chin-wen/ku-wen).
jen (humaneness); shen (spirits); and
ch’eng (sincerity). In the book, Nieh advo- Elman, Benjamin A. From Philosophy to
cated chu-ching (regarding quietude as Philology: Intellectual and Social
fundamental), and suggested one pre- Aspects of Change in Late Imperial
serve and nourish the wei-fa (unmani- China. Los Angeles, CA: UCLA Asian
fest), pure pen-t’i (original substance), of Pacific Monograph Series, 2001.
one’s childhood so as to extend liang- Hummel, Arthur W., ed. Eminent
chih, or knowledge of the good. Chinese of the Ch’ing Period (1644–
1912). 2 vols. Taipei, Taiwan:
Goodrich, L. Carrington, and Chaoying SMC, 1991.
Fang, eds. Dictionary of Ming
Biography, 1368–1644. 2 vols. New
York: Columbia University Press, Kuo-ch’ao Sung-hsüeh yüan-
1976. yüan chi
One of the two intellectual histories of
the Ch’ing dynasty by Chiang Fan. The
Kuo-ch’ao Han-hsüeh shih- Kuo-ch’ao Sung-hsüeh yüan-yüan chi, or
ch’eng chi Record of the Origins of Sung Learning
One of the two intellectual histories of the during the Ch’ing Dynasty was completed
Ch’ing dynasty by Chiang Fan. The Kuo- in 1822. It includes nearly forty Neo-
ch’ao Han-hsüeh shih-ch’eng chi, or Confucians in the Ch’ing period, intro-
Record of Han-Learning Masters in the duces their teachings, and traces their
Ch’ing Dynasty, was published and relations. These Neo-Confucians, divided
prefaced by Juan Yüan in 1818. It includes into the Northern School and the
fifty-seven scholars of the early and Southern School, are mostly minor fig-
middle Ch’ing periods, introduces their ures. The accounts about them are brief
writings and teachings, and traces their and under a strong partisan bias against
relations. Since the work was intended to the Sung-hsüeh or Sung learning. Thus,
demonstrate the importance of the Han- the work appears to be a negative exam-
hsüeh, or Han learning, most figures were ple which serves as a contrast to the
advocates of the k’ao-cheng hsüeh, or Kuo-ch’ao Han-hsüeh shih-ch’eng chi,
textual criticism. The work plays a key role or Record of Han-Learning Masters in
in mapping the origins and development the Ch’ing Dynasty, another intellectual
of Ch’ing scholarship, particularly the history of the Ch’ing era by Chiang.
genealogy of Han learning.
The Kuo-ch’ao Han-hsüeh shih- Elman, Benjamin A. From Philosophy to
ch’eng chi, however, reveals a sectarian Philology: Intellectual and Social
bias of its author. Not only are there no Aspects of Change in Late Imperial
entries for Chiang’s opponents, namely, China. Los Angeles, CA: UCLA Asian
Chuang Ts’un-yü and Liu Feng-lu of Pacific Monograph Series, 2001.
the Ch’ang-chou New Text School, but Hummel, Arthur W., ed. Eminent Chinese
both Huang Tsung-hsi and Ku Yen-wu, of the Ch’ing Period (1644–1912).
forerunners of the k’ao-cheng hsüeh, are 2 vols. Taipei, Taiwan: SMC, 1991.
criticized for their mild manner toward
Neo-Confucianism. Later editions of
the work contain a bibliography of Han- “Kuo Ch’in lun” (“On the Faults
hsüeh writings by Ch’ing classical scholars of Ch’in”)
plus the Kuo-ch’ao Sung-hsüeh yüan- A well-known literary piece by the
360
Kuo-tzu chien
362
Kylin-unicorn
grouped together with the phoenix, tor- or Spring and Autumn Annals, the Shih
toise, and dragon as one of the four chi (Records of the Historian), and the
spiritual animals in the Li chi, or K’ung-ts’ung-tzu (The K’ung Family
Records of Rites. The creature seems to Masters’ Anthology), Confucius was
be composed of several different ani- saddened by the untimely appearance
mals, including a stag and dragon. It of a wounded kylin in 481 B.C.E. when
becomes associated with the Confucian the Chou dynasty had badly waned.
tradition through some of the apoc- According to traditional accounts, it was
rypha literature during the Han dynasty the last entry written by Confucius in
that adds miraculous elements to the the Ch’un ch’iu. The symbol is also
story of the life of Confucius. In this lit- found in both Korea and Japan.
erature, such as the K’ung-tzu chia-yü
(Confucius’ Family Sayings), there are Palmer, Spencer J. Confucian Rituals
references to the appearance of a kylin in Korea. Berkeley, CA: Asian
heralding the birth of Confucius. Humanities Press, 1984.
However, as recorded in the Ch’un ch’iu,
364
Lei-shu
L
Learning of the Way
See Tao-hsüeh.
Lecturer
See chih-chiang.
de Bary, Wm. Theodore and the only for thieves, and that a noble person
Conference on Ming Thought. Self never talks about profit. Tung suggests
and Society in Ming Thought. New that one should struggle for rightness
York: Columbia University Press, 1970. and the Tao (Way), not profit.
Nienhauser, William H., Jr., ed. and The antithesis between profit and
comp. The Indiana Companion to rightness was accepted by most Neo-
Traditional Chinese Literature. Confucians of the Sung dynasty and
Bloomington, IN: Indiana University Ming dynasty. Chu Hsi, for example,
Press, 1986. further rendered it into the conflict
Tadao Sakai. “Confucianism and between desire and Principle (li). To
Popular Educational Works.” Self him, T’ien-li (Principle of Heaven)
and Society in Ming Thought. Edited should always override profits. However,
by Wm. Theodore de Bary and the at the same time, there was an alterna-
Conference on Ming Thought. New tive voice that argued for the moral value
York: Columbia University Press, 1970. of profit. Confucians like Ch’en Liang,
Yeh Shih, and Li Chih insisted that profit
was compatible with rightness. Without
Lessening Desires profit, as Yeh contended, the Tao and
See kua-yü (reducing desires). rightness are useless empty words. This
idea was developed by the Ch’ing-
Li (Principle) dynasty Confucian Yen Yüan (Hsi-chai)
See Principle (li). who, aiming at a state of wealth and
power, advocated the struggle for right-
ness and the Tao for the sake of profit.
Li (Profit) With the decline of imperial power
Not a favorable term in the Confucian and the recession of the traditional econ-
tradition, li, meaning profit, has under- omy, Western utilitarianism was intro-
gone a long history of debate most often duced into China by modern thinkers
set in contrast with i (righteousness or such as Yen Fu, Liang Ch’i-ch’ao, and
rightness). Confucius defines the chün- Ch’en Tu-hsiu. Yen Fu asserts that profit
tzu (noble person) and the hsiao-jen is the motive force of diligence of the
(petty person) in terms of the pursuits people, and that the progress of society
of rightness and profit, respectively. The can be made by combining rightness
classical discussion of opposition and profit. In order to turn profit into
between Confucian virtues and profit is rightness, as Ch’en Tu-hsiu suggests, one
found in the opening chapter of the must tie up one’s private profits with
Book of Mencius, where Mencius per- public interests. The changing attitudes
suades King Hui of Liang to focus on toward profit have witnessed the evolu-
humaneness and rightness, instead of tion of Confucian ethics in history. See
profit. In another passage, Mencius dis- also Ch’ing Dynasty; jen (humaneness);
tinguishes a sage king, Shun, from a yü (desire).
thief by the difference between shan
(goodness) and profit. Chan, Wing-tsit, trans. and comp. A
Hsün-tzu assumes that people can- Source Book in Chinese Philosophy.
not get rid of their desire for profit, but Princeton, NJ: Princeton University
he sees profit as the root of evilness, thus Press, 1969.
giving priority to rightness over profit. Gardner, Daniel K. Chu Hsi and the
The classical text “Great Learning” Ta-hsüeh: Neo-Confucian Reflection
(“Ta-hsüeh”) reiterates that a state ben- on the Confucian Canon.
efits not by profit, but by rightness. Tung Cambridge, MA: Council on
Chung-shu, in his Ch’un ch’iu fan-lu East Asian Studies, Harvard
(Luxuriant Dew of the Spring and University, 1986.
Autumn Annals), restates that profit is
366
Li (Propriety or Rites)
Lau, D. C., trans. The Analects (Lun yü). institutionalization of the Yin or Shang
New York: Penguin Books, 1979. religious and ritual practices.
––––––, trans. Mencius. Harmondsworth, What the Confucian tradition inher-
England: Penguin Books, 1970. ited from the early Chou culture was a
Watson, Burton, trans. Basic Writings of very rich heritage of ritual practices.
Mo Tzu, Hsün Tzu, and Han Fei Tzu. The age that the Confucian writers
New York: Columbia University looked back to was an age of elaborate
Press, 1963. ritual performance. Such ritual perfor-
mance was seen by the sage rulers of
antiquity as well as the founders of the
Li (Propriety or Rites) Chou dynasty as a way of establishing
A key concept in understanding the social order by suggesting a rapport
Confucian tradition, li, meaning rites, between the individual and society and
ritual, or propriety, has been at the cen- the cosmic forces of the universe. As a
ter of the tradition from its founding in result, the codes of ritual performance
the Yin or Shang dynasty through the were some of the most important texts
twentieth century. Although subject to a to be passed down as part of the reposi-
variety of interpretations, the centrality tory of writings from the sages. For the
of ritual demonstrates the degree to Confucians, ritual became one of the
which the tradition cannot be spoken of most important components of the cul-
in terms of thought alone. This is a tra- ture of the ancients they sought to emu-
dition of practice; performance and the late. The degree to which the ancients
role of ritual is one of the most impor- themselves focused on the role of ritual
tant ways in which such requirements reflects the degree to which the
for action have been fulfilled. Confucians viewed ritual as an impor-
The term itself is also intimately tant strategy for the creation and main-
linked to religious concerns. Although tenance of sagely rule.
some of those concerns change as the One can ask what it is about ritual
term is used within the context of the that would seem to be of such great
Confucian tradition, the term’s contin- importance to Confucius as well as gen-
ued usage suggests some of the subtlety erations of Confucian scholars. Part of
of the ways in which the tradition itself the answer lies in the records of the
may be more in line with religious ancients. The records demonstrate that
meanings then at odds with such an the sage rulers whom the Confucians
interpretation. The character li is com- seek to emulate conducted themselves
posed of two parts: one part is the gen- with an extraordinary amount of atten-
eral term for spirit; the other part is a tion to the performance of ritual. But
ritual vessel in which two pictographs there is more to ritual then simply cor-
of jades are found. Thus, the term sug- rect performance and an attempt to
gests the offering of sacrifices to the emulate the ways of the ancients.
spirits or at least the carrying out of rit- The word li has been translated in a
uals as religious practices. There are variety of ways. We have chosen to
times, however, when the term does not retain both rites and propriety as trans-
mean the actual performance of ritual lations. That one means the perfor-
but still suggests a ritual attitude. For mance of ritual and the other means a
this usage the term propriety is used, ritual attitude suggests a continuum of
suggesting an honoring of and defer- meaning which represents much of the
ence to the distinctions between things. importance that ritual holds for the
This, too, can carry a religious meaning Confucian tradition. In most cases,
in terms of the attitude toward that “rites” suggests certain forms of perfor-
which is seen as part of the ritual con- mative behavior; “propriety” also repre-
text relating one person to another. The sents certain forms of behavior, behav-
early Chou civilization is known for its ior in which deference is shown. One
367
Li (Propriety or Rites)
might even suggest that propriety rep- It is for this reason that Confucius
resents a ritual attitude. Through the suggests that the person without jen
show of deference, one has ritualized (humaneness) will have nothing to do
the relationship between oneself and with li nor with yüeh, or music. This is
others. In addition, one has introduced an important statement because it
a component of attitude into the perfor- shows the degree to which rites and
mative act of ritual itself. Thus, rites music were connected to the moral
cannot be simply ritual for the sake of character of the individual. In fact,
ritual performance, but must be accom- Confucius has defined jen as the return
panied by the correct attitude. to li. Again, rather than the automatic
How do these interpretations mea- efficacy of ritual performance as a prod-
sure up against the traditional attitudes uct of correct performance, for
toward ritual performance found in the Confucius and his followers, the issue
records from the times of the sage kings continued to revert to concern for
the Confucians seek to emulate? It human or moral feelings associated
might be argued that traditional with interpersonal relations, the ground
accounts focus primarily on the perfor- for ritual relations.
mative side of ritual far more than dis- If the concern were rituals alone,
cussions of attitude. In this sense, then Confucius probably would have
Confucius brings his own creativity to advised that elaborate and lavish rites
the understanding of li, not unlike a were preferred and that great attention
variety of other subjects. The records should be paid to minute details of the
that have been preserved from the act of performance. Instead, we find
founders of the Chou dynasty tend to Confucius advising a disciple that it is
discuss in great detail the actual acts far better to err on the side of simplicity
rather than the philosophical meanings rather than lavishness and to show real
of ritual performance. Where one finds feelings rather than attention to details.
such philosophical discussions is in In probably the most famous pas-
later writings heavily influenced by the sage where feelings are seen as the most
Confucian school. important component of the ritual per-
What then does Confucius tell us of formance, Confucius asks whether rites
li? In the Analects, we find Yu-tzu, one of are not more than jades and silks and
Confucius’ disciples, suggesting that li is music is not more than bells and drums.
responsible for the creation of harmony, The answer, of course, is that rites and
or ho, in the world. It is said that this is music are first and foremost the repre-
the reason the ancient sage kings sentation of inner feelings. The outward
embraced the practice of rites. From the form is important, but only as a demon-
Confucian perspective, however, it was stration of inward feelings. This is the
not simply the automatic effect of rites connection to the chün-tzu (noble per-
performed correctly that were the major son). It is the moral person who both
focus of attention. It was rather the inner represents such feelings and pursues
feelings that accompanied the rites that them as the basis of his relationship
were the most significant aspect of the with others. Ritual or propriety
rites themselves. This is an important becomes the basis for the relationship
point because it suggests that however among people.
these rites may have been understood in Li has continued to occupy an
ancient practice, for Confucius and his important place in the discussion of
followers it is not the efficacy of the prac- Confucian virtues though its promi-
tice itself that is the goal. Rather, it is the nence varies depending on particular
degree to which such practices revealed Confucian thinkers. In the classical
a sense of order and harmony in the period, Mencius and Hsün-tzu both
world and exemplified as well the char- discussed li, but it occupies a far more
acter of the chün-tzu, the man of learn- important position for Hsün-tzu. For
368 ing and moral cultivation. Mencius, li is considered one of the
Li (Propriety or Rites)
years later. He then proceeded to take hsin yang hsing, or preserving the
the Metropolitan Graduate or chin-shih heart-mind and nourishing the nature.
examination in Peking, but failed it. It has been pointed out that Liang
This drove him back to Canton, where Ch’i-ch’ao’s teachings, such as his dis-
he studied under K’ang Yu-wei. K’ang cussions of the heart-mind, are often
and Liang were soon known as the lead- self-contradictory. Institutional histori-
ers of the Hundred Days of Reform of an Joseph R. Levenson suggests that
1898. When the empress dowager Liang was actually hesitating between
crushed the constitutional reform, two generations: one adherent to the
Liang escaped to Japan. In 1903 he trav- Chinese tradition, the other to Western
eled to the United States, where he visit- values. Intellectual historian Hao Chang
ed President Theodore Roosevelt. He regards the problem rather as an intel-
returned to China in 1912 and served as lectual transition from old to new ideas.
a high official in the northern govern- Whether it is hesitant or transitional,
ments. After his tour of Europe between Liang’s attitude is, in his own words, “to
late 1918 and early 1920, which facilitat- allow the self of today to combat the self
ed his global experience, he devoted of yesterday.” See also Ch’eng-Chu
himself to writing and teaching at sev- School; hsin (heart-mind); Lu-Wang
eral universities until he died of illness. School; ts’un ch’i hsin (preserving the
Liang Ch’i-ch’ao wrote extensively heart-mind); yang ch’i hsing (nourish-
on religion, history, philosophy, philol- ing the nature).
ogy, phonology, politics, economics,
journalism, law, literature, and art. His Boorman, Howard L., and Richard C.
study of Buddhism may explain why he Howard, eds. Biographical Dictionary
favors the Lu-Wang hsin-hsüeh (School of Republican China. 5 vols. New
of Heart-Mind) and criticizes the York: Columbia University Press,
Ch’eng-Chu li-hsüeh (School of 1967–79.
Principle or learning of Principle). Chang, Hao. Liang Chi-chao and
Lauding Wang Yang-ming’s theory of Intellectual Transition in China,
chih liang-chih, or extension of knowl- 1890–1907. Cambridge, MA: Harvard
edge of the good, he believes that truth University Press, 1971.
exists only in the realm of the heart- Levenson, Joseph R. Liang Ch’i-ch’ao
mind, not in the material world. and the Mind of Modern China.
Under the influence of Yen Fu, Berkeley, CA: University of California
Liang applies social Darwinism to his Press, 1967.
views of history and morality. He con-
demns the concept of T’ien-ming
(Mandate of Heaven) in traditional Liang-chih
Chinese historicism and sees history as Meaning knowledge of the good or
a narrative of human evolution. For innate moral knowledge, liang-chih was
him, the course of change in history is made famous by the Ming dynasty Neo-
not cyclical, but linear, and this justi- Confucian Wang Yang-ming as the cen-
fied his reform movement in the last terpiece of his philosophy. It first occurs
years of the nineteenth century. He together with liang-neng, or capacity of
also calls for a moral revolution in his the good, in the Book of Mencius, where
discourse on hsin min, or renovating it refers to something known by the
the people, one of the Three Items list- individual without the engagement of
ed in the “Great Learning” (“Ta- thinking. It is an innate moral goodness
hsüeh”). On the one hand, he advo- and intuitive cognitive ability. Mencius
cates freedom of the wo (self ); on the uses children’s love of their parents and,
other, he urges a promotion of Western when they grow up, their respect for
social ethics, attacking the Chinese their older brothers, as examples of the
mode of self-cultivation, namely, ts’un- manifestation of such knowledge.
371
Liang-hsin
Lau, D. C., trans. Mencius. Harmondsworth, for the revival of Confucian values as
England: Penguin Books, 1970. the means for political reform. In his
study of Liang, historian Guy Alitto
referred to him as the “last Confucian.”
Liang Shu-ming Liang seems to have been identified
(1893–1988) Modern Confucian scholar. with a more conservative embrace of
Liang Shu-ming was a native of Kwangsi the Confucian tradition than others.
province. Born in Peking, he graduated Instead of praising Western progress
from a public law school. He admired and the benefits that the West could
the political ideas of K’ang Yu-wei and have for China, Liang viewed the West
Liang Ch’i-ch’ao in his youth and joined as having created not a utopia, but a
Sun Yat-sen’s secret revolutionary soci- nightmare that he did not want to find
ety. After the Revolution of 1911, howev- on Chinese soil. He saw science as lead-
er, he turned to Buddhism. In 1917 he ing to an inhuman society that might
became a lecturer at Peking University, have material progress but lacked a
teaching Indian philosophy. Four years basic moral character. Democracy, on
later, he published a book on Eastern- the other hand, was associated with
Western comparative culture that laid individualism, which would prevent
the theoretical foundation for a return one’s commitment to the community.
to Confucianism by employing Western Liang also rejected the Marxist idea
philosophy. Being a forerunner of a New of revolution, arguing that Chinese
Confucianism, Liang has had great society is based on human relations and
influence on his followers including occupational division, not class dis-
Hsiung Shih-li and Ho Lin. crimination. This is not to say that he
Liang Shu-ming left Peking for was never impressed with Western phi-
Shantung in 1924 to begin his educa- losophy. In fact, he has mixed Henri
tional project of rural reconstruction. He Bergson’s philosophy of life with the
founded the Rural Reconstruction teachings of Confucius, Mencius, and
Research Institute in 1931, seeking to particularly Wang Yang-ming. He con-
rebuild the rural community and its fun- sidered Wang’s ideal state of T’ien-ti
damental bonds as a model of national wan-wu wei i-t’i, or Heaven, earth, and
scale. This can be traced back to the all things as one body, to be the
Neo-Confucian practice of hsiang-yüeh absolute pen-t’i, or original substance,
(community compact), an effort to which must be realized through the
bring about moral principles at the local reflective intuition of life rather than
level. After World War II, Liang was intellectual understanding of the object.
involved in the negotiations between For Liang, the universe only exists with
the Nationalists and Communists, but life. And life, consisting of endless
these efforts were for naught as the split desires, is a mere process of satisfaction
between the two parties became deeper. and dissatisfaction. See also yü (desire).
During the last decades of his life, he
suffered the criticism of the Communist Alitto, Guy. The Last Confucian: Liang
government and was condemned as a Shu-ming and the Chinese Dilemma
traditionalist. Mao Tse-tung personally of Modernity. Berkeley, CA:
attacked him in the 1950s, claiming that University of California Press, 1986.
Liang held to an old ideology and failed Boorman, Howard L., and Richard C.
to make any contribution to modern Howard, eds. Biographical Dictionary
China. As time passed, however, Liang of Republican China. 5 vols. New York:
continued to develop his idea that Columbia University Press, 1967–79.
Chinese culture would be the perfect Brière, O. Fifty Years of Chinese
destination of world civilization. Philosophy, 1898–1950. Translated
Liang Shu-ming is at times por- by Laurence G. Thompson. Edited
trayed as a lone voice in modern China
373
Liang Su
by Dennis J. Doolin. Westport, CT: away from only political concerns and
Greenwood Publishing Group, 1979. began to pursue questions of personal
learning and self-cultivation. Referring
to the “Chung yung” (“Doctrine of the
Liang Su Mean”), in particular its description of
(753–793) Hanlin academician of the the state of tranquility before the feel-
T’ang dynasty. Liang Su was a scholar of ings arise, Li Ao suggested the practice
hsing-ming, or nature-and-destiny. In of tranquility to reach this state of the
Confucianism, he sought to find a purity of one’s nature, a state in which
teaching that addressed questions of the true goodness of human nature
personal learning and self-cultivation. would be manifest. Such forms of self-
Like other members of the hsing-ming cultivation as well as the use of the
group, such as Ch’üan Te-yü, Liang saw “Doctrine of the Mean” also serve as an
a flexible relation between various reli- anticipation of the Neo-Confucian
gious traditions. Not surprisingly, he movement. He referred to the medita-
took up meditative practice of tive process as fu hsing, returning to the
Buddhism and Taoism as a complement nature, and wrote extensively on the
to Confucianism. Li Hua thought highly practice in a work called the Fu hsing
of Liang’s talents; Liang, in turn, pro- shu (Discourse on Returning to the
posed Han Yü for office. See also han-lin Nature), which can be found in the Li
yüan (Academy of Assembled Brushes). Wen-kung chi (Collected Works of Li Ao).
Li Ao also considered Mencius as
Li Ao the appropriate interpreter of
(772–841) Li Ao was not only a great Confucian teachings, thus cementing
prose writer of the T’ang dynasty, but the lineage of Tao-t’ung, or tradition of
his ideas were prominent precursors of the Way, from Confucius through
the Sung dynasty Neo-Confucian Mencius. This served as an important
movement. He was known for his strong rejection of Hsün-tzu, and set the
defense of Confucianism and its rela- stage for a role Mencius always occu-
tion to the essential character of pied in the Neo-Confucian lineage of
Chinese culture. He served in a variety teachings. In effect, it was under Li Ao’s
of ministerial positions, providing a influence that the Neo-Confucians
Confucian perspective in a court other- selected the “Doctrine of the Mean”
wise dominated by sympathies to both and the Book of Mencius as two of the
Buddhism and Taoism. Though a close Four Books (ssu-shu). See also Neo-
affiliate and friend of Han Yü, Li Ao did Confucianism.
not engage in quite the same polemics
of the latter against Buddhism; instead, Chan, Wing-tsit, trans. and comp. A
he formed a mixture of Buddhism and Source Book in Chinese Philosophy.
Confucianism. Li Ao concentrated on Princeton, NJ: Princeton University
the Confucian theory of hsing (nature), Press, 1969.
continuing to argue for the goodness of McMullen, David. State and Scholars in
nature, but saw at the same time the T’ang China. New York: Cambridge
potential evil that could be introduced University Press, 1988.
into human nature through the feelings
and emotions. Liao Chi-p’ing
Although generally known for his See Liao P’ing.
strong reassertion of Confucianism in
an age of Buddhism and Taoism, Li Ao
was also a major figure among the Liao P’ing
hsing-ming group—Confucian scholars (1852–1932) Classical scholar of the
who sought to reorient Confucianism Ch’ing dynasty and republican period;
374
Li chi
chi, or Records of Rites. The origins of the concrete lives of women as exam-
these works remain unclear, but tradi- ples. There were also feminine incarna-
tional accounts suggest the ritual texts tions of evil on the part of some women
were widely dispersed and a number who do not fulfill their highest moral
destroyed, probably during the Ch’in calling to act as moral guides to those
dynasty. The three extant texts are con- around them. Originally intended for
sidered by traditional accounts to be the emperor’s perusal, the book became
fragments from a much larger original so widely circulated that its text and
corpus. The present extant texts did not illustrations were frequently painted on
emerge before the Han dynasty, though household walls. As literary scholar
each has a claim to earlier authorship, Sharon Shih-jiuan Hou points out, it
often in the fifth and fourth centuries opened up a category of writings for the
B.C.E. Although only one of these works, education of women. Kuei fan, or Rules
the Li chi, achieves the status of being in Boudoir, of the Ming dynasty is
considered one of the Five Classics, another work of its kind. See also
both the I li and the Chou li are includ- women in Confucianism.
ed in the Twelve Classics.
Kelleher, M. Theresa., “Confucianism.”
Legge, James, trans. The Sacred Books of Women in World Religions. Edited
China: The Texts of Confucianism. by Arvind Sharma. Albany, NY: State
Vols. 3 & 4, The Li Ki. Delhi, India: University of New York Press, 1987.
Motilal Banarsidass, 1966. Nienhauser, William H., Jr., ed. and
comp. The Indiana Companion to
Traditional Chinese Literature.
Li Cho-wu Bloomington, IN: Indiana University
See Li Chih. Press, 1986.
O’Hara, Albert Richard. The Position of
Lieh nü chuan (Biographies Woman in Early China According to
the Lieh Nü Chuan, “The Biographies
of Women) of Eminent Chinese Women.”
A prominent work attributed to Liu Westport, CT: Hyperion Press, 1984.
Hsiang, a Confucian scholar of the
Former Han dynasty, Lieh nü chuan, or
Biographies of Women, demonstrates the Li Erh-ch’ü
level of moral contribution women had See Li Yung.
made historically to Chinese society.
Representing 125 women from high
antiquity to the Han era, the work sug- Li Fu
gests a range of roles, from imperial con- (1675–1750) Neo-Confucian scholar of
sorts to peasant wives, played by women the Ch’ing dynasty; also named Li Chü-
for the betterment of society. Though lai and Li Mu-t’ang. Li Fu was a native of
compiled by a man and still serving the Kiangsi province. He took the chin-shih
larger structure of a society predominant- examination for his Metropolitan
ly male centered, its contents revealed the Graduate degree in 1709 and held a
great importance attached to women in series of official appointments ranging
the moral instructions and advice they from Junior Compiler in the Hanlin
gave to their male family members. Academy to academician of the Grand
A list of womanly virtues was intro- Secretariat. Li was a follower of the Lu-
duced through the biographies, each of Wang School. His works include a study
which was completed by a eulogy. There of the philosophy of Lu Chiu-yüan and
were concerns of loyality, judgment, a record of Wang Yang-ming’s teach-
obedience, proprieties, chastity, right- ings. He compared Lu’s thought with
ness, humaneness, and wisdom, with that of Chu Hsi. Li Fu is also well known
378
Li-hsüeh (School of Principle or Learning of Principle)
for his biographical study of Wang An- The relation between the li-hsüeh
shih, a Confucian reformer of the Sung and other teachings of its day, to wit,
dynasty. See also han-lin yüan Buddhism and Taoism, was paradoxical.
(Academy of Assembled Brushes). On one hand, the li-hsüeh absorbed
both Buddhist and Taoist thoughts to
Hummel, Arthur W., ed. Eminent complement its core Confucian tradi-
Chinese of the Ch’ing Period (1644– tion; on the other, it viewed them as
1912). 2 vols. Taipei, Taiwan: counterproductive in the Confucian
SMC, 1991. attempt to rectify the world. Although
the three teachings had once tended
toward a concourse during the T’ang
Li-hsüeh (School of Principle or dynasty, the Sung Neo-Confucians
Learning of Principle) opposed what they saw as the other-
The term li-hsüeh refers to the teach- worldly ways and non-moral actions of
ings of Neo-Confucianism prevalent in the Buddhists and Taoists.
the Sung dynasty and Ming dynasty. The core of the Neo-Confucian
Initially it was used to identify the teachings, as intellectual historian Wm.
learning or study of Neo-Confucianism Theodore de Bary observes, includes
in general, but with the passage of time the ideas of Tao-t’ung, or tradition of
when alternative teachings were creat- the Way; ch’uan-hsin (transmission of
ed within the Neo-Confucian move- the heart-mind); and hsin-fa, or
ment, it became a specific term for a method or message of the heart-mind.
particular set of teachings represented These ideas all point to a tradition
by the Ch’eng-Chu School. By and large, believed to be transmitted from the
the Sung li-hsüeh can be rendered as ancient sages, suspended after Mencius
the learning of Principle, while that of for more than a millennium, and redis-
and after the Ming period is commonly covered by the masters of the Sung
known as the School of Principle. learning. The emerging Neo-Confucian
In the early phase of the Neo- teachings emphasized an ethically
Confucian movement, li-hsüeh, the structured universe, a universe that
learning of Principle, was one of the could be described in terms of an
several designations for Neo-Confucian underlying moral Principle. In other
teachings. Because of the Sung words, morality has expanded into the
Confucians’ shift of the style of study noumenon of the universe, the order of
from the Han dynasty textual gloss of all things.
the Confucian classics to theoretical The Neo-Confucian focus on moral-
and philosophical interpretation, espe- ity as the Way was first brought forth at
cially the conception of Principle (li) as the beginning of the Sung era by Sun
well as its relation to hsing-ming, or Fu, Hu Yüan, and Shih Chieh, the Three
nature and destiny, the li-hsüeh was Teachers of the li-hsüeh who advocated
also called hsing-li hsüeh, or the learn- the learning of jen (humaneness), i
ing of nature and Principle. Other syn- (righteousness or rightness), li (propri-
onyms include Tao-hsüeh, learning of ety or rites), and yüeh (music). The
the Way; sheng-hsüeh, learning of sage- major founders of the li-hsüeh, howev-
hood; and hsin-hsüeh (School of the er, were the Five Early Sung Masters—
Heart-Mind). All were used as general namely, Chou Tun-i, Shao Yung, Chang
terms for the re-emergence of Tsai, Ch’eng Hao, and Ch’eng I—while
Confucian teachings during the Chu Hsi of the Southern Sung dynasty
Northern Sung period. Interestingly served as the synthesizer of the Neo-
enough, li-hsüeh and hsin-hsüeh, the Confucian system of thought.
names of the two major rival schools of The basic teachings of the li-hsüeh are
Neo-Confucianism in later times, were usually ascribed to Chou Tun-i’s “T’ai-chi
used interchangeably at this stage.
379
Li-hsüeh (School of Principle or Learning of Principle)
t’u shuo,” or “Explanation of the Diagram ures. In the past it has been popular to
of the Great Ultimate,” and T’ung-shu talk of the li-hsüeh in terms of the
(Penetrating the Book of Changes). In Ch’eng-Chu School versus the hsin-
these two works, Chou presented a hsüeh in terms of the Lu-Wang School,
theory of the origin of the cosmos based tracing them both back to the Sung
on the t’ai-chi (Great Ultimate), from dynasty. It is now clear, based on the
which the world and all things were works of intellectual historian Wm.
derived. Other philosophical categories Theodore de Bary, that the establish-
of the li-hsüeh, such as Principle, ch’i ment of the hsin-hsüeh as a separate
(vitality), nature, and destiny, were also school was a late phenomenon, which
brought forward and discussed. was then reconstructed to create an ear-
Insofar as the meaning of Principle is lier lineage.
concerned, Chang Tsai explained it in Throughout the Sung dynasty and
terms of the material force of ch’i, Yüan dynasty, li-hsüeh was simply a gen-
whose constant movement reveals the eral term for Neo-Confucian learning. As
law of Principle. This viewpoint was fol- Chu Hsi defined more and more closely
lowed by the Ming Neo-Confucian its methodology, li-hsüeh became a tech-
Wang T’ing-hsiang, who further assert- nical term to describe a certain type of
ed that Principle was rooted in and scholarship. However, it was not yet a
inseparable from ch’i. The two Ch’eng particular school until the advent of
brothers, on the contrary, regarded Wang Yang-ming in the Ming period. At
Principle as primary to ch’i. They sug- that point Wang Yang-ming created an
gested that all things in the world origi- alternative philosophy: li-hsüeh was then
nated from a single Principle. Myriads specifically identified with the core
of things, therefore, share only one sub- teachings of Ch’eng I and Chu Hsi.
stance. Chu Hsi agreed with the Ch’eng The li-hsüeh that became identified
brothers in considering Principle to be with the Ch’eng-Chu School concerned
the eternal Absolute. He maintained the locus of Principle and the method to
that Principle was prior to Heaven and pursue it. Although Wang Yang-ming
earth; without Principle, Heaven and championed the embedment of
earth would not have existed, nor Principle in the heart-mind––hence the
humans and things. only need to cheng-hsin, or rectify the
Chu Hsi’s contemporary Lu Chiu- heart-mind––the Ch’eng-Chu School
yüan, however, stressed the role of one’s admitted that Principle did exist within
hsin (heart-mind) in identifying the human nature, but knowledge of it could
universe. Lu’s proposition of illuminat- only be acquired through a long and
ing the very heart-mind was later devel- arduous process of ko-wu ch’iung-li,
oped by Wang Yang-ming of the Ming investigation of things and exhaustion
era and finally gave rise to an alterna- of Principle.
tive school of Neo-Confucianism. When Despite the fact that the two schools
Wang Yang-ming denied the existence had the same goal in realizing sage-
of anything or any principle without the hood, their approaches to learning and
heart-mind and attributed the origin of self-cultivation were different. The
the universe to liang-chih, or knowl- School of Principle sought extensive
edge of the good, the learning of learning, seeing virtually every occasion
Principle was split into two schools of as an opportunity to build up the
thought, that is, the li-hsüeh as the knowledge of Principle. The School of
School of Principle and the hsin-hsüeh Heart-Mind, while putting forward the
(School of Heart-Mind). theory of chih hsing ho-i, or unity of
As different points of view arose in knowledge and action, limited the
the development of Neo-Confucianism, scope of knowledge to the inherent
li-hsüeh was reduced to a particular set moral capacity of the heart-mind with
of teachings associated with certain fig- little or no external search.
380
Li-hsüeh (School of Principle or Learning of Principle)
381
Li-hsüeh tsung-ch’uan
The Buddha’s teachings have been challenged and, at the same time,
absorbed by Confucianism for two thousand years.
383
Li-i erh fen-shu
dynasty, its author, purportedly Mou-tzu said to do nothing to harm his body for
or Mou Tzu-po, is a convert to Buddhism. fear of thereby harming his parents.
He tries to explain how Buddhism can Lastly, there is concern expressed
address some of the criticisms that have that the way of the Buddha is a foreign
been leveled against it. Our interest in this teaching. Why would the Chinese allow
text is its catechism regarding the relation themselves to be influenced by foreign
of Buddhism and Confucianism. teachings? This is an argument that
A list of thirty-seven questions remains central in the Confucian
revealing the criticism toward Buddhism approach to Buddhism, even very late
in the “Li huo lun” is a summary of in Chinese history after Buddhism’s
Confucianism’s general attitude toward existence in China for nearly two thou-
the religion. This represents sand years.
Confucianism’s attitude toward the reli- At the levels of thought and practice,
gion during the initial phase of the there have often been very close work-
introduction and growth of Buddhism ing relations between Buddhists and
in China. Confucians. Individual Confucians can
The first concern on the part of the be deeply involved in Buddhist prac-
hypothetical critique of Buddhism is tice. However, there remains a level of
why Buddhism is not mentioned in the polemics between the traditions. This
Chinese classics. The argument is that early text articulates salient issues in
the classics contain the wisdom of the the nature of the polemics. See also
sages of antiquity. The implication is ching (classic).
that the knowledge contained in the
classics is the only necessary knowledge de Bary, Wm. Theodore, Wing-tsit Chan,
upon which to establish a way for and Burton Watson, comps. Sources
self and society. This contradicts of Chinese Tradition. New York:
Confucianism’s potential openness to Columbia University Press, 1960.
new ideas, an issue of great import
within Neo-Confucianism, but it does
speak to a kind of fundamentalism with Li-i erh fen-shu
a narrow definition of sources of truth. See li-i fen-shu.
Another area of concern is the social
implications of the life of the monk. Li-i fen-shu
Buddhism prospers on the basis of A key concept in Neo-Confucianism of
monastic communities. From the the Sung dynasty and Ming dynasty,
Confucian perspective, a monastic the term li-i fen-shu, unified Principle
community violates several of the basic and diverse particularizations, or,
social bonds upon which the ethical Principle being one and manifestations
foundations of society are built. The being many, refers to the relation
relations of father and son as well as between the singular Principle (li) and
ruler and subject are violated in the sep- the discrete objects in the universe.
aration of a monk from his family and That is to say, the individual principles
society. Worse yet, the monk takes a vow of all things are merely embodiments of
of celibacy. By producing no offspring the highest Principle. The phrase is
he has stopped the veneration of his found in Ch’eng I’s commentary to the
own ancestors (tsu). This is regarded as thirty-first hexagram of the I ching, or
a terrible fate for the ancestral spirits Book of Changes, and his commenda-
and an act of the highest unfilial behav- tion of the “Hsi-ming,” or “Western
ior. Equally unfilial from the Confucian Inscription,” of Chang Tsai. It is an
point of view is the disregard for one’s attempt to explain the relationship
body by becoming a monk. Specifically, between the universal and the particu-
the shaving of the head is seen as a vio- lar. Ch’eng I articulates this relationship
lation of the parents, for the filial son is through the double meaning that all
384
Li Kuang-ti
things are one Principle and that the Li jen chih chi (Taking the Highest
principle of one thing is the Principle of
all things.
Stand for Humanity)
A phrase found above the main altar to
Chu Hsi equates Principle with the
Confucius in a Confucian temple. Not a
t’ai-chi (Great Ultimate), suggesting
usual inscription at the Confucian altar,
that there is only one t’ai-chi by origin.
li jen chih chi, or “taking the highest
However, since myriads of things have
stand for humanity,” is a reference
different endowments, each has its own
derived from the Lun yü (Analects). In
t’ai-chi. He borrows the Buddhist
that text, Confucius defines a person of
metaphor of the moon being reflected in
jen (humaneness) as one who li jen, or
ten thousand rivers to explain the phe-
helps others take their stand, as though
nomenon. There is only one Principle in
one wishes to take a stand for oneself.
the origin, just as there is only one moon
Because the inscription adds chih chi,
in the sky; all things are merely diverse
or “the highest of,” to the phrase li jen, it
functions of that same Principle in dif-
is intended to convey that Confucius is
ferent positions, like reflections of the
a person who takes the highest stand and
moon in rivers. Chu Hsi also thinks of li
thus becomes a model for humanity.
in terms of its connection with ch’i
(vitality), which allows disparities
Lau, D. C., trans. The Analects (Lun yü).
between things.
New York: Penguin Books, 1979.
The Ch’eng-Chu School regards
Taylor, Rodney L. The Way of Heaven: An
Principle as the structure common to all
Introduction to the Confucian
things. The particular already contains
Religious Life. Leiden, Netherlands:
the universal. It is the challenge of ko-
E. J. Brill, 1997.
wu (investigation of things) to under-
stand the occurence of the universal in
every context. The goal of learning is to Li Kuang-ti
bring forth an appreciation of the unity (1642–1718) Neo-Confucian of the early
of all things within the context of extra- Ch’ing dynasty; also known as Li Chin-
ordinary diversity. Li-i fen-shu captures ch’ing, Li Hou-an, and Li Jung-ts’un. Li
the sense of an underlying unity that Kuang-ti was responsible for promoting
agglomerates the forces of discrepancy. the Ch’eng-Chu School as orthodoxy dur-
The Ch’eng-Chu idea of li-i fen-shu ing the K’ang-hsi reign. A native of Fukien
is modified by Lo Ch’in-shun and Wang province, he was born and raised during
T’ing-hsiang of the Ming period. Both the end of the Ming dynasty and the
of them consider ch’i to be a primary beginning of the Manchu regime. Li sided
existence. Although Lo lays stress on with the Manchus, and as a result he was
the influence of ch’i at the birth of each rewarded with positions that gradually
discrete thing, Wang further empha- increased his direct influence upon the
sizes the role of ch’i in determining the emperor.
differentiation of Principle. Wang Li Kuang-ti took the chin-shih
points out that li is one only when the examination for his Metropolitan
ch’i is unified, and that in case there are Graduate degree in 1670. He was
myriads of ch’i, li is multiplied. Thus, appointed bachelor and Junior
contrary to the Ch’eng-Chu theory, the Compiler in the Hanlin Academy, grand
Ming notion of li-i fen-shu tends more secretary of the Grand Secretariat, min-
toward the diversity of Principle and ister of personnel, and eventually grand
the particularity of things. See also secretary of the Hall of Literary
sixty-four hexagrams. Profundity. Together with Hsiung Tz’u-
li, he instructed the emperor in the
de Bary, Wm. Theodore. The Message of Ch’eng-Chu teachings. In his later
the Mind in Neo-Confucianism. New years, he received imperial orders to
York: Columbia University Press, 1989. compile three major collections of
Confucian writings. In 1712 the Chu-tzu 385
Li Kuang-ti
The phrase above the altar in a Confucian temple reads “taking the highest stand for humanity.”
386
Li Kung
his commentary on the “Great Religion. After Lin’s death, his followers
Learning,” he disagreed with his teacher established shrines to worship him and
Yen Yüan’s neglect of knowledge in celebrate the belief. His title, Master of
interpreting ko-wu (investigation of Three Religions, was called up at the
things) as action. For Li, knowledge beginning of meditation by those who
should be proved to be true by action, practiced his methods of self-cultivation.
but action also needs to be guided by That Lin’s teachings were so focused
knowledge. The divergence in method- on the unity of the three traditions may
ology between Yen and Li finally led the raise the question of whether Lin could
latter to the k’ao-cheng hsüeh, or textu- be called a Confucian. Historian of reli-
al criticism, in his later years. See also gion Judith A. Berling, whose study of
hsing (nature); li (profit); li (propriety Lin is the most extensive to date, argues
or rites). for his foundation in Confucianism.
Even though Lin went much further
Chow, Kai-wing. The Rise of Confucian than other syncretists in establishing
Ritualism in Late Imperial China: the unity of the three religions and thus
Ethics, Classics, and Lineage came closest to a true synthesis, he still
Discourse. Stanford, CA: Stanford was inclined toward Confucianism as
University Press, 1994. the root context and yardstick for the
de Bary, Wm. Theodore, Wing-tsit Chan, others. His statements that Taoism and
and Burton Watson, comps. Sources Buddhism should return to the teach-
of Chinese Tradition. New York: ings of Confucius is the clearest indica-
Columbia University Press, 1960. tion of his position.
Hummel, Arthur W., ed. Eminent
Chinese of the Ch’ing Period (1644– Berling, Judith A. The Syncretic Religion
1912). 2 vols. Taipei, Taiwan: SMC, of Lin Chao-en. New York: Columbia
1991. University Press, 1980.
Goodrich, L. Carrington, and Chaoying
Fang, eds. Dictionary of Ming
Lin Chao-en Biography, 1368–1644. 2 vols. New
(1517–1598) Ming dynasty syncretist; York: Columbia University Press, 1976.
also known as Lin Mao-hsün and Lin
Lung-chiang. Lin Chao-en was a native
of Fukien province. After failing the Ling-hsing men (Gate of the
hsiang-shih examination or Provincial Lattice Asterism)
Examination three times, he did not Name of the outer gate of the Confucian
pursue the civil service examinations temple at Ch’ü-fu since the Sung
further and turned to Neo-Confucianism. dynasty, the ling-hsing, or Lattice
He became an advocate of san chiao Asterism, is a celestial body near to the
ho-i, or unity of the three religions ecliptic. It is derived from its homonym
or teachings, spending his life in the ling-hsing, meaning Spirit Asterism.
syncretism of Confucianism, Buddhism, According to the Yüan ju, or Tracing the
and Taoism. His writings were collected ju of Chang Ping-lin, the ancient ju
in the Lin-tzu ch’üan-chi, or Complete before Confucius were largely ritual
Works of Master Lin. dancers who prayed to the Spirit
Lin’s religious activities were carried Asterism for rain. The asterism was also
out throughout southeast China includ- known during the Han dynasty as T’ien-
ing the provinces of Fukien, Kiangsu, t’ien hsing, Heaven-Field Asterism,
and Chekiang. His lectures were attend- whose appearance was associated with
ed by great crowds of students, who were good harvest.
sent to disseminate his teachings all Because of its auspiciousness in agri-
around the country. He referred to him- culture, Han Kao Tsu, the founder of the
self as founder of the Three-in-One Han dynasty, had ordered to offer a
388
Li Ssu
morning sacrifice to the asterism prior Ling directed the full strength of the
to Heaven. Shrine halls for the asterism k’ao-cheng hsüeh, or textual criticism,
were widely built in commanderies, back to the ritual tradition of
princedoms, and districts early in the Confucianism. For Ling, rites are the
Former Han period. The ling-hsing men, roots of self-cultivation.
or Gate of the Spirit Asterism, was first
erected as an outer wall of the suburbs Chow, Kai-wing. The Rise of Confucian
in 1028. It was soon constructed in the Ritualism in Late Imperial China:
Confucian temple to honor Confucius. Ethics, Classics, and Lineage
Owing to its shape, it was later renamed Discourse. Stanford, CA: Stanford
as Gate of the Lattice Asterism. University Press, 1994.
Elman, Benjamin A. From Philosophy to
Choy, Howard Y. F. “Did Confucius Take Philology: Intellectual and Social
Showers? An Etymological Trace of Aspects of Change in Late Imperial
ru.” Paper read at American China. Los Angeles, CA: UCLA Asian
Oriental Society Western Branch Pacific Monograph Series, 2001.
Meeting, Oct. 10–12, 1997, at Hummel, Arthur W., ed. Eminent
University of Colorado, Boulder. Chinese of the Ch’ing Period (1644–
Taylor, Rodney L. The Way of Heaven: An 1912). 2 vols. Taipei, Taiwan: SMC,
Introduction to the Confucian 1991.
Religious Life. Leiden, Netherlands:
E. J. Brill, 1997.
Lin-tzu ch’üan-chi
Collection of Lin Chao-en’s writings, the
Ling T’ing-k’an Lin-tzu ch’üan-chi, or Complete Works of
(1757–1809) Classical scholar of the Master Lin, was published in 1631. It con-
Ch’ing dynasty; also known as Ling tains his San chiao hui-pien, or Joint
Tz’u-chung and Ling Chung-tzu. Ling Chronicle of the Three Religions; other dis-
T’ing-k’an was a native of Anhwei courses on the doctrine of san chiao ho-i,
province. A student of Weng Fang-kang, or unity of the Three Religions; his poetry
he was employed in Pi Yüan’s secretari- and letters; information on his psycho-
al staff at the age of thirty. He passed the religious healing; and a biography about
Metropolitan Graduate or chin-shih him. Generally, later Confucians such as
examination in 1790 and was appoint- Huang Tsung-hsi did not consider the
ed an instructor of a prefectural school. writings particularly intellectual. This is
In admiration of the scholarships of probably because they were largely pros-
Chiang Yung and Tai Chen, he devoted elytizing documents.
himself to the ching-hsüeh (study of
classics) in addition to philology, Berling, Judith A. The Syncretic Religion
music, and national boundaries as well of Lin Chao-en. New York: Columbia
as official titles. University Press, 1980.
Ling T’ing-k’an’s research rested pri- Goodrich, L. Carrington, and Chaoying
marily with the ritual classics. His labo- Fang, eds. Dictionary of Ming
rious work on the ritual texts, printed Biography, 1368–1644. 2 vols. New
posthumously by his friend Juan Yüan, York: Columbia University Press,
covers rites concerning food and drink, 1976.
guest reception, sacrifice, vessels, and
costumes. Ling sought to dispel the
Neo-Confucian penchant for the Li Ssu
abstract Principle (li) and replace it (c. 280–208 B.C.E.) One of the major fig-
with the early Confucian practice of li ures of the fa-chia, or Legalist school. Li
(propriety or rites). According to schol- Ssu became the prime minister under
ar of Confucianism Kai-wing Chow, Ch’in Shih Huang Ti, First Emperor of
389
Li Ssu
Li Ssu’s Legalism was adopted by the First Emperor of the Ch’in dynasty .
390
Literary Inquisition
the Ch’in dynasty. Li Ssu was responsi- Ming dynasty and installed themselves
ble for the implementation of Legalist in China. Emperors of the first half of the
philosophy into the functioning of the Manchu regime are known for imprison-
government. Rewards and punishments ing and even executing Chinese authors
became the standards for demanding a as well as their relatives for writings that
uniformity of behavior. Opposition was were judged to be offensive. This policy,
brutally suppressed. The short-lived together with the reaffirmation of
Ch’in dynasty was the period in which Confucianism as the state cult, drove
people with opposing points of view many of the literati to the apolitical
were often executed and there was ching-hsüeh (study of classics) and
wholesale destruction of literature rep- directed the Confucian scholarship to
resenting any opposing philosophy, k’ao-cheng hsüeh, or textual criticism.
especially that of Confucianism. The Connected to the literary inquisition
goal of the Ch’in autocratic monarchy was the Ssu-k’u ch’üan-shu or Complete
was absolute control by the emperor Library of Four Branches of Books. Begun
without opposition. in 1773 and completed in its initial form
Li Ssu was obviously not a Confucian in 1782, the project produced the largest
but he, like Han Fei-tzu, had been a stu- single collection of preserved texts, but
dent of Hsün-tzu. It is often suggested it also created a list of censured works
that one of the reasons why Hsün-tzu and persecuted writers. The emperor
eventually fell into disfavor in the histo- Ch’ien-lung wanted local officials to col-
ry of Confucian thought involves his lect all writings from their regions. Of
connection with the Legalist school the 10,000 volumes examined, only
through his two disciples. Like Han Fei- about 3,450 were actually included in
tzu, Li Ssu found in Hsün-tzu a the compilation. Ostensibly the criteri-
Confucianism focused on the harsh on was the research methods of textual
realities of a world in political chaos criticism, but the actual intention was to
and civil strife. Hsün-tzu’s interpreta- control antagonism with or hostility
tion of this world left little for the opti- toward the Ch’ing rulership. L. Carrington
mism of belief in the goodness of hsing Goodrich estimates that almost 2,700
(nature). Hsün-tzu saw human nature works were subject to suppression,
as fundamentally evil, and he believed burned, or destroyed.
that it could only be corrected through Besides anti-Ch’ing historical
the implementation of strict regimens alliances or friendships and military
of learning and education. The eventual information, works considered anti-
Legalist focus on the need for a unifor- Confucian, specifically anti-Ch’eng-
mity of law may be seen as an out- Chu School, were designated as inap-
growth of this basic distrust that propriate. This ambiguous category
humankind possessed the means for its suggests that the li-hsüeh (School of
own transformation. See also “burning Principle or learning of Principle) of
of the books.” the Sung dynasty was maintained by
the Ch’ing ruler as the predominant
de Bary, Wm. Theodore, Wing-tsit Chan, teaching over the Ming dynasty hsin-
and Burton Watson, comps. Sources hsüeh (School of Heart-Mind). The nar-
of Chinese Tradition. New York: row definition of correct interpretation
Columbia University Press, 1960. as part of the literary inquisition had
contributed to the rise of pedantic tex-
tual criticism in the Manchu era.
Literary Inquisition
Although it can be traced back to the Elman, Benjamin A. From Philosophy to
Han dynasty, the literary inquisition was Philology: Intellectual and Social
especially pervasive during the Ch’ing Aspects of Change in Late Imperial
dynasty when the Manchus replaced the China. Los Angeles, CA: UCLA Asian
391
Literature
Pacific Monograph Series, 2001. by the formula chih-hsiu, rest and culti-
Goodrich, L. Carrington. The Literary vation, derived from the two phrases in
Inquisition of Ch’ien-Lung. New the “Great Learning”: chih-chih (exten-
York: Paragon, 1966. sion of knowledge), knowing where to
Guy, R. Kent. The Emperor’s Four rest or stop, and hsiu-shen, cultivation
Treasuries: Scholars and the State in of the self. While rest is the idea, cultiva-
the Late Ch’ien-lung Era. Cambridge, tion is the basic kung-fu (moral effort).
MA: Council on East Asian Studies, The idea and the effort are not two, just
Harvard University, 1987. as chih (knowledge or knowing) and
hsing, action, are one.
Li Ts’ai’s position in the Wang Yang-
Literature ming School was a conservative one
See wen (culture). and it is why he could be a friend of Kao
P’an-lung, a follower of the Ch’eng-Chu
Li Ts’ai School. They agreed not only in their
(1520–1606) Ming dynasty scholar and opposition to the radical wing of Wang
the founder of the Chih-hsiu School; Yang-ming, but also on the importance
also known as Li Meng-ch’eng and Li of self-cultivation. Where they differed
Chien-lo. Li Ts’ai was a student of Tsou was in Li’s insistence on the ability of
Shou-i, a representative of the Chiang- liang-chih to manifest itself with mini-
yu Wang School. But according to mal structure in self-cultivation as
Huang Tsung-hsi’s work Ming-ju opposed to Kao’s more rigorous method
hsüeh-an, or The Records of Ming and exacting discipline. This remains an
Scholars, Li’s thought differed substan- essential distinction between the Wang
tially enough from his teacher’s that he Yang-ming and the Ch’eng-Chu tradi-
should be classified separately. Yet he is tions. See also chih hsing ho-i.
still considered a member of the Wang
Yang-ming School. He was also a close Goodrich, L. Carrington, and Chaoying
friend of Wang Chi and Ch’ien Te-hung. Fang, eds. Dictionary of Ming
Li was born into a scholarly family in Biography, 1368–1644. 2 vols. New
Kiangsi, Chu Hsi’s native province. His York: Columbia University Press, 1976.
father held high offices. Li passed the Huang Tsung-hsi. The Records of Ming
Metropolitan Graduate or chin-shih Scholars. Edited by Julia Ching with
examination in 1562 and subsequently Chaoying Fang. Honolulu, HI:
held a number of government posi- University of Hawaii Press, 1987.
tions. He embellished his military Taylor, Rodney L. The Cultivation of
achievements during his service as sur- Sagehood as a Religious Goal in
veillance commissioner in Yünnan in Neo–Confucianism: A Study of Selected
1584, which led to criticism four years Writings of Kao P’an-lung (1562–
later. He was eventually banished to the 1626). Missoula, MT: Scholar’s
Fukien province in 1593, where he Press, 1978.
taught for a number of years. A pardon
came only after his death. Li T’ung
Li’s teachings focused on Wang (1093–1163) Neo-Confucian scholar of
Yang-ming’s concept of liang-chih, or the Southern Sung dynasty; also known
knowledge of the good. Li did not side as Li Yüan-chung and Master Yen-p’ing.
with other followers of Wang who Li T’ung was a native of Fukien province.
emphasized the immediacy of knowl- He is primarily remembered as one of the
edge of the good; instead, he stressed teachers of Chu Hsi. Li was a student of
the role of self-cultivation developed Lo Ts’ung-yen, hence an inheritor of
from the “Great Learning” (“Ta- Ch’eng I’s teachings. Never being an offi-
hsüeh”). His approach was summed up cial, Li spent more than forty years of his
392
Liu Feng-lu
394
Liu-shih chia-hsün
Bodde. 2 vols. Princeton, NJ: Old Text and New Text Schools. Even
Princeton University Press, 1983. when Kuang-wu Ti, the founding
Loewe, Michael, ed. Early Chinese Texts: emperor of the Later Han dynasty,
A Bibliographical Guide. Early attempted to eliminate the influence of
China Special Monograph Series, Wang Mang by recovering the New Text
no. 2. Berkeley, CA: Institute of East Erudites, the Old Text School was able
Asian Studies, 1994. to rid them from the court. Liu Hsin’s
Nienhauser, William H., Jr., ed. and role was attacked by the late nine-
comp. The Indiana Companion to teenth-century constitutionalist K’ang
Traditional Chinese Literature. Yu-wei, who sought to revive the New
Bloomington, IN: Indiana University Text School for Confucian reformation.
Press, 1986. See also chin-wen chia (New Text
School); ku-wen chia (Old Text School);
New Text/Old Text (chin-wen/ku-wen);
Liu Hsin wu-ching po-shih (Erudites of the Five
(46 B.C.E.–23 C.E.) Prominent bibliograph- Classics).
er, astrologist, and scholar of classics
during the Former Han dynasty; also Fung Yu-lan. A History of Chinese
named Liu Hsiu. Liu Hsin was the son of Philosophy. Translated by Derk
Liu Hsiang and was regarded as one of Bodde. 2 vols. Princeton, NJ:
the leaders of the Old Text School. Princeton University Press, 1983.
However, like his father, he also made Nienhauser, William H., Jr., ed. and
use of the New Text School’s theory of comp. The Indiana Companion to
portents to comment on current politics. Traditional Chinese Literature.
He grew up in the scholarly milieu of sur- Bloomington, IN: Indiana University
veying the imperial archives. This task, Press, 1986.
which he performed with his father and
continued after his father’s death, pro-
duced the Ch’i lüeh, or Seven Summaries, Liu hsüeh
a cataloging of all surviving works of the See Six Teachings.
day including Old Text versions of the
Confucian classics. Though it no longer
exists, it was abridged and used as the Liu i
basis of the bibliographical treatise in the See Six Arts.
Han shu, or History of the Han Dynasty.
Liu Hsin has been accused of inter- Liu-shih chia-hsün
polating or forging the Old Text versions A work from the T’ang dynasty and of
of the Chou li, or Rites of Chou; the Shih the genre of chia-hsün, or family
ching, or Book of Poetry; the Shu ching, instructions, the Liu-shih chia-hsün, or
or Book of History; and the Tso chuan. Family Instructions for the Liu Clan,
By championing the Tso chuan over the aimed at the basic moral education of
other commentaries to the Ch’un ch’iu, the family. Such works were popular and
or Spring and Autumn Annals, he vigor- used widely as primers for the education
ously challenged the prevailing New Text of family members in understanding the
School. From the Old Text perspective, he moral relations between themselves.
was simply restoring the classical tradi-
tion and in particular Confucius to the Kelleher, M. Theresa. “Back to Basics:
humanistic image most suited to his Chu Hsi’s Elementary Learning
teachings. His affiliation with the (Hsiao-hsüeh).” Neo-Confucian
usurper Wang Mang led to the estab- Education: The Formative Stage.
lishment of chairs for the Old Text po- Edited by Wm. Theodore de Bary and
shih, or Erudites, at the court and thus John W. Chaffee. Berkeley, CA:
began the long contention between the University of California Press, 1989.
395
Liu-shih-ssu kua
Chang Tsai, Shao Yung, Chu Hsi, and Lü Li Wen-kung chi (Collected Works
Tsu-ch’ien.
Confucian scholar Tu Wei-ming has
of Li Ao)
A collection of the writings of Li Ao, a
argued that Liu Yin’s refusal to take any
Confucian philosopher of the T’ang
position in the Mongol government was
dynasty. These works contain his discus-
not in fact an issue of loyalty to a previ-
sions of hsing (nature) and suggestions
ous dynasty, but rather the tradition of
for various forms of self-cultivation using
distinguishing between the private
tranquility to reach a state of pure expres-
process of learning and self-cultivation
sion of human nature that is free of the
and the public role of serving in office. It
corruption of feelings. Specifically, it
seems to be the impact of Neo-
includes the Fu hsing shu (Discourse on
Confucian teachings, in particular the
Returning to the Nature), Li Ao’s major
quest for sheng, or sagehood, that con-
writing on meditation.
vinced Liu of the necessity of spending
The collection also contains Li Ao’s
his life in learning and self-cultivation.
correspondence and memorials. One of
His essay “Hsi-sheng chieh,” or “On
the letters reveals his understanding of
Aspiring to Become a Sage,” reveals his
the Six Classics as an exposition of
commitment to such a goal.
Confucian ethical relationships. His
Unlike his contemporary Hsü Heng,
political ideas, such as that of moderate
who saw learning appropriately con-
taxation, are given in the memorials.
fined to only a few essential works, Liu
The earliest surviving copies are the
greatly extended the breadth of learn-
Ming dynasty editions, one of which is
ing. He not only stressed the classics,
dated 1455.
but also a number of histories that are
indispensable to understanding the
Chan, Wing-tsit, trans. and comp. A
historical process and a broad exposure
Source Book in Chinese Philosophy.
to the arts and literature. He suggested
Princeton, NJ: Princeton University
an acquaintance with major philsophi-
Press, 1969.
cal works across various traditions of
Chinese thought, not just the
Confucian and Neo-Confucian canon. Li Yen-p’ing
The ideal was one of deep and pro- See Li T’ung.
found value of learning at its broadest
level, a learning defined in terms of the
search for Principle (li) of things and Li yün
not limited to a select number of A chapter from the Li chi, or Records of
things. The private life of learning and Rites, the “Li yün,” or “Evolution of Rites,”
self-cultivation as a conscious choice suggests a form of Confucian thought
was Liu Yin’s quest for sagehood. See infused with certain Taoist principles.
also sheng or sheng-jen (sage). The “Li yün” depicts a time before the
sage kings and founders of the Chou
Mote, Frederick W. “Confucian dynasty—a time when, as the texts sug-
Eremitism in the Yüan Period.” The gests, the Tao (Way) was present and
Confucian Persuasion. Edited by guided all things. In this period there
Arthur F. Wright. Stanford, CA: were none of the distinctions between
Stanford University Press, 1960. things that characterized later ages.
Tu Wei-ming. “Towards an Understanding Fathers acted as fathers to all children,
of Liu Yin’s Confucian Eremitism.” not just their own. Children loved not
Yüan Thought: Chinese Thought and only their own parents, but all parents.
Religion Under the Mongols. Edited People were cared for and those in need
by Hok-lam Chan and Wm. Theodore found their needs met: the aged, the
de Bary. New York: Columbia infirm, the disabled, the widowed, all
University Press, 1982. received care. Those with talent
397
Li Yung
emerged as the leaders. There was no School and the Lu-Wang School of Neo-
crime because people’s needs were met. Confucian thought. A native of Shensi
An ideal time, a utopia of the past, it was province, he was born into poverty.
called the period of the ta-t’ung, or Deprived of formal education, he
Great Unity. For subsequent genera- attended to his own studies in
tions, it was a reference point for peace Confucianism, Buddhism, and Taoism.
and harmony in the world. The nine- He starved himself to refuse the new
teenth century Confucian K’ang Yu-wei Manchu regime’s summonses. Instead,
built his philosophy around the con- he spent his life in offering lectures at
cept, regarding it as a model for restora- private shu-yüan academies in south
tion of the ideal society. China, where a large number of stu-
The interesting feature of the “Li yün” dents gathered around him. His reputa-
is that the sage kings and founders of the tion as a great Confucian was equal to
Chou dynasty are not found in the peri- Sun Ch’i-feng and Huang Tsung-hsi.
od of Great Unity. Rather they appear Li Yung saw the advantages of both of
after the Tao, or Way, has fallen into dis- the Ch’eng-Chu li-hsüeh (School of
use and the Great Unity has disap- Principle or learning of Principle) and
peared. The Tao ends with distinctions the Lu-Wang hsin-hsüeh (School of
rising between things, a purely Taoist Heart-Mind). Like other thinkers of the
concept, and the “Li yün” suggests that late Ming, he was attracted to the
divisions and distinctions were intro- dynamism of Wang Yang-ming’s teach-
duced by the sage kings in order to rule. ings, but was cautious of excessive
Thus, the creation of li, or rites, and i abstraction. Therefore, he wanted to
(righteousness or rightness) is to bring ground the teachings in an orderly
order to the world; but with their imple- process of ko-wu chih-chih, investiga-
mentation, further distinctions are cre- tion of things and extension of knowl-
ated between things and the Great Unity edge. This meant to extend learning to
no longer prevails. Such action is still real and practical matters, including not
praised as a necessary remedy to a world only rites and music, but also criminal
seen differentiating itself, but instead of law, military strategy, taxes and corvée,
the period of the Great Unity, there agriculture, and Western methods of
comes the stage of hsiao-k’ang, meaning water conservancy as well.
Small Tranquility. The text remains For Li Yung, investigation of things
Confucian, but illustrates the infusion of and extension of knowledge are the
a strong Taoist critique. This suggests yung, or functions, of the t’i, or sub-
that the Tao existed prior to the imple- stance. The substance, as it was clarified
mentation of rites and rightness, and in his debates with Ku Yen-wu, refers to
only as it was eclipsed did the need for both the omnipresent Tao (Way) and
Confucian attention to distinctions arise. the hsin (heart-mind). But the Tao is
not an empty word; it must be under-
Legge, James, trans. The Sacred Books of stood in terms of practical learning.
China: The Texts of Confucianism. This is why Confucianism concerns
Vols. 3 & 4, The Li Ki. Delhi, India: both substance and function. Similarly,
Motilal Banarsidass, 1966. the morally good human nature cannot
be discovered without recognition of
the ch’i (vitality). These teachings of Li
Li Yung are given in his work on the Four Books
(1627–1705) Philosopher of the late (ssu-shu) and a collection of his lec-
Ming dynasty and early Ch’ing dynasty; tures. See also hsing (nature); hsing
also known as Li Chung-fu and Li Erh- (punishment or criminal law); li (pro-
ch’ü. Li Yung represented the shih- priety or rites); shu-yüan academy;
hsüeh, or practical learning, and the t’i/yung (substance/function).
attempt to reconcile the Ch’eng-Chu
398
Lo Ch’in-shun
Hummel, Arthur W., ed. Eminent single root of wan-wu, all things, while li
Chinese of the Ch’ing Period (1644– represents the order established in the
1912). 2 vols. Taipei, Taiwan: movement and changes of ch’i. Yet he
SMC, 1991. accepted the Ch’eng-Chu doctrine of li-i
fen-shu, unified Principle and diverse
particularizations. Huang debates, how-
Lo Cheng-an ever, Lo’s distinction between the heart-
See Lo Ch’in-shun. mind and nature. Lo disagreed with
Wang Yang-ming’s view that Heaven and
Lo Ch’in-shun earth as well as all things were derived
(1465–1547) Neo-Confucian of the Ming from one’s own heart-mind, nor did he
dynasty; also known as Lo Yün-sheng approve Wang’s theory that liang-chih,
and Lo Cheng-an. Lo Ch’in-shun was a or knowledge of the good, could be found
native of Kiangsi province. Huang in all things.
Tsung-hsi classifies him among the Thus, for Lo Ch’in-shun, T’ien-li
chu-ju (miscellaneous scholars). Lo (Principle of Heaven) cannot be equat-
was a brilliant student who rapidly ed with liang-chih; instead, it is identi-
moved through the civil service exami- fied with the four te (virtues) in human
nations. In the Metropolitan Graduate nature, namely, humaneness, rightness,
or chin-shih examination of 1493, he propriety, and wisdom. These virtues
placed third and was appointed Junior are regarded as essential to the Tao
Compiler of the Hanlin Academy. This (Way) of humanity that corresponds
position was followed by director of with the Way of T’ien (Heaven). As for
studies of the kuo-tzu chien, Directorate yü (desire), since it is a part of humani-
of Education, in Nanking. He resigned ty and originates from Heaven, it should
as a minister and spent the last twenty not be considered evil as it was in the
years of his life in writing. He was asceticism of some Sung dynasty
honored in the Confucian temple. Confucians so long as it is not extrava-
In recounting Lo Ch’in-shun’s daily gant. Much of the aforementioned
habits, Huang Tsung-hsi relates that Lo philosophical thought is expressed in
arose at dawn and concentrated on Lo’s k’un-chih chi, or Records of
study alone. He is described as frugal in Knowledge Painfully Acquired. See also
his lifestyle. Huang references Lo’s Ch’eng-Chu School; chih (wisdom);
description of his enlightenment expe- han-lin yüan (Academy of Assembled
rience—an event that appears to be the Brushes); I (righteousness or right-
product of his belief in Buddhism. He ness); jen (humaneness); li (propriety
later became an avid critic of Buddhism or rites); wu (enlightenment).
and is generally credited as providing
major intellectual challenges to Bloom, Irene. Knowledge Painfully
Buddhism. For example, he criticized Acquired: The K’un-chih chi by Lo
sudden enlightenment as a method of Ch’in-shun. New York: Columbia
learning for abandoning the efforts of University Press, 1995.
hsüeh (learning), ssu (thinking), and Goodrich, L. Carrington, and Chaoying
action. He also distinguished the Fang, eds. Dictionary of Ming
Buddhist notions of the hsin (heart- Biography, 1368–1644. 2 vols. New
mind) and the hsing (nature) from their York: Columbia University Press,
Confucian counterparts. 1976.
Huang also suggests that Lo brought Huang Tsung-hsi. The Records of Ming
clarity to Chu Hsi’s differentiation Scholars. Edited by Julia Ching with
between Principle (li) and ch’i (vitality). Chaoying Fang. Honolulu, HI:
Lo was able to argue that ch’i was the University of Hawaii Press, 1987.
399
Lo Hung-hsien
401
Lo shu (Lo Writing)
Lo Writing is believed to have connected the Five Elements (center) to the Eight Trigrams (margins).
chin-wen chia (New Text School); eso- Wilhelm, Richard, trans. The I Ching or
teric/exoteric; ku-wen chia (Old Text Book of Changes. Translated by Cary
School); New Text/Old Text (chin- F. Baynes. Princeton, NJ: Princeton
wen/ku-wen); Yü (king). University Press, 1967.
402
Lu Chiu-ling
From Lu’s point of view, Chu’s li- within Neo-Confucianism, namely, the
hsüeh (School of Principle or learning li-hsüeh (School of Principle or learn-
of Principle) failed to see the heart- ing of Principle) and the hsin-hsüeh
mind as the starting point of all things (School of Heart-Mind). Where Chu Hsi
and the basis of the Tao-t’ung, or tradi- became the chief advocate for the
tion of the Way transmitted by the sages. School of Principle, Lu Chiu-yüan was
Lu insisted that one must realize one’s considered the forerunner of the School
pen-hsin (original heart-mind) through of Heart-Mind.
practice. It was from such teachings of Lu was a native of modern Kiangsi
Lu Chiu-ling and his younger brother, province and built a ching-she academy
Lu Chiu-yüan, that the hsin-hsüeh at Hsiang-shan, or Elephant Mountain,
(School of Heart-Mind) was derived. Lu from which his honorary name was
Chiu-ling also focused on ch’i (vitality) derived. After taking the chin-shih
as an object of self-cultivation. In addi- examination for his Metropolitan
tion his interests covered the theories of Graduate degree, he held several minor
yin/yang; wu hsing, or Five Elements; positions throughout his career and was
astrology; and divination. Unfortunately, probably best known during the years
the collection of his works no longer when he lectured at the kuo-tzu hsüeh,
exists. See also hsin (heart-mind). or School for the Sons of the State. Lu
Chiu-yüan is the most outstanding
philosopher among the three Lu broth-
Lu Chiu-shao ers. He gathered a large group of follow-
(12th century) Neo-Confucian scholar of ers in his academy, becoming well-
the Southern Sung dynasty; also known known for his interpretation of
as Lu Tzu-mei and Lu So-shan. Lu Chiu- Confucianism and criticism of the Chu
shao was the oldest of the three Lu Hsi School.
brothers. A native of Kiangsi province, Unlike many of his contemporary
he spent his entire life in reclusion and Confucians, Lu Chiu-yüan left little
lecturing. Lu is known for his debate writing about his thought. The Hsiang-
with Chu Hsi on the statement wu-chi shan (hsien-sheng) ch’üan-chi, or
erh t’ai-chi, meaning Non-Ultimate Complete Works of (Master) Lu Hsiang-
also the Great Ultimate, in the “T’ai-chi shan, does include his essays and let-
t’u shuo,” or “Explanation of the ters, but no particular text written by
Diagram of the Great Ultimate.” He him can be said to play a prominent
challenged the authenticity of the text role in the history of the Confucian tra-
and argued against the addition of a dition. It is not surprising that he spent
Non-Ultimate on the top of the Great so little time with writing for he had said
Ultimate by citing Chou Tun-i’s work, that even the classics were merely foot-
T’ung-shu (Penetrating the Book of notes to the hsin (heart-mind). In fact,
Changes). Lu’s own teachings empha- books and predecessors’ writings were
sized proper human relations and self- seen as a very secondary source of
cultivation in everyday life. knowledge. What Lu advocated was a
direct form of knowing and cultivating
Lu Chiu-yüan the heart-mind without any interfer-
(1139–1193) One of the most important ence or intervening material. Thanks to
Neo-Confucian thinkers of the the recorded conversations contained
Southern Sung dynasty; also called Lu in the Hsiang-shan ch’üan-chi, Lu’s orig-
Tzu-ching or Master Hsiang-shan. Lu inal teachings are extant.
Chiu-yüan was a contemporary of Chu Lu’s thought presented a radical
Hsi and differed from Chu in many alternative to Chu Hsi’s. Chu’s teachings
important philosophical respects. Their became the mainstream of Neo-
differences led to a major division Confucianism under the rubric of the
404
Lu Chiu-yüan
405
Lu Chiu-yüan
learning of Principle, while Lu was in all things did not allow for such sepa-
regarded as responsible for the forma- ration. There is not an isolated world of
tion of the learning of heart-mind that T’ien-li (Principle of Heaven); there is
developed during the Ming dynasty in simply nothing that is not Principle of
the thought of Wang Yang-ming, hence Heaven. There is not a heart-mind of
the designation Lu-Wang School. As the the Way outside the human heart-mind;
synthesizer of the School of Principle, there is simply nothing that is not
Chu saw the world and all things within already the heart-mind of the Way.
it divided between the underlying Such conceptual differences
moral structure Principle (li) and its between Lu and Chu produced diver-
actual physical contents made up by gent approaches in their methods of
the material force of ch’i (vitality). learning and self-cultivation. Chu Hsi
Although li and ch’i were always said to placed emphasis on the process of gain-
be interconnected and interwoven, Lu ing knowledge about Principle from
found that such a position represented various sources, often primarily sources
a dualism. He questioned this binary exterior to the self. He then accumulat-
opposition and called for a unitary view ed such knowledge through the efforts
of all things. of ko-wu chih-chih, investigation of
The unitary element for Lu is the things and extension of knowledge, and
heart-mind, which Lu regarded as the ch’iung-li (exhausting Principle) to the
basis for all things and the origin of the point where one would understand
universe. It is identified with Principle one’s own nature. Lu Chiu-yüan, how-
and the universe itself. Since all have ever, believed that all things as well as
this nature, there is no need to distin- their Principle were always already full
guish between li and ch’i. In the end, the and complete within the heart-mind.
universality of Principle is found in the Thus, there is no need for people to
universality of the heart-mind. The acquire knowledge outside the self. One
heart-mind is morally good and is needs only to illuminate one’s original
shared inherently by everybody. The heart-mind. Lu’s method is to preserve
sheng-jen, or sages, be they ancient or the heart-mind and nourish liang-chih,
modern, possess the same heart-mind. or knowledge of the good, that already
Because of the unitary and universal exists with the heart-mind. This process
character of the heart-mind, other dis- of self-cultivation excludes learning
tinctions that Chu Hsi had emphasized from books and teachers. It is only nec-
were also considered unnecessary and essary to learn on one’s own and to
artificial. For example, the differentia- teach oneself.
tion of hsing (nature) from the heart- To learn on one’s own means to pre-
mind, where Chu argued that Principle serve the innate goodness of the heart-
was contained within human nature mind and to get rid of yü (desire). For Lu
but not the heart-mind, was eliminated Chiu-yüan, desires are harmful to the
by Lu. Lu’s acceptance of the heart- heart-mind. Therefore, the best way to
mind as the repository of Principle nourish the heart-mind is kua-yü
remains constant throughout the histo- (reducing desires). Lu describes it as an
ry of the School of Heart-Mind. act of peeling off what hides the heart-
Another example is the division mind layer by layer until the heart-mind
between the Tao-hsin (heart-mind of becomes clear and bright. Scholars have
the Way) and the jen-hsin (heart-mind pointed out that Lu’s method of learning
of humanity). From Lu’s perspective, and self-cultivation is based on Mencius’
the heart-mind has its totality and indi- idea of ts’un ch’i hsin (preserving the
visibility. Where Chu Hsi distinguished heart-mind), but influenced by the
the ideal world from everyday life, Lu Chan or Zen inward training.
and his followers maintained that the The contrast in the methods of learn-
universality of the heart-mind present ing and self-cultivation between Lu and
406
Lü K’un
Chu became the classical distinction Honan province. He took the chin-shih
between the School of Principle and the examination for his Metropolitan
School of Heart-Mind. This difference Graduate degree at the age of thirty-
was summarized by a reference to a sen- eight, then held a series of appointments.
tence in the “Chung yung” (“Doctrine He was highly respected for his integrity
of the Mean”); that is, tsun te-hsing erh and fairness. His handbooks for officials
Tao wen-hsüeh, or honoring virtuous were widely circulated. Due to his criti-
nature and following the Way of inquiry cism of the court, he eventually resigned
and learning. The process of under- and spent the last twenty-one years of his
standing the heart-mind within the self life in retirement. This became a period
is for Lu to honor virtuous nature, which of prolific production with the publica-
is to the contrary of inquiry and learning tion of a number of works.
as stressed by Chu. Lü K’un had little interest in the Tao-
The most famous episode between hsüeh, or learning of the Way, of the
Lu Chiu-yüan and Chu Hsi is their Sung dynasty. He called himself a fol-
Goose Lake debate in 1175. In Lu’s lower of no particular school of
opinion, what Chu offered was an unfo- thought. Huang Tsung-hsi classifies
cused and unnecessarily complex him as an independent thinker by
method that only detached the self from putting him in the category of chu-ju
his or her unitary relation with all (miscellaneous scholars). Lü was con-
things. To Chu, however, Lu’s method cerned about the needs of the common
failed to appreciate the gradual process people. Social historian Joanna F.
of accumulating knowledge and thus Handlin has argued that Lü had the
appeared to lack discipline. In fact, Lu Confucian moral commitment to the
was responsible for revealing the more widest population including women
subtle difference between the two and children. He is the author of Kuei
Ch’eng brothers, among whom Ch’eng fan, or Rules in Boudoir, a collection of
Hao held to an internal recognition of biographies about women. He also col-
the self’s capacity to reflect Principle, laborated on primers for children.
while Ch’eng I favored external search. These works reveal his intention to edu-
Lu pushed the difference toward the cate the people in the Confucian teach-
eventual split of Neo-Confucianism. ings and his belief that there was
See also hsin (heart-mind); Principle nobody who could not benefit from
(li); sheng or sheng-jen (sage). such learning.
One may also argue that Lü K’un’s
Chan, Wing-tsit, trans. and comp. A thought was actually influenced by the
Source Book in Chinese Philosophy. Sung li-hsüeh (School of Principle or
Princeton, NJ: Princeton University learning of Principle). Although he
Press, 1969. admitted the universality of one’s own
Fung Yu-lan. A History of Chinese heart-mind, he opposed the theory of
Philosophy. Translated by Derk innate liang-chih, knowledge of the
Bodde. 2 vols. Princeton, NJ: good, and liang-neng, capacity of the
Princeton University Press, 1983. good, as advocated by the hsin-hsüeh
(School of Heart-Mind) of his times. He
saw the effort of ko-wu (investigation of
Lu Hsiang-shan things) as indispensable to knowledge
See Lu Chiu-yüan. and action, pointing out that even a
sheng-jen or sage needed hsüeh (learn-
Lü K’un ing). As for the formation of the world,
(1536–1618) Neo-Confucian of the Ming Lü believed that it was only a result of the
dynasty; also known as Lü Shu-chien and ceaseless growth and decline of the
Lü Hsin-wu. Lü K’un was a native of yin/yang forces of the ch’i (vitality). Such
ch’i is inseparable from Principle (li),
407
Lu-kuo fu-jen
just as ch’i (utensils) are not other than he was raised in poverty but still was able
the Tao (Way). Lü’s major philosophical to pass the chin-shih examination for
writings are contained in his Shen-yin his Metropolitan Graduate degree at the
yü, or Groaning Dialogues. His collected age of forty. He held a series of positions,
works were published as Lü Hsin-wu including that of investigating censor.
ch’üan-shu, or Complete Writings of Lü His name was often put together with Lu
Hsin-wu in 1674. See also hsin (heart- Shih-i, another Ch’eng-Chu follower in
mind) and sheng or sheng-jen (sage). his days.
Lu Lung-ch’i sought to reestablish
Goodrich, L. Carrington, and Chaoying the thought of Chu Hsi of the Sung
Fang, eds. Dictionary of Ming dynasty over and above the enormous
Biography, 1368–1644. 2 vols. New influence of the Wang Yang-ming
York: Columbia University Press, School at the end of the Ming dynasty.
1976. He focused on Chu’s doctrine of chü-
Handlin, Joanna F. Action in Late Ming ching ch’iung-li, meaning abiding in
Thought: Reorientation of Lü K’un reverence and exhaustion of Principle
and Other Scholar-Officials. (li). Philosopher and Confucian scholar
Berkeley, CA: University of California Wing-tsit Chan has pointed out that Lu
Press, 1983. represented a form of orthodoxy that
Huang Tsung-hsi. The Records of Ming allowed little toleration of any interpre-
Scholars. Edited by Julia Ching with tation of Confucian teachings outside of
Chaoying Fang. Honolulu, HI: Chu’s. Lu was critical of Wang Yang-
University of Hawaii Press, 1987. ming’s theory of chih liang-chih, or
extension of knowledge of the good. He
considered such theory to be empty talk
Lu-kuo fu-jen and insisted on solid learning, intellec-
Lu-kuo fu-jen, or Lady of the State of Lu, tual thinking, and sincere conduct.
is the title bestowed upon Confucius’ Lu’s Hsüeh-shu pien, or Critical
mother Yen Cheng-tsai by the Sung Discussion on Learning, reveals his
emperor Chen Tsung in 1008. It sug- peers’ strict adherence to Chu Hsi—so
gests the honor and esteem with which strict that the Sung-hsüeh, or Sung
Confucius’ parents were held. After the learning, of the Ch’ing dynasty could
creation of the ch’ung-sheng tz’u (Hall not be innovative in the direction it
of Illustrious Sages), the separate tem- took. What Lu attempted to do was to
ple for Confucius’ ancestors (tsu) dur- maintain the absoluteness of Principle
ing the Sung dynasty, the tablet of or the t’ai-chi (Great Ultimate). Based
Confucius’ father, K’ung Ho, was placed on Chu’s proposition that everybody
on the main altar. Confucius’ mother possesses a Great Ultimate, Lu empha-
seems to have no equivalent place of sized the Great Ultimate of humanity
honor although she carried the title. See rather than that of Heaven and earth.
also Ch’i-kuo kung. See also Wang Yang-ming.
Shryock, John K. The Origin and Chan, Wing-tsit. “The Hsing-li ching-i
Development of the State Cult of and the Ch’eng-Chu School of the
Confucius: An Introductory Study. Seventeenth Century.” The
New York: The Century Co., 1932. Unfolding of Neo-Confucianism.
Edited by Wm. Theodore de Bary.
Lu Lung-ch’i New York: Columbia University
(1630–1693) Neo-Confucian scholar of Press, 1975.
the early Ch’ing dynasty; also known as Hummel, Arthur W., ed. Eminent
Lu Chia-shu. Lu Lung-ch’i was an enthu- Chinese of the Ch’ing Period (1644–
siastic adherent of the Ch’eng-Chu 1912). 2 vols. Taipei, Taiwan:
School. A native of Chekiang province, SMC, 1991.
408
Lun yü (Analects)
409
Lun yü (Analects)
414
Lu-Wang School
Lü Tsu-ch’ien, founder of the East Chekiang school, called for the Goose Lake
debate between Chu Hsi and Lu Chiu-yüan.
415
Lu Wen-ch’ao
M
Ma Jung
(79–166) Prominent classical scholar of
the Later Han dynasty. Ma Jung led the
Old Text School to a mature period by
annotating the I ching, or Book of
Changes; the Shu ching, or Book of
History; the Lun yü (Analects); and the
Hsiao ching (Book of Filial Piety), as well
as the three ritual texts of the I li
(Ceremonies and Rites), the Chou li, or
Macrocosm/microcosm Rites of Chou, and the Li chi, or Records
In Confucianism the relation between the of Rites. He had more than one thou-
universe and the individual may be said sand students, among whom was the
to correspond to that of macrocosm and Confucian master Cheng Hsüan. He
microcosm. The world and humankind also annotated the Taoist canon, Lao-
are united by a moral quality or structure tzu, and the Huai-nan-tzu.
known as hsing (nature), Principle (li), or Unfortunately, most of his works are
hsin (heart-mind) in different contexts. lost. See also ku-wen chia (Old Text
This is expressed in terms of Tung Chung- School) and New Text/Old Text (chin-
shu’s theory of T’ien-jen ho-i, meaning wen/ku-wen).
unity of Heaven and humanity, in the
early Confucian tradition, and the Neo-
Confucian concept of li-i fen-shu, or uni- Mandala
fied Principle and diverse particulariza- A mandala, used in Buddhism and
tions. See also T’ien (Heaven). Hinduism for meditation, is a circular
diagram symbolic of the universe.
Taylor, Rodney L. The Religious Nothing corresponds directly to the
Dimensions of Confucianism. Albany, mandala in Confucianism. However, one
NY: State University of New York might consider the various diagrammat-
Press, 1990. ic schemes designed by the Neo-
Confucians to illustrate the patterns of
the world as a form of mandala, particu-
Magic larly when their use in self-cultivation
Although the Indo-European idea of the and ritualistic practice became com-
magician is believed to have been intro- mon. An example is the “Hsien T’ien
duced into China by some Iranian t’u,” or “Diagram of Preceding Heaven.”
mages as early as the Shang dynasty,
the notion of magic applies less to
Confucianism than to most other reli- Mandate of Heaven
gions. One might think of the I ching, or See T’ien-ming (Mandate of Heaven).
Book of Changes, in the Confucian tradi-
tion, but from the Confucian point of
view, its use does not involve the super-
Manifest Heart-Mind
See i-fa.
natural as much as an expanded sense
of the natural. For the Confucians, the
universe is marked by structured A Manifesto for a Re-appraisal of
changes that can be known and under-
stood by everyone. See also i (change).
Sinology and Reconstruction of
Chinese Culture
Mair, Victor H. “Old Sinitic * Myag, Old Also known as “Chung-kuo wen-hua yü
Persian Magus3, and English shih-chieh,” or “Chinese Culture and
‘Magician’.” Early China 15 (1990): the World,” the “Wei Chung-kuo wen-
27–47. hua ching-kao shih-chieh jen-shih
417
Mao Ch’i-ling
teachers, in Ch’ang-sha in 1918. His rev- moralism are always stamped with the
olutionary activities can be traced back brand of the feudal class whose ruler-
to the Revolution of 1911 and the May ship Mao sought to abolish. In fact, as a
Fourth Movement in 1919. He was leader Mao seems not to have practiced
inspired by these events. After staying six a government of humaneness according
months in Peking, Mao visited the grave to Confucius’ or Mencius’ ideal. See also
of Confucius and climbed the sacred hsing (nature).
Mount T’ai-shan on his way to Shanghai
in early 1919. In the fall of that year he Chow, Tse-tsung. The May Fourth
organized the Society for the Study of Movement: Intellectual Revolution
Problems in Ch’ang-sha with his friends, in Modern China. Cambridge, MA:
proposing to solve what he saw as the Harvard University Press, 1980.
traditionalism of Confucianism by sub- Liu Shu-hsien. “Mao Tse-tung tui
stituting it with socialism. Chung-kuo ch’uan-t’ung wen-hua
During his early years, Mao was suc- te chi-ch’eng te fen-hsi.” In Tung Ya
cessively influenced by K’ang Yu-wei’s wen-hua te t’an-so: Chin-tai wen-
and Liang Ch’i-ch’ao’s reformation, Sun hua te tung-hsiang. Edited by
Yat-sen’s democratism, Hu Shih’s prag- Huang Chün-chieh. Taipei, Taiwan:
matism, and then anarchism. He was Cheng-chung shu-chü, 1996.
finally converted to Marxism between Uhalley, Stephen, Jr. Mao Tse-tung: A
1920 and 1921. From 1926 to 1930 he Critical Biography. New York: New
published a series of articles on the art of Viewpoints, 1975.
peasant warfare and a critique of the Yeh Ch’ing (Jen Tso-hsuan). Inside Mao
Chinese Communist Party founder Ch’en Tse-Tung Thought: An Analytical
Tu-hsiu’s rightist opportunism. Mao won Blueprint of His Actions. Translated
the party leadership in the midst of the and edited by Stephen Pan, T. H.
Red Army’s Long March in 1935 and Tsuan, and Ralph Mortensen.
eventually became the first chairman of Hicksville, NY: Exposition Press,
the new regime in 1949. In 1966 he initi- 1975.
ated the Cultural Revolution, which
lasted for a whole decade until his death
on September 9, 1976. His major writings Martial Dance (wu-wu)
are collected in the official five-volume Initiated in the Chou dynasty, part of the
Selected Works of Mao Tse-tung. performance of the shih-tien ceremony
A main principle of Mao’s beliefs is (Twice Yearly Confucian Ceremony).
class struggle. Mao holds that human During the Martial Dance, sixty-four
nature is determined by and cannot dancers dressed in red gowns carry
transcend classes, advocating the good- shields and mallets. In contrast to the
ness of the human nature of the prole- Civil Dance (wen-wu), the symbolism
tarian class. Some scholars from main- of the Martial Dance suggests military
land China argue that there is a structur- dress and function.
al connection between Confucianism The Martial Dance is held during the
and the moral idealism in Mao’s revolu- second and third offerings of the shih-
tionary thought. They claim that his tien ceremony. Such dances have
utopianism actually springs from the accompanied the shih-tien ceremony
idea of ta-t’ung, or Great Unity, from the since the earliest centuries of the com-
“Li yün” chapter in the Confucian clas- mon era. There are references to this
sic Li chi, or Records of Rites. During the dance in the “Wen Wang shih-tzu”
1990s there emerged a theory that Mao’s chapter of the Li chi, or Records of Rites,
thought was a Confucianization of and the Shu ching, or Book of History,
Marxism. However, Confucian scholar suggesting its seasonal association with
Lu Shu-hsien maintains that in Mao’s spring and summer as well as its perfor-
view, Confucian ethics and Chu Hsi’s mance employing shields and spears.
419
Masses
Martial Dance in the courtyard of the Hall of Great Accomplishments, with dancers in eight rows of eight
wearing red gowns and hats and carrying wooden shields and mallets.
late Sung dynasty. Ma Tuan-lin was well restoration of the Manchu monarchy.
educated in the writings of Chu Hsi and May 4th, 1919, marked a national day of
other Neo-Confucians. He refused to protest on the part of Chinese intellectu-
take a position after the Mongols had als and students against their government
conquered China. Instead, he spent for its continued position of weakness in
twenty years in the composition of his dealing with foreign powers, particularly
Wen-hsien t’ung-k’ao. in granting former German possessions
Ma Tuan-lin opposed the theory of wu in the Shantung province to Japan as pro-
hsing, or Five Elements, regarding all posed at the Versailles Peace Conference
prognostications in history simply as after World War I (1914–1918).
extraordinary phenomena of nature. In The May Fourth movement in a
the author’s preface to the Wen-hsien broad sense is also known as the New
t’ung-k’ao, he emphasizes his method of Culture Movement that embraced
tracing the origins and consequences of Western ideas. Slogans of science and
historical events and institutional changes democracy were the common ground of
with evidence. He stresses that historical the movement as was a new rise in the
development has its own timing, which pitch of nationalism. In general, the
not even the sheng-jen, or sages, can pre- movement rejected traditional Chinese
determine. Other works of Ma, such as culture, seeing it as an obstacle to mod-
collected commentaries on the “Great ernization. Confucianism was
Learning” (“Ta-hsüeh”), are unfortunate- denounced as the vestige of the past
ly lost. See also sheng or sheng-jen (sage). and the feudal ethical code, such as the
san kang, or three bonds, had to be
Chan, Hok-lam. “‘Comprehensiveness’ abandoned for China to emerge with
(T’ung) and ‘Change’ (Pien) in Ma new morals and a constitutional gov-
Tuan-lin’s Historical Thought.” ernment. Scholars who defended the
Yüan Thought: Chinese Thought tradition, such as Yen Fu, were consid-
and Religion Under the Mongols. ered to be conservative.
Edited by Hok-lam Chan and Wm.
Theodore de Bary. New York: Chow, Tse-tsung. The May Fourth
Columbia University Press, 1982. Movement: Intellectual Revolution
de Bary, Wm. Theodore, Wing-tsit Chan, in Modern China. Cambridge, MA:
and Burton Watson, comps. Sources Harvard University Press, 1980.
of Chinese Tradition. New York: Lin, Yü-sheng. The Crisis of Chinese
Columbia University Press, 1960. Consciousness: Radical Anti-
traditionalism in the May Fourth
Era. Madison, WI: University of
May Fourth Movement Wisconsin Press, 1979.
An intellectual revolution in modern Meskill, John Thomas, with J. Mason
China, the May Fourth movement is Gentzler, eds. An Introduction to
named after the May Fourth incident of Chinese Civilization. New York:
1919. Its time span is problematic— Columbia University Press, 1973.
while historian Chow Tse-tsung limits it
politically between 1917 and 1921, his-
torian Lin Yü-sheng traces it back to May Fourth New Culture
1915, when Ch’en Tu-hsiu launched the Movement
New Youth magazine, and extends it to See May Fourth movement.
1927. Under Hu Shih’s slogan “down
with the Confucian shop,” the move-
ment represents a new force against Mean
K’ang Yu-wei’s attempt to re-establish See chung (mean).
Confucianism as state religion and the
421
Mean
Emperor Jen Tsung of the Northern Sung dynasty received from Ch’eng I and Fan Chung-yen
the Confucian ideas to reform the government.
422
Memorial to the Emperor Shen Tsung
area in the center—as the most equi- inherent feature. One of the analogies
table form of land distribution and a that is used is the flow of water. Kao-tzu
way of enacting humaneness. says that water will flow in whatever
Mencius’ arguments for the necessi- direction it is channeled. Mencius
ty of humaneness and rightness as the argues that all water flows down and
guiding principles of government can only be forced uphill by some artifi-
remain central to many passages within cial means. The argument is that the
the Book of Mencius. Probably the most downward flow is the natural course for
famous of these is the very first passage the water to take, as it is the character of
of the work. In this passage Mencius has human nature to be good. One can
gone to visit King Hui of Liang. King Hui force water to flow up through a series
opens the dialogue by telling Mencius of dams, but it is against the nature of
that since he has traveled such a long water. In the same way, a human can
distance to visit him, Mencius must commit evil deeds, but it is against the
have something that will li (profit) his natural proclivity to do good.
state. Mencius responds by asking the The inherent goodness of human
king why he must speak of profit, and nature is descried by Mencius in terms
he suggests that if the king himself of the ssu-tuan (Four Beginnings) of
speaks of profit, then there will be no goodness. He argues that human
one in his realm who does not speak of nature is not neutral at birth, but has a
profit. Would it not be better to speak of proclivity toward goodness. Although
humaneness and rightness? Obviously it is not fully good, it has the potential
the ruler thinks only in terms of benefit- to become good with proper nourish-
ing his own state. But in doing so, he ment and training. What it does have
fails to see what in the end would most at birth are the four beginnings of
benefit his state as it would benefit the jen, i, li (propriety or rites), and chih
empire—the creation of peace and (wisdom). The position suggests the
order throughout the realm. necessity of learning and education,
The emphasis on humaneness and following Confucius, as the way in
rightness and their ability to transform which these beginnings will be brought
the world closely follows Confucius’ to fruition.
own teachings, but for Mencius, there is It is important, however, to under-
a far more philosophically developed stand the significance of the position
basis for the understanding of such Mencius is taking. He provides the basis
virtues. Unlike Confucius, who might for suggesting that goodness even in a
have assumed that hsing (nature) pro- rudimentary form is present in human
vided the basis for moral conduct in the nature. This position becomes central
world but said nothing about it, to the Confucian tradition throughout
Mencius places the definition of human its history. If there is any doubt in the
nature at the center of his thought. position, perhaps it can be best seen in
The discussions of human nature the story of the child about to fall into
take place primarily in arguments with the well. Mencius suggests that any
the philosopher Kao-tzu. Nothing is human being upon seeing a child about
known about Kao-tzu except for the to fall into a well will rescue the child.
passages found in the Book of Mencius. He does it for no reason other than his
In these passages, Kao-tzu regards own nature responding to a situation
human nature as essentially raw mater- that calls for moral action. Underneath
ial that is morally neutral. He suggests this story lies the basic moral axiom of
that human nature can become either Mencius that everyone by nature has pu
good or bad. It depends largely upon jen jen chih hsin (the heart-mind that
external influences. Mencius counters cannot bear to see the suffering of peo-
this argument by asserting that human ple). This is not to say that there are no
nature is good and such goodness is an cruelties and senseless acts of violence
425
Mencius
in the world. As a matter of fact, the nature) and ts’un ch’i hsin (pre-
Mencius was the first Confucian to con- serving the heart-mind). This led
firm a world of suffering and chaos, but Mencius to say that the whole purpose
he remains optimistic that such pains of learning is only to recover the
can be overcome because of the capaci- strayed heart-mind, or to be able to
ty for goodness. He maintains that the nourish the capacity for goodness that
exercise of cruelty is a violation of the is inherent within the nature.
capacity for goodness, which is the For Mencius, learning included a
inherent nature of each human being. number of dimensions, yet it placed
For Mencius, the belief in the good- major emphasis on a process of inter-
ness of human nature also draws together nal cultivation or inward directed
the relation between the individual and learning. One was to cultivate that
the ancient sages. Confucius looked to the which was already inherent within
sages of antiquity as paradigms of virtue, human nature. This philosophy, which
but they were distant and removed from plays a major role in the development
humankind. By pointing out the Four of later Confucian thought, especially
Beginnings within each person, Mencius the Wang Yang-ming School of Neo-
suggested that the character of the sages Confucianism, differentiates Mencius
could be found within everybody. from other classical Confucian thinkers,
Mencius says in fact that there is no dif- in particular Hsün-tzu. For Hsün-tzu,
ference between the nature of the individ- learning was something that provided
ual and that of the sages. The sages have an external model of what was right,
perfected their goodness, but the basic specifically the model provided by the
character remains the same. sages of antiquity. Such learning was to
This identification of the individual be inculcated into the individual with
with the sage has profound ramifica- the hope that it might transform the
tions for the development of Confucian otherwise raw substance of the person
thought. Mencius suggests that anyone into something that would permit the
can become a sage. With this statement, exercise of moral value. Virtues were
the agenda of Confucian learning was the products of the ancient sages’
clarified to generations of later teachings, which lay outside of the
Confucians. If anyone can become a individual, and great efforts had to be
sage, then the goal of their learning and made to straighten the normal course
self-cultivation should be the state of of human behavior on the basis of
becoming a sage. For the later these models.
Confucian tradition, the pursuit of sage- For Mencius and eventually major
hood became the principle focus of a life segments of the Confucian tradition,
of learning and cultivation. nourishment of human nature was the
Identifying the nature of the sage basis for developing the nature of good-
with that of the individual and suggest- ness, thus exercising the capacity to
ing that the full capacity for sagehood is become like the sages of antiquity. As
inherent in each person has resulted in one comes to understand the nature of
a profound sense of the relation goodness, Mencius suggests that one
between the individual, T’ien also comes to understand the nature of
(Heaven), and the maxim of Mencius all things. It is in this state that Mencius
that “all things are complete in one- uses the phrase hao-jan chih ch’i
self.” If human nature has this capacity (flood-like vitality), or the overflowing
for completeness, then learning, while quality of the common goodness of all
still directed to knowing about the things. This nature was something that
world and the relation with others, is was shared by all things, and the indi-
also focused on the learning within the vidual who understood his own nature
individual. Such learning becomes a shared in this commonality with all
process of yang ch’i hsing (nourishing other things.
426
Mencius
Mencius is regarded second only to Confucius in importance to the development of the Confucian tradition.
427
Mencius’ mother
429
Method of the Heart-Mind
430
Min (Masses)
The temple, the origin of which is traced back to the memorial of the Yellow Emperor, functions as a center
for offering sacrifices to ancestors, Confucian worthies, and philosophers.
Other terms that are used to describe relation between min and jen suggests,
people, according to Hall and Ames, however, a contrast between group and
include shu-jen (common people), individual as well as the continued pejo-
chung (people), pai-hsing (hundred rative use of the term min. Even
cognomina) as well as jen, person. amongst the min, however, Confucius
These terms seem to offer the possibility expresses optimism that they, too, can
of inclusion of people of many different become jen—that is, an individual cen-
strata or, as in the case of pai-hsing, to tered upon learning and moral cultiva-
refer directly to the upper classes. tion. When it came to the late Warring
Another term that is used in a sense as a States period with drastic social mobi-
generic category for people is jen. The lization, however, the general term min
431
Mind
was split into four specific occupational in following the Way until one’s death is
terms, namely, shih-min, the scholar the proper destiny, and that cultivating
mass; nung-min, the peasant mass; the self until the end of one’s life is how
kung-min, the artisan mass; and shang- one should establish one’s destiny.
min, the merchant mass. There is little Hsün-tzu, on the contrary, argues that
to suggest, nevertheless, that min repre- one ought to regulate the T’ien-ming
sents a distinct class for Confucius as instead of simply following Heaven. All
Marxists have attempted to argue. See of the ming mentioned here are Heaven-
also jen (human) and scholar class ordained. This notion was not chal-
(shih). lenged until the Han dynasty indepen-
dent thinker Wang Ch’ung denied the
Hall, David L., and Roger T. Ames. function of Heaven and replaced it with
Thinking Through Confucius. Albany, the effect of ch’i (vitality).
NY: State University of New York In the Neo-Confucian context, ming
Press, 1987. is understood in terms of the philoso-
Hsu, Cho-yun. Ancient China in phy of Principle (li) and ch’i. Ch’en
Transition: An Analysis of Social Ch’un describes ming in his Pei-hsi tzu-
Mobility, 722–222 B.C. Stanford, CA: i, or Neo-Confucian Terms Explained,
Stanford University Press, 1965. saying that there is a ming of both li and
Lau, D. C., trans. The Analects (Lun yü). ch’i. He gives three examples of ming
New York: Penguin Books, 1979. that can be associated with Principle.
––––––, trans. Mencius. Harmondsworth, The first one is found in the Lun yü
England: Penguin Books, 1970. (Analects) where Confucius admits that
he comes to understand the ming
bestowed upon him by Heaven at the
Mind age of fifty. Second, in the “Chung
See hsin (heart-mind). yung” (“Doctrine of the Mean”), hsing
(nature) is said to be the ming con-
Ming (Destiny or Fate) ferred to the individual by Heaven.
Frequently associated with T’ien Third, in the I ching, or Book of Changes,
(Heaven) as it originally refers to T’ien- the process of ch’iung-li (exhausting
ming (Mandate of Heaven), ming can Principle) and chin-hsing (fully devel-
also stand alone as a term meaning des- oping the nature) is described as the
tiny or fate. The etymology of the char- way to come to understand ming. Each
acter is a depiction of a person kneeling of these suggests the degree to which
under a wooden bell, which was used in the individual possesses the capability
ancient China for issuing proclama- for the realization of either li or T’ien-li
tions, suggesting as the word’s root (Principle of Heaven). In each case, the
meaning “to command” or “to order.” capacity for the realization of Principle,
From the sense of being commanded or hence the attainment of sagehood, is
ordered in its early association with div- limitless, and thus one’s fate is unlimit-
ination, the term came to mean one’s ed. This, however, is not the normal
life that has been destined or fated. sense in the use of the term fate.
Destiny or fate is the state that has been We know that the term ming is used
commanded or ordered for one. to suggest limitations, to point to that
Confucius asserts that one cannot be which cannot be developed further or
a chün-tzu (noble person) unless one that which serves as a roadblock for the
knows the ming, because it is destiny realization of one’s goals. If the ming of
whether the Tao (Way) prevails or falls Principle is fully endowed, then where
into disuse. Thus, in the early stage of the does the limitation lie? The answer is
Confucian tradition, discussion of ming provided in the ming of ch’i (vitality).
is already related to the notion of Tao. Ch’en Ch’un defines the ming of ch’i as
Mencius suggests that doing one’s best of two kinds, one that affects the level of
432
Ming Dynasty
material well-being of one’s life, and the ––––––, trans. and comp. A Source Book
other that affects the level of individual in Chinese Philosophy. Princeton,
achievement possible in one’s life, that NJ: Princeton University Press, 1969.
is, one’s own capabilities and talents. Lau, D. C., trans. The Analects (Lun yü).
Some people are born smart, others are New York: Penguin Books, 1979.
not. ––––––, trans. Mencius. Harmondsworth,
Confucius speaks of himself as one England: Penguin Books, 1970.
who was not born wise or smart, but
had to toil painfully at learning. This is
the fate of his endowment from Heaven. Ming Dynasty
From the Neo-Confucian point of view, (1368–1644) A robust and aggressive
this is the ming of ch’i. One may have to period of the Chinese empire which
struggle, another not, but in the end all resembles what historian John Meskill
one can do is to struggle against the has characterized as a surprising degree
limits of the capability of one’s endow- of modernity about its culture that
ment. Ming is reserved to describe prospered under economic growth. It
those limitations placed upon a person saw the continued adoption and expan-
in regard to his endowment. But there is sion of the Ch’eng-Chu li-hsüeh
little expression in terms of a purpose (School of Principle or learning of
behind the endowment or why some Principle) as the orthodox interpreta-
are born smart and others not. This is tion of the Confucian classics and thus
not a system like Hinduism or the standard for the civil service exami-
Buddhism that believes in karma, the nations. The greatest Confucian thinker
law of causality suggesting today’s con- of this period was Wang Yang-ming,
ditions being the product of yesterday’s who was responsible for creating the
actions. This is simply an observation hsin-hsüeh (School of Heart-Mind), an
that in the constant on-going change alternative to the teachings of Chu Hsi.
and production of life in the world, dif- Wang attributed to the individual the
ferent people have different endow- hsin (heart-mind), the repository of
ments. There is no further explanation, liang-chih, or knowledge of the good.
and that is their ming. The School of Principle had sought
Ch’en Ch’un’s conception of ming to accumulate knowledge of Principle
reveals the view of Ch’eng Hao, an early (li) from external sources through the
Sung dynasty Neo-Confucian who process of ko-wu chih-chih, investiga-
stressed that a Confucian ought not talk tion of things and extension of knowl-
too much about fate and must not easi- edge. Wang Yang-ming suggested that
ly ascribe human affairs to ming. Their all one had to do was to extend from the
attitudes toward fate have influenced heart-mind one’s inner knowledge of
the Confucians of the Ming dynasty and the good. He also argued for the unity of
Ch’ing dynasty, especially Wang Fu- knowledge and action, chih hsing ho-i.
chih. Wang proposes that those who are His school was then seen as in opposi-
able to receive endowments from tion to the School of Principle.
Heaven should grasp and make use of Throughout most of the Ming era,
their own destiny in accordance with Confucian thought had become more
Principle. Therefore, the possibility of centered on the internal dynamics of
ming all depends on how one handles it. learning and self-cultivation. The goal
remained as it had been established
Chan, Wing-tsit. trans. and ed. Neo- during the Sung dynasty and Yüan
Confucian Terms Explained (The dynasty upon the individual’s capacity
Pei-hsi tzu-i) by Ch’en Ch’un, 1159– to realize the state of sagehood.
1223. New York: Columbia The Ming dynasty was also the heyday
University Press, 1986. of the development of shu-yüan acade-
mies, private centers for examination
433
Ming-i tai-fang lu
The hall of light, often facing south for sunshine, is a politico-religious locus of ancient rites.
436
Modernization
same time. In order to go back to the noting that neither his parents nor his
Duke of Chou’s sacrificial perfor- brothers could find anything to criticize
mances, the emperor Han Wu Ti fol- in him. Though the affiliation with filial
lowed the Confucians’ advice to re- piety is important, he is not profiled for
establish it as the ceremonial center. its embodiment as, for example, the dis-
From the Han dynasty on, the hall was ciple Tseng-tzu.
usually built on the southeastern out- Min Tzu-ch’ien is better known for
skirt of the capital. This represents a refusing to serve in office when asked by
Confucian gesture of preserving the the corrupt Chi family, suggesting it was a
ideal system of the Chou dynasty. virtuous act to refuse such immoral ser-
vice. The ideal of refusing to serve in
Soothill, William Edward. The Hall of office if the conditions were not right,
Light: A Study of Early Chinese that is, if one was not able to serve a vir-
Kingship. Edited by Lady Hosie and tuous ruler, was an important one in
G. F. Hudson. London: Lutterworth Confucianism. Min Tzu-ch’ien became
Press, 1951. one of the examples of that ideal. See also
Confucius’ disciples.
Ming-tao (hsien-sheng) wen-chi Lau, D. C., trans. The Analects (Lun yü).
The Ming-tao (hsien-sheng) wen-chi, or New York: Penguin Books, 1979.
Collection of Literary Works by (Master)
Ch’eng Hao, is a major collection of writ-
ings of the Sung dynasty Neo-Confucian Miracle
Ch’eng Hao. Compiled by Yang Shih In the Han dynasty Confucian tradition,
and edited by Chang Shih (Ch’ih), it is with the circulation of the ch’en-shu
included in the Erh Ch’eng ch’üan-shu, (prognostication text) and wei (apoc-
or Complete Works of the Two Ch’engs. rypha), there appeared to be the possibil-
The collection consists of a variety of ity of seeing T’ien (Heaven) as an agent of
genres including poetry and letters, miracles. But the Confucian view in gen-
which as sources of insight into Ch’eng eral is to emphasize the natural world of
Hao’s thought are not secondary in sig- which humankind is a part, not the super-
nificance to his philosophical essays. natural. With the development of Neo-
Confucianism, this point became even
Chan, Wing-tsit, trans. and comp. A stronger in terms of the role of T’ien-li
Source Book in Chinese Philosophy. (Principle of Heaven), a moral structure
Princeton, NJ: Princeton University underlying, rather than a miraculous
Press, 1969. force outside, the natural order.
437
Modernization
Sociologist Robert N. Bellah, who has of China. Such attitudes were seen at the
studied the phenomenon of modern- outset of the late Ch’ing reform move-
ization and its relation to religion, sug- ment with such New Text scholars as
gests that it has brought fundamental K’ang Yu-wei and later found in the “Wei
changes either in terms of looking to Chung-kuo wen-hua ching-kao shih-
new ways to act and think about one’s chieh jen-shih hsüan-yen,” or “A
religious values or as a retrenchment to Manifesto for a Re-appraisal of
what is seen as a threat to a stable and Sinology and Reconstruction of
durable tradition. Modernization has Chinese Culture” by T’ang Chün-i,
been a fundamental shift away from Chang Chün-mai, Mou Tsung-san, and
traditional systems. Religious respons- Hsü Fu-kuan. It represented the tenden-
es, as sociologist John F. Wilson has sug- cy to put Confucianism not only in the
gested, can represent a large spectrum context of Chinese civilization, but in
of different, if not complex, reactions to world cultures as well. This is a
modernization, going from a source for Confucian response to modernization as
the facilitation of modernization to a a global agenda. It may be a fundamen-
recalcitrant barrier in opposing virtual- tal characteristic of modernization that
ly all change. anything which survives from traditional
This spectrum is also at work in orientations must be able to adapt and
Confucianism. At one level, the tradition expand to a world perspective.
as a historical institution came to an end The question remains how to under-
in the early twentieth century when the stand Confucianism as the core of
Ch’ing dynasty, the last imperial regime Chinese culture. Historian of science
in China, was overthrown. This observa- Joseph Needham considers the tradi-
tion is based on the fact that institution- tion to be an organic one, tracing the
al components of the tradition simply ground of modern science back to the
ceased to exist with the monarchical philosophy of Chu Hsi, while institu-
decay. The most obvious example is the tional historian Joseph R. Levenson
abolition of the civil service examina- looks upon it as a static one that pre-
tions system in 1905. Certainly, monar- vents China from rapid modernization.
chy and bureaucracy were closely related Levenson argues that Confucian teach-
to Confucianism in pre-modern China, ings in general, including the early
but the cessation and change of these Ch’ing empiricism, are neither aimed at
elements did not exhaust the influence nor interested in science. In the case of
of Confucianism as an age-old tradition. the Confucian reformers, he asserts that
How about the Confucian teachings Confucianism was reduced to a mere
and values? Are these vanishing in the impulse, a psychological apparatus.
twentieth century? The answer is both Liang Ch’i-ch’ao, for instance, was
yes and no. For Liang Shu-ming and the caught in the dilemma of his romantic
Hsüeh heng School, or Critical Review rhetoric and philosophical belief.
School, modernization was wrong and Of course, it is arguable that
evil; the only hope was a return to the Levenson’s analysis is untenable in dif-
ways of the past. For Ch’en Tu-hsiu and ferent phases of the long development
other communists, the tradition was of Confucianism. In his discussion of
dead and incapable of making the the introduction of communism into
transformation to modernization. It China, for example, Levenson overlooks
was the latter group that sought to the subtle effect of Confucianism in
replace the Confucian teachings and shaping the mentality of the Chinese
values with Western ideas and practices. leaders and their followers. In a sense,
Still a number of Confucians believed the so-called communist ethics is based
that Confucian teachings and values on Confucian morality and the commu-
were instrumental to the modernization nist ideal is a reinterpretation of the
438
Monotheism
439
Moon
Moral Nature
Moon See hsing (nature).
Moon symbolism is associated in many
cultures with darkness, femininity, pas-
sivity and earth as opposite to the sun Moral Obligation
symbolizing light, masculinity, activity, See chih (wisdom); hsiao (filial piety);
and sky. In the Confucian tradition, it is hsin (faithfulness); i (righteousness or
expressed in terms of yin and is related to rightness); jen (humaneness); li (pro-
the p’o (white-soul). See also hun/p’o and priety or rites).
yin/yang.
Moral Order
Moral Character See Principle (li) and T’ien-li (Principle
See chih (wisdom); hsin (faithfulness); i of Heaven).
(righteousness or rightness); jen
(humaneness); li (propriety or rites).
Moral Origin
The Confucian tradition generally attrib-
Moral Cultivation utes moral origin to T’ien (Heaven) in the
See moral training. classical tradition and T’ien li (Principle
of Heaven) in the Neo-Confucian tradi-
tion. Confucius, Mencius, and the
Moral Effort “Chung yung” (“Doctrine of the Mean”)
See kung-fu (moral effort). define hsing (nature) as something con-
ferred by T’ien. Mencius insists that the
virtues of humaneness, rightness, pro-
Morality priety, and wisdom are located within
See Tao-te.
the self, the ssu-tuan (Four Beginnings),
and that the Four Beginnings are
Morality Book endowed in the individual by Heaven.
See shan-shu (morality book). Unlike Hsün-tzu who advocates the
transformation of the potentially evil
nature through artificial actions,
Moral Law Mencius believes that human nature is
A universally basic pattern of moral life morally good in its endowment.
found in the common human nature, The different approaches of the Neo-
moral law is believed by Mencius to be Confucian schools of Ch’eng-Chu and
a priori and innate in the wo (self ). Lu-Wang, while grounded in the affir-
Confucius’ moral law can be summed mation of T’ien-li as the source of
up in his maxim that one does not morality, suggest differing locations for
impose on others what you yourself do its occurrence and thus for its cultiva-
not desire. Chu Hsi regards the natu- tion. The Ch’eng-Chu School locates
ralness of human nature as the Tao T’ien-li within the nature, whereas the
(Way) followed in everyday life. See Lu-Wang School considers one’s hsin
also hsing (nature). (heart-mind) to be the source. For the
former, moral origin is identified with
Lau, D. C., trans. The Analects (Lun yü). the cultivation of the nature, for the lat-
New York: Penguin Books, 1979. ter it is the innate liang-chih, or knowl-
––––––, trans. Mencius. Harmondsworth, edge of the good. This results in a vari-
England: Penguin Books, 1970. ety of methods in Confucian and Neo-
440 Confucian moral training.
Mountain
Chan, Wing-tsit, trans. and comp. A Lau, D. C., trans. The Analects (Lun yü).
Source Book in Chinese Philosophy. New York: Penguin Books, 1979.
Princeton, NJ: Princeton University ––––––, trans. Mencius. Harmondsworth,
Press, 1969. England: Penguin Books, 1970.
Knoblock, John. Xunzi: A Translation
and Study of the Complete Works.
3 vols. Stanford, CA: Stanford Moral Value
University Press, 1988–94. See chih (wisdom); hsiao (filial piety);
Lau, D. C., trans. The Analects (Lun yü). hsin (faithfulness); i (righteousness or
New York: Penguin Books, 1979. rightness); jen (humaneness); li (pro-
––––––, trans. Mencius. Harmondsworth, priety or rites); shan (goodness).
England: Penguin Books, 1970.
Moral Virtue
Moral Training See chih (wisdom); hsiao (filial piety);
Moral training has always been the focus hsin (faithfulness); i (righteousness or
of Confucian learning since the begin- rightness); jen (humaneness); li (pro-
ning of the tradition. For both Confucius priety or rites).
and Mencius, it not only means the
introspection of k’o-chi fu-li, or disci- Mound Ni-ch’iu
plining the self and returning to propri- Located near Ch’ü-fu, Mound Ni-ch’iu
ety, or yang ch’i hsing (nourishing the is the place where Confucius was said
nature), but also the extension of such to be born. It is reflected in Confucius’
training to political accomplishments. given and courtesy names, Ch’iu and
This process of self-realization, known as Chung-ni. According to Ssu-ma Ch’ien’s
nei-sheng wai-wang (sage within, king work Shih chi (Records of the
without), is detailed in the “Great Historian), Confucius was born at
Learning” (“Ta-hsüeh”) by the Eight Mound Ni-ch’iu after his parents had
Steps with the fifth step hsiu-shen, or cul- prayed there, and his head was said to
tivating the self, as the pivot of training. resemble the shape of the ch’iu or
The guidelines developed by the Neo- mound. A folktale suggests that the
Confucians of the Sung dynasty and facial features of the newborn
Ming dynasty for moral training are the Confucius looked so grotesque that his
preservation of T’ien-li (Principle of parents abandoned him on the spot.
Heaven) and the elimination of human Fortunately, a tiger came to guard and
desires. For this purpose, the Ch’eng- feed the baby until his mother returned
Chu School has bought forth the atti- to the mound to take him home. See
tude of ching (reverence or seriousness) also Confucian folklore.
and the outward training method of ko-
wu chih-chih, or investigation of things Fung Yu-lan. A History of Chinese
and extension of knowledge, the first two Philosophy. Translated by Derk
of the Eight Steps mentioned earlier. Bodde. 2 vols. Princeton, NJ:
Wang Yang-ming, however, puts empha- Princeton University Press, 1983.
sis on the fourth step, cheng-hsin, or rec- Yang, Hsien-i and Gladys Yang, trs.
tifying the heart-mind, aiming inwardly Records of the Historian. Hong Kong:
at one’s innate liang-chih, or knowledge Commercial Press, 1974.
of the good. See also yü (desire).
441
Mou Tsung-san
Berthrong, John H. All Under Heaven: Wei kingdom, the tomb remains a
Transforming Paradigms in monument for commemorating the
Confucian-Christian Dialogue. dead and the care of it is always consid-
Albany, NY: State University of New ered an expression of hsiao (filial
York Press, 1994. piety) in the Confucian tradition.
Mu K’ung-hui
Mr. Ch’en’s Explanation of Terms (1479–1539) Representative of the
Mr. Ch’en’s Explanation of Terms, or the Northern Wang School during the Ming
Ch’en-shih tzu-i, is one of the alterna- dynasty; also called Mu Po-ch’ien and
tive titles of the Pei-hsi tzu-i or Neo- Mu Hsüan-an. Mu K’ung-hui was one of
Confucian Terms Explained. See Pei- the few northerners who followed Wang
hsi tzu-i. Yang-ming. Mu was from Shantung,
Confucius’ native province. His career
Mu (Tomb) was composed of several official posi-
The Chinese character for tomb, mu, is tions following his successful completion
composed of the phonetic-semantic of the chin-shih examination for his
graph for evening on the top and the Metropolitan Graduate degree in 1505.
radical t’u, meaning earth or soil, under- He served in the Hanlin Academy, the
neath. Although “earth” denotes the Ministry of Rites, the National University,
space or place of burial, “evening” sug- and the court of imperial sacrifices.
gests the time for visiting, reminiscent of Huang Tsung-hsi suggests in his
the morning schedule for miao (temple Ming-ju hsüeh-an, or The Records of
or shrine). This morning-evening Ming Scholars, that Mu K’ung-hui was
assignment may support historian of art particularly drawn to Buddhism proba-
Wu Hung’s theory of the temple-tomb bly because of his failure to study Wang’s
dualism that the temple functioned as teachings thoroughly enough. Mu
the center of ancestral cult, whereas the expresses his concern for the inadequacy
tomb was dedicated to one’s father only. of earlier Confucian teachings upon
The mu was originally a grave with- internal learning of the self, but he seems
out a mound. In its development dur- to be unable to distinguish between the
ing the Warring States period, accord- philosophy of Wang Yang-ming and that
ing to Wu Hung, mound and chamber of the Buddhists. See also han-lin yüan
were successively added to it. The First (Academy of Assembled Brushes).
Emperor of Ch’in even built a road to
connect his temple with the enlarged Huang Tsung-hsi. The Records of Ming
mausoleum. The importance of the Scholars. Edited by Julia Ching with
tomb reached its zenith when the Han Chaoying Fang. Honolulu, HI:
dynasty rulers shifted the emphasis University of Hawaii Press, 1987.
from temples to tombs and initiated
the mausoleum sacrifice. Though Multitude
funerary ritual was regarded as See chung (people).
unorthodox and was abolished by the
443
Music
Mysterious Learning
See hsüan-hsüeh (mysterious learning).
Mysticism
Mysticism as a unitary experience of the
self with the universe and all things with-
in may be used to describe certain fea-
tures of the Confucian tradition, particu-
larly the religious experience of wu
(enlightenment) elicited from ching-tso
(quiet-sitting). Although the tradition
has minimized the experience of enlight-
enment, there have been a number of
expressions of unitary experience which
are almost always expressed in terms of
oneness with all things in what is per-
ceived to be a thoroughly moral universe.
444
Nature of Rightness and Principle
N
Nan Jung is said to be the same per-
son as Nan-kung K’uo, who gained
Confucius’ respect through questions
about the sages of antiquity. Confucius
refers to his virtue and his embodiment
of the ideal of the chün-tzu (noble per-
son). See also Confucius’ disciples and
Lun yü (Analects).
The ideal personality for the Neo- these the basis of one’s belief and
Confucians, however, emphasizes more actions. Certain texts were selected
upon inner sagehood than outer king- from the classical corpus to redefine
ship. The Ch’eng brothers see learning and self-cultivation, particu-
Confucius himself and his beloved dis- larly the meaning of the Tao (Way), the
ciple, Yen Yüan (Hui), as the models of Confucian Way in the face of the pre-
sageness. Chu Hsi encourges his stu- vailing Taoism and Buddhism. The sec-
dents to go inward to the realm of sage- ond characteristic is “restorationism.” It
hood and opposes Ch’en Liang’s out- refers to the Neo-Confucian tendency
ward learning for sociopolitical pur- of fu-ku or restoration of the ancient
suits. Modern Chinese Confucians tend order. The model for restoration was the
to view wai-wang as an extension of classics, which were seen as records of a
nei-sheng. Fung Yu-lan suggests that golden age when sage kings ruled and
only the sages are qualified for leader- moral virtues pervaded.
ship. Many contemporary Confucian Other common tendencies in Neo-
intellectuals outside mainland China Confucianism are humanism, rational-
agree that the inner sagehood must be ism, and historical mindedness. The
achieved through outer rulership. In Neo-Confucian humanism attaches
other words, the way toward sheng and importance to the role of humankind in
that toward wang are the same. the scheme of things and regards
Needless to say, this new perspective of human nature as a reflection of the
nei-sheng wai-wang is a product of nature of the universe itself. Such
modern politics. See also Ch’eng Hao; nature is moral and it is precisely in the
Ch’eng I; sheng or sheng-jen (sage); wang moralness that humanity is at the cen-
(king) title for Confucius. ter of the world. Rationalism is the
belief in the individual’s intellectual
Munro, Donald. The Concept of Man in ability to gain knowledge about the self
Early China. Stanford, CA: Stanford and the universe. By contrast other tra-
University Press, 1969. ditions, particularly Taoism and
Buddhism, often deny the rational as a
means of undertanding the truth. This
Neither Good Nor Evil does not mean that there were no dif-
See wu-shan wu-eh. ferences among Neo-Confucians on the
methodology of learning, but it does
Neo-Confucianism suggest that the world demonstrates a
The term referring to a broad range of fundamental order and governing
development of the Confucian tradi- moral principle that human beings can
tion, Neo-Confucianism began in the fully apprehend. Historical mindedness
T’ang dynasty but was best known for indicates not only a return to the past,
its Sung dynasty and Ming dynasty but also the unfoldment of human
forms and extends to the present nature across time through the study of
day. Distinguished from classical history. History is seen as a template of
Confucianism, Neo-Confucianism cov- the moral order, which needs to be pen-
ers different strains of Confucian etrated to make clear the basic pattern
thought and practice. However, accord- of the universe.
ing to intellectual historian Wm. Neo-Confucianism can be traced
Theodore de Bary, there are some com- back to the ideas of the T’ang
mon features across the complexity of Confucians such as Han Yü and Li Ao,
the Neo-Confucian movement. whose agenda was to revive the funda-
De Bary points first to what he calls a mental values of the Confucian tradition
fundamentalism. What he means by against Buddhism and Taoism as well as
this is the tendency to identify a set of a state bureaucracy that formalized
common core teachings and make Confucianism as an avenue for training
447
Neo-Confucianism
449
New Culture Movement
General Hsiang Yü’s burning of the imperial library caused the problem of two distinct versions of early
Confucian texts.
451
New Text School
generally presented the classics without Kiangsi province. Attaining the chin-
an overlay of yin/yang philosophy. The shih examination for his Metropolitan
Old Text School also had its followers Graduate degree in 1517 and given a
among the prominent Confucian series of government positions, he was
scholars of the Han dynasty. They responsible for building up military
emphasized textual research, philology, forces to deter frontier raiders from
and archaeology. invasion. Nieh was imprisoned between
A number of issues surrounding the 1544 and 1549 due to accusations of
Old and New Text versions were settled, corruption. Upon his release he was ele-
at least for a certain amount of time, vated to Minister of War and then to
during the reign of Emperor Wu Ti of the Grand Guardian of the Heir Apparent.
Han dynasty through the establishment But as his military advice began to be
of a committee to determine authentic- questioned, he was demoted in rank
ity of the versions of the classics. and allowed to retire.
Though continuing debates had sur- Nieh Pao had visited Wang Yang-
faced around a variety of issues with the ming and upon the latter’s death in
classics, the New Text version of the 1528, he held a memorial ceremony for
classics established by Han Wu Ti had him and claimed to be his disciple. It
generally been accepted as authentic was the later extended prison term that
until the Old Text School rose in the late permitted Nieh to begin his serious
Former Han dynasty. During the Hsin study of Wang Yang-ming and complete
dynasty Erudites for the Old Text School his major philosophical writing, the
were first established under Liu Hsin’s K’un-pien lu or Records of the Toils of
proposal. The immediate concern of the Understanding. His approach to Wang’s
old and new text versions finally sub- teachings was to emphasize the need for
sided in the last years of the later Han kung-fu (moral effort) to realize liang-
dynasty because of Cheng Hsüan, who chih, knowledge of the good, which he
epitomized the thought of both schools. defined as the wei-fa or unmanifest
The Old Text School had been very pen-t’i, original substance. For Nieh,
influential from the Later Han dynasty such effort is nothing but chu-ching
to the Ch’ing dynasty. It was during the (regarding quietude as fundamental).
late Ch’ing period that the New Text Since Nieh Pao considered the hsin
scholarship was revived, particularly by (heart-mind) to be quiet and the ultimate
Liao P’ing and K’ang Yu-wei who used it substance of the world, he focused upon
as the theoretical basis for the 1898 the practice of ching-tso (quiet-sitting)
Hundred Days of Reform. See also and the quest for inner quietude as the
chin-wen chia (New Text School); eso- basis for the realization of liang-chih.
teric/exoteric; ku-wen chia (Old Text Such effort to nourish the original sub-
School). stance was supported by Lo Hung-hsien
but criticized by other followers of Wang
Fung Yu-lan. A History of Chinese Yang-ming as a misunderstanding of the
Philosophy. Translated by Derk nature of liang-chih and often portrayed
Bodde. 2 vols. Princeton, NJ: as a form of Buddhist practice. Nieh
Princeton University Press, 1983. found in the earlier teachings of Wang an
endorsement of quiet-sitting while those
who criticized him found in Wang’s later
New Text School teachings a cautionary note on the poten-
See chin-wen chia (New Text School). tial hazards of practicing meditation.
453
Nourishing the Nature
O
Wilhelm, Richard, trans. The I Ching or
Book of Changes. Translated by Cary
F. Baynes. Princeton, NJ: Princeton
University Press, 1967.
On Dispelling Doubts
See “Li huo lun” (“On Dispelling
Doubts”).
Obligation One
See i (righteousness or rightness). The idea of one is found in the writing
of the early Confucian Tung Chung-
Occult shu. Influenced by the philosophy of
While alchemy is used by the Taoist in Taoism, Tung suggested that one was
quest of immortality, the occult arts the origin of wan-wu or all things. In
found in the early Confucian tradition the initial stage of the Neo-Confucian
are astrology, feng-shui geomancy, and movement, Chang Tsai developed the
I ching divination. The focus of atten- notion of t’ai-i, the great one, and
tion, however, has generally shifted from referred one to the ch’i (vitality) as the
the practices of supernaturalism to the universal essence of all things. For
philosophical pattern of the universe Chang, however, one cannot be seen
and the moral state of humankind without the establishment of two; in
throughout the development of the tra- other words, one must be conceived
dition. Supernatural powers are no with the other. This may be understood
longer sought for in the process of learn- as the unity of opposites.
ing and self-cultivation, and knowledge
of the world as well as all things within is Chan, Wing-tsit, trans. and comp. A
seldom presented as something secret or Source Book in Chinese Philosophy.
unnknowable. See also divination. Princeton, NJ: Princeton University
Press, 1969.
de Bary, Wm. Theodore, Wing-tsit Chan,
Offering Hall and Burton Watson, comps. Sources
See tz’u-t’ang. of Chinese Tradition. New York:
Columbia University Press, 1960.
458
Ou-yang Hsüan
Ou-yang Hsiu, historian of the Northern Sung dynasty, argued for the reinstatement of Confucian values
and the repression of Buddhism.
459
Ou-yang Te
History, he took the chin-shih examina- recognition for Wang’s teachings. His
tion to receive his Metropolitan Graduate constant promulgation of Wang’s teach-
degree in 1315 and served in office, main- ings explains the latter’s increasing pop-
ly in the Hanlin Academy, for more than ularity among the scholars of the day.
forty years. He was frequently ordered to Ou-yang’s own focus was upon the idea
compile edicts and codes for the court as of liang-chih, knowledge of the good.
well as the imperial ancestral temple. Basing himself on the “Great Learning”
Ou-yang Hsüan was particularly (“Ta-hsüeh”) he saw such self-knowledge
concerned with the Mongols’ failure to as different from the i, or will, and per-
make up for the statutory codes of the ception. While the innate knowledge is
previous dynasties that they had abol- always morally good, will and percep-
ished. He believed that the order of tion may be good or evil and thus can-
society and integrity of the state not be identified with the hsing
demanded the protection of a firm set (nature), nor with the Principle (li). By
of legal institutions. There was eventu- clarifying this he defended his teacher
ally a handbook of regulations known as against Lo Ch’in-shun’s denouncement.
the Ta Yüan t’ung-chih, or Comprehensive Ou-yang Te admitted that liang-chih
Institutes of the Great Yüan, but it did could only be acquired through ko-wu
not bear the full authority of a formal (investigation of things), but the inves-
statutory code called for by Ou-yang tigation, as Wang Yang-ming put it, was
Hsüan. See also han-lin yüan (Academy first and foremost a process of cheng-
of Assembled Brushes). hsin or rectification of the heart-mind.
Thus to chih-chih or extend knowledge
Langlois, John D., Jr. “Law, Statecraft, was not to search for an external princi-
and The Spring and Autumn Annals ple as the Ch’eng-Chu School did, but
in Yüan Political Thought.” Yüan rather to return to the hsin (heart-
Thought: Chinese Thought and mind), the repository of knowledge of
Religion Under the Mongols. Edited the good and the source of all things.
by Hok-lam Chan and Wm. Theodore Such knowledge, accordingly, was hsü
de Bary. New York: Columbia or vacuous, not concrete for learning.
University Press, 1982. Ou-yang Te’s method of learning was
neither active nor quietistic; that is,
simply follow liang-chih and forget both
Ou-yang Te activity and quietude. The Ou-yang
(1496–1554) Prominent scholar of the Nan-yeh hsien-sheng wen-chi or
Chiang-yu Wang School during the Collected Works of Master Ou-yang Nan-
Ming dynasty; also known as Ou-yang yeh was edited by Ou-yang’s disciple
Ch’ung-i and Ou-yang Nan-yeh. A native Wang Tsung-mu and published in 1556.
of Kiangsi province, Ou-yang Te passed See also chih-chih (extension of knowl-
the hsiang-shih examination or edge); ching (quietude); chin-shih
Provincial Examination at an early age, examination; han-lin yüan (Academy
but then traveled to study under Wang of Assembled Brushes); hsü (vacuity).
Yang-ming and did not complete the
chin-shih or Metropolitan Graduate Goodrich, L. Carrington, and Chaoying
degree until 1523. He held a series of Fang, eds. Dictionary of Ming
high offices including Director of Studies Biography, 1368–1644. 2 vols. New
in the kuo-tzu chien or Directorate of York: Columbia University Press,
Education at Nanking, Minister of Rites 1976.
and Chancellor of the Hanlin Academy. Huang Tsung-hsi. The Records of Ming
He died in office with honor. Scholars. Edited by Julia Ching with
Among Wang Yang-ming’s disciples, Chaoying Fang. Honolulu, HI:
Ou-yang Te held the highest official University of Hawaii Press, 1987.
positions, which allowed him to gain
460
Pai-hsing (Hundred Cognomina)
P
Pa-hsing hsüan-kuan fa
See pa hsing.
Pai chia
See hundred schools of thought.
Pai-chia hsing
Composed by an anonymous author of
the Northern Sung dynasty, the Pai-
Pa hsing chia hsing or Hundred Family Names is a
Pa hsing, meaning eight conducts,
primer for children’s education that
refers to the eight virtues of filial piety,
remained popular into the twentieth
brotherly respect, good-neighborliness,
century. Arranged in tetrasyllabic lines,
good affinity, sympathy, understanding,
it is a rhyming text used in elementary
loyalty, and harmony. During the Sung
schools for memorization of one hun-
dynasty, these moral conducts formed
dred traditional Chinese surnames. Like
the basis for rapid progress through the
the tsa-tzu or Miscellaneous Characters,
educational system. The pa-hsing hsüan-
the San tzu ching or Three Character
kuan fa or Procedure for Selection Based
Classic, and the Ch’ien tzu wen or
upon Eight Conducts was one of the
Thousand Character Essay, it is an
changes made to the Three Hall system,
essential tool in the foundation of liter-
in which students known for virtuous
acy as is informed by the general
conduct could receive degrees without
Confucian belief in the importance of
completing the normal examination
learning and education for all people,
process, hence lacking educational
even on the simplest level. See also
foundation.
Hsiao-hsüeh.
The virtues isolated for the purpose
of this recruitment method correspond
Wu, Pei-yi. “Education of Children in
to the Confucian value system of prop-
the Sung.” Neo-Confucian Education:
er relations among relatives and friends
The Formative Stage. Edited by Wm.
as well as between the ruler and his
Theodore de Bary and John W.
ministers. The procedure was not
Chaffee. Berkeley, CA: University of
employed beyond a short period of
California Press, 1989.
time. What lay behind it was an attempt
to make an exception to the established
system that promoted merit. In the end Pai-hsing (Hundred Cognomina)
it was the system of established grades One of several terms analyzed by
and examinations as represented by philosophers David L. Hall and Roger T.
the Three Hall system that lasted and Ames as a designation in early
laid the foundation for merit-based Confucian writings to speak of the
selection. See also chung (loyalty) and masses of people, the term pai-hsing or
hsiao (filial piety). hundred cognomina does not, however,
refer to the people as a whole. Instead, it
Chaffee, John W. The Thorny Gates of very specifically refers to those families
Learning in Sung China: A Social who literally had surnames, that is,
History of Examinations. Albany, those members of the upper classes or
NY: State University of New York those with official titles. When the term
Press, 1995. is used, it may refer to a large grouping
Lee, Thomas H. C. Government Education of people but should be understood to
and Examinations in Sung China. preclude the masses as the general pop-
New York: St. Martin’s Press, 1985. ulation. The latter is most frequently
461
Pai-lu-tung shu-yüan
referred to as min (masses), carrying a only one single Principle (li) in the
negative connotation, while pai-hsing, universe and that Principle is nothing
being inclusive of the upper classes, but the hsin (heart-mind). With the
carries no such pejorative stigma. See heart-mind, a chün-tzu (noble per-
also chung (people); jen (human); shu- son) will be able to complete all things
jen (common people). in the self.
Since Ch’en advocates ching (qui-
Hall, David L., and Roger T. Ames. etude) as the basis of learning and
Thinking Through Confucius. Albany, ching-tso (quiet-sitting) as the method
NY: State University of New York of self-cultivation, students of the
Press, 1987. Pai-sha School must first practice quiet-
Lau, D. C., trans. The Analects (Lun yü). sitting to nourish their inner goodness.
New York: Penguin Books, 1979. Ch’en acknowledges the similarity
between ching-tso and Chan or Zen
meditation, and most of his disciples
Pai-lu-tung shu-yüan were ascetic. There is a close connec-
See White Deer Grotto Academy. tion of the school to the rise of the Ming
hsin-hsüeh (School of Heart-Mind),
Pain with Ch’en serving as the link between
See suffering. Lu Chiu-yüan and Wang Yang-ming.
The most influential follower of the
school is Chan Jo-shui of the mid-Ming
Pai-sha hsien-sheng ch’üan-chi period, whose Kan-ch’üan School is
Containing poems, essays, and letters regarded by some scholars as a branch
by Ming dynasty thinker Ch’en Hsien- of the Pai-sha School.
chang, the Pai-sha hsien-sheng ch’üan-
chi or Complete Works of Master Pai-sha Huang Tsung-hsi. The Records of Ming
was first published in 1505 by Ch’en’s Scholars. Edited by Julia Ching with
students. It was revised and prefaced by Chaoying Fang. Honolulu, HI:
his disciple Chan Jo-shui in 1533 and University of Hawaii Press, 1987.
reprinted in 1551. An enlarged edition Jen Yu-wen. “Ch’en Hsien-chang’s
published in 1771 was titled Pai-sha-tzu Philosophy of the Natural.” Self and
ch’üan-chi or Complete Works of Master Society in Ming Thought. Edited by
Pai-sha. Wm. Theodore de Bary and the
Conference on Ming Thought. New
Goodrich, L. Carrington, and Chaoying York: Columbia University Press,
Fang, eds. Dictionary of Ming 1970.
Biography, 1368–1644. 2 vols. New
York: Columbia University Press,
1976. Pa-kua
See eight trigrams.
Pai-sha School
A Ming dynasty Neo-Confucian Pan Chao
school, the Pai-sha School is named (45–c. 120) A poet and highly acclaimed
after its founder Ch’en Hsien-chang’s female Confucian of the Later Han
native place, Pai-sha village, which is dynasty. She was the daughter of Pan
located in what is now Kwangtung Piao and the sister of the noted histori-
province. In his synopsis of the school, an Pan Ku. After the deaths of her father
Huang Tsung-hsi emphasizes the inte- and brother, she completed the unfin-
rior focus of learning and self-cultiva- ished tables and the chapter on astrono-
tion as the major characteristic of the my of the Han shu or History of the Han
school. Ch’en suggests that there is Dynasty with assistance from the young
462
Pan Ku
The p’an-kung, first found in the Chou dynasty, is a pavilion built on a semicircular pond
for imperial education.
for all succeeding dynastic histories. de Bary, Wm. Theodore, Wing-tsit Chan,
Pan Ku was also the Compiler of the and Burton Watson, comps. Sources
Po-hu t’ung (White Tiger Discussions), of Chinese Tradition. New York:
an account of an imperial ordered con- Columbia University Press, 1960.
ference on the Five Classics held in C.E.
79, in which he regarded the Five
Classics as the sages’ elucidation of the P’an-kung (Pavilion of the Pond)
Heaven’s Five Constants, hence indis- One of the references to the Confucian
pensable texts for moral cultivation. See temple, the p’an-kung or Pavilion of the
also wu ch’ang. Pond is a semi-circular pond associated
with the Confucian temple. While the
464
Pa-pen se-yüan
465
Partial Love
Panpipes, called su or lü, historically possessed 12 pipes but now most commonly are found with 16 pipes.
temple and some variations in the tiny or fate), ch’eng (sincerity), and
number of figures included, particularly ching (reverence or seriousness). This
on the che altars where a large number is why it was originally titled Ssu-shu
of figures are included, but in general tzu-i or Terms from the Four Books
the figures still found in the temple rep- Explained and Ssu-shu hsing-li tzu-i,
resent the culmination of the tradition’s Terms from the Four Books on Nature
view of seminal figures. and Principle Explained.
On the p’ei altars are found Yen Hui, The terms are explained in the light of
considered traditionally as the most Neo-Confucian thought of Chou Tun-i,
important of Confucius’ disciples, Chang Tsai, the Ch’eng brothers, and
Tzu-ssu, grandson of Confucius, particularly Chu Hsi. There is much
Tseng-tzu, disciple of Confucius, and debate about whether the work repre-
Mencius, considered the orthodox sents Chu Hsi’s teachings accurately or
interpreter of Confucius’ teachings. Ch’en Ch’un’s interpretation of the
See also Yen Yüan (Hui). Confucian notions. Many have regarded
Ch’en Ch’un as a faithful recorder of Chu
Shryock, John K. The Origin and Hsi’s thought, but philosopher and
Development of the State Cult of Confucian scholar Wing-tsit Chan has
Confucius: An Introductory Study. demonstrated that if not in ideas, at least
New York: The Century Co., 1932. in emphasis, there is a distinct point of
Wilson, Thomas A. Genealogy of the view of Ch’en Ch’un’s own, and that is,
Way: The Construction and Uses of the focus on learning and self-cultivation
the Confucian Tradition in Late in everyday life rather than in theory. See
Imperial China. Stanford, CA: also Ch’eng Hao and Ch’eng I.
Stanford University Press, 1995.
Chan, Wing-tsit, trans. and ed. Neo-
Confucian Terms Explained (The
Pei-hsi tzu-i Pei-hsi tzu-i) by Ch’en Ch’un, 1159–
The Pei-hsi tzu-i, Ch’en Ch’un’s 1223. New York: Columbia University
Explanation of Terms or Neo-Confucian Press, 1986.
Terms Explained, is one of the most
important summaries of Neo-Confucian
thought ever written. Penned by Ch’en Penetrating the Book of Changes
Ch’un, a direct disciple of Chu Hsi, the See T’ung-shu (Penetrating the Book of
work serves as a digest of Chu Hsi’s Changes).
teachings, something Chu Hsi himself
never did but critical to understanding
the voluminous writings of Chu Hsi as P’eng Keng
well as the general philosophical position Identified by Chao Ch’i, who wrote the
taken by the li-hsüeh (School of first extant commentary to the Book of
Principle or learning of Principle). Mencius, as one of fifteen disciples of
Highly praised by Ch’en’s contemporaries Mencius. P’eng Keng is identified in
and widely circulated in China, Korea, only a single passage where he raises an
and Japan, this work has become an interesting question with Mencius. He
important reference work for the study of asks Mencius if it is appropriate to trav-
the Ch’eng-Chu School of Principle. el with a large group of followers, taking
The work is actually a record of advantage of the hospitality of various
Ch’en Ch’un’s lectures in his later years. wealthy members of the nobility.
It is organized into 26 sections, each Mencius responds by suggesting that it
picking up a major concept or key term is only appropriate to accept hospitality
from Chu Hsi’s commentaries of the if he is in accord with the Way. P’eng
Four Books (ssu-shu) and other writ- Keng then suggests that the Confucian
ings, such as hsing (nature), ming (des- chün-tzu (noble person) ought to be
467
Pen-hsin (Original Heart-Mind)
469
Phoenix
The phoenix bird is used for ceiling decoration in the Hall of Great Accomplishments.
domain of religion. Confucianism is fun- for the power and authority of the ruling
damentally a religious worldview and its family, the bird is grouped together with
wisdom has religious significance for the kylin-unicorn, tortoise, and dragon as
individual. See also chih (wisdom). one of the four spiritual animals in the
Li chi or Records of Rites. Also symbolizing
Taylor, Rodney L. The Religious the virtuous, it is likened to Confucius
Dimensions of Confucianism. Albany, in the Lun yü (Analects). This explains
NY: State University of New York why the phoenix is frequently found on
Press, 1990. the garments worn by the participants
of Confucian rituals such as the shih-
tien ceremony (Twice Yearly Confucian
Phoenix Ceremony). See also Shang dynasty and
A bird of mythic proportions that comes wang (king) title for Confucius.
to be associated in part with the
Confucian tradition through its original Lau, D. C., trans. The Analects (Lun yü).
connection with the imperial family. New York: Penguin Books, 1979.
The Chinese phoenix, with five-colored Palmer, Spencer J. Confucian Rituals in
plumage and flute-like singing, is said Korea. Berkeley, CA: Asian Humanities
to be the avian king in ancient mytholo- Press, 1984.
gy. According to the modern scholar
Ch’en Meng-chia, the phoenix’s crown,
inscribed as an inverted graph of wang, Physical Nature
was the emblem of the Shang people. See ch’i-chih chih hsing.
Frequently used as an auspicious symbol
470
Pillar Drum (ying-ku or chien-ku)
P’i Hsi-jui
(1850–1908) Classical scholar of the late Pillar Drum (ying-ku or chien-ku)
Ch’ing dynasty; also known as P’i Lu- A term for a variety of large drums con-
men and P’i Lu-yün. A native of Hunan nected to a stand that are used in the
province, he admired Fu Sheng, the ear- performance of Confucian ritual, prin-
liest transmitter of the New Text Shu cipally the shih-tien ceremony (Twice
ching or Book of History, so much that Yearly Confucian Ceremony), pillar
he named his dwelling Shih Fu or drums, ying-ku or chien-ku, can be per-
Learning from Fu. For this reason, he manently mounted by way of a pillar
was called Master Shih Fu. P’i passed through the drum that is sunk into the
the chü-jen or Provincial Graduate ground, and thus are also known as
examination in 1882 but failed to obtain chih-ku or planted drums. Often, how-
the chin-shih or Metropolitan Graduate ever, the drum is mounted on a stand.
degree. He spent the rest of his life in See also music.
writing and teaching at a number of
shu-yüan academies and modern Palmer, Spencer J. Confucian Rituals in
schools. Korea. Berkeley, CA: Asian Humanities
P’i Hsi-jui was a supporter of the Press, 1984.
Hundred Days of Reform. He main- Taylor, Rodney L. The Way of Heaven: An
tained, however, that in order to survive Introduction to the Confucian
the growing national crisis, China must Religious Life. Leiden, Netherlands:
preserve its Confucian teachings. P’i E. J. Brill, 1986.
sought a return to a Confucianism that
471
Pi Yüan
The large pillar drum or ying-ku is beaten once at the beginning of each verse recited during a Confucian
ritual and three times at the end of each verse.
472
Po-chu-lu Ch’ung
Emperor Chang of the Later Han dynasty attended the White Tiger Hall conference of 79. C.E. This meet-
ing resulted in a work known as the White Tiger Discussions.
473
Po-hu t’ung (White Tiger Discussions)
Po-i, known to many as an example of a virtuous person, refused to serve the government
in a time of chaos.
475
Polytheism
declining his younger brother’s offer of appointed in the Ch’in and Han times to
the rulership. The lord had decided guide the royal carriage, handle detailed
upon his second son, Shu-ch’i, to be the preparations for state ritual ceremonies,
heir. After the lord’s death, however, Shu- and participate in major court policy
ch’i wanted to give up his sovereignty to deliberations. Since Han Wu Ti established
Po-i. Both of the brothers went to retire the title wu-ching po-shih (Erudites of the
under King Wen of Chou. When King Five Classics), and the t’ai-hsüeh
Wen was ready to conquer the Shang (National University), in the second cen-
dynasty, they tried in vain to talk him out tury B.C.E., the term also referred to the
of the war. Consequently, they retreated teaching Erudites employed mainly in
into the mountains, refused to eat the state schools at the capital.
grains produced in the newly founded Erudites of the National University
empire, and died there. See also King Wu. from the Sui dynasty on were under the
supervision of the kuo-tzu chien or
Lau, D. C., trans. Mencius. Harmondsworth, Directorate of Education. Being on the
England: Penguin Books, 1970. teaching staffs of the t’ai-hsüeh, the
Nienhauser, William H., Jr., ed. The kuo-tzu hsüeh or School for the Sons of
Grand Scribe’s Records. Translated the State, and the ssu-men hsüeh or
by Tsai-fa Cheng et al. Bloomington, School of the Four Gates in the succeed-
IN: Indiana University Press, 1994. ing periods, they were responsible not
only for instruction and examination of
their students, but also for guiding their
Polytheism students in the development of a moral
A religious belief in the existence of life. In the latter role in particular, they
many spirits, polytheism is found in were seen as Confucian teachers. As
a variety of different cultures. principal teachers, the Erudites were
Confucianism generally takes the assisted by the chih-chiang, Lecturers,
agnostic position regarding supernatural and the hsüeh-cheng and hsüeh-lu,
forces. Thus, the category is of little Instructors. See also ju.
relevance to the tradition. See also
agnosticism and kuei/shen. Hucker, Charles O. A Dictionary of
Official Titles in Imperial China.
Portent Stanford, CA: Stanford University
See ch’en-shu (prognostication text) Press, 1985.
and wei (apocrypha). Lee, Thomas H. C. Government Education
and Examinations in Sung China.
New York: St. Martin’s Press, 1985.
Portrait
See hsiang (portrait or statue).
Positivism
The general philosophical position that
Po-shih rejects non-empirical knowledge, posi-
Standard term first used in the Warring tivism lends itself to modern concerns
States period as an official title for scholars with science as the basis for any factual
with special or broad skills and knowl- knowledge. In the case of Confucianism,
edge, the po-shih or Erudite had been in one might argue that while there is no
the imperial institution of ceremonials and equivalent of positivism per se, a tenden-
sacrifices from the Former Han dynasty cy to see the value of empirical knowl-
through pre-modern Chinese history. edge as the basis for learning can be
Occupied by the Confucians in its early found in certain Neo-Confucian schools,
designations, it was a highly esteemed post particularly the shih-hsüeh, practical
largely held by ritual specialists, who were learning, and k’ao-cheng hsüeh or evi-
dential learning movements.
476
Primitivism
477
Principle (li)
de Bary, Wm. Theodore, Wing-tsit Chan, The character li has as its origin a
and Burton Watson, comps. Sources meaning associated with pattern or
of Chinese Tradition. New York: structure. Etymologically, it refers to the
Columbia University Press, 1960. act of cutting translucent rock such as
jade according to its grain and to the
grain itself. The pattern formed by the
Principle (li) veins may be regarded as that which
A key philosophical and ethical term in provides a structure for the piece of
the Neo-Confucian movement, particu- jade. From this structure derived the
larly the li-hsüeh (School of Principle meaning of principle, the Principle
or learning of Principle), li or Principle that is responsible for giving anything
demonstrates the degree to which and everything its distinguishing or
Confucianism grew into a sophisticated defining quality.
philosophical system under the efforts The meaning of Principle as essence
of the Neo-Confucian thinkers. Little inevitably brings itself close to the Tao
use of the term is made in the classical (Way) and hsing. This affinity was first
Confucian tradition. In fact Confucius put forward by Ch’eng I and then elabo-
himself never employs the term at all. rated by Chu Hsi and Ch’en Ch’un. In
Neo-Confucian favor of the term is the case of Tao, Ch’en Ch’un concludes
based on their interest in the I ching, or that Principle and Tao are virtually the
Book of Changes, and Mencius. same thing. Tao is the Absolute and
Found in the “Shuo kua” commen- Principle is also the Absolute. They
tary or “Discussion of the Trigrams,” a differ only in the second meaning of Tao
commentary to the I ching, is a refer- as the Way or path that one pursues to
ence to the process of ch’iung-li chin- get to the Absolute. In this sense,
hsing, “exhausting Principle and fully Principle is not so much a path as what
realizing the nature.” This phrase constitutes the endpoint or the
became for many Neo-Confucians the Absolute itself. From the Neo-
locus classicus of the term Principle. Confucian point of view, while each
Although it is not clear in the passage thing is said to have its own principle as
what Principle exactly refers to, it is its unique defining quality, Principle is
obviously central to the full unfoldment always referred to as unified and one;
and manifestation of the hsing that is, there is a single Principle running
(nature). Thus, Principle became throughout all things. For the Ch’eng
increasingly recognized by the Neo- brothers, this single and total Principle
Confucians as a way of describing that is the origin of the universe.
which is most essential in any and every When Ch’eng Hao suggests that the
thing, including human beings. person of jen (humaneness) forms one
Mencius was one of the early body with Heaven and earth and all
Confucians who used the term. He things, he explains the unification on
defines Principle as the common the basis of a single Principle uniting
ground of the hsin (heart-mind), and them. Ch’eng I, in referring to the “Hsi-
identifies it with i (righteousness or ming” or “Western Inscription” of
rightness). Principle, therefore, denotes Chang Tsai and the vision of the unity of
an essential quality within humanity a human being with Heaven, earth, and
and enters into the moral category of all things, comments that there is a sin-
Confucianism. Hsün-tzu, however, gle Principle but many manifestations.
sees li as cognizable principles of Paradoxically, each thing should have a
things. This view has influenced Wang principle, yet the principle of one thing
Pi (Fu-ssu), the I ching annotator of the is but the Principle of all things.
Three Kingdoms period, who considers The relation between hsing and
li to be the raison d’être of all things in Principle is also a close one and predi-
the universe. cated upon the many manifestations of
478
Principle (li)
a unitary Principle. Ch’eng I identifies Chu Hsi speaks at length and sys-
hsing with Principle. To be precise, tematically of the relation between li
hsing is the indication of the presence and ch’i. For him, the two cannot be
of Principle within each thing, while divided into a sharp dualism. He identi-
Principle is a general designation given fies Principle with the t’ai-chi (Great
to the essential nature of all things. Ultimate) that gives rise to the ch’i of
Human nature is a specific and con- both yin and yang. Therefore, ch’i is
crete example of Principle embodied in derived from li, and li must manifest
a living thing. Having human nature as itself through ch’i. Though Principle is
a specific example, however, is to shift given priority over vitality, they cannot
the focus of Principle from an objective be separated from each other. Both are
law of things to a subjective issue of said to coexist between Heaven and
ethics. Thus, Chu Hsi, the great synthe- earth. Principle is the common and
sizer of Neo-Confucianism, draws a dis- original Tao that gives birth to things;
tinction between Tao as Principle of vitality is the utensil that provides all
things and hsing as Principle of the sub- concrete things with different forms.
jective self, and includes the Principle From this perspective, the universe is
of things in the Principle of the self. an organic whole of ch’i with a unifying
From the Neo-Confucian perspec- moral Principle embedded within it.
tive, human nature as Principle is the For the School of Principle, it is
inner moral character of goodness human nature, hsing, that becomes the
identified early on in Mencius’ theory of location of Principle within the individ-
the ssu-tuan (Four Beginnings). ual. Education and self-cultivation are
Accordingly, Chu Hsi suggests humane- oriented toward the unfoldment and
ness, rightness, propriety, and wisdom realization of this Principle found with-
to be the contents of human nature, in human nature. The School of Heart-
hence of Principle. The condition of Mind accepts the concept of Principle
moral goodness as part of the character outlined above, but located it in the
of human nature suggests that Principle heart-mind or hsin, not in hsing. While
is morally good. This leads to a conclu- Lu Chiu-yüan sees the heart-mind as
sion undergirding most, if not all, of the Principle itself, Wang Yang-ming
Neo-Confucian thought that we live in a asserts that there is no Principle outside
profoundly moral universe, in which the heart-mind. This results in a very
the underlying Principle found in all different scheme of learning and self-
things has a moral character to it. cultivation. The School of Heart-Mind
Principle is also frequently paired simply seeks to manifest the heart-
with ch’i (vitality) by Chang Tsai and his mind without lengthy and arduous
Neo-Confucian followers. Li and ch’i are intellectual activities of learning and
looked upon as the basis for explana- education.
tion of things in the world, including Whether in the School of Principle or
humankind. Each thing is a combina- School of Heart-Mind, the end point of
tion of Principle and vitality, and it is self-cultivation lies in the search for the
this combination that determines the Absolute. The Absolute here refers to
particular way in which things act or Principle or, as Ch’eng Hao noted,
come into being in their essential T’ien-li (Principle of Heaven). The lat-
nature. Ch’eng I distinguishes li from ter term is built on the earlier Confucian
ch’i in terms of hsing-erh-shang, above use of T’ien (Heaven) as the Absolute
or without form, and hsing-erh-hsia, and incorporates it into the framework
below or within form, respectively. of Principle. Principle is equated with
Being above form, Principle is the Tao T’ien in that li may be defined as
that governs the vitality below. What Heaven’s unifying Principle in all things.
one should pursue by abiding in rever- The role of Principle in Sung dynasty
ence is li, not ch’i. and Ming dynasty Neo-Confucian
479
Principle Being One and Manifestations Being Many
Pu jen jen chih cheng Heaven with the capacity for moral reflec-
tion and development. Fundamental to
(Government That Cannot Bear this moral nature is the capacity of the
to See the Suffering of People) human heart-mind to be unable to
A phrase used by Mencius to describe endure the suffering of people. And
the ethical commitment of the govern- from this heart-mind, which was
ment to serving the interests of its peo- possessed by the ancient sage kings,
ple, pu jen jen chih cheng or “govern- Mencius develops an ideal government
ment that cannot bear to see the suffer- that cannot bear to see the suffering of
ing of people” is an extension of the people. See also hsin (heart-mind);
Mencius’ basic principle pu jen jen chih pu jen jen chih cheng (government that
hsin (the heart-mind that cannot bear cannot bear to see the suffering of peo-
to see the suffering of people). See also ple); suffering.
hsin (heart-mind) and suffering.
Lau, D. C., trans. Mencius. Harmondsworth,
Lau, D. C., trans. Mencius. Harmondsworth, England: Penguin Books, 1970.
England: Penguin Books, 1970.
Purification Pu Shang
The oracle bone inscription of the word See Tzu-hsia.
ju suggests that Confucianism is pri-
marily derived from a cultic tradition of Pu tung hsin
purification. The ju as the forerunner of The term pu tung hsin, unperturbed or
Confucians are known for their self- unmoved heart-mind, is from the Book
purification by bath before handling of Mencius, where Mencius claims that
sacrifices and leading ceremonies. Later he, himself, has achieved a state of still-
Confucian emphasis on ritual learning ness or calm at the age of forty. There is
and self-cultivation is actually a rem- an interesting parallel with Confucius’
nant of such practice. This is revealed in self-reflection that at forty he no longer
a statement of the Li chi or Records of had doubts. Whether Mencius had
Rites about the ju-Confucians who Confucius’ remark in mind is unknown,
bathe their bodies as well as their virtue. but both statements suggest a point of
When it comes to the Neo-Confucian li- settlement and firmness in conviction.
hsüeh (School of Principle or learning
483
Pu tung hsin
484
Quietude
Q
Quietude
See ching (quietude).
Quietism
Characteristic of Taoism and Buddhism,
quietism is also found in the Confucian
tradition, especially in Neo-Confucianism.
The idea of ching (quietude) and the
practice of ching-tso (quiet-sitting) are
the key elements of learning and self-
cultivation. Although the Confucian
advocates of quietism are criticized by
their fellows for leaning too close to
Buddhhism and Taoism, they are con-
scious of the need to define quietism
within the perimeters of an action-
based agenda. Confucian quietism
stresses that quietude is never an end in
itself, but always the preparation for fur-
ther action in the world and the founda-
tion for perfecting one’s morality.
Quiet-Sitting
See ching-tso (quiet-sitting).
485
Rationality
R
Reading Notes
See cha-chi.
Reality
See ch’eng (sincerity); ch’i (vitality);
hsiang-shu (image-number); Principle
(li); t’ai-chi (Great Ultimate); Tao
(Way); T’ien (Heaven); t’i/yung (sub-
stance/function); wu-chi (Non-Ultimate);
Rationality wu hsing; yin/yang.
Rationality suggests the use of intellec-
tual means to acquire knowledge as
opposed to intuition. Although there is
Realization
See t’i-jen.
hardly a complete correspondence
between Chinese concepts and Western
philosophical categories, in general the Real Learning
two major schools of Neo-Confucian See shih-hsüeh.
thought divide themselves between
what might be described as rational
knowledge and intuitive knowledge. Reasoning
The li-hsüeh (School of Principle or See ssu (thinking).
learning of Principle) would be consid-
ered to advocate rational knowledge
because of its interpretation of ko-wu
Rebirth
As an important idea found in
chih-chih, investigation of things and
Buddhism and other religious tradi-
extension of knowledge, as a form of
tions, rebirth is absent in Confucianism.
learning and self-cultivation through
Instead, the Confucians believe in the
intellectual means.
continuous sheng-sheng or production
The hsin-hsüeh (School of Heart-
of life with no particular attention to the
Mind), however, does not focus upon
preservation and continuation of an
the acquisition of knowledge but the
individual spirit or soul, the hun and
realization or manifestation of knowl-
p’o. See also hun/p’o.
edge from within the hsin (heart-mind)
in a form referrred to as liang-chih, or
knowledge of the good. Note that Reciprocity
Confucian rationality is always com- See shu (reciprocity or empathy).
bined with ethics. It insures the under-
standing of the underlying ethical basis
to actions in the world. Recommendee
Translation of the chü-jen before the
Chan, Wing-tsit, trans. and comp. A Sung dynasty. See chü-jen.
Source Book in Chinese Philosophy.
Princeton, NJ: Princeton University
Press, 1969. Recorded Conversations
Fung Yu-lan. A History of Chinese See yü-lu.
Philosophy. Translated by Derk
Bodde. 2 vols. Princeton, NJ: Recorded Conversations of Hsin-
Princeton University Press, 1983.
Chai
See Hsin-chai yü-lu.
Rational Knowledge
See rationality.
486
Refined Study for the Explication of the Classics
487
Reflecting
This smaller version of the Chinese reed instrument is known generally as the sheng.
Rightness
Resounding Box (chu) See i (righteousness or rightness).
One of the ancient musical instruments
used in the performance of Confucian
ritual, principally the shih-tien ceremo- Rightness Is to Square the
ny (Twice Yearly Confucian Ceremony), External
the instrument chu or resounding box, See i i fang wai.
also called ch’iang or empty wood, is
composed of a square wooden box,
larger at the top than bottom, with a Rites
wooden hammer attached inside. It See li (propriety or rites).
made a single sound, a clapping sound,
and was used at the beginning and end
of a musical number. See also music. Rites of Chou
See Chou li.
Karlgren, Bernhard. Grammata Serica
Recensa. 1957. Reprint, Göteborg, Rites of the K’ai-Yüan Period
Sweden: Elanders Boktryckeri See K’ai-yüan li.
Aktiebolag, 1972.
Palmer, Spencer J. Confucian Rituals in
Korea. Berkeley, CA: Asian Humanities Rites of the K’ai-Yüan Period of
Press, 1984. the Great T’ang
Taylor, Rodney L. The Way of Heaven: An See K’ai-yüan li.
Introduction to the Confucian
Religious Life. Leiden, Netherlands:
E. J. Brill, 1986. Ritual Address
See chu-wen (ritual address).
Restorationism
See fu-ku. River Chart
See “Ho t’u” (“River Chart”).
Revelation
See ching (classic) and sheng or sheng- Rules in Boudoir
jen (sage). See Kuei fan.
Reverence
See ching (reverence or seriousness).
490
Rules in Boudoir
In the foreground is the chu, which is played by using the pole in the middle of the box to tap a wooden
hammer on the bottom of the box. The entire box resonates with the sound.
491
Sacred/Profane
S
of carrying out sacrifices in the perfor-
mance of li (propriety or rites) at both
levels of state cult and everyday ances-
tor worship. Confucian sacrifices have
different gradations, of which the basic
ones are the t’ai-lao or Great Offering
and the hsiao-lao, Small Offering. See
also ancestors (tsu); hsiao-lao offering;
sheng or sheng-jen (sage); t’ai-lao
offering.
Sacred/Profane
Two categories used by historian of reli- Ebrey, Patricia Buckley, trans. Chu Hsi’s
gion Mircea Eliade and now employed Family Rituals: A Twelfth-Century
broadly to describe the general nature Chinese Manual for the Performance
of religious phenomena. When applied of Cappings, Weddings, Funerals,
to Confucianism, the sacred refers to and Ancestral Rites. Princeton, NJ:
such elements as T’ien (Heaven), the Princeton University Press, 1991.
T’ien-li (Principle of Heaven), the Taylor, Rodney L. The Way of Heaven: An
sheng or sheng-jen (sage), and the Introduction to the Confucian
ching (classic); the profane by contrast Religious Life. Leiden, Netherlands:
is the world that needs to be rectified. E. J. Brill, 1986.
The distinction between the sacred and
the profane in the tradition, however, is
not clear-cut. This suggests that the Sage
sacred has its roots in the profane and See sheng or sheng-jen (sage).
allows the profane to realize its capacity
for the sacred. Sagehood
See sheng or sheng-jen (sage).
Eliade, Mircea, ed. The Sacred and the
Profane: The Nature of Religion.
Translated by Willard R. Trask. New Sage Kings
York: Harcourt Brace Jovanovich, See Three Sage Kings.
1959.
Sage of Antiquity
Sacred Time See hsien-sheng (Sage of Antiquity).
Confucian sacred time rests with the
sheng or sages of antiquity. It is believed
that during these periods of time Sage Within, King Without
Heaven, earth, and humankind existed See nei-sheng wai-wang (Sage Within,
in a harmonious relation, in which the King Without).
people fulfilled their moral nature and
lived at peace. This is called the ta-t’ung, Saint
Great Unity, and it has always been the As a general category of holy person,
hope of the tradition to return to such a saint has sheng as its counterpart in
sacred time. See also sacred/profane Confucianism. See also sheng or sheng-
and sheng or sheng-jen (sage). jen (sage).
492
San chiao ho-i
That the three teachings are one is of syncretism is to equalize all tradi-
also expressed by other phrases. San tions, and san chiao ho-i is an attempt
chiao i yüan, the three teachings with a to ameliorate the distinction of the
single origin, suggests that the three three teachings. It prevents people from
religions emerged out of a common holding to one single religion and con-
perspective, if not historical, at least demning others as false knowledge or
philosophical. Shu t’u t’ung kuei, differ- potentially harmful practices.
ent paths reaching the same end, sug- The history of Confucianism has wit-
gests different traditions leading to a nessed an active criticism of other reli-
common pursuit. gious traditions, specifically of Taoism
The unity of the three teachings was and Buddhism as world denying and
pursued through the practice of san escapist. The syncretic model suggests
chiao chien-hsiu, combined cultivation mutual respect and characterizes cer-
of the three teachings, which suggests tain elements of the Neo-Confucian
that an individual could cultivate all movement. With his Confucian back-
three at the same time. While some such ground, Lin Chao-en saw Confucianism
as Yüan Huang stuck to one of the tradi- as the foundation and common link
tions as the primary teaching into which running through both Buddhism and
elements from other traditions were Taoism. He advocated a broad range of
assimilated, others like Lin Chao-en reciprocity through the unity of the
attempted more seriously to search for a three teachings.
unifying element among the three reli-
gions. Here the term syncretism is often Berling, Judith A. The Syncretic Religion
employed to describe the notion of san of Lin Chao-en. New York: Columbia
chiao ho-i in that the traditions are unit- University Press, 1980.
ed at a more fundamental level, on Ch’ien, Edward. Chiao Hung and the
which a commonality is found. The actu- Restructuring of Neo-Confucianism
al unity, however, was rarely achieved. in the Late Ming. New York:
In most cases, the individual retains Columbia University Press, 1986.
a particular point of view, be it de Bary, Wm. Theodore. “Neo-
Confucian, Taoist, or Buddhist. All tra- Confucian Cultivation and the
ditions are equal only when they are Seventeenth-Century ‘Enlightenment.’”
interpreted according to the root The Unfolding of Neo-Confucianism.
metaphor of a single tradition. Even Edited by Wm. Theodore de Bary.
in the example of Lin Chao-en, New York: Columbia University
Confucianism remained primary and Press, 1975.
became the basis for incorporating ele- Taylor, Rodney L. The Religious
ments from Buddhism and Taoism. Dimensions of Confucianism. Albany,
While one might suggest that the three NY: State University of New York
religions are united into one, they are Press, 1990.
united on the ground of one tradition,
not all three. The Truth is present in the
primary tradition; the two other tradi- San chiao i yüan
tions are true only to the degree that Pertinent to the idea of san chiao ho-i,
they can be assimilated to the Truth of unity of the three teachings or religions,
the primary tradition. the phrase san chiao i yüan, three teach-
While this may seem to be a mere ings (or religions) one origin, refers to the
borrowing of others’ beliefs and prac- belief that Confucianism, Taoism, and
tices to incorporate into one’s own, the Buddhism share a common starting
key point of san chiao ho-i is to open point, if not historically, at least philo-
oneself to other religious traditions. sophically. This belief became one of the
This is what makes it syncretism, not major grounds for syncretism in the later
simply historical interactions. The ideal development of the Confucian tradition.
494
San li
Ch’ien, Edward. Chiao Hung and the the wife being bound to her husband. It
Restructuring of Neo-Confucianism was formulated on the basis of
in the Late Ming. New York: Confucian ethical positioning by the
Columbia University Press, 1986. Legalist Han Fei-tzu during the late
Warring States period and established
by the Han dynasty Confucian Tung
San chuan Chung-shu. Tung set up a hierarchy of
The san chuan or Three Commentaries yin/yang, assigning the base element of
refers to the Kung-yang chuan, the Ku- yin to the subject, the son, and the wife,
liang chuan, and the Tso chuan com- and the noble yang to the ruler, the
mentaries to the Ch’un ch’iu or Spring father, and the husband.
and Autumn Annals. While the first two The Neo-Confucian Chu Hsi of the
were transmitted in the form of New Sung dynasty regarded the san kang
Text, the last one was an Old Text. The and the wu ch’ang, Five Constants, as
New Text commentaries are essentially part of the T’ien-li (Principle of
exegetic, whereas the Old Text empha- Heaven), considering them everlasting.
sizes historical accounts. That is why This has been severely criticized by
the Neo-Confucian Chu Hsi regards the modern Chinese thinkers. T’an Ssu-
Kung-yang chuan and Ku-liang chuan t’ung, a reformer of the late Ch’ing
as hermeneutics, and the Tso chuan as dynasty, regarded the Three Bonds as
historiography. This grouping became limitations upon the individual. Into the
one of the chu-k’o or various subjects twentieth century, while Ch’en Tu-hsiu
for the civil service examinations dur- suggested replacing the Three Bonds
ing the T’ang dynasty. See also New with modern Western morals and poli-
Text/Old Text (chin-wen/ku-wen). tics, Mao Tse-tung condemned them
from the Marxist standpoint.
Lee, Thomas H. C. Government Education
and Examinations in Sung China. Chang, Hao. “Confucian Cosmological
New York: St. Martin’s Press, 1985. Myth and Neo-Confucian
Loewe, Michael, ed. Early Chinese Texts: Transcendence.” Cosmology, Ontology,
A Bibliographical Guide. Early and Human Efficacy. Edited by
China Special Monograph Series, Richard J. Smith and D. W. Y. Kwok.
no. 2. Berkeley, CA: Institute of East Honolulu, HI: University of Hawaii
Asian Studies, 1994. Press, 1993.
495
San she
in which hsiao (filial piety) is put in the Chaoying Fang. Honolulu, HI:
first place. See also Ch’ien tzu wen; University of Hawaii Press, 1987.
Hsiao-hsüeh; hsing (nature); Pai-chia
hsing; tsa-tzu.
Savior
Giles, Herbert A. The San tzu ching or When savior is defined as one who
Three Character Classic and the saves or relieves others from suffering,
Ch’ien Tzu Wen or Thousand it can be compared to the Confucian
Character Essay. Shanghai, China: A. sheng or sage that brings people to
H. de Caravalho, 1873. understanding and developing their
Scott, Dorothea Hayward. Chinese Popular moral nature through learning and self-
Literature and the Child. Chicago, cultivation. The sheng has a capacity for
IL: American Library Association, 1980. the transformation of the individual
Wu, Pei-yi. “Education of Children in and so it might be appropriate to con-
the Sung.” Neo-Confucian Education: sider him a savior figure. See also hsing
The Formative Stage. Edited by Wm. (nature); sheng or sheng-jen (sage);
Theodore de Bary and John W. Shun; yü (king).
Chaffee. Berkeley, CA: University of
California Press, 1989. Birrell, Anne. Chinese Mythology: An
Introduction. Baltimore, MD: Johns
Hopkins University Press, 1999.
San-yüan School Taylor, Rodney L. The Religious
A Ming dynasty Neo-Confucian school, Dimensions of Confucianism. Albany,
the San-yüan School is named after a NY: State University of New York
prefecture in modern Shensi province, Press, 1990.
the native place of its representative
Wang Shu and most of his disciples.
Huang Tsung-hsi in his Ming-ju hsüeh- Sayings of the Confucian School
an or The Records of Ming Scholars sug- See K’ung-tzu chia-yü (Confucius’
gests that the school is an offshoot of the Family Sayings).
Kuan School of Chang Tsai and an
admirer of Hsüeh Hsüan, implying a Scholar Class (shih)
connection with the Ch’eng-Chu School. The term shih is frequently translated as
Wang Shu advocates chin-hsing (fully scholar or literati when used to describe
developing the nature), so as to compre- a class of individuals whose expertise
hend T’ien (Heaven). For him, the hsing lay in education and governmental
(nature) is Heaven’s bestowal upon the administration. Originally, the term
human race. Thus, to understand the primarily referred to the military offi-
T’ien-li (Principle of Heaven) as well as all cials at the bottom of the ruling classes,
things in the world, one needs only to but it came to be the designation for
make a thorough inquiry into one’s this new class of society that emerged as
nature. Wang also believes that the domi- a result of the rise of the private schools,
nance of Heavenly Principle is inversely especially the Confucian school.
proportional to that of human desires. Through the Confucians’ focus upon
However, not all members of the San-yüan education and service, new educational
School shared the same thought. While institutions were begun and govern-
some of them stuck with the notions of ment service became a career path. In
ching (reverence or seriousness) and ch’i- its expanded definition, the shih was
ung-li (exhausting Principle), one turned contrasted with farmer, artisan, and
to the Kan-ch’üan School of Hsü Fu- merchant classes, raising questions of
yüan. See also yü (desire). social mobility for a class whose labor
was measured in terms of intellectual
Huang Tsung-hsi. The Records of Ming production to assist in government ser-
Scholars. Edited by Julia Ching with vice and education. The creation of this
497
School for the Sons of the State
School for the Sons of the State Elman, Benjamin A. From Philosophy to
See kuo-tzu hsüeh. Philology: Intellectual and Social
Aspects of Change in Late Imperial
China. Los Angeles, CA: UCLA Asian
Schooling Pacific Monograph Series, 2001.
See Hsiao-hsüeh; hsien-hsüeh; ju- Wang, Hui. “The Fate of ‘Mr. Science’ in
hsüeh; kuo-tzu hsüeh; shu-yüan acade- China: The Concept of Science and
my; t’ai-hsüeh (National University). Its Application in Modern Chinese
Thought.” Translated by Howard Y.
School of Han Learning F. Choy. Formations of Colonial
See Han-hsüeh. Modernity in East Asia. Edited by
Tani E. Barlow. Durham, NC: Duke
University Press, 1997.
School of Heart-Mind
See hsin-hsüeh (School of Heart-Mind).
Scripture
See ching (classic).
School of Principle or Learning
of Principle Sea of Learning Hall
Translation of the term li-hsüeh as See Hsüeh-hai t’ang.
opposed to the hsin-hsüeh (School of
Heart-Mind) after the split of the
Neo-Confucian movement in the Second Hexagram
Ming dynasty. See li-hsüeh (School of See k’un hexagram.
Principle or learning of Principle).
498
Serpent
Self-Acquisition Self-Sacrifice
See tzu-te. See i (righteousness or rightness).
Self-Cultivation Seriousness
See hsiu-shen. See ching (reverence or seriousness).
Self-Denial Serpent
Although there are times when a Serpent is an ambiguous symbol in
Confucian engages in self-denial as part Chinese culture. One way it is identified
of the process of learning and self-culti- is with a dragon and represents the
vation, such asceticism in Confucianism body of Huang Ti or the Yellow Emperor,
never goes to the extreme of denying the hence a source of nobility, blessing,
499
Seven Emotions
501
Shang Dynasty
502
Shang-ti (Lord upon High)
Four Branches of Books, responsible for one. He identified this singularity with
restoration of historical texts. He also the t’ai-chi (Great Ultimate) that exists
engaged in compiling a continuation of before and after the presence of all
the san t’ung or “Three Generals” and in things. For Shao Po-wen, the t’ai-chi is
revising Pi Yüan’s sequel of the Tzu-chih eternal and omnipresent. He also
t’ung-chien or General Mirror for the Aid defined the singularity as the hsin
of Government. In the area of ching- (heart-mind) of Heaven and earth,
hsüeh (study of classics), Shao Chin- which in turn was equated with the
han’s contributions are found in his heart-mind of the sheng-jen or sage. See
annotations to the Ku-liang chuan also sheng or sheng-jen (sage).
commentary on the Ch’un ch’iu or
Spring and Autumn Annals, the Book of Franke, Herbert, ed. Sung Biographies.
Mencius, as well as an ancient lexicon. 2 vols. Wiesbaden, Germany:
See also han-lin yüan (Academy of Steiner, 1976.
Assembled Brushes).
Shao Yung, one of the Five Early Sung Masters, developed a cosmological system from the number 4 in his
“Diagram of Preceding Heaven.”
506
Shao Yung
Emperor Ch’eng Tsu of the Ming dynasty, author of the Sheng-hsüeh hsin-fa, was responsible
for the canonization of Neo-Confucian writings.
510
Sheng or sheng-jen (Sage)
513
Shen Nung
The invention or discovery of agriculture is attributed to the Blaze Emperor Shen Nung.
515
Shen-tu
516
Shih chi (Records of the Historian)
Gardner, Daniel K. Chu Hsi and the Ta- identifies ch’i with Principle (li). As for
hsueh: Neo-Confucian Reflection on human nature, he regards both good
the Confucian Canon. Cambridge, and evil as its original nature, and
MA: Council on East Asian Studies, rejects the Neo-Confucian idea of
Harvard University, 1986. innate moral knowledge.
517
Shih Chieh
be able to understand and interpret the Nienhauser, William H., Jr., ed. The
moral underpinning in the course of Grand Scribe’s Records. Translated
history. Ssu-ma T’an and Ssu-ma Ch’ien by Tsai-fa Cheng et al. Bloomington,
took their responsibility as historians IN: Indiana University Press, 1994.
seriously, focusing tremendous atten- –––––– and comp. The Indiana
tion on the accuracy as well as moral Companion to Traditional Chinese
value of the records compiled. They Literature. Bloomington, IN: Indiana
produced what has become the first of University Press, 1986.
the twenty-five official histories and the Watson, Burton, trans. Records of the
model for most subsequent historical Grand Historian of China. 2 vols.
writings in China. New York: Columbia University
From the Confucian point of view, Press, 1961.
such historiography was of great impor-
tance. It was the Confucian school that
looked to history for the models of Shih Chieh
virtue in the rulers of high antiquity. An (1005–1045) One of the Three Teachers
accurate and detailed account of the of Early Sung; also named Shih Shou-tao
activities from these ancient times and Ts’u-lai hsien-sheng. Shih Chieh was
could only serve to understand the ways a native of modern Shantung province.
of virtue of the ancients. In addition, the He passed the chin-shih examination
basic principle of Chinese historiogra- and received his Metropolitan Graduate
phy to search out the moral underpin- degree at the age of twenty-six and was
ning to the historical process was a cen- appointed Judge, Military Supervisor,
tral part of Confucian teachings. From chih-chiang or Lecturer of the kuo-tzu
the Confucian perspective, Heaven chien (Directorate of Education), and
acted in history. The T’ien-ming lastly Companion for the Heir Apparent
(Mandate of Heaven) was the proof of in the chi-hsien yüan (Academy
such action. An accurate rendering of of Assembled Worthies) during the
historical records would only show early 1040s.
more clearly the role of Heaven in the A supporter of the reforms by Fan
historical process. Chung-yen and Ou-yang Hsiu, Shih
Ssu-ma Ch’ien’s attitude toward Chieh believed that the best way for an
Confucianism was not only revealed in administration to act in accordance with
his historiography, but also in his place- the Confucian ideas of humaneness and
ment of Confucius among the heredi- rightness is to govern honestly, execute
tary households rather than in the biog- corrupt officials, and improve people’s
raphy section with the Taoist master life by eradicating poverty. Besides being
Lao-tzu and other prominent philoso- an upright statesman, he was a teacher
phers. By elevating Confucius to the of the I ching or Book of Changes. As a
noble status, the Grand Historian was in Confucian scholar, Shih rejected the
accord with Han Wu Ti’s policy to pro- existence of the Buddha, Taoist immor-
mote Confucianism as the state cult. tals, and the practice of alchemy. See
See also Huang Ti. also i (righteousness or rightness); jen
(humaneness); kuo-tzu hsüeh.
de Bary, Wm. Theodore, Wing-tsit Chan,
and Burton Watson, comps. Sources Franke, Herbert, ed. Sung Biographies.
of Chinese Tradition. New York: 2 vols. Wiesbaden, Germany:
Columbia University Press, 1960. Steiner, 1976.
Loewe, Michael, ed. Early Chinese Texts:
A Bibliographical Guide. Early China Shih ching
Special Monograph Series, no. 2. The first of the Five Classics according
Berkeley, CA: Institute of East Asian to traditional accounts is the Shih ching
Studies, 1994.
518
Shih ching
or Book of Poetry. In its present form it is devoted to the exploits of King Wen and
composed of 305 poems or songs. Half King Wu confirm the degree to which
of them appear to be folk songs and the Shih ching was a repository of the
often repeated poems of the day. The deeds of the sagely rulers. Thus,
other half reflect various activities of the Confucius sees in the classic not only a
upper classes, including hunting, ban- textbook of knowledge about birds,
quets, ceremonial occasions, and reli- beasts, plants, and trees, but also an aid
gious activities such as sacrifice. Some to moral instruction.
present elements of myth, suggesting The special relationship the
oral traditions pertaining to creation Confucian school has seen between
stories about the origins of the Shang itself and the Five Classics has led to an
and Chou people. overlay of Confucian interpretation
As in the case of other classics, there upon these works. The question of the
has been an attempt historically to see validity of this process is probably
the Shih ching as a repository of sources nowhere more frequently raised then
set down from antiquity. The work, in with the Shih ching. From the
part, represents early traditions, but Confucian point of view, though there
most of the songs and poems probably have been exceptions in the history of
come from the early to mid Chou period. the school, works such as the Shih ching
The songs purporting to represent the are first and foremost didactic in form.
Shang dynasty are probably of more This means that a love song cannot sim-
doubtful origin though they may repre- ply suggest an amorous relationship,
sent long-standing oral traditon. but rather must be a metaphor for some
The work is classified by the occa- other kind of political or historical situ-
sions for the songs or poems and thus ation. For example, it may instead
the type of performance. Some poems describe the perfect relation between a
or songs would simply be used in a pop- ruler and his minister or two family
ular setting such as folk songs. These are members or a host of other kinds of
the feng or air. In addition there are relationships.
poems or songs that are utilized in a There are two reasons for the shift
courtly setting, called ya or elegantiae, toward metaphor: one being the prac-
and last are those used in religious per- tice of poetry recitation in courtly and
formance called sung or eulogia. diplomatic circles among the states;
Various schemes have been used in another reason is the Confucian belief
addition to classify the poems and that the songs represent material from
songs in greater detail. the virtuous founding rulers of the
Traditional accounts credit Confucius Chou dynasty. Licentiousness, wanton-
himself with a direct role in the selec- ness, freedom, cross-gender relations
tion of the songs included in the collec- and heavy exactions are things that,
tion. He supposedly edited some 3,000 from the Confucian view, would not
songs down to the present anthology of take place under sagely rule. Thus, the
just over 300. The connection to poems must be metaphors referring to
Confucius as the editor of the work has conduct that was proper. The Confucian
provided the Confucian school with a scholars of the Han dynasty are well-
special claim of relationship. Not unlike known for their allegorical reading of
the other classics, Confucius is given the love lyrics.
some special role in the compilation of Not all Confucians have chosen to
the work. In addition to the connection interpret the work in this fashion, but
to Confucius himself, there is also the there is a general tendency to seek
Confucian interest in seeing this work, didactic accommodation in the mean-
like the other classics, as a repository of ing derived from what appears to us to
information about China’s past, in par- be nothing other than simple folk bal-
ticular the virtuous period of the found- lads representing a range of human
ing fathers of the Chou dynasty. Songs interests, desires, and pursuits. 519
Shih-ching (Stone Classics)
Lau, D. C., trans. The Analects (Lun yü). learnings, Confucianism should be
New York: Penguin Books, 1979. shih, real, substantial, and practical.
Loewe, Michael, ed. Early Chinese Texts: As Neo-Confucianism developed
A Bibliographical Guide. Early China within itself some factions that tended
Special Monograph Series, no. 2. toward the abstract in the Sung and
Berkeley, CA: Institute of East Asian Ming dynasties, shih-hsüeh came to be
Studies, 1994. a reminder of the need to face and solve
Waley, Arthur, trans. The Analects of real problems. Thus, the term was
Confucius. New York: Vintage Books, coined to criticize the Neo-Confucian
1938. teachings of the li-hsüeh (School of
Principle or learning of Principle) and
the hsin-hsüeh (School of Heart-Mind),
Shih-ching (Stone Classics) for their metaphysical isolation from
See stone classics. physical reality. The shih-hsüeh urged
people to learn skills of practical arts,
Shih-erh ching not just abstract philosophizing. This
See Twelve Classics. was commonly agreed upon among its
advocates Ku Yen-wu, Yen Jo-ch’ü, Yen
Yüan (Hsi-chai), Li Kung, and Kung
Shih-fei chih hsin Tzu-chen.
Meaning the hsin (heart-mind) that can De Bary has observed that the practi-
distinguish right from wrong, the phrase cal learning movement represented an
shih-fei chih hsin first occurs in the Book openness on the part of Confucianism
of Mencius, where it is stated as one of the to change and adaptation. While it was
ssu-tuan (Four Beginnings) of goodness. fashionable to assert that China and
The differentiation of right and wrong is indeed East Asia modernized at the
said to be the beginning of chih (wis- expense of the Confucian tradition, de
dom). The phrase establishes the funda- Bary has argued that modernization is
mental moral position of the Confucian in fact not so much a rejection of
school that human nature, hsing, is basi- Confucianism as a growth out of its
cally good. See also hsing (nature). practical learning. Empiricism and
modernization are deeply rooted in the
Lau, D. C., trans. Mencius. Harmondsworth, tradition itself. The shih-hsüeh that
England: Penguin Books, 1970. focused on the betterment of the world
by applying classical knowledge to actu-
al life evolved later into p’u-hsüeh,
Shih-hsüeh unadorned learning, or Han-hsüeh,
The shih-hsüeh, practical or real learn- Han learning, in the Ch’ien-Chia era of
ing, refers to the tendency in the late the Ch’ing dynasty. By then, under the
Neo-Confucian movement to move efforts of Ch’ing classical scholars, the
away from abstraction and turn toward term had become synonymous with
concrete studies. Intellectual historian k’ao-cheng hsüeh or textual criticism.
Wm. Theodore de Bary has pointed out
that shih-hsüeh emerged as a trend Chan, Wing-tsit, trans. and comp. A
within Neo-Confucianism early in the Source Book in Chinese Philosophy.
Sung dynasty, but it did not become a Princeton, NJ: Princeton University
major school until the late Ming Press, 1969.
dynasty and early Ch’ing dynasty when de Bary, Wm. Theodore and Irene
Ku Yen-wu appeared. Its influence Bloom, eds. Principle and Practicality:
reached Korea and Japan. The term Essays in Neo-Confucianism and
stands in contrast to Buddhism and Practical Learning. New York:
Taoism, suggesting that while these Columbia University Press, 1979.
teachings are hsü-hsüeh or empty
520
Shih i (Ten Wings)
521
Shih-liu tzu hsin-ch’uan
At the sacrificial table during the shih-tien ceremony the celebrant, flanked by ritual attendants, offers
food and wine before the altar.
sacrifice to Confucius in 195 B.C.E. This it also created a consistent and domi-
form of sacrificial offering, classified in nant form of Confucian cultic expres-
earlier records as the highest form of sion, what became known as the shih-
sacrificial offering, had been reserved tien ceremony, Twice Yearly Confucian
for sacrifices to Heaven and Earth. Such Ceremony. The term shih-tien first
sacrifice to Confucius was repeated by appears in the Li chi or Records of Rites
other rulers as a display of the honor and the Chou li or Rites of Chou, origi-
and esteem with which Confucius was nally referring to sacrificial rites per-
held. It was also an indication of the formed at school to ancient teachers
way in which Confucianism might be and sages in spring and autumn. With
recognized cultically as a state ideology. the institutionalization of Confucianism,
Initially sacrifices were carried out to the rites had been developed into a reg-
Confucius within his home state of Lu. By ular Confucian ceremony. Sacrifice
the T’ang dynasty, however, a Confucian within the ceremony itself took the form
temple had been built in the capital of Great Offering, though at times the
Ch’ang-an and it was not long before the hsiao-lao or Small Offering, a more mod-
order was given to construct Confucian est sacrifice, was employed. Differences
temples in every district throughout the in the nature of the sacrifice occur
country. Such temples became centers across time, but particularly the cultic
for ritual and ceremonial activity and forms of Confucian orthopraxy are
drew even more closely together the rela- developed in cultural settings other
tion between state cult and ideology and than China. The basic form of the shih-
the Confucian tradition. tien ceremony remained remarkably
The wedding of state cult and ideol- consistent throughout its history and
ogy with Confucianism produced the within its various cultural settings.
dominance of Confucian ideology, but
523
Shih-tien Ceremony (Twice Yearly Confucian Ceremony)
the ceremony. The ritual address is also writing. Given the important role that
ritually burned at a special location in the historiography has played in the
courtyard. This act of burning the ritual Confucian tradition, the Shih t’ung
address assures that it accompanies the questions the Confucian idealization of
spirits upon their return. ancient history. Liu criticizes the inter-
Such is the broadest outline of the pretation of history by use of yin/yang,
shih-tien ceremony. There have been a wu hsing or Five Elements, prognostica-
number of variations in the ceremony tion, and portents. He rejects the notion
across the history of the tradition. There of T’ien-ming (Mandate of Heaven) and
are also variations depending on the cul- suggests a focus on human affairs per se.
tural context in which the ceremony
occurs. Different offerings are found in de Bary, Wm. Theodore, Wing-tsit Chan,
Japan, for example, where the ceremony and Burton Watson, comps. Sources
has been influenced by the nativistic reli- of Chinese Tradition. New York:
gious tradition Shinto and the tradition- Columbia University Press, 1960.
al Chinese model has had less influence.
See also hsiao-lao offering and tiger
instrument (yü). Shou (Longevity)
A word used frequently in design motifs
Shryock, John K. The Origin and from architecture to cloths. Its meaning
Development of the State Cult of of long life, auspicious for anyone who
Confucius: An Introductory Study. encounters it, is often found in associa-
New York: The Century Co., 1932. tion with various features of the
Taylor, Rodney L. The Way of Heaven: An Confucian temple. Confucius once
Introduction to the Confucian commented that while those who have
Religious Life. Leiden, Netherlands: chih (wisdom) are happy, those who are
E. J. Brill, 1986. jen or humane will gain high age. The
Wilson, Thomas A. Genealogy of the “Hung-fan” or “Great Plan” chapter of
Way: The Construction and Uses of the Shu ching, Book of History, lists
the Confucian Tradition in Late shou, longevity, as the first of the five
Imperial China. Stanford, CA: blessings. However, it is by no means
Stanford University Press, 1995. limited to Confucian usage, being one of
the most universal symbols of good for-
tune found throughout East Asia. If its
Shih Ts’u-Lai use in Confucian practice seems exten-
See Shih Chieh. sive, that is because of the connection of
Confucian practice with the state cere-
mony and imperial symbolism in gener-
Shih t’ung (Understanding of al. See also jen (humaneness).
History)
The first major study of Chinese histori- Lau, D. C., trans. The Analects (Lun yü).
ography, the Shih t’ung or Understanding New York: Penguin Books, 1979.
of History is written by Liu Chih-chi of the Palmer, Spencer J. Confucian Rituals
T’ang dynasty. Completed in the year in Korea. Berkeley, CA: Asian
710, it investigates in depth the origin Humanities Press, 1984.
and development as well as the various
styles and methods of historiographical
writing and research. It also traces the Shou-lien (Collecting Together)
establishment of historiographic insti- Shou-lien, or shou-shih, both meaning
tutes in earlier periods, comments on collecting together, are used by Chu Hsi
previous works, and discusses the pur- to describe the function of the Confucian
poses and responsibilities of historical meditative practice, namely, ching-tso
(quiet-sitting). Chu Hsi suggests that
525
Shou-shih
thread” running throughout his Way. builds on this relational context. The
Tseng-tzu replies by saying that the Way character is composed of the character
Confucius referred to is simply the ju, meaning “like” or “similar,” and the
teaching of chung (loyalty), and shu, character hsin, meaning “heart-mind.”
reciprocity or empathy. This passage Thus, the word means literally “of like
from the Analects has established chung heart-mind,” “like-heartedness,” or
and shu as being at the very center of “like-mindedness,” and suggests the
fundamental principles for the identifi- capacity to share in another’s concerns
cation of the core of Confucius’ teach- or for another to share in one’s own con-
ings. Generations of Confucians and cerns, thus the translation as reciproci-
Neo-Confucians have sought to interpret ty or empathy.
the meaning of both concepts as defin- The Sung dynasty and Ming dynasty
ing qualities of the “single thread” said to Neo-Confucians enlarged the sphere of
run throughout Confucius’ teachings. shu to a philosophically self-conscious
The word shu has received a variety Principle (li) underlying all things, but
of translations. Reciprocity and empa- they still focused on its capacity to pro-
thy both suggest the quality of exten- vide a relational context with others as
sion of one’s inner feeling outward to part of the larger agenda of the learning
others, a quality that seems central to and self-cultivation necessary to fully
the word itself. In the case of shu, develop one’s capacity for sageliness.
Confucius expands his understanding Ch’en Ch’un in his Pei-hsi tzu-i, one of
of the word and provides what might be the major writings of the School of
described as a definition of shu, a state- Principle, discusses shu in relation to
ment that itself has become one of the chung. He quoted Ch’eng I that chung
best known maxims from the Analects. represents the complete exertion of the
The disciple Tzu-kung asked Confucius self in relation to the self, while shu rep-
whether there is a single word that can resents the exertion of the self to others.
become a guide for one’s behavior Chung is said to rest in one’s mind, shu
throughout a lifetime. Confucius to concern itself with the welfare of oth-
replied that there is such a word. It is ers. They are, according to Ch’en Ch’un,
shu and he defined it by saying, “Do not a single response, not two separate
do to others what you would not have things. Chung turns inward, shu extends
them do to you,” or in literary scholar D. outward, part of a continuum represent-
C. Lau’s version, “Do not impose on oth- ing the inner nature of the individual. In
ers what you yourself do not desire.” Neo-Confucian terms, the inner nature
The same sentence occurs in another of the individual is also the nature of
passage in the Analects where Confucius Heaven and Earth. Thus, chung and shu
is defining the nature of jen (humane- become descriptions of the nature of all
ness) for the disciple Chung-kung. It is things and a way of describing the “sin-
also found in similar though not identi- gle thread” that has now expanded from
cal form in both the “Great Learning” its meaning as the teaching of Confucius
(“Ta-hsüeh”) and the “Chung yung” to the unifying element found through
(“Doctrine of the Mean”). out the universe.
Frequently associated with jen, the By the late Ming period and into the
term suggests the relation of one person Ch’ing dynasty there was a movement
to another, the original meaning of jen against what was viewed as an overly
itself. Based on this relationship, philosophical orientation to Neo-
philosophers David L. Hall and Roger T. Confucian teachings. The focus became
Ames argue that while chung remains a return to the teachings of the classical
focused on straightening the internal period Confucian thinkers. As a result,
self, shu is always viewed relationally for concepts such as shu and its paralleling
its capacity to relate the self to another with chung as a description of the “sin-
or another to the self. Its core meaning gle thread” became far more focused on
527
Shu-ch’i
their meaning for moral conduct rather chapters in the work. This complicates
than metaphysical categories. In either any discussion of the work’s origins.
case, shu represents one of the most By traditional accounts Confucius
important virtues described by Confucius himself had a role in the editing of the
and whether as a metaphysical category work. Most modern scholarship dis-
or description of moral conduct, it counts the authenticity of the work as a
points to the understanding of the record of high antiquity as well as the
moral nature of the individual and the role of Confucius in its editing. There is
relation of that person to others. See still much early material contained in
also hsin (heart-mind) and ju. the work and for this reason it is an
invaluable source for understanding a
Chan, Wing-tsit, trans. and ed. Neo- Chinese perspective of the people’s past
Confucian Terms Explained (The as well as materials that clearly repre-
Pei-hsi tzu-i) by Ch’en Ch’un, sent Chou dynastic sources.
1159–1223. New York: Columbia The Shu ching is a work that has
University Press, 1986. been immensely important to the
––––––, trans. and comp. A Source Book Confucian school. This importance is in
in Chinese Philosophy. Princeton, NJ: large part because the work is a record
Princeton University Press, 1969. of ancient history that covers both the
Hall, David L., and Roger T. Ames. sage rulers of antiquity as well as the
Thinking Through Confucius. Albany, despots; in other words, it affords later
NY: State University of New York generations historic lessons. The
Press, 1987. Confucian school, in focusing on the
Lau, D. C., trans. The Analects (Lun yü). importance of returning the world to
New York: Penguin Books, 1979. the ways of virtue of the ancients, uses a
work such as the Shu ching as a source-
book for establishing the model of what
Shu-ch’i the world had been like during the
See Po-i and shu-i (etiquette book). reigns of the sage rulers. From the Shu
ching the Confucians point to specific
Shu ching features of society under the sages and
The second of the Five Classics accord- to characteristics of the sages them-
ing to traditional accounts is the Shu selves as an indication of what the
ching, translated as the Book of History world had actually been like when there
or Book of Documents. Also known as the was sage rule.
Shang shu or Hallowed Documents, the There is even a larger importance to
work purports to cover a wide span of the Shu ching for the Confucian school,
ancient Chinese history from the time of and this pertains to the meaning and
the sage ruler Yü into the Chou dynasty. use of history for the Confucians. The
Major sections are devoted to detailed Shu ching is regarded as important from
accounts of the Hsia dynasty, Shang the Confucian perspective because it is
dynasty, and Chou history. It is com- a record of rulers and their specific rule
posed of a variety of different types of whether sages or tyrants. It is a record of
material including accounts of historical the change of dynasties, of the rise of
incidents, official ordinances and noble rulers, and the fall of despotic
announcements, and extended philo- ones. In a larger framework, there is
sophical discussions on principles of order, meaning, and purpose behind
governance. From this work are derived what might appear as just the record of
many of the purported activities of the random events. The Duke of Chou sum-
sage rulers of antiquity. Its authorship is marizes this notion in terms of the
probably mid-Chou dynasty, but there T’ien-ming (Mandate of Heaven), sug-
are both new text and forged old text gesting that behind the events them-
selves lies the constant involvement of
528
Shu-jen (Common People)
backgrounds but still stands as a desig- praised by the Confucian school. Yao,
nation for a group of people. When refer- Shun, and Yü are frequently referred to
ring to a group of people, the term is together as the Three Sage Kings. Shun,
used in contrast to jen (human), a term before he became the sovereign, served
primarily associated with an individual Yao for a number of years as minister. In
and particularly a person of learning and his capacity as minister, he is said to
moral cultivation. From the Confucian have conducted himself in ways for the
perspective, although terms such as shu- benefit of the empire and all its sub-
jen suggest the people, there is never an jects. Mencius refers to Shun as having
exclusion of individuals from such been responsible for banishing the Four
groups becoming jen, persons, with a Villains, the four most corrupt tribes,
strong focus upon their individuality from the empire.
established in terms of learning and With the death of Yao, Shun, rather
moral cultivation. Because shu-jen than Yao’s son, became the sovereign for
appears to be inclusive of a wide range of thirty-nine years. Many stories are told
social backgrounds, there is little to sug- of the talents of Shun and thus the rea-
gest, as the Marxists have argued, that its son for his selection to become the
use is primarily associated with the iden- ruler. Part of the story that seems partic-
tification of specific class distinctions. ularly important for the Confucian
See also chung (people). school is the humble origin of Shun. He
is not a man of any high nobility, but
Hall, David L., and Roger T. Ames. instead a man with great ability. He also
Thinking Through Confucius. Albany, overcomes great adversity in his family,
NY: State University of New York particularly the cruelty of his father
Press, 1987. toward him. There is even a story about
Lau, D. C., trans. The Analects (Lun yü). the attempts by his blind father and
New York: Penguin Books, 1979. younger brother to kill him. Yet he
emerges from this setting eager to com-
mit his abilities to work for the good of
Shu Lin the empire and without bitterness or
(1136–1199) Neo-Confucian of the malice toward those under whom he
Southern Sung dynasty; also known as suffered.
Shu Yüan-chih and Shu Yüan-pin. He There is a particularly moving story
was a student of Yang Shih, one of the of a great reconciliation on the part of
major disciples of Ch’eng Hao and his father and brother after Shun refus-
Ch’eng I, and a friend of Chang Shih es to show anything other than the
(Ch’ih), Chu Hsi, and Lü Tsu-ch’ien, but proper respect for his father and frater-
was largely influenced by Lu Chiu- nality to his brother in spite of their past
yüan. He took the chin-shih examina- together. All of these stories combine to
tion to receive his Metropolitan become exemplary tales of virtue within
Graduate degree in his early youth and the context of the teachings of the
became a very well-known instructor. Confucian School. As a result, Shun
His specialty was the Confucian clas- becomes a model as a distant sage king
sics, primarily the Shih ching or Book of from whom any person might learn
Poetry and the Li chi or Records of Rites. how to conduct oneself. See also T’ao
Ying and Yü (king).
Franke, Herbert, ed. Sung Biographies.
2 vols. Wiesbaden, Germany: Birrell, Anne. Chinese Mythology: An
Steiner, 1976. Introduction. Baltimore, MD: Johns
Hopkins University Press, 1999.
Shun Lau, D. C., trans. Mencius. Harmondsworth,
The second sage king, Shun, from England: Penguin Books, 1970.
Chinese high antiquity, was extensively Legge, James, trans. The Chinese
530
Shuo kua Commentary
534
Six Dynasties
535
Six Teachings
disunity throughout China. However, the is assigned a name and is composed of six
chaos afforded a good opportunity for lines, the line system derived from two
the rise of the hsüan-hsüeh (mysterious forms of line, the solid or yang line (——)
learning), an attempt at a synthesis of and the broken or yin line (— —). The two
Confucianism and Taoism. Figures like forms of lines are combined first to
Wang Pi (Fu-ssu) and Ho Yen sought to make a trigram or three-line combina-
interpret the Confucian classics in terms tion of which there are eight possible
of Taoist philosophy, suggesting that the combinations or the eight trigrams,
Confucian ethical code was derived from pa kua. The eight trigrams are then
the Taoist ideal of tzu-jan, naturalness or combined into six line combinations of
“so-of-itself.” During the Northern and which there are sixty-four possibilities,
Southern Dynasties, the second half of the sixty-four hexagrams.
the Six Dynasties, Buddhism emerged as The sixty-four hexagrams are said to
the third major tradition in the religious be able to symbolize all possible situa-
world of China. Since then, tions of change arising in the world.
Confucianism, Taoism, and Buddhism This does not mean that there are a lim-
have been put together as the tripartite ited number of situations, but rather
san chiao (three religions or teachings). that the symbolism of the sixty-four
hexagrams is inclusive and expansive in
Fung Yu-lan. A History of Chinese its scope and thus capable of extension
Philosophy. Translated by Derk to any and all situations that have
Bodde. 2 vols. Princeton, NJ: occurred or might occur. Each line of
Princeton University Press, 1983. the hexagram is given symbolic mean-
Meskill, John Thomas, with J. Mason ing. In turn, each trigram that compos-
Gentzler, eds. An Introduction to es the hexagram also carries a level of
Chinese Civilization. New York: meaning for the interpretation of the
Columbia University Press, 1973. hexagram as a whole.
The larger philosophical meaning of
the hexagrams is explored in the com-
Six Teachings mentary layers of the I ching, the “Ten
The term Six Teachings or liu hsüeh is Wings,” in particular the “Hsi-tz’u
used in a fashion similar to the liu i, Six chuan.” Yet, most of the “Ten Wings”
Arts or Disciplines, as a description of add additional and expanded meanings
the Six Classics. Its use, beginning in to the hexagrams. In the “Hsi-tz’u
the Ch’in dynasty and Han dynasty, chuan” there is discussion of deep and
marked the conception of the profound meanings of the hexagams
Confucian classics as an integrated cur- together with an attempt to understand
riculum rather than separate texts. the development of civilization through
the use of hexagrams as symbols out of
Fung Yu-lan. A History of Chinese which culture evolved.
Philosophy. Translated by Derk A hexagram represents a particular
Bodde. 2 vols. Princeton, NJ: moment or situation in time and has
Princeton University Press, 1983. connected to it a vast array of connec-
tions and correspondences. From the
Sixteen-Character Message of the perspective of the I ching, change takes
place in the universe in an ordered and
Heart-Mind structured fashion. There is a pattern to
See shih-liu tzu hsin-ch’uan. the process of change and the trigrams
and hexagrams represent the basic
Sixty-four Hexagrams structure of change. Each hexagram is a
The sixty-four hexagrams are the basic particular moment or point in the
symbols that compose and organize the I process of change layered with rich and
ching or Book of Changes. Each hexagram fecund symbols representing that
536
Sixty-four Hexagrams
This illustration depicts the circular and square positions of the sixty-four hexagrams attributed to Fu Hsi.
Spirits
Soul See kuei/shen.
A concept used commonly in Western
religious traditions, soul carries certain
specific theological connotations con- Spirits and Ghosts
cerning the immortality of human spir- See kuei/shen.
it. Its Confucian counterpart is the dual
spirit hun, cloud-soul, and p’o, white-
soul. See also hun/p’o.
Spring and Autumn Annals
See Ch’un ch’iu.
Ssu chü chiao and evil. For Ch’ien Te-hung, while the
One of the major instructions of Wang nature of the heart-mind is beyond
Yang-ming, the ssu chü chiao, Four- good and evil, the distinction has been
Sentence Teaching or Doctrine in Four made because we do not dwell in our
Axioms, has been at the center of contro- unmanifest heart-mind, but rather in
versy for varying interpretations. It reads: the i-fa or manifest heart-mind that has
acquired a distinction between good
Without good and evil is the and evil. The work of self-cultivation
substance of the heart-mind. should, therefore, be operated within
With good and evil is the the distinction so as to recover the sub-
activation of the will. stance of the heart-mind.
Wang Yang-ming’s response was that
Knowing good and evil is they were both correct. Wang Chi had
the knowledge of the good. aptly perceived that the character of the
unmanifest heart-mind was the founda-
Doing good and ridding evil is tion of the manifest, and for the person of
the investigation of things. extraordinary insight, straight apprehen-
sion of the unmanifest heart-mind was
The four sentences are to explain the possible. However, most people were not
nature of the hsin (heart-mind) to of this ability. In this respect, Ch’ien Te-
introduce Wang Yang-ming’s own theo- hung was right in discerning the unman-
ry of liang-chih, knowledge of the good, ifest and the manifest, recognizing that
and to rebuff Chu Hsi’s exposition of the the aim of liang-chih was to make the
process of the investigation of things. distinction between good and evil so that
The first sentence characterizes the one could act upon the good and remove
hsin-chih-t’i, the substance of the the evil. Despite Wang’s answer, the
heart-mind, in the absolute state of wei- debate has continued within the Wang
fa, unmanifest. In this state, the heart- Yang-ming School. See also T’ien-ch’üan
mind is described as wu-shan wu-eh, Bridge debate.
without or beyond good and evil, that is,
no distinction of good and evil. Such Chan, Wing-tsit, trans. Instructions for
distinction exists only when the will, as Practical Living and Other Neo-
stated in the second sentence, becomes Confucian Writings by Wang Yang-
active. The third sentence defines liang- ming. New York: Columbia University
chih, knowledge of the good, as a facul- Press, 1985.
ty that knows good and evil. The fourth Ching, Julia. To Acquire Wisdom: The
sentence holds that the investigation of Way of Wang Yang-ming. New York:
things is not an outward process of cog- Columbia University Press, 1976.
nition, as Chu Hsi puts it, but an inward
act of cultivating the good and eliminat-
ing the evil. Ssu-i
A debate about the ssu chü chiao Ssu-i or selfish intentions is a derogato-
took place at the T’ien-ch’üan Bridge in ry term in Neo-Confucianism and is
1527 when Wang Yang-ming was about considered to be the cause of the sepa-
to start on a military expedition. Two of ration of the jen-hsin (heart-mind of
his disciples, Ch’ien Te-hung and Wang humanity), from the Tao-hsin (heart-
Chi, each had his interpretation of the mind of the Way). The fundamental
Four-Sentence Teaching and asked the problem is one of ssu-yü, selfish desires.
master for comments. The key to the See also chi-ssu and yü (desire).
controversy is the original character of
the heart-mind. For Wang Chi, if the de Bary, Wm. Theodore. The Liberal
heart-mind in its essence is beyond Tradition in China. New York:
good and evil, then the will, knowledge, Columbia University Press, 1983.
and things must also be without good
540
Ssu-i
541
Ssu-ma Ch’ien
543
Ssu-ma Niu
their scholastic connection with the the most prominent of Confucius’ disci-
Han dynasty Confucians, Ssu-ma ples, found listed in Analects 11.3. He is
Kuang inherited the Han concepts of also not included among those disciples
T’ien (Heaven) and T’ien-ming considered responsible for the trans-
(Mandate of Heaven). He held Yang mission of Confucius’ teachings follow-
Hsiung of the Former Han in esteem ing the death of the master.
and studied his Fa yen (Model Sayings) Ssu-ma Niu asked Confucius about
and T’ai-hsüan ching (Classic of jen (humaneness) as well as the chün-
Supreme Mystery) intensively for more tzu (noble person). He also worries
than thirty years. Ssu-ma regarded about not having any brothers, to which
Heaven as a personified master of the the disciple Tzu-hsia responds by sug-
universe or, in his own words, “the gesting that for the chün-tzu all within
Father of all things.” Heaven will punish the Four Seas are his brothers. The
those who violate His mandate and worry element comes out in two pas-
reward those who obey it. Ssu-ma also sages and perhaps suggests that while
associated the Mandate of Heaven with Ssu-ma Niu can discuss the virtues of
hsing (nature). According to his anno- Confucius, he has yet to inculcate them
tation of the Classic of Supreme into his own person. Otherwise the
Mystery, human nature is predeter- ideal of the chün-tzu and the virtue of
mined by Heaven. Contrary to Mencius’ jen would both obviate the impact of
theory of human goodness, Ssu-ma worries. See also Lun yü (Analects).
maintained that human nature was a
mixture of both good and evil. Lau, D. C., trans. The Analects (Lun yü).
Ssu-ma Kuang believed that the New York: Penguin Books, 1979.
greatest wisdom could only be found
within the spiritual heart-minds of the
sheng-jen or sages. His epistemology Ssu-ma T’an
lies in his explanation of the word ko in (d. 110 B.C.E.) Grand Historian and
the term ko-wu (investigation of Astrologer under Emperor Han Wu Ti of
things) as extraction and resistance. the Former Han dynasty. He began the
The way to extract and resist things is task of writing the first comprehensive
intuitive thinking. Although this is very history of China from its beginnings to
different from the Sung Neo- the period of the Han. This is known later
Confucians’ common understanding, as the Shih chi (Records of the Historian).
Chu Hsi still put him on a par with the He did not complete the work before his
Five Early Sung Masters. See also han- death but it was his son Ssu-ma Ch’ien,
lin yüan (Academy of Assembled also being appointed as Grand Historian
Brushes) and sheng or sheng-jen (sage). and Astrologer, who took over the job and
brought the project to closure.
Beasley, William G., and Edwin G. Ssu-ma T’an was basically a Taoist
Pulleyblank, eds. Historians of philosopher. In an essay included at the
China and Japan. New York: Oxford end of the Shih chi, he discussed and
University Press, 1961. compared the six major schools of
de Bary, Wm. Theodore, Wing-tsit Chan, thought and valued Taoism over
and Burton Watson, comps. Sources Confucianism.
of Chinese Tradition. New York:
Columbia University Press, 1960. Nienhauser, William H., Jr., ed. The
Grand Scribe’s Records. Translated
by Tsai-fa Cheng et al. Bloomington,
Ssu-ma Niu IN: Indiana University Press, 1994.
One of the twenty-five disciples of Watson, Burton, trans. Records of the
Confucius mentioned in the Analects, Grand Historian of China. 2 vols.
Ssu-ma Niu was not included, however, New York: Columbia University
in the list of ten disciples, recognized as Press, 1961.
544
Ssu-shu hsün-erh su-shuo
545
Ssu-shu hsün-i
546
Ssu-tuan (Four Beginnings)
later works of their kind, such as dia- the ideas of Kao-tzu. Mencius’ explana-
grams by the famous Korean Neo- tion of his theory becomes the formula-
Confucian Yi T’oegye. tion of the Four Beginnings. Mencius
responds to his disciple by saying that
de Bary, Wm. Theodore. The Message of man’s nature left to its own will become
the Mind in Neo-Confucianism. New good because it has within it the seeds
York: Columbia University Press, of goodness. This is probably the most
1989. fundamental principle of the theory of
goodness of human nature. Because of
the inherent quality of goodness,
Ssu-shu tzu-i human beings will have a natural pro-
The Ssu-shu tzu-i or Terms from the Four clivity to develop in the direction of
Books Explained is one of the alternative goodness. It does not mean that every-
titles of the Pei-hsi tzu-i or Neo- one becomes good; in fact, some people
Confucian Terms Explained. develop in evil ways, but such develop-
ment from Mencius’ point of view has
Ssu-tuan (Four Beginnings) little or nothing to do with their original
The ssu-tuan or Four Beginnings repre- nature. In fact such development in the
sent the major formulation of the argu- direction of evil is a violation of the
ment for the goodness of human original nature.
nature, hsing, advanced by Mencius The original nature of the individual
that eventually became basic orthodoxy is characterized, according to Mencius,
for all schools of Confucian thought. by the presence of the Four Beginnings.
The presentation of the Four Beginnings The Four Beginnings constitute the
is found in several passages but is pri- major virtues referred to by Confucius
marily tied to Mencius’ arguments with and Mencius, jen (humaneness), i
the philosopher Kao-tzu with whom he (righteousness or rightness), li (propri-
disputed the character of human nature. ety or rites), and chih (wisdom),
For Kao-tzu human nature was sim- respectively. Mencius argues that these
ply a term for the raw stuff with which four beginnings are inherent to human
man was born. It was neither good nor nature, not something added from
bad, but could be made either through external sources as either Kao-tzu or the
the education or lack of education with Confucian philosopher Hsün-tzu
which the individual was involved. For would argue. It is important to under-
Mencius, human nature was funda- stand that when Mencius says that the
mentally good, not neutral, and thus Four Beginnings are inherent to human
the individual began with a proclivity nature, he argues that these beginnings
toward moral goodness. This did not are inherent in a preliminary form. The
mean that such a proclivity was fully nature is not neutral, but it is also not
developed. Such a moral proclivity was fully developed. The most important
simply a beginning that was then sub- issue is that human nature is not viewed
ject to learning and cultivation to fully as neutral; philosophically the nature
realize its capacity, or to let go and lose has the beginnings of the four virtues.
it. The important point for Mencius and Mencius introduces the beginnings
for the future development of this con- of the four virtues by presuming that
cept in the Confucian school was that every human being has a heart that
such moral virtues were not external to cannot bear to see the suffering of
human nature but already inherent in another. This is probably the most fun-
the nature itself. damental statement of the ethical
In one passage Mencius’ disciple nature of the individual to be found in
Kung-tu-tzu asked Mencius to explain any Confucian writing. Such inability to
his theory of human nature in light of endure the suffering of another is man-
547
Ssu-wu
Shryock, John K. The Origin and complex served as a sacred space sym-
Development of the State Cult of bolizing the ruler’s power on the earth
Confucius: An Introductory Study. and his humility before Heaven. The
New York: The Century Co., 1932. ruler as a religious figure and the state
Taylor, Rodney L. The Way of Heaven: An as a religious organization persisted
Introduction to the Confucian until modern times.
Religious Life. Leiden, Netherlands: The role of the Confucians in the
E. J. Brill, 1986. state religion was significant. A class of
ritual specialists and archivists of the
classics, they preserved the records of
State Religion early Chinese civilization, mostly relat-
Early Chinese records suggest a long ed to the religious responsibility of the
tradition of state religion. The god of the ruler and the state as the fulfillment of
Shang dynasty was Shang-ti (Lord such responsibility to Heaven. It was
upon High) from the Chou dynasty the Confucians who transmitted the
period on, the object of religious tradition that valued the religiousness
actions shifted to T’ien (Heaven). Such of the state and the ruler. The question
activities became a form of state reli- is whether Confucianism itself evolved
gion: they were not a private obser- into the state religion. In his study of the
vance on the part of the ruling family, state cult of Confucius, Sinologist John
but a public performance on behalf of K. Shryock demonstrates the growing
the people. Shang-ti might be nothing influence of the Confucians in the
more than the ancestral spirit of the determination of the nature of the state
Shang royal house in the beginning, but religion and an ever-increasing overlap
it turned into the ancestrial god of the between the state religion and the cult
entire state. The Chou rulers served of Confucius.
as liaisons between Heaven and Recent research by the Chinese
humankind. They received T’ien-ming scholar and historian Chang Jung-ming
(Mandate of Heaven) to rule and were indicates that from the emperor Han
referred to as T’ien-tzu (Son of Heaven). Wu Ti’s institutionalization of the ching-
The Heaven-human communication hsüeh (study of classics) and adoption
took place through sacrifice, ritual, as of Tung Chung-shu’s political theology
well as divination, the attempt to to the emergence of the ch’en-shu
understand the responses to questions (prognostication text) and the wei-shu,
posed to spiritual forces by the cracking apocrypha, Confucianism had become
of oracle bones or the reckoning of a state religion by the end of the Former
yarrow stalks with the help of the I Han dynasty. Chang also quotes a 1995
ching or Book of Changes. The degree to article by Li Shen, the author of a two-
which these practices were part of the volume history of Chinese Confucian
state religion is revealed by the frequen- religion, that equates the imperial state
cy of their usage. For important deci- organization with the Confucian reli-
sions of state, the ruler always conduct- gious establishment, and the official-
ed divination to determine what action dom as the equivalent of clergy.
to carry out. He also performed the feng Although Confucianism has long been
and shan sacrifices to ensure his accepted as a religion in Japan and
covenants with Heaven and Earth. It is Korea, in Communist China there is dis-
clear that state policies were made on agreement between those who see
the basis of religious authority. Confucianism as a religion and those
The ceremonial center for the state who see it as a philosophy. See also
religion was built in the capital city. ching (classic); Confucian temple;
With the constructions of the ch’i-nien sacred/profane; wei (apocrypha);
tien (Hall of Prayer for the Year) and the yüeh-chang (liturgical verse).
T’ien-t’an or Temple of Heaven, the
550
Stone Classics
Stone chimes of the same size but different thickness, such as those pictured here,
produce tonal differences when rung.
Chang Jung-ming. Chung-kuo te kuo- the same size, but vary in thickness,
chiao: Ts’ung shang-ku tao Tung- thus producing different sounds. They
Han. Peking: Chung-kuo she-hui are suspended from a highly decorated
k’o-hsüeh ch’u-pan-she, 2001. wooden frame by cord. Tradition sug-
Shryock, John K. The Origin and gests that stone chimes used by the
Development of the State Cult of emperors were made of jade. See also
Confucius: An Introductory Study. bronze bell rack (pien-chung); chin-
New York: The Century Co., 1932. sheng yü-chen; music.
Taylor, Rodney L. The Way of Heaven: An
Introduction to the Confucian Palmer, Spencer J. Confucian Rituals in
Religious Life. Leiden, Netherlands: Korea. Berkeley, CA: Asian Humanities
E. J. Brill, 1986. Press, 1984.
Taylor, Rodney L. The Way of Heaven: An
Introduction to the Confucian
Statue Religious Life. Leiden, Netherlands:
See hsiang (portrait or statue). E. J. Brill, 1986.
553
Sun Ch’i-feng
Sung-hsüeh
Sung Hsiang-feng A general term referring to the Neo-
(1776–1860) Classical scholar and poet of Confucianism originating in the Sung
the Ch’ing dynasty; also known as Sung dynasty, the Sung-hsüeh or Sung learn-
Yü-t’ing. A native of Kiangsu province ing is so called as to be distinguished
who acquired only the chü-jen or from the Han-hsüeh or Han learning,
Provincial Graduate degree in 1800, he the Confucian scholarship of the Han
served as a hsüeh-cheng, Instructor, and dynasty. It includes the li-hsüeh
District Magistrate. Low as these posi- (School of Principle or learning of
tions were, he is regarded as one of the Principle) of Chu Hsi and the hsin-
founders of the Ch’ang-chou New Text hsüeh (School of Heart-Mind) of Lu
School. He inherited the New Text ching- Chiu-yüan, whose bitter contentions are
hsüeh (study of classics) from his uncle, recounted in Chiang Fan’s Sung-hsüeh
Chuang Shu-tsu, and then became a yüan-yüan chi or Records of the Sung
disciple of the philologist Tuan Yü-ts’ai, Learning Origins. The result was the
under whom he acquainted himself with dominance of the School of Principle in
the Old Text scholarship, particularly the Sung period and that of the School of
that of Hsü Shen and Cheng Hsüan of Heart-Mind during the Ming dynasty. A
the Han dynasty. detailed comparative study of the vari-
Sung Hsiang-feng understands ous schools of Sung learning is given in
Confucianism as a religious tradition. the Sung Yüan hsüeh-an, or Records of
He interprets the Confucian classics in Learning in Sung and Yüan, of Huang
terms of Tung Chung-shu’s theory of Tsung-hsi.
T’ien-jen kan-ying, correspondence of While the style of the Han-hsüeh
Heaven and human, as well as the ch’en emphasizes philological study of classi-
or prognostication texts and wei (apoc- cal texts, the Sung-hsüeh aims at moral-
rypha). For him, the sayings of philosophical interpretation of key con-
Confucius contained in the Lun yü cepts such as hsing (nature) and
(Analects) are the sage’s secret codes Principle (li). Thus, the Sung-hsüeh is
about hsing (nature) and T’ien-tao, the also known as hsing-li hsüeh, learning
Way of Heaven. As intellectual historian of the nature and Principle, and li-
Benjamin A. Elman points out, Sung hsüeh. Since its representatives Chou
was not only a follower of the Han- Tun-i, Ch’eng Hao, Ch’eng I, and Chu
hsüeh, Han learning, but also a pane- Hsi are listed in the biographies of the
gyrist of the Sung-hsüeh, Sung learning. Tao-hsüeh or learning of the Way in the
He had great esteem for Chu Hsi and standard history of Sung, it is also
the Ch’eng-Chu School, defending named Tao-hsüeh. According to Huang
them against the conceptual challenge and Chiang, there are also the schools of
of the Lu-Wang School. Sung produced Yeh Shih, Ch’en Liang, and Lü Tsu-
two works on the Analects in addition to ch’ien. Although the hsin-hsüeh was not
his studies of the I ching or Book of really a separate school before the
Changes and the Shu ching or Book of advent of Wang Yang-ming in the Ming
History. See also ch’en-shu (prognosti- era, its split with the li-hsüeh has often
cation text); New Text/Old Text (chin- been traced back to the Chu-Lu debates.
wen/ku-wen). The common phenomenon of the
Sung-hsüeh, however, did demonstrate
Elman, Benjamin A. Classicism, Politics, some core teachings shared by all rival
and Kinship: The Ch’ang-chou schools, for example, the focus on
556
Sung Sisters (Sung Jo-hua and Sung Jo-chao)
557
Sung Sisters (Sung Jo-hua and Sung Jo-chao)
Sung Jo-hua, consort of Emperor Te Tsung (pictured), is the author of Analects for Women.
558
Sun Shen-hsing
other. Second, he asserted that both Party. Sun had built much of the revolu-
hsing (nature) and ch’i are good. This tion on Western ideas, but he also
countered the view that something con- sought to find in his own tradition the
nected to the physical form of the self basis for a new China. For example, his
was responsible for the rise of evil. famous san min chu-i or three princi-
Third, Sun identitied the jen-hsin ples of the people, namely, nationalism,
(heart-mind of humanity) with the democracy, and the people’s livelihood,
Tao-hsin (heart-mind of the Way), though inspired by Abraham Lincoln’s
arguing that one could not account for a dictum, “government of the people, by
weakness in humankind by a differenti- the people, and for the people,” is
ation between humanity and the Tao regarded by Chinese scholar O. Brière as
(Way). See also Ch’eng Chu School and a derivative of Confucianism.
han-lin yüan (Academy of Assembled In his book on the three principles of
Brushes). the people, Sun Yat-sen revised Wang
Yang-ming’s philosophy of chih hsing
Huang Tsung-hsi. The Records of Ming ho-i, unity of knowledge and action. He
Scholars. Edited by Julia Ching with interpreted chih (knowledge or know-
Chaoying Fang. Honolulu, HI: ing) as scientific knowledge and suggest-
University of Hawaii Press, 1987. ed that knowledge is more difficult and
develops later than action. In his other
writings, Sun also called for restoration of
Sun Wen traditional Chinese morality, explaining
See Sun Yat-sen. the Confucian virtues of chung (loyalty),
hsiao (filial piety), jen (humaneness),
Sun Yat-sen hsin (faithfulness), and i (righteousness
(1866–1925) Modern revolutionary and or rightness) in terms of democracy and
thinker; also known as Sun Wen and Sun social mutualism. As for the origin of the
Chung-shan. A native of Kwangtung world, he spoke of the Neo-Confucian
province, he received a Western educa- term t’ai-chi (Great Ultimate). It was to
tion in Honolulu and graduated from a these Confucian roots and Western bor-
medical school in Hong Kong in 1892. rowings that Sun came for his vision of
Two years later, he submitted a memor- China’s future.
ial to Li Hung-chang, the most powerful
official of the Ch’ing dynasty at that Boorman, Howard L., and Richard C.
time, petitioning for reforms, but was Howard, eds. Biographical Dictionary
rejected. Sun then organized a revolu- of Republican China. 5 vols. New
tionary group in Hawaii and Hong York: Columbia University Press,
Kong, seeking to overthrow the corrupt 1967-79.
Manchu government and thus end the Brière, O. Fifty Years of Chinese
dynastic rule. In 1905 this group formed Philosophy, 1898–1950. Translated
an alliance with two other secret soci- by Laurence G. Thompson. Edited
eties in Japan under Sun’s leadership. by Dennis J. Doolin. Westport, CT:
What followed in China was the Greenwood Publishing Group,
Revolution of 1911, the foundation of 1979.
the Republic of China, and the attempt de Bary, Wm. Theodore, Wing-tsit Chan,
to establish a constitutional govern- and Burton Watson, comps. Sources
ment. Sun Yat-sen was elected to be the of Chinese Tradition. New York:
first provisional president. He trans- Columbia University Press, 1960.
formed his secret revolutionary society Sharman, Lyon. Sun Yat-sen: His Life
into a political party, the Nationalist and Its Meaning. Hamden, CT:
Archon Books, 1965.
560
Su Shih
Su Shih, great poet of the Northern Sung dynasty, maintained the Tao cannot be known except by observ-
ing changes of the world.
562
Syncretism
Synthesis
A term related to syncretism, synthesis
suggests the blending and mixing of dif-
ferent religious traditions to build a new
point of view or religious tradition. While
syncretism, according to historian of
religion Robert Baird, ranges from his-
torical interactions between traditions to
an attempt to found a new tradition on
the basis of existing ones, synthesis is the
point at which a new worldview is creat-
ed. In the case of san chiao ho-i, unity of
the three teachings or religions, synthe-
sis means transcending Confucianism,
Taoism, and Buddhism to claim a wholly
new belief. As such, the synthesis no
longer represents Confucianism per se.
The examples that are often cited of syn-
cretism in Confucianism do not reach
this level of invention.
564
Ta-ch’eng Chih-sheng K’ung-tzu Hsien-shih (Teacher of Antiquity,
Master K’ung of Great Accomplishments and Highest Sageliness)
T
The phrase ta-ch’eng, Great
Accomplishments, is derived from the
name given to the main hall in the
Confucian temple, ta-ch’eng tien (Hall
of Great Accomplishments), and is
added to the title of Confucius himself.
As this is the form of the title found on a
tablet in a Confucian temple on the altar,
it is referred to as the shen-wei (tablet).
See also shih-tien ceremony (Twice
Tablet Yearly Confucian Ceremony) and Ta-
See hu (tablet) and shen-wei (tablet). ch’eng Chih-sheng K’ung-tzu Hsien-
shih (Teacher of Antiquity, Master
K’ung of Great Accomplishments and
Ta chang-fu Highest Sageliness).
First found in the Book of Mencius, the
expression ta chang-fu, or great man, is Shryock, John K. The Origin and
used by Mencius to describe a man of Development of the State Cult of
high moral virtues. The great man is Confucius: An Introductory Study.
portrayed as an ideal personality simi- New York: The Century Co., 1932.
lar to and as popular as the chün-tzu Taylor, Rodney L. The Way of Heaven: An
(noble person). Mencius defines the ta Introduction to the Confucian
chang-fu as a person who practices the Religious Life. Leiden, Netherlands:
Tao (Way), whether in a ruling position E. J. Brill, 1986.
or alone, and cannot be led astray by
wealth, poverty, or power.
Ta-ch’eng Chih-sheng K’ung-tzu
Lau, D. C., trans. Mencius. Harmondsworth, Hsien-shih (Teacher of Antiquity,
England: Penguin Books, 1970.
Master K’ung of Great
Accomplishments and Highest
Ta-ch’eng Chih-sheng Hsien-shih Sageliness)
K’ung-tzu (Master K’ung, the Title for Confucius, Teacher of Antiquity,
Teacher of Antiquity of Great Master K’ung, of Great Accomplishments
and Highest Sageliness, found on an altar
Accomplishments and Highest in a Confucian temple. The title is a vari-
Sageliness) ation of the basic title Chih-sheng
The official title during the Ch’ing Hsien-shih (Teacher of Antiquity and
dynasty for Confucius, Master K’ung, Highest Sageliness), established as the
the Teacher of Antiquity of Great official title for Confucius in the year
Accomplishments and Highest Sageliness, 1530. See also shih-tien ceremony
found on an altar in a Confucian temple. (Twice Yearly Confucian Ceremony) and
The title is a variation of the basic title Ta-ch’eng Chih-sheng Hsien-shih
Chih-sheng Hsien-shih (Teacher of K’ung-tzu (Master K’ung, the Teacher of
Antiquity and Highest Sageliness), Antiquity of Great Accomplishments
established as the official title for and Highest Sageliness).
Confucius in 1530. Ta-ch’eng Chih-sheng
Hsien-shih is a simplified version of Ta- Shryock, John K. The Origin and
ch’eng Chih-sheng Wen-hsüan Hsien- Development of the State Cult of
shih, Comprehensive Teacher of Confucius: An Introductory Study.
Antiquity of Great Accomplishments and New York: The Century Co., 1932.
Highest Sageliness, conferred upon Taylor, Rodney L. The Way of Heaven: An
Confucius by the Ch’ing emperor Shun- Introduction to the Confucian
shih in 1645.
565
Ta-ch’eng Chih-sheng Wen-hsüan Wang
The altar in a Confucian temple reads “The Tablet of Master K’ung, The Teacher of Antiquity
of Great Accomplishments and Highest Sageliness.”
The Hall of Great Accomplishments, known as ta-ch’eng tien in its Chinese title,
was first built in the 12th century and reconstructed in the 18th century.
(Way) can be fully accounted for by its Changes, where the Great Ultimate is
material forms, not by any metaphysi- said to split into two, then four, which in
cal superstructure. turn beget the eight trigrams and so
This perspective, however, did not forth. The I ching scholars of the Han
turn Tai away from the fundamental dynasty understood t’ai-chi as a chaotic
question of truth. Tai simply argued that primordial ch’i (vitality). The hsüan-
the process of learning and self-cultiva- hsüeh (mysterious learning) of the Six
tion—based on the ko-wu (investiga- Dynasties, however, interpreted it as a
tion of things) of Chu Hsi or the chih noumenon of nonbeing or nothingness
liang-chih, or extension of knowledge in the light of Taoism.
of the good, of Wang Yang-ming—is to T’ai-chi becomes a Neo-Confucian
focus upon the absoluteness of things notion in the hands of the early Sung
in themselves and the order they repre- dynasty masters. While Chang Tsai con-
sent, not looking beyond this world. tinues to explain it in terms of ch’i and
Thus, to investigate things or to extend yin/yang, Shao Yung sees it as the ulti-
the innate knowledge should mean only mate of Tao (Way), hence the origin of
to engage in the close study of things. the universe, the Absolute within the
His quest remains one for truth, but in heart-mind. When it appears in the title
terms of the capacity of things as they of Chou Tun-i’s work “T’ai-chi t’u shuo”
are in themselves to reveal the Way. or “Explanation of the Diagram of the
Tai Chen contributed a number of Great Ultimate” as well as the name for
writings across a range of fields and the diagram itself, t’ai-chi is one of the
topics. His major writing is the Meng- two terms referring to the beginning
tzu tzu-i shu-cheng or Commentary on point for a cosmogony, from which all
the Meanings of Terms in the Book of things are derived.
Mencius, which contains most of his The term t’ai-chi in Chou’s diagram
philosophical ideas. His methodology is preceded by wu-chi (Non-Ultimate).
of the Han-hsüeh, or Han learning, had It is therefore suggested that the Great
evolved a Wan (Anhwei) School among Ultimate originates from Non-Ultimate;
the Ch’ing Confucians. See also Book of thus, metaphysical priority must be
Mencius; Ch’eng-Chu School; han-lin given to wu-chi. This also parallels the
yüan (Academy of Assembled Brushes). interpretation of Chou as heavily influ-
enced by Taoism, hence establishing his
Chan, Wing-tsit, trans. and comp. A Confucianism as derived from Taoist
Source Book in Chinese Philosophy. teachings. However, as Chu Hsi has
Princeton, NJ: Princeton University pointed out, the grammar of the cap-
Press, 1969. tion in the diagram suggests that no pri-
Elman, Benjamin A. From Philosophy to ority is intended between the two
Philology: Intellectual and Social terms. Rather it is a pairing of descrip-
Aspects of Change in Late Imperial tions of the Absolute in different modes
China. Los Angeles, CA: UCLA Asian of expression.
Pacific Monograph Series, 2001. Wu-chi is reserved for characterizing
Hummel, Arthur W., ed. Eminent the Absolute by highlighting the infinite
Chinese of the Ch’ing Period (1644– beyond all terms, concepts, and con-
1912). 2 vols. Taipei, Taiwan: SMC, 1991. structions of thought. T’ai-chi, however,
appears to be the capacity of the
Absolute to express itself through the
T’ai-chi (Great Ultimate) things of the world (in finite terms),
The locus classicus of the philosophical though it remains of the infinite in its
category t’ai-chi, commonly rendered articulation through the finite. Chou’s
as Great Ultimate or Supreme Ultimate, text is clear in its attempt to balance the
is found in the “Hsi-tz’u chuan” or two so that both are equally relevant in
“Commentary on the Appended describing the Absolute.
Judgments” to the I ching or Book of
571
T’ai-chi shu-yüan
572
T’ai-chi t’u (Diagram of the Great Ultimate)
“Diagram of the Great Ultimate” demonstrates various stages in the unfolding of the world. From top to
bottom: wu-chi/t’ai-chi, yin/yang, Five Elements, the ch’ien and k’un principles leading
to the male and female elements.
573
“T’ai-chi t’u shuo”
For Chou everything begins with the myriads of things in the world, the prin-
Non-Ultimate and Great Ultimate. It ciples of ch’ien and k’un also become
remains a question whether Chou gives the male and female elements, respec-
priority to the Non-Ultimate or not. tively, and explain the reproduction and
Chu Hsi has tried to argue that one does creation of new forms of things in the
not precede the other; rather, the wu- constant process of natural develop-
chi and t’ai-chi are presented as a start- ment. Again the differentiation of male
ing point with two facets or forces at and female is undone when considered
work together. The wu-chi, or Non- from the position of the Five Elements,
Ultimate, is a way of describing the where ch’ien and k’un are united under
Absolute in terms of its capacity to be each of the Five Elements.
beyond all things; it is infinite, formless, The diagram reinforces the interde-
and imageless. The t’ai-chi, or Great pendence of all things in their unfold-
Ultimate, is another way of describing ing, growth, and reproduction in the
the Absolute in terms of its capacity to world—a process originating from the
be reflected in and through all things; it creativity of the Absolute identified as
is finite as a primitive substance, with wu-chi/t’ai-chi. With the production
images and shapes, but can also be and reproduction of all things on earth,
understood as infinite in finite form. Chou considers humankind to be the
From the initial point of wu-chi/t’ai- highest form of life. It is humanity that
chi is the generation of yin and yang, has all the various elements in their best
described as ching (quietude), and tung forms. As a result, according to Chou’s
(activism), respectively. Yin and yang own explanation of the diagram, the
represent virtually any pair of oppo- human race is the most intelligent form
sites, but what Chou emphasizes in his of life and is therefore endowed with
explanation of the diagram is the recip- moral reflection. It is the sage who rep-
rocal relation between ching and tung. resents the highest form of human life
It is the Non-Ultimate that generates and thus becomes the teacher for the
quietude and the Great Ultimate that rest of humankind as well as the model
generates activism. These two different of human perfection that all human
modes of action are also demonstrated beings seek. See also ch’ien hexagram;
as interacting with each other. From k’un hexagram; sheng or sheng-jen
one mode we move to the other, each (sage); tung/ching.
finding its opposite within itself.
The yin/yang as two forms of ch’i Chan, Wing-tsit, trans. and comp.
(vitality) then give rise to the Five A Source Book in Chinese Philosophy.
Elements, namely, metal, wood, water, Princeton, NJ: Princeton University
fire, and earth. These elements are seen Press, 1969.
as responsible for the natural develop- Fung Yu-lan. A History of Chinese
ment of events and things. The diagram Philosophy. Translated by Derk
illustrates the intimate relationship— Bodde. 2 vols. Princeton, NJ:
mutual promotion and restraint Princeton University Press, 1983.
between these elements. Each element
is different from the others, but they are
always part of the broader spectrum of “T’ai-chi t’u shuo”
yin/yang in the same way that yin/yang is A short text by Chou Tun-i of the
part of the spectrum of wu-chi/t’ai-chi. Northern Sung dynasty. The “T’ai-chi
It is a way to account for the unfolding t’u shuo” (Explanation of the Diagram
and development of the world, in which of the Great Ultimate) is an exposition
everything is related to everything else of the “T’ai-chi t’u” (Diagram of the
because there is a common ground for Great Ultimate) drawn by Chou, which
every level of differentiation. is the framework for Neo-Confucian
As the Five Elements account for the metaphysics. The extant version found
574
T’ai-chou School
in the Chou Lien-hsi chi (Collected Works is named after its founder Wang Ken’s
of Chou Lien-hsi) and Chou-tzu ch’üan- native place, as well as academic base—
shu (Complete Works of Master Chou) a prefecture in modern Kiangsu
was edited and commentated by Chu province. The well-known figures of the
Hsi. Along with Chu’s commentary, the school’s second generation include Chu
work has become the theoretical basis Shu, Hsü Yüeh, and Wang Ken’s son
of the Ch’eng-Chu School of Principle. Wang Pi; the third generation has Han
A crucial question raised by Chu Hsi is Chen, disciple of Wang Pi and Chu Shu,
whether Chou Tun-i considers the t’ai- and Hsü’s students Chao Chen-chi and
chi (Great Ultimate) to be derived from Yen Chün; the fourth generation, the
wu-chi (Non-Ultimate). The word “from” brothers Keng Ting-hsiang and Keng
appearing at the very beginning of the Ting-li, and Yen’s disciples Lo Ju-fang
main text and immediately in front of the and Ho Hsin-yin; the fifth generation,
statement wu-chi erh t’ai-chi or “Non- Chiao Hung, student of Keng Ting-
Ultimate also/to the Great Ultimate” has hsiang and Lo Ju-fang, and Lo’s own dis-
invited later scholars to give priority to ciple Chou Ju-teng. Notably, they are
the Non-Ultimate. However, judging from diverse backgrounds and different
from the caption of the diagram where classes. For example, Wang Ken worked
“from” is not found, Chu Hsi argues that in a kitchen; Chu Shu was a woodcutter;
the word should be deleted and so wu- Han Chen, a potter; whereas Hsü Yüeh
chi/t’ai-chi ought to be read as a double was a high official. The grass-roots level
description of the Absolute. explains the school’s idea of placing the
The centrality of the “T’ai-chi t’u Tao (Way) in everyday life and its strate-
shuo” and its commentary in Confucian gy of employing vernacular songs to
tradition is revealed by the fact that they propagate its teachings.
are quoted in the opening passages of The teachings of the T’ai-chou
the Chin-ssu lu or Reflections on Things scholars are distinct from each other.
at Hand, probably the most important While Wang Ken interprets Wang Yang-
guide to Neo-Confucian learning and ming’s notion of chih liang-chih or the
self-cultivation. As far as humanity is extension of knowledge of the good as a
concerned, the “T’ai-chi t’u shuo” sees return to the beginning, Hsü Yüeh
humankind as the entity that best defines the hsin (heart-mind) as the
receives and embodies the Absolute. human manifestation of the Tao that
The work is regarded in this way as unifies all things in the time-space of
the basic writing upon which Neo- the world. Yen Chün understands the
Confucian teachings are built. See also Tao as simply following ones’ good
li-hsüeh (School of Principle or learning nature, which is analogized as a bright
of Principle) and Neo-Confucianism. pearl without a particle of dust. Lo Ju-
fang suggests that human nature is all
Chan, Wing-tsit, trans. Reflections on natural and so all human beings are
Things at Hand: The Neo-Confucian equal, regardless of wealth and intelli-
Anthology Compiled by Chu Hsi and gence. He stresses that humaneness
Lü Tsu-ch’ien. New York: Columbia and love originate from the heart-mind
University Press, 1967. of an innocent child, which is revealed
Chan, Wing-tsit, trans. and comp. A by the child’s first cry for its mother’s
Source Book in Chinese Philosophy. embrace. Thus, human desires are nat-
Princeton, NJ: Princeton University ural demands. Ho Hsin-yin advocates
Press, 1969. that all people should be respectful to
each other without exception. Still other
members pay attention to methods
T’ai-chou School against possible straying of the heart-
A Neo-Confucian school founded during mind, such as shen-tu (vigilance in soli-
the Ming dynasty. The T’ai-chou School tude) and ch’eng-i (sincerity of will).
575
T’ai-ho yüan-ch’i (Primordial Vitality of the Supreme Harmony)
A gate on the entrance to the Confucian temple is titled Primordial Vitality of the Supreme Harmony.
With its influence in the middle and Huang Tsung-hsi. The Records of Ming
late Ming period, the T’ai-chou School Scholars. Edited by Julia Ching with
is probably the most controversial off- Chaoying Fang. Honolulu, HI:
shoot of the Wang Yang-ming School. University of Hawaii Press, 1987.
Huang Tsung-hsi criticizes the school
for what he considers to be the misguid-
ed interpretation of Wang Yang-ming’s T’ai-ho yüan-ch’i (Primordial
teachings and its potential for lying out- Vitality of the Supreme Harmony)
side of the Confucian tradition. Huang’s Title for a gate at the Confucian temple
main argument is that the school in Ch’ü-fu, t’ai-ho yüan-ch’i or “primor-
sought to find an immediate experience dial vitality of the supreme harmony” is
of the heart-mind beyond the judgment a reference to Confucius derived from
of good and evil, thus considering all the I ching or Book of Changes.
forms of behavior to be products of the
heart-mind. This means that there is no Taylor, Rodney L. The Way of Heaven: An
ability to distinguish a form of moral Introduction to the Confucian
behavior appropriate for learning and Religious Life. Leiden, Netherlands:
self-cultivation. For the T’ai-chou E. J. Brill, 1986.
School, however, the antinomian stance
does not mitigate against morality, but
allows instead the democratization of T’ai-hsüan ching (Classic of
the ideal of sheng (sagehood) among Supreme Mystery)
the uneducated as well as the immedia- One of the two major works by the
cy of knowing the heart-mind of good- Former Han dynasty Confucian Yang
ness. See also hsing (nature); jen Hsiung, the T’ai-hsüan (Supreme
(humaneness); sheng or sheng-jen Mystery), also known as T’ai-hsüan
(sage); yü (desire). ching (Classic of Supreme Mystery),
576
T’ai-hsüeh (National University)
Layout of the Ming dynasty t’ai-hsüeh from north (right) to south (left) has the
Hall of Great Accomplishments as the center of the northern courtyard.
consists of some thirteen chapters that Bodde. 2 vols. Princeton, NJ:
combine Confucian, Taoist, and Princeton University Press, 1983.
yin/yang principles. Modeled after the I Loewe, Michael, ed. Early Chinese Texts:
ching, or Book of Changes, the text sets A Bibliographical Guide. Early
out a series of symbolical patterns trac- China Special Monograph Series,
ing all cosmic situations and the myriad no. 2. Berkeley, CA: Institute of East
things to the binarism of yin/yang, Asian Studies, 1994.
which in turn is derived from the hsüan Nylan, Michael, trans. The Canon of
(mystery). Its original commentaries, Supreme Mystery by Yang Hsiung: A
following the prototype of the “Ten Translation with Commentary of the
Wings” of the I ching, was also com- Tai-hsüan-ching. Albany, NY: State
posed by Yang Hsiung himself. Listed University of New York Press, 1993.
under the Confucian school in the Han
shu, or History of the Han Dynasty,
the T’ai-hsüan ching is essentially T’ai-hsüeh (National University)
Confucian in terms of its teachings, but Name given to the National University
often grounded in Taoist concepts, not since the Western Chou period.
atypical of much of the synthesis that According to the Li chi, or Records of
occurred during the Han period. It Rites, the first t’ai-hsüeh of the Han
inspired and prepared the post-Han dynasty was opened in 124 B.C.E., during
movement of hsüan-hsüeh (mysterious the reign of Emperor Wu Ti. The institu-
learning), a vocabulary for generations tion represented a major growth in the
to come. See also “Shih i” (“Ten Wings”). influence of the Confucian school on
the imperial court and the state in gen-
Fung Yu-lan. A History of Chinese eral. In the spring of 136 B.C.E., Emperor
Philosophy. Translated by Derk Wu Ti established the positions of
577
T’ai-i
The t’ai-lao offering or Great Offering has become a regular part of the Twice Yearly
Confucian Ceremony, with pig, ox, and sheep as the three sacrificial animals.
The peak of Mount T’ai-shan is the site of the ancient feng sacrifice.
The route to the summit of Mount T’ai-shan is a way of pilgrimage for royalty and commoner.
581
T’ai-shang kan-ying p’ien
Tai Tung-yüan
See Tai Chen.
The T’ang-dynasty emperor T’ai Tsung ordered the construction of a Temple of Confucius in all local
schools in 630 and published the Standard Expositions of the Five Classics ten years later.
of Principle) of Chu Hsi, T’ang empha- he resumed his position on the new
sized that Principle was from T’ien emperor’s correction of the case.
(Heaven) while ch’i (vitality) was found T’ang Shu was a disciple of Chan Jo-
in human beings. Similarly, human shui, but he also admired Wang Yang-
nature originates from Heaven and is ming’s theory of chih liang-chih, or the
therefore morally good, whereas the extension of knowledge of the good. In
human heart-mind can be good or not order to mediate between the two major
good. That explains why, according to scholars, he emphasized hsin (heart-
T’ang, the sheng (sages) always stressed mind) as the omnipresent and omnipo-
the nature, not the heart-mind. tent force that governs the wan-wu, or
Like Chu Hsi, T’ang focused self- the myriads of things, eliminating the
cultivation on the learning process of difference between the extension of
ko-wu (investigation of things). For knowledge of the good and the realiza-
T’ang, it is things, not the Tao (Way), the tion of T’ien-li (Principle of Heaven). In
nature, humaneness, or ch’eng (sinceri- his view, learning, thinking, and taking
ty), that have physical bodies. Since one action are equally important in lessen-
should learn through the investigation ing human desires and preserving the
of things, one need not suppress one’s Principle of Heaven or recovering the
material desires. This is the point of real heart-mind. T’ang has left behind
view that marks T’ang’s revision of the some works and recorded conversations
Ch’eng-Chu School’s discrimination (yü-lu). See also yü (desire).
between Principle and desire. T’ang saw
desire as something given by Heaven to Huang Tsung-hsi. The Records of Ming
humankind and impossible to be rid of. Scholars. Edited by Julia Ching with
Among T’ang’s many writings are an Chaoying Fang. Honolulu, HI:
essay on reducing desires (kua-yü), a University of Hawaii Press, 1987.
treatise on hsüeh (learning), and a
chronicle of the Ch’eng brothers. See
also hsin (heart-mind); hsing (nature); T’ang Shun-chih
jen (humaneness); kua-yü (reducing (1507–1560) Prominent literary figure
desires); sheng or sheng-jen (sage); yü and Neo-Confucian of the mid-Ming
(desire). dynasty; also called T’ang Ying-te and
T’ang Ching-ch’uan. T’ang Shun-chih is
de Bary, Wm. Theodore. The Message of classified in Huang Tsung-hsi’s work
the Mind in Neo-Confucianism. New Ming-ju hsüeh-an, or The Records of
York: Columbia University Press, Ming Scholars, as the representative of
1989. the Nan-chung Wang School. A versatile
man, T’ang was good at astronomy, the
calendar, geography, mathematics, mil-
T’ang Shu itary strategy, music, history, philoso-
(1497–1574) Neo-Confucian of the phy, phonology, prose, and poetry. He is
Ming dynasty; also known as T’ang probably best known for his literary
Wei-chung and Master I-an. T’ang Shu accomplishments rather than his Neo-
was a native of Chekiang province. He Confucian thought, but he was a follow-
passed the chin-shih examination or er of Wang Yang-ming’s teachings
Metropolitan Graduate examination in mainly through the interpretation of
the 1520s and was appointed a secre- Wang’s disciple Wang Chi.
tary in the Ministry of Justice. However, T’ang Shun-chih advanced rapidly in
he was soon reduced to a commoner education. He placed first in the hui-
due to his uprightness in judging a case shih examination or Metropolitan
involving some powerful officials. He Examination of 1529. He was appointed
then devoted himself to teaching and Junior Compiler in the Hanlin Academy,
writing for forty years. In the late 1560s but then spent most of his official career
586
Tan-kuo fu-jen
in the Ministry of War and saw direct Chinese culture from a modern view-
military action by engaging Japanese point; it also serves as an introduction
pirates along the coast. In this respect of modern Chinese thinkers, beginning
Wang Yang-ming’s military achieve- with K’ang Yu-wei and Liang Ch’i-ch’ao.
ments had set an example for him. In The author points out that due to the
the spirit of Wang’s doctrine of chih stimulation of Western learning and
hsing ho-i, or unity of knowledge and Buddhist study, there were new devel-
action, T’ang believed in a life of service. opments in Chinese philosophy during
T’ang also had an inclination for the the first half of the twentieth century.
practice of meditation and was interest- This was seen in the reconciliation
ed in Buddhism, but Confucianism between Confucianism and Buddhism,
gained priority in his learning because between the Ch’eng-Chu School and
of its ability to see human life as part of the Lu-Wang School, and in the system-
the process of change and transforma- atization of the Lu-Wang hsin-hsüeh
tion between Heaven and earth. He val- (School of Heart-Mind).
ued knowledge as a tool for under- Ho suggests that self-consciousness
standing the universe and so he pur- and intuition put forward by the School
sued various studies of the order of of Heart-Mind, not only lay the founda-
things. Thus, his learning can be seen as tion for a new outlook on life and view
an example of shih-hsüeh, or practical of the cosmos, but also provide a spiri-
learning. His work on Han dynasty tual ground for revolution. Thus, Sun
scholarship predated the Han-hsüeh or Yat-sen’s establishment of republican
Han learning by close textual research. China was based on the teachings of the
Intellectual historian Benjamin A. School of Heart-Mind. Ho even coined
Elman even traces the tradition of the the term hsin hsin-hsüeh, or the new
Ch’ing dynasty’s Ch’ang-chou New Text learning of the heart-mind. The book
School to him. T’ang Shun-chih left a also includes Ho’s discussions of Wang
number of writings that deal with Yang-ming’s famous doctrine, chih
diverse subjects. See also han-lin yüan hsing ho-i, or unity of knowledge and
(Academy of Assembled Brushes) and action, as well as Western philosophy
New Text/Old Text (chin-wen/ku-wen). and methodology.
usage, the term also refers to the Way of In order to refute the Buddhist con-
Confucius, Buddha, and others. ception of the Way, Han Yü of the T’ang
Tao becomes a synonym for the dynasty stresses the ethical aspect of Tao.
teachings and practices that make up a He puts together the notions of Tao and
tradition, especially that which is most te, limiting its contents to humaneness
distinctive at the center of the tradition. and rightness. Moreover, he invents a
Thus, the Way of Confucius, or the Way of Confucian Tao-t’ung, or the tradition of
Confucianism, refers to the Confucian the Way, to reject the belief of Buddhism.
teachings and practices as a tradition, To the Neo-Confucians of the Sung
specifically the essential ones; that is to dynasty, Tao is seen as the highest
say, the Truth. This sense of the term is noumenon. Shao Yung regards Tao as
seen when Confucius suggests that if the origin of Heaven, earth, humankind,
one can but hear the Way, he can then and virtually all things. Chang Tsai,
die content. To hear the Way is to be led however, interprets Tao as the effect
to the very center of the tradition or, of ch’i (vitality). This view has been
more appropriately, to what the tradi- inherited by later scholars such as Tai
tion considers to be its truth. Chen. The Ch’eng brothers and Chu Hsi
What does Confucius mean by his understand Tao in the light of Principle
Way or truth? When Confucius employs (li) and T’ien-li (Principle of Heaven).
the term “Tao” in the Lun yü (Analects), For Ch’eng Hao, the nature of Principle,
he usually refers to a certain outlook on hence that of the Way, is humaneness.
life, political view or ideal, or places it on To fully develop human nature and fulfill
par with te (virtue) and jen (humane- the capacity for humaneness is to follow
ness). It is obviously a moral Way or a the Way. Ch’eng I considers the Way
humanistic Tao. Rarely does Confucius to be the Principle in the constant
talk about the T’ien-tao, or Way of interaction of yin and yang as well as the
Heaven. This has influenced the early production of life in a morally good uni-
Confucian Hsün-tzu, who claims that verse. Ch’en Ch’un, in his Pei-hsi tzu-i
Tao refers mainly to the Way concerning or Neo-Confucian Terms Explained, sug-
human beings, not the Way of Heaven— gests that Tao finds its source in T’ien
though he acknowledges its existence. (Heaven) and is most frequently spoken
As a religious term the Tao repre- of in terms of Principle.
sents the Absolute, toward which an In sum, Tao is used to indicate the
individual moves. The “Chung yung” Absolute or, in Wang Fu-chih’s words,
(“Doctrine of the Mean”) defines the the t’ai-chi (Great Ultimate), as well as
Tao as the Absolute and endpoint of the path to realize it. Within the Neo-
human striving, seeing it as equivalent Confucian context nothing lies outside
to ch’eng (sincerity) or integrity. The Principle or the Principle of Heaven,
“Great Learning” (“Ta-hsüeh”) uses the and so there is nothing beyond the Tao
term in the same fashion, pinpointing or Way. Thus, the Way is found in all
in its opening sentence that the Way of things, confirming the Chinese and East
the Great Learning is to illuminate the Asian sense of the Absolute within the
luminous virtue, to love or renovate the world as opposed to being separated
people, and to rest in the highest good. from it. With the Way in all things, the
The “Hsi-tz’u chuan” or “Commentary religious life is no more than an ordi-
on the Appended Judgments” to the I nary one, for the ordinary life embraces
ching or Book of Changes explains Tao the life of the Absolute. See also ch’i
metaphysically in the terms of yin/yang (utensils); hsing-erh-shang/hsing-erh-
and defines it as hsing-erh-shang (above hsia; i (righteousness or rightness);
or without form), so as to distinguish it Three Items.
from the concrete things or the utensils
of hsing-erh-hsia (below or within form).
589
Tao-hsin (Heart-Mind of the Way)
Chan, Wing-tsit, trans. and ed. Neo- of sagehood. Thus, the sheng (sage) is
Confucian Terms Explained (The one who has fully developed and man-
Pei-hsi tzu-i) by Ch’en Ch’un, 1159– ifested his Tao-hsin to the degree that
1223. New York: Columbia University his jen-hsin does not vary from the
Press, 1986. guidance of the Tao-hsin. As Chu Hsi
Chan, Wing-tsit, trans. and comp. A suggests, Tao-hsin should always con-
Source Book in Chinese Philosophy. trol jen-hsin so as to master the body.
Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Lu Chiu-yüan and Wang Yang-ming
Press, 1969. identify the heart-mind with Principle,
emphasizing that Tao-hsin and jen-hsin
are not two, but one. The Lu-Wang School
Tao-hsin (Heart-Mind of the Way) opposes the simple categorization of Tao-
A technical term used in Neo- hsin and jen-hsin into the binarism of
Confucian discourse in combination T’ien-li and human desires. But Wang
with jen-hsin (heart-mind of humanity) Yang-ming admits that Tao-hsin is the
to describe two levels or capacities of heart-mind free of the negative effect of
the hsin (heart-mind) of human being. human activity; it is the corrected jen-
The binary terms first appear in the hsin. Tao-hsin is therefore the original
forged Old Text version of the Shu ching heart-mind that needs to be manifested.
or Book of History. While jen-hsin refers The terms Tao-hsin and jen-hsin
to the ordinary mental faculties that have become standard designations not
react to things in a morally neutral way, only to differentiate the two levels of
Tao-hsin refers to the heart-mind that heart-mind, but also to demonstrate
fully embodies the Tao (Way). In Neo- the distinction between the present
Confucian usage the Tao means conditions of humankind defined in
Principle (li), or T’ien-li (Principle of terms of an overburdening of the jen-
Heaven). Thus Tao-hsin is the heart- hsin and the ideal state of the full mani-
mind that fully embodies the Principle festation of the Tao-hsin as a criterion
of Heaven. for morality. See also hsing (nature);
Ch’eng Hao first interprets Tao-hsin Neo-Confucianism; New Text/Old Text
and jen-hsin as Heavenly Principle and (chin-wen/ku-wen); sheng or sheng-jen
human desires, respectively. Chu Hsi (sage); yü (desire).
further affirms that Tao-hsin is the
heart-mind’s capacity to realize the Chan, Wing-tsit, trans. and comp. A
Principle from which it originates, Source Book in Chinese Philosophy.
whereas jen-hsin is that capacity within Princeton, NJ: Princeton University
a person to conceive desires. Utilized by Press, 1969.
numerous other Neo-Confucians, Tao- Tang, Chun-i. “The Development of the
hsin signifies the capacity of the heart- Concept of Moral Mind from Wang
mind to contain and manifest the Yang-ming to Wang Chi.” Self and
Principle of Heaven, while jen-hsin Society in Ming Thought. Edited by
means the heart-mind, which if left to Wm. Theodore de Bary and the
its own, could interfere with the full Conference on Ming Thought. New
realization of the Principle of Heaven York: Columbia University Press, 1970.
within the individual.
For the Neo-Confucians to say that
the Tao-hsin has the capacity to fully Tao-hsüeh
embody the Principle of Heaven means The Tao-hsüeh, or learning of the Tao
that it is entirely good in the sense of (Way), was one of the terms used in Neo-
Mencius’ discussion of the goodness of Confucianism, especially during the
human nature, hsing. The capacity to Sung dynasty. It was less popular than
fully manifest the Principle of Heaven the hsing-li hsüeh (learning of the nature
or goodness is equated with the state and Principle), li-hsüeh (School of
590
Tao-t’ung
Ming dynasty chart of the Tao-t’ung extended the lineage of the succession to the Way from the
Three Culture Heroes to Chu Hsi and his disciples, but excluded Han Yü.
T’ang, King Wen, King Wu, Duke of Chou, of the Tao-t’ung that contribute directly
Confucius, Mencius, down to Han him- to the formation of the Neo-Confucian
self. Li Ao suggested that the succession tradition. First, the Sung Neo-Confucians
went from Confucius through his disci- identified themselves as the direct
ples Tseng-tzu and Tzu-ssu to Mencius. inheritors of Mencius. They skipped
This heralded the Tao-hsüeh, or learning over 1,300 years of Confucian history,
of the Way, during the Sung dynasty. excluding all the developments from
During the Southern Sung period, the Han dynasty to the T’ang dynasty.
Chu Hsi picked up on Ch’eng I’s interest Second, Chu Hsi elevated the status of
in the revival of the Tao-t’ung. He the Ch’eng brothers. There were many
pushed the lineage even further back to other Confucians who could have been
include the mythical culture heroes Fu chosen as representatives of the tradi-
Hsi, Shen Nung, and Huang Ti (Yellow tion, but Chu Hsi left them out. Shao
Emperor), and then brought it forward Yung is the most obvious example.
to Sung times to recruit Chou Tun-i, Chang Tsai was included but in a sec-
Ch’eng Hao, and Ch’eng I, but excluded ondary role. Third, Chu Hsi placed
Han Yü from it so that Mencius’ teach- Chou Tun-i in a prominent position to
ings were handed down to the Sung establish a philosophical priority for his
Neo-Confucians directly. Chu Hsi him- metaphysical theories. This process is
self was added to the Tao-t’ung by his Chu Hsi’s synthesis of the Neo-
own disciples. Confucian teachings. Chan calls it Chu
Philosopher and Confucian scholar Hsi’s “completion” of Neo-Confucianism,
Wing-tsit Chan has pointed out several which served as orthodoxy from the
important elements in the construction Sung dynasty to the twentieth century.
592
Ta-te
The theory of Tao-t’ung was a con- Lau, D. C., trans. Mencius. Harmondsworth,
scious construction of a genealogy for England: Penguin Books, 1970.
the sake of creating a Neo-Confucian
philosophy, which Chu Hsi felt viable to
represent the Confucian tradition. The Ta Tai Li chi
style of the Neo-Confucian learning, Traditionally believed to be an earlier
contrary to that of the Han and T’ang recension of the Li chi or Records of
exegetics, was the conceptualization of Rites, the Ta Tai Li chi, or Elder Tai’s
Confucian ideas. This explains why all Records of Rites, is attributed to Tai Te of
Han and T’ang Confucian scholars were the Former Han dynasty. The present
excluded from the lineage. The Sung form of the Li chi is said to be the prod-
Neo-Confucians posed as great inter- uct of Tai Te’s nephew, Tai Sheng, who
preters of Confucius and Mencius was responsible for abridging the work
through the use of the Tao-t’ung. In the of his uncle. The Ta Tai Li chi is a selec-
succeeding imperial periods, when tion of 85 pre-Han and Former Han
there was no agreement upon which essays, of which only 39 are extant. A
Ming dynasty Confucian should be reference of ancient rites, institutions,
regarded as the “orthodox” successor, and Confucian teachings, it is included
the Tao-t’ung was discontinued. in the Huang-Ch’ing ching-chieh or
Imperial Ch’ing Exegeses of the Classics
Chan, Wing-tsit. “Chu Hsi’s Completion with K’ung Kuang-sen’s annotations.
of Neo-Confucianism.” Françoise See also li (propriety or rites).
Aubin, ed. Études Song-Sung Studies,
in Memoriam Étienne Balazs, ser. 2, Fung Yu-lan. A History of Chinese
no. 1 (1973): 59-90. Philosophy. Translated by Derk
de Bary, Wm. Theodore. The Message of Bodde. 2 vols. Princeton, NJ:
the Mind in Neo-Confucianism. New Princeton University Press, 1983.
York: Columbia University Press, Loewe, Michael, ed. Early Chinese Texts:
1989. A Bibliographical Guide. Early
Lau, D. C., trans. The Analects (Lun yü). China Special Monograph Series,
New York: Penguin Books, 1979. no. 2. Berkeley, CA: Institute of East
––––––––, trans. Mencius. Harmondsworth, Asian Studies, 1994.
England: Penguin Books, 1970.
Ta T’ang K’ai-yüan li
Tao wen-hsüeh Complete title of the K’ai-yüan li or
See tsun te-hsing erh Tao wen-hsüeh. Rites of the K’ai-yüan Period. See K’ai-
yüan li.
T’ao Ying
One of the fifteen disciples of Mencius. Ta-te
T’ao Ying was first identified by Chao A term from the “Hsi-tz’u chuan”
Ch’i, who wrote the first extant com- (“Commentary on the Appended
mentary to the Book of Mencius. T’ao Judgments”) to the I ching, or Book of
Ying appears in only a single passage, Changes. Ta-te means the great virtue.
where he asks Mencius about the sage In the case of the I ching, it refers to the
ruler Shun and what Shun would have highest virtue of Heaven and earth
done if his own father had committed known as sheng, life or production. The
homicide. Mencius suggests that Shun term also appears in the “Chung yung”
would have helped the old man, escap- (“Doctrine of the Mean”), suggesting
ing with his father to live out their days from the Confucian point of view, the
together and giving up the empire. potential for all human beings to have a
593
Ta-t’ung
common, virtuous nature. For the Neo- before the Hsia dynasty—in the begin-
Confucians, such a nature points to the ning—there was an ideal society. Yet it
common sharing of T’ien-li (Principle degraded into the hsiao-k’ang, or Small
of Heaven) found in humanity. Tranquillity, when the Great Way
Embodied in human nature, hsing, or declined. Thereafter, rites have been
the great virtue, will be realized or man- necessitated to maintain social order.
ifested by each person. However, reformers and revolutionaries
Ch’en Ch’un suggests in his Pei-hsi of the late Ch’ing dynasty and republi-
tzu-i (Neo-Confucian Terms Explained) can periods such as K’ang Yu-wei, T’an
that ta-te is the name given to that Ssu-t’ung, and Sun Yat-sen all employed
which is universal and yet, specific to ta-t’ung in the future tense: there will be
the character of each person. The inter- a perfect world after the reform or revo-
action between the universal and the lution. Their schemes promised a rosy
particular is interesting: While ta (great) future in social, political, and moral
suggests that which is common to all, te aspects. K’ang’s Ta-t’ung shu, or Book of
(virtue) is a quality unique to, or Great Unity, even places Great Unity in a
obtained by, the individual. The balance global context. See also hsin (faithful-
of the two reveals the universal that ness) and li (propriety or rites).
becomes particularized within the indi-
vidual, hence the common, yet special Legge, James, trans. The Sacred Books of
form of the Principle of Heaven. See China: The Texts of Confucianism.
also hsing (nature) and sheng-sheng. Vols. 3 & 4, The Li Ki. Delhi, India:
Motilal Banarsidass, 1966.
Chan, Wing-tsit, trans. and ed. Neo-
Confucian Terms Explained (The
Pei-hsi tzu-i) by Ch’en Ch’un, 1159– Ta-t’ung shu
1223. New York: Columbia University Originally titled Jen-lei kung-li (The
Press, 1986. Axiom of Humankind), the Ta-t’ung shu,
or Book of Great Unity, was a major work
of the Ch’ing dynasty reformer K’ang
Ta-t’ung Yu-wei. The author began formulating
A term of social ethics, ta-t’ung, or his idea of a world community in 1884
Great Unity, refers to a utopia. The “Li and began writing about it in the follow-
yün” or “Evolution of Rites,” a chapter ing year. The book was completed
in the Li chi (Records of Rites) describes between 1901 and 1902 when K’ang
the world of ta-t’ung in which the Great took refuge in India. Later, the text was
Tao (Way) prevailed and a public spirit enlarged several times. It was first pub-
ruled; thus worthy and able people were lished in a journal in 1913, and offprint-
selected, the aged were secured, the ed in Shanghai in 1919.
young were employed, kids were taken The Ta-t’ung shu is a reinterpreta-
care of, and so were widows and widow- tion of the concept of ta-t’ung or Great
ers, orphans and childless people, the Unity from the Li chi (Records of Rites).
physically or mentally challenged, and K’ang brought together the concepts of
the sick. Men and women had their the Kung-yang School’s three-epoch
mates. There was no selfishness, no hypothesis and Western ideas of utopi-
conspiracy, no robbers and thieves, an socialism and Darwinism. K’ang
only faithfulness and amity. Filial affec- draws a linear trajectory for the devel-
tion and parental love were extended opment of history—China will progress
beyond one’s own family to others. The from its current chaotic epoch to the
annotator Cheng Hsüan equates such tranquil era, to be followed by a peace-
“unity” with “harmony” and “peace.” ful era called the Great Unity. In the
Early Confucians articulated the ta- world of Great Unity, there are no class-
t’ung in the past tense: Once upon a time es, all are equal, order is restored, and
594
Ta Yüan t’ung-chih t’iao-li kang-mu
the Confucian ideal of jen (humane- Behind this debate is the issue
ness) is achieved. K’ang also inherits regarding the Confucian attitude toward
Wang Fu-chih’s and Tai Chen’s view that law. Historically, the Confucians argued
T’ien-li (Principle of Heaven) actually against the Legalists on the grounds of
lies in human desires. By absorbing the establishing an ethical code rather than
Western theory of human nature, he a legal one. As centuries passed, the
argues that the desires for happiness Confucians adopted a more Legalist
and equality are natural and universal, stance on the necessity of the existence
and that the quest for the ta-t’ung is of law for a stable society. By the time
precisely grounded on such desires. See the Yüan dynasty was established, the
also Kung-yang hsüeh and yü (desire). Confucian position supported the
maintenance of social order through a
Thompson, Laurence G. Ta t’ung shu: comprehensive system of legal statutes.
The One-World Philosophy of K’ang This was not to mitigate the importance
Yu-wei. London: Allen & Unwin, of moral education, but to realize the
1958. importance of law as a measure in run-
ning a good government.
The Confucians considered the Yüan
Ta Yüan t’ung-chih government’s failure to produce a statu-
An administrative handbook of the tory code to be a failure of its basic
Yüan dynasty, the Ta Yüan t’ung-chih, responsibility for the care of its people
or Comprehensive Institutes of the Great as the highest priority. The founders of
Yüan, was compiled in 1323, by order of the Ming dynasty, who defeated the
the Yüan court and promulgated by the Yüan, had already formulated a statuto-
Yüan ruler, Shidebala (also known as ry code even before they assumed
Emperor Ying Tsung). The book served power, indicating that the employment
as a manual of regulations in the of law was ingrained in the Chinese tra-
absence of an official statutory code. dition. See also Ta Yüan t’ung-chih
When the Mongols conquered China in t’iao-li kang-mu.
the thirteenth century, they abolished
the statutes of the previous dynasties. Langlois, John D., Jr. “Law, Statecraft,
They did not attempt to create a new and The Spring and Autumn Annals
legal system until the reign of in Yüan Political Thought.” Yüan
Shidebala. As Po-chu-lu Ch’ung points Thought: Chinese Thought and
out in his preface to the Ta Yüan t’ung- Religion Under the Mongols. Edited
chih, the handbook turned out to be by Hok-lam Chan and Wm. Theodore
more like general guidelines for officers de Bary. New York: Columbia
and clerks in the conduct of their duties University Press, 1982.
rather than authoritative statutes.
John D. Langlois, Jr., observes that
the Mongols saw the power and author- Ta Yüan t’ung-chih t’iao-li kang-mu
ity of their rule as transnational in char- A private compilation by Chang Shao.
acter. They seemed to have neither the The Ta Yüan t’ung-chih t’iao-li kang-mu,
interest nor patience to inherit the or Outline and Digest of the Classified
Chinese tradition and establish a com- Substatutes in the Comprehensive
prehensive statutory code for the huge Institutes of the Great Yüan, serves as a
empire. This raised the concern of guide to the Ta Yüan t’ung-chih, or
many Chinese officials, who viewed law Comprehensive Institutes of the Great
as a guarantee of the continued order Yüan, which was written in 1323. It is
and stability of society. These officials prefaced by the Neo-Confucian scholar
argued strenuously for the creation of a Wu Ch’eng.
Yüan statutory code.
595
Te (Virtue)
Langlois, John D., Jr. “Law, Statecraft, The above moral definitions shaped
and The Spring and Autumn Annals the understanding of te since the very
in Yüan Political Thought.” Yüan beginning of the Confucian tradition.
Thought: Chinese Thought and Admiring the Chou civilization, Confucius
Religion Under the Mongols. Edited receives te as virtue and calls for a virtuous
by Hok-lam Chan and Wm. Theodore government. Mencius considers rites and
de Bary. New York: Columbia propriety to be the full virtue that a suc-
University Press, 1982. cessful ruler must practice. In this fashion,
te is closely related to Mencius’ idea of the
goodness of hsing (nature) or human
Te (Virtue) nature. In later Confucian discourse, hsing
A key philosophical term in early Chinese has actually become a concept of greater
thought, te is associated with both prominence than te.
Confucianism and Taoism. Although Neo-Confucianism defines te similar
some scholars have attempted to differen- to what we have already seen. Ch’en
tiate the Confucian and Taoist world views Ch’un, in his Pei-hsi tzu-i (Neo-
and their concepts, others such as Confucian Terms Explained), concludes
philosophers David L. Hall and Roger T. that te is related to Tao in that Tao repre-
Ames seek to find common strands. Their sents the universal, while te denotes the
analysis of te yields a common root mean- specific manifestation of it. Following
ing in the application of the term within the early glossologists’ association,
both traditions. It suggests the “particular” Ch’en Ch’un also explains te in terms of
of something and the manifestation of a its homonym for “obtaining,” thus sug-
broader value within that particular. For gesting that te (virtue) means some-
the Taoist, this refers to the specific mani- thing to obtain within oneself. If Tao for
festation of the Tao (Way) within the indi- the Neo-Confucians is the presence of
vidual. This can be seen in the title of the T’ien-li (Principle of Heaven), then te is
celebrated Taoist classic, Lao-tzu’s Tao te the virtue to be realized by obtaining, or
ching, which literary scholar Arthur Waley manifesting, this Principle within one-
has translated as The Way and Its Power to self. This occasions Neo-Confucians to
capture the relation between Tao and te. describe te in several ways, such as te-
When applied to its Confucian usage, hsing (virtuous nature) and T’ien-te, or
te has a similar sense of the particular virtue of Heaven. See also chih (wis-
manifestation of the Way—of course, the dom); ching (reverence or seriousness);
Way is different than that of the Taoist. chung (loyalty); hsiao (filial piety); hsin
Since Tao for the Confucian has a moral (faithfulness); hundred schools of
implication, te becomes a particular thought; i (righteousness or rightness);
manifestation of its moral capacity and jen (humaneness); li (propriety or
thus is usually rendered as virtue. This rites); sheng or sheng-jen (sage).
ethical sense of te can be traced back to
the term’s usage in early Confucian clas- Boodberg, Peter A. “The Semasiology of
sics, such as the Shu ching (Book of Some Primary Confucian Concepts.”
History), the Tso chuan (commentary to Philosophy East and West 2.4
the Ch’un ch’iu or Spring and Autumn (January, 1953): 317–32.
Annals), and the Chou li (Rites of Chou). Chan, Wing-tsit, trans. and ed. Neo-
In the Shu ching, te often means the Confucian Terms Explained (The
virtue on which the Chou dynasty rulers Pei-hsi tzu-i) by Ch’en Ch’un, 1159–
should base their conduct. The Tso chuan 1223. New York: Columbia University
details filial piety, reverence, loyalty, Press, 1986.
faithfulness, and humbleness as the con- Hall, David L., and Roger T. Ames.
tents of te. The Chou li also lists the so- Thinking Through Confucius. Albany,
called six virtues, namely, wisdom, NY: State University of New York
humaneness, sageness, rightness, loyalty, Press, 1987.
and harmony.
596
Te-hsing (Virtuous Nature)
Waley, Arthur, trans. and ed. The Way designation. This class of people repre-
and Its Power: A Study of the Tao Tê sented a substantial number of well
Ching and Its Place in Chinese educated individuals from the Sung
Thought. New York: Grove Press, 1988. dynasty to the Ch’ing dynasty. While
not officially able to enter the civil ser-
vice, as an educated class of people
Teacher whose talent could be utilized particu-
See hsien-sheng (teacher). larly at the local level, they served in a
variety of positions, including govern-
Teacher of Antiquity mental posts as well as teaching posi-
See hsien-shih (Teacher of Antiquity). tions at the prefectural or provincial
school level.
597
Teleology
598
Thirteen Classics
Theism Theocracy
The question of whether Confucianism The concept of theocracy—as a state gov-
possesses theistic elements of a religious erned under a religious goal—may apply
structure has been raised repeatedly for to the Confucian state in terms of T’ien
many years. The interest comes from (Heaven) and T’ien-ming (Mandate of
those with a particular theological inter- Heaven). The fact that the ruler is referred
est in the subject. The issue revolves to as T’ien-tzu (Son of Heaven) suggests
largely around the nature of Shang-ti the subservience of the government to
(Lord upon High) and T’ien (Heaven), religious authority. The dimensions of
as deities, and in turn, the way in which theocracy became more subtle during the
the Confucians deal with the belief in Neo-Confucian era, though no less
Shang-ti and T’ien. Some, upon reading important. Being the Absolute and the
early Chinese sources, suggest the exis- source for order in the cosmos, T’ien-li
tence of a creator god; others consider (Principle of Heaven) was potentially
sky deities, ancestral spirits, or even regarded as a theocratic guide.
souls of the dead enlarged in their
sphere of influence. There have been Taylor, Rodney L. The Religious
attempts to see such belief as a form of Dimensions of Confucianism. Albany,
monotheism and even to suggest a pri- NY: State University of New York
mordial form of monotheism, generally Press, 1990.
called urmonotheism.
Confucianism is seen as preserving
the ancient Chinese religious culture
Theology
It might be questioned whether the
but then reshaping it in the direction of
term theology is appropriate to apply to
a more abstract and non-personal deity.
a tradition in which the concept of
When it comes to the Neo-Confucian
theos, or God, appears to be of little
concept of the T’ien-li (Principle of
consequence. Some will argue that early
Heaven), there is little left of any vestige
Confucianism saw T’ien (Heaven) and
of an anthropomorphic god. The idea of
Shang-ti (Lord upon High) as a form of
theism, while immensely important to
theistic deity. If T’ien can be described
other religions, has gradually become
as a theo, then the study of, or the theory
insignificant in Confucianism—though
about T’ien, by such Confucians as
it does not mean that it is of no value in
Tung Chung-shu, may be called
our study of the Confucian religious tra-
Confucian theology.
dition. See also ancestors (tsu); Chou
dynasty; hun/p’o; kuei/shen; Shang
Taylor, Rodney L. The Religious
dynasty.
Dimensions of Confucianism. Albany,
NY: State University of New York
Eno, Robert. The Confucian Creation of
Press, 1990.
Heaven: Philosophy and the Defense
of Ritual Mastery. Albany: State
University of New York Press, 1990. Thinking
Legge, James, trans. The Religions of See ssu (thinking).
China: Confucianism and Taoism
Described and Compared with
Christianity. Philadelphia, PA: Thirteen Classics
R. West, 1978. The largest grouping of the Confucian
Taylor, Rodney L. The Religious classics, the Thirteen Classics or shih-
Dimensions of Confucianism. Albany, san ching emerged as a recognized
599
Thousand Character Essay
collection several centuries after the students. The system lasted for nearly 50
Twelve Classics. The Thirteen Classics years; its structure was applied to both
added the Book of Mencius to the central and local levels of education,
Twelve Classics. Juan Yüan’s Shih-san leading to a scheme of advancement
ching chu-shu (Commentaries and from grade to grade and school to school.
Subcommentaries to the Thirteen
Classics) remains the best edition. See Chaffee, John W. The Thorny Gates of
also ching (classic). Learning in Sung China: A Social
History of Examinations. Albany,
Denny, Frederick M., and Rodney L. NY: State University of New York
Taylor, eds. The Holy Book in Press, 1995.
Comparative Perspective. Columbia, Hucker, Charles O. A Dictionary of
SC: University of South Carolina Official Titles in Imperial China.
Press, 1985. Stanford, CA: Stanford University
Press, 1985.
Three Bonds
See san kang. Three Culture Heroes
The Three Culture Heroes are mythical
figures who supposedly lived at the very
Three Character Classic beginning of Chinese civilization during
See San tzu ching. the second millennium B.C.E. By tradi-
tional accounts, they were responsible
Three Colleges System for the invention or discovery of the
The Three Colleges, or san she system, basic building blocks of Chinese civiliza-
refers to a reform introduced into the tion itself. Through the works of the
structure of the t’ai-hsüeh (National Three Culture Heroes—Fu Hsi, Shen
University), by Wang An-shih in 1071, Nung, and Huang Ti (Yellow Emperor)—
during the Sung dynasty. It was intend- the building blocks of civilization were
ed to substitute the civil service exami- established. Fu Hsi is credited with the
nations with a schooling system and creation of writing, fishing, and trap-
to shift the focus of study from poetry ping; Shen Nung created commerce,
to Confucian classics. The chu-k’o agriculture, and medicine; and with
examinations, or Various Subjects Huang Ti came metal working. From
Examinations, for instance, was aban- fishing and trapping to agriculture and
doned. The system divided students commerce and finally metal working, it
into different levels of classes, accord- is a representation of cultural develop-
ing to their abilities. There were 2,000 ment not unlike our own anthropologi-
students in the Outer College, among cal understanding. First, there were
whom 200 to 300 continued in the Inner nomadic peoples, who hunted and
College and 100 in the Superior College. fished. Then came the farmers and later,
Reformers believed that learning was the metal workers. The interesting ele-
sequential; in other words, students must ment in the Chinese reckoning of this
progress through increasingly difficult progression is the placement of writing
and complex material. Graduate exami- as a component of the first step, an ele-
nations for the Outer and Inner Colleges ment not out of keeping with the
were held every one and two years, Confucian emphasis on their own role
respectively. Finally, the chin-shih exam- as the preservers of the written word,
ination was conducted in order to offer one sense of the meaning of the term
official degrees and government posts to wen (culture).
600
Three Obediences and Four Virtues
601
Three Religions
suggests that T’ien was not some bor- concept of T’ien-ming is viewed as a
rowed figure from the Shang dynasty, mixture of ancient religious belief,
but distinctly Chou in origin, which was political philosophy, and astronomical
then matched by the Chou rulers with science.
the equivalent figure in the Shang peri- How then is T’ien understood by the
od, Shang-ti. Chou people? A number of passages in
In one’s attempt to understand what traditional sources suggest T’ien as a
T’ien was to the Chou people, it is powerful and authoritative figure. It is,
important to understand the connec- after all, T’ien who is responsible for
tion made between T’ien and Shang-ti bestowing his mandate, T’ien-ming,
in the early Chou records. A point not upon the ruler. It is also T’ien who can
frequently noted, it was the early Chou take it away and bestow it on someone
rulers, who in their explanations of the else, depending on the conduct of the
operations of T’ien and in particular ruler. There are references to T’ien’s
T’ien-ming (Mandate of Heaven), involvement with human affairs—
equated T’ien with Shang-ti. This sug- monitoring, examining, and watching
gests that in their minds there were over human affairs. T’ien can send pun-
enough similarities in the ways these ishment and can send blessings: It is able
figures were viewed that such an equa- to protect or to expose. It keeps account
tion could be made. This equation sug- of virtuous deeds, it determines a life
gests that while many scholars have span, and when it sees evil, it can root it
tried to draw a distinction between out.
T’ien and Shang-ti, T’ien as the Sky is Such references are typical of the
the beginning of a naturalistic philoso- way in which T’ien is described, partic-
phy disregarding the religious uses of ularly in sources from the early and
Shang-ti. However, for the Chou people middle Chou periods. In the last cen-
themselves, T’ien and Shang-ti share turies of the Chou dynasty, T’ien is
more than they differ. described differently. Instead of a
Recent scientific research conducted known authority whose characteristics
by historian of science David W. could be predicted, there is an element
Pankenier shows that the rhetorics of of uncertainty and unknowing. There is
the Duke of Chou were based on obser- disorder and suffering, representing the
vations made by the founders of the chaos and violence of the Warring States
Chou dynasty and of the configurations period, and yet there is no explanation
of portentous astronomical phenome- of T’ien’s action. T’ien sends terror and
na between 1071 and 1035 B.C.E. When a chaos; the people feel they have done
five planetary conjunction involving nothing to deserve such punishment. It
Venus, Jupiter, Mercury, Mars, and is not just the wicked who suffer; it is
Saturn occurred in the constellation of also the righteous. When the righteous
Cancer in May 1059 B.C.E., King Wen suffer, then the ways of T’ien have
proclaimed that the Mandate of Heaven become unknown.
was conferred on himself, calling the It is in this later period of the Chou
next year to be the First Year of the dynasty that the various schools of clas-
Mandate. Similarly, King Wu attacked sical Chinese thought arise, including
Shang in 1046 B.C.E. during the conjunc- the Confucian school. Because the
tion of Jupiter with the sun. Again, in Confucian school saw themselves as the
the astrologer-historian Ssu-ma Ch’ien’s preservers of the ancient culture, they
Shih-chi (Records of the Historian), there turned to the textual sources that pro-
is an account of celestial instruments moted concepts such as T’ien and
being used to observe the alignment of the T’ien-ming, as the way of the ancient
seven planets when Emperor Yao asked sage rulers. As the Confucian school
Shun to see where the Mandate of sought to teach an emulation of the
Heaven would go. For these reasons, the ways of the ancient sages, they accepted
604
T’ien (Heaven)
the authority vested in concepts such as and non-moral attributes, in the sense
T’ien and T’ien-ming. The Chou records of one’s power or ability, it was equated
spoke to both the belief in and doubts specifically with moral value for the
surrounding T’ien. It is difficult to early Confucians.
assess the impact on the Confucians of Of particular significance of the new
the doubts expressed about T’ien. In all directions in the meaning of T’ien is the
likelihood, it was subsumed in the larg- role given to it by Mencius in his theory of
er commitment to an affirmation of hsing or human nature. T’ien is identified
T’ien as an active element in the histor- as the source of hsing, the true nature or
ical process. Seemingly capricious acts moral nature of the individual. This is
by T’ien could be explained by suggest- seen by Mencius as the same nature
ing that not all actions of Heaven were developed by the sages of antiquity, who
understandable or that those who were said to understand the Way of
claimed righteousness for themselves Heaven. When Mencius identifies the
were, in fact, not righteous. After all, no nature of the individual with the nature
one could hide from the will of T’ien. of T’ien, he enlarged the concept of T’ien
When examining the attitudes of in substantial philosophical ways. His
Confucius and Mencius toward T’ien, a theory brought religious significance to
general acceptance of much of the the question of learning and self-culti-
Chou dynasty belief in T’ien seems to vation necessary to develop the full
be inherent. T’ien is considered to be a capability of the individual’s nature to
source of absolute authority—one reflect its T’ien, or endowed capacity.
capable of punishing, of sending bless- The doubts expressed in T’ien by
ing, and of determining the course of late Chou sources may have played a
one’s life as well as the life of the state large role in Hsün-tzu’s formulation
and its ruler. The basic characteristic of and conceptual development of T’ien.
T’ien as an authority capable of acting According to Hsün-tzu, T’ien is expand-
within history, is retained by both ed in a very different way. Very little of
Confucius and Mencius. The most fun- its traditional meaning as a willful
damental example of such authority authority acting in the historical
was T’ien-ming, the Mandate of process is retained. T’ien is viewed as a
Heaven. Both Confucius and Mencius name for the natural process of change
accept this theory. If there is any sign of and transformation of the world, soci-
the doubts expressed in T’ien from late ety, and humankind. Change takes
Chou sources, it appears in the use of place because of natural processes, not
T’ien to mean “fate” or “destiny,” or the will of an authority. Even T’ien-ming
what is inevitable—what is occurring (Mandate of Heaven) is simply the
around us that is simply beyond our name for change and transformation in
control. Such use of the term by a natural process.
Confucius and Mencius in this way, There is a Way of Heaven, according
however, is limited. to Hsün-tzu, but it is following the nat-
In general, both Confucius and ural course of things. For humankind
Mencius largely accepted much of the this means acting in ways that are
earlier belief in T’ien, but at the same appropriate to the way of humankind. If
time they developed the concept in new these ways are violated, T’ien cannot
directions as well. There is a much act as a volitional agent to send punish-
greater identification of T’ien with ment. “Punishment” occurs because
specifically moral order than perceived the natural process has been disturbed.
in the records of the early sage para- Any volitional element or conscious ele-
digms. There are discussions of te ment is removed, leaving T’ien as a
(virtue) of the early sage rulers and name for the natural process alone.
their reigns. The word virtue is complex: Such a process is not moral free, but the
Where it may be inclusive of both moral ethical dimension is seen as one that is
605
T’ien (Heaven)
largely agreement as well. To the degree Wang Yang-ming replied that both
that T’ien is the Absolute, whether with were correct, but intended for different
immanent or transcendent imagery, it audiences. For those of quick intelli-
remains the key to the religious under- gence, Wang Chi’s understanding was
standing of the tradition as a whole. See valid, but for those who had to learn
also hsing (nature); hsin-hsüeh (School more slowly, Ch’ien Te-hung’s view
of Heart-Mind); hun/p’o; li-hsüeh should be used. Thus, the two comple-
(School of Principle or learning of mented each other. The answer did little
Principle); macrocosm/microcosm. to settle the debate as Wang Chi main-
tained his idea of the ssu-wu (Four
Eno, Robert. The Confucian Creation of Negatives). As a result, the Four-Sentence
Heaven: Philosophy and the Defense Teaching remains a source of philosoph-
of Ritual Mastery. Albany: State ical polemics within the Wang Yang-
University of New York Press, 1990. ming School. See also hsing (nature).
Hall, David L., and Roger T. Ames.
Thinking Through Confucius. Albany, Chan, Wing-tsit, trans. Instructions for
NY: State University of New York Practical Living and Other Neo-
Press, 1987. Confucian Writings by Wang Yang-
Pankenier, David W. “Astronomical ming. New York: Columbia University
Dates in Shang and Western Zhou.” Press, 1985.
Early China 7 (1981-82): 2-37. Ching, Julia. To Acquire Wisdom: The
Taylor, Rodney L. The Religious Way of Wang Yang-ming. New York:
Dimensions of Confucianism. Albany, Columbia University Press, 1976.
NY: State University of New York
Press, 1990.
T’ien-jen kan-ying
Theory ascribed to the Han dynasty
T’ien-ch’üan Bridge Debate Confucian Tung Chung-shu, the phrase
The T’ien-ch’üan Bridge debate, also “T’ien-jen kan-ying”or “correspondence
known as the Heavenly Spring Bridge of Heaven and human” suggests the
debate, refers to the famous discussion perception of the intimate connection
between Ch’ien Te-hung and Wang Chi, between T’ien (Heaven) and human
two students of Wang Yang-ming. In the beings. It is developed in the Ch’un
evening before Wang Yang-ming’s ch’iu fan-lu (Luxuriant Dew of the
departure for a military campaign in Spring and Autumn Annals), a major
1527, the students began discussing writing attributed to Tung. A foundation
Wang Yang-ming’s ssu chü chiao, or for early Confucian philosophy of a
Four-Sentence Teaching. The debate close relation between all phenomena,
concerned the existence of a distinction the concept substantiates a belief in the
between good and evil in the hsin-chih- correspondence between the macro-
t’i, or the substance of the heart-mind. cosm and the microcosm, here
Each disciple gave his interpretation, described as interaction of the Absolute
then asked Wang Yang-ming to com- and human activities. T’ien-jen kan-
ment. Wang Chi inclined to the absence ying presents a common set of models
of good and evil. Ch’ien Te-hung, how- of the unity between Heaven and
ever, insisted on the importance of the humankind, including yin/yang and the
distinction of learning and self-cultiva- wu hsing, or Five Elements, as well as
tion, though he admitted that the hsin- numerical categories. Such intercon-
chih-t’i, as the nature endowed in nection demonstrates that Heaven
human beings by T’ien (Heaven), was can intervene in state affairs, while
originally neither good nor evil. humans may change the will of Heaven
by religious rituals. See also macro-
cosm/microcosm.
607
T’ien-li (Principle of Heaven)
standard, then the mandate would be sive rule. The Shu ching is the major
taken away and given to a newly identi- source for discussions of T’ien-ming,
fied worthy individual, who then would but the Shih ching or Book of Poetry also
become ruler, founding a new line of alludes to the principle, confirming the
dynastic succession. early creation of the concept as a cen-
When applied to the founding of the tral component in the Chinese under-
Chou dynasty, the Duke of Chou argued standing of history.
that King Chou, the last sovereign of the With the advance of modern astrono-
Shang dynasty, had so displeased T’ien my and computing technology, historian
because of his despotic rule that T’ien of science David W. Pankenier has discov-
removed the mandate and gave it to the ered that the conception of Heaven’s
founding rulers of the Chou dynasty. Mandate was in fact based on ancient
The mandate was now bestowed upon astronomical events and geometric con-
the Chou people, but its rule would figuration of the planets. T’ien-ming rep-
continue only so long as its rulers ful- resents a belief in the correspondence
filled the te (virtue) endowed in them by between celestial and terrestrial phenom-
T’ien and were seen as benevolent and ena. I-ching scholar S. J. Marshall propos-
kind rulers in the eyes of their subjects. es that the classic text the I ching or Book
The proclamation by the Duke of of Changes, particularly the text of hexa-
Chou, purportedly preserved in a work gram 55, actually preserves a record of the
called the “Shao kao” or “Announcement total solar eclipse in 1070 B.C.E. This
to the Duke of Shao” in the Shu ching, eclipse was one of the divine signs that
appears to have been an attempt to prompted King Wu to attack the Shang as
placate the feeling of loss on the part of his father, King Wen, had planned. The
the Shang people. The Duke proclaimed solar eclipse is arguably a sign that King
that the Shang were now part of a new Wu regarded as an omen for the end of
mandate and their rulers were van- the Shang dynasty and the Mandate of
quished through a righteous act carried Heaven for the Chou founders.
out with the authority of T’ien itself. If The concept of T’ien-ming has been
the Chou leaders had rebelled against invoked with each dynastic change, as
the Shang and lost, not unlike countless well as most rebellions, from the earli-
rebellions throughout Chinese history, est historical records into the twentieth
then it would have been a sign of T’ien’s century and modern China, both
continuing commitment to the Shang republican and communist. K’ang Yu-
and a misreading on the part of the wei made use of the concept even when
Chou leaders for the cause of rebellion. he advocated constitutional reform and
In this case, the Chou rulers had T’ien modernization of China in 1898 during
on their side; they were victorious. the Hundred Days of Reform. Because
People did not readily accept the of the close relation between dynastic
argument for the mandate. As a result, rule and the government administra-
the Duke of Chou argued that Heaven’s tion of the Confucian school, as well as
mandate had been bestowed upon the the Confucian involvement in the for-
Shang people to establish righteous rule mation of state orthodoxy and ortho-
after the failure of the Hsia dynasty. In praxy, the concept of T’ien-ming has
turn, the Hsia dynasty had also come to remained a central concept in Confucian
power by having the mandate bestowed political philosophy.
upon it even earlier. The Duke of Chou T’ien-ming is quintessentially
describes a process that stretches Confucian political philosophy, but in
across Chinese history. Whether called calling it political one does not want to
Shang-ti (Lord upon High) or T’ien, and lose sight of its religious underpinnings.
whatever dynasty may be subject to The presupposition to T’ien-ming is the
question, T’ien-ming lies behind that belief in a form of divine, sacred, or
dynasty’s authority to maintain succes- absolute intervention into the historical
609
T’ien-ming chih hsing
and political process. There were various Marshall, S. J. The Mandate of Heaven:
ways in which this process of divine Hidden History in the I Ching. New
intervention was understood as well as a York: Columbia University Press,
variety of meanings given to T’ien itself. 2001.
To some, transcendental qualities are Nienhauser, William H., Jr., ed. The
present, if not dominant, in the under- Grand Scribe’s Records. Translated by
standing of T’ien and T’ien-ming. To oth- Tsai-fa Cheng et. al. Bloomington,
ers, and in particular the later tradition, IN: Indiana University Press, 1994.
T’ien remains a form of absolute author- Pankenier, David W. “The Cosmo-
ity but without a transcendent mode of Political Background of Heaven’s
being. Regardless of the location of the Mandate.” Early China 20 (1995):
authority, the form of absolute authority 121-76.
is deemed to be operative in political and
historical process. T’ien-ming creates
sacred history for the Chinese, and in T’ien-ming chih hsing
particular, for the Confucian school, A Neo-Confucian term also known as
whose members see this concept as nor- i-li chih hsing, or the nature of rightness
mative but hard to capture—as and Principle. T’ien-ming chih hsing is
Confucius admitted, he could not realize the nature conferred or destined by
it until he reached the age of fifty. Heaven. It is set in opposition to the
Confucius’ understanding of the ch’i-chih chih hsing, or nature of tem-
term, however, is more ethical and perament. It comes directly from the
philosophical. As it appears at the very beginning sentence of the “Chung
beginning of the “Chung yung” yung” (“Doctrine of the Mean”). In his
(“Doctrine of the Mean”), T’ien-ming Cheng-meng, or Correcting Youthful
refers to the inborn nature conferred by Ignorance, Chang Tsai modified the
Heaven, which is in accordance with the concept to T’ien-ti chih hsing, or the
Tao (Way). The “ming” is no longer a nature of Heaven and earth. It is
political mandate, but the metaphysical believed that with a dominance of such
notion of Principle (li), interpreted by nature over the nature of temperament,
Neo-Confucians such as Chu Hsi and possibly the source of evilness, there is
Ch’en Ch’un. Thus, when it comes to the the full realization of moral goodness.
School of Principle, T’ien-ming is already The phrase was further elaborated
a different concept of moral philosophy. by the Ch’eng brothers, focusing on the
See also astrology; li-hsüeh (School of key words ming (destiny or fate) and
Principle or learning of Principle); hsing (nature). It is “ming” because it is
sacred/profane; Ssu-ma Ch’ien. something bestowed from T’ien
(Heaven); it is “hsing” for it constitutes
Chan, Wing-tsit, trans. and ed. Neo- the essential nature that the self pos-
Confucian Terms Explained (The sesses. However, it is not only received
Pei-hsi tzu-i) by Ch’en Ch’un, 1159– by humankind, but also by all things. In
1223. New York: Columbia University the latter case, it is called Principle (li).
Press, 1986. Thereupon, Chu Hsi identified this
de Bary, Wm. Theodore, Wing-tsit Chan, nature with Principle, asserting that the
and Burton Watson, comps. Sources T’ien-ming chih hsing is purely
of Chinese Tradition. New York: Principle and contains all the virtues of
Columbia University Press, 1960. jen (humaneness), i (righteousness or
Hall, David L., and Roger T. Ames. rightness), li (propriety or rites), and
Thinking Through Confucius. Albany, chih (wisdom). Later thinkers sought to
NY: State University of New York move the issue of good and evil away
Press, 1987. from the differentiation of the nature of
Heaven and that of temperament.
610
T’ien-tao
jen-hsin (heart-mind of humanity). every person and each thing. In this fash-
They reveal the relationship between ion T’ien-te, as observed by Ch’en Ch’un
the ideal condition, as represented by in his Pei-hsi tzu-i or Neo-Confucian
T’ien (Heaven), and the real situation of Terms Explained, pinpoints the particu-
humankind. This is spoken of by the lar manifestation of the universal moral
is/ought relationship—the limitations nature of Heaven within the individual. It
of humankind as “is” the case versus the is therefore an inherent knowledge of the
full manifestation of the Heaven- human heart-mind which, according to
endowed nature within each person as Ch’eng Hao, would only be obscured by
it “ought” to be. human desires. See also “Shih i” (“Ten
Wang Fu-chih further suggested that Wings”); yin/yang; yü (desire).
the way of humanity could be identified
with the Way of Heaven, but humankind Chan, Wing-tsit. trans. and ed. Neo-
must not consider the Way of Heaven to Confucian Terms Explained (The
be its own way. In other words, in spite Pei-hsi tzu-i) by Ch’en Ch’un, 1159–
of their interconnection, there is always 1223. New York: Columbia University
a distinction between the T’ien-tao and Press, 1986.
the jen-tao. The Ch’ing dynasty Confucian Chan, Wing-tsit, trans. and comp. A
Tai Chen defined the T’ien-tao in terms Source Book in Chinese Philosophy.
of the yin/yang and the wu hsing, or Princeton, NJ: Princeton University
Five Elements, from which human Press, 1969.
nature is derived.
(Above) An orchestra is seated on the terrace of the hall of Great Accomplishments with a Tiger instru-
ment. (Below) The Tiger instrument is played by beating upon the animal’s head and running a bamboo
stick over the teeth on its back.
614
T’i-jen
Ti-hsüeh
A work by the Sung dynasty Neo- T’i-jen
Confucian Fan Tsu-yü. The Ti-hsüeh or General term referring to the experience
Learning of the Emperors is intended to of direct perception of the order and
provide the rulers with historical exam- structure of the self and the universe.
ples of moral leadership and worthy T’i-jen, or personal realization, is used
ministers. The examples range from the by Chang Tsai in his Chang-tzu yü-lu or
ancient sage-kings, such as Fu Hsi, to Recorded Conversations of Master Chang
the Sung emperors, including T’ai Tsu to describe the interconnection of the
and Shen Tsung. Comments are made heart-mind and human nature. It is also
by the author on their deeds. Ti-hsüeh is employed to articulate the personal
also a short form of ti-wang chih experience of being united with all
hsüeh—learning of the emperors and things. T’i-jen is similar to wu (enlight-
kings—which focuses on instructions ment), although the term itself stresses
for the rulers as part of the Neo- the bodily experience involved. See also
Confucian agenda. hsin (heart-mind) and hsing (nature).
615
Time
Commentaries on the Book of History, a Principle (li) as the root of the world.
work that became the standard interpre- For him, Principle is the sheng-sheng,
tation for the Book of History used in the the begetter of all begetting; it produces
civil service examinations system. the ch’i (vitality), which in turn shapes
However, Ts’ai himself never took the Heaven and earth as well as myriads of
examinations; instead, he spent decades things, including men and women. Like
of his life on the Book of History. Chu Hsi, Ts’ai attributed morality to this
As a follower of the Ch’eng-Chu Principle and identified it with the Tao
School of li-hsüeh (School of Principle (Way) that existed in the hsin (heart-
or learning of Principle), Ts’ai regarded mind) of the ancient sage-kings. He
619
Ts’ai Ch’en
Ts’ai Ch’en, Ts’ai Yüan-ting’s son and Chu Hsi’s major disciple,
saw unity and division indispensable to each other.
620
Ts’ai Yüan-ting
looked upon this hsin-fa, or the method the Analects as to the praise-worthy
of the heart-mind, as the foundation of nature alluded to by including Tsai Wo
the order of the state. in the list of disciples and their accom-
Ts’ai Ch’en is considered an orthodox plishments. In fact, the only references
interpreter of Chu Hsi. Like his father, to Tsai Wo by Confucius are critical of
Ts’ai Yüan-ting, he was also an inheritor his behavior.
and reviser of Shao Yung’s thought on One of the passages where
hsiang-shu (image-number). He con- Confucius criticizes Tsai Wo is an
sidered number to be the manifestation important discussion of mourning. Tsai
of Principle, hence the basis of the uni- Wo challenges the three-year mourning
verse, the begetter of humankind and all period as unnecessary, suggesting that
things. Thus, one is the basic number for even a single year is probably too much.
all matters and things, but it cannot Confucius responds by suggesting that
exist without two, like the split of anyone with feelings would be unable
yin/yang; in other words, unity and divi- to find pleasure in food, music, or even
sion are indispensable to each other. his own home during the period of
Without one, two is impossible; without mourning. Tsai Wo is then described as
two, unity is meaningless. Generally inhuman. In spite of this kind of criti-
speaking, two is easier to be seen and cism he remained a close disciple of
understood. The understanding of num- Confucius. See also Confucius’ disci-
ber becomes Ts’ai’s criterion to discrim- ples and Lun yü (Analects).
inate the sheng (sage) from the fool. Ts’ai
defined the sheng as those who knew Lau, D. C., trans. The Analects (Lun yü).
numbers. But number is not something New York: Penguin Books, 1979.
external; like Principle, it lies within the
heart-mind. It is primary to ch’i and
complete in oneself with all things. See Tsai Yü
also “all things are complete in one- See Tsai Wo.
self”; civil service examinations; sheng
or sheng-jen (sage); shu (number). Ts’ai Yüan-ting
(1135–1198) One of the seven major dis-
Mao Huaixin. “School of Chu Hsi and Its ciples of Chu Hsi; also known as Ts’ai
Propagation.” Chu Hsi and Neo- Chi-t’ung. Ts’ai Yüan-ting was a Neo-
Confucianism. Edited by Wing-tsit Confucian of the Southern Sung
Chan. Honolulu, HI: University of dynasty. In many respects, Ts’ai was not
Hawaii Press, 1986. so much Chu’s disciple as his friend and
colleague. He came to Chu Hsi after
Tsai Wo studying major Neo-Confucian writ-
(522–458 B.C.E) An official of the state of ings. Because of the close relationship
Ch’i; also known as Tsai Yü. Tsai Wo was between the two, Ts’ai was banished in
a native of the state of Lu. Being a direct his last years when Chu’s teachings were
disciple of Confucius, he is mentioned banned as wei-hsüeh, heterodox learn-
in Analects 11.3 as one of ten disciples ing. Ts’ai was himself a specialist in
noted for a specific accomplishment. music, the calendar, astronomy, geogra-
Tsai Wo, along with Tzu-kung, is men- phy, geomancy and tactics. His exper-
tioned as achieving renown in yen-yü, tise in music and calculations was often
or accomplished speech. The passages sought by Chu Hsi. It is said that Chu’s I-
in the Analects refering to Tsai Wo make hsüeh ch’i-meng or Primer on the Book
little reference to any particular virtues of Changes relied heavily on Ts’ai’s
in accomplished speech (or anything Taoist-Confucian interpretation of the I
else for that matter) on his part. Thus, ching or Book of Changes. Ts’ai was also
there is no clarification on the basis of involved in Chu’s commentaries on the
Four Books (ssu-shu).
621
Ts’ai Yüan-ting
622
Ts’ao Tuan
Ts’ai Yüan-ting spent his life as a known for his extraordinary studious-
teacher and scholar. According to ness. He received the chü-jen, or
Huang Tsung-hsi’s work Sung Yüan Provincial Graduate degree, in 1408 but
hsüeh-an or Records of Learning in Sung was not successful in the highest chin-
and Yüan, Ts’ai taught his disciples that shih examination, or Metropolitan
hsing (nature) and the Tao (Way) of Graduate examination. Thus, he was
Heaven were primary. As a versatile appointed a hsüeh-cheng, or instruc-
Confucian, he also applied Taoist tor—an occupation he had for the rest
thought and the philosophy of hsiang- of his life. Though Ts’ao was the author
shu (image-number) to his under- of numerous commentaries on the clas-
standing of the Absolute. He shared his sics, few of his works, including that on
numerology with his son Ts’ai Ch’en. the Four Books (ssu-shu), are extant.
Philosopher and Confucian scholar
Chang, Carsun. The Development of Wing-tsit Chan suggests that Ts’ao,
Neo-Confucian Thought. 2 vols. New together with Hsüan Hsüeh, was respon-
York: Bookman Associates, 1957-62. sible for a vigorous presentation of the
Franke, Herbert, ed. Sung Biographies. teachings of the Ch’eng-Chu School
2 vols. Wiesbaden, Germany: during the early Ming period. Scholars
Steiner, 1976. often view Ch’eng-Chu followers of the
Ming period as showing little innova-
tions in their thought, usually placing
Ts’ang-shu their allegiance in the Sung dynasty
Major work by Li Chih, the Ts’ang-shu, masters. Ts’ao’s teaching, however,
or A Book to Hide, is a revisionist history demonstrated a new direction toward
of China. It is so titled because Li Wang Yang-ming’s School of Heart-
expected his audience to be future read- Mind, hence the transition to Neo-
ers, rather than his contemporaries. Confucianism during the Ming period.
Presented in a series of biographies, the Ts’ao’s teaching is most notable in its
book is a reinterpretation of some 800 tendency to direct the search for
figures from the Warring States period Principle (li) or the t’ai-chi (Great
to the Yüan dynasty according to Li’s Ultimate) in a more internal way. Ts’ao
non-conformism, iconoclasm, and the expresses virtually no interest in Chu
cult of the self. Li not only questions the Hsi’s external method of ko-wu (inves-
efficacy of Confucius’ standards, but tigation of things). He argues for the
also praises those widows who dare to omnipresent hsing (nature) as the root
challenge the ethical code by remar- of all things and the respository of
riage. The Ts’ang-shu was first pub- Principle, and for the hsin (heart-mind)
lished in 1599, just three years before as the main road to Confucian studies.
Li’s death. One of the differences between Ts’ao
and Chu Hsi is Ts’ao’s emphasis that the
de Bary, Wm. Theodore. “Individualism Four Books, as containers of the Tao
and Humanitarianism in Late Ming (Way), should eventually be abandoned
Thought.” Self and Society in Ming in the search for Truth per se.
Thought. Edited by Wm. Theodore In order to vindicate the orthodoxy
de Bary and the Conference on of Confucianism, Ts’ao Tuan opposed
Ming Thought. New York: Columbia both Buddhism and Taoism. He was far
University Press, 1970. more vocal in this opposition than his
fellow Neo-Confucians, reflecting a nar-
Ts’ao Tuan rowing of the distinction between
(1376–1434) A scholar of the Ming Buddhism and Neo-Confucianism.
dynasty; also called Ts’ao Cheng-fu or Ts’ao criticizes the Taoist Way as based
Master of Yüeh-ch’uan. Ts’ao Tuan is upon hsü (vacuity) instead of following
623
Tsa-tzu
624
Tseng-tzu
Tseng-tzu, one of the five major disciples of Confucius, is most frequently associated with filial piety.
learning, he relied on the “Chung yung” more than 30 works, including one on
(“Doctrine of the Mean”) and the the trigrams of the I ching (Book of
“Great Learning” (“Ta-hsüeh”). His Changes) and the K’ao hsin lu (Record of
focus on the “Doctrine of the Mean” Beliefs Investigated). These writings
allowed him to find a basis for Wang’s were collected and printed by his fol-
hsin-hsüeh (School of Heart-Mind) lower Ku Chieh-kang.
within the classical heritage. Building on the k’ao-cheng hsüeh, or
Tsou Shou-i regarded the hsin evidential research, Ts’ui Shu estab-
(heart-mind) as intelligent but admit- lished a skepticism that refuted most
ted that it could be easily obscured. To interpretations of the Confucian clas-
clarify it, Tsou suggested the practice of sics. He was able to cast doubt on issues
ching (reverence or seriousness), of authorship across a wide range of
which is the essence of liang-chih and is classical texts through extraordinarily
free from ssu-yü, or selfish desires. A rigorous scholarship. These studies,
method of cultivating liang-chih is largely neglected until early in the twen-
shen-tu, vigilance in solitude. Tsou also tieth century, appeared in the K’ao hsin
pondered the relationship of the Tao lu. However, his intent continued to
(Way) and the ch’i (utensils). He con- uphold the classics as a respository of
cluded that they are not two things, but ancient wisdom, of which laborious
only different appearances of those research is believed to be the means for
which fill up Heaven and earth. See also understanding. See also ching (classic)
kuo-tzu chien and yü (desire). and eight trigrams.
also be conducted at the graveside of and ceremony, a locus that reflects the
the relative. The ancestral shrine, how- Confucian structure of the orderly
ever, is the repository of ancestral cosmos. See also agnosticism; miao
tablets, the most sacred remembrance (temple or shrine); sacred/profane.
of the departed and the symbol of great-
est and nearest spiritual contact with Ebrey, Patricia Buckley, trans. Chu Hsi’s
the dead. Regular visits are conducted Family Rituals: A Twelfth-Century
on New Year’s Day, solstices, the new Chinese Manual for the Performance
and full moon, as well as a variety of of Cappings, Weddings, Funerals,
special occasions. and Ancestral Rites. Princeton, NJ:
It remains an intriguing question Princeton University Press, 1991.
within the Confucian tradition as to the
level of belief in the ancestral spirits
that are the object of attention in the Ts’un ch’i hsin (Preserving the
shrine. While there are probably many Heart-Mind)
who hold some belief in the continued A phrase used by Mencius to describe a
existence of the spirits, the tradition method of learning and self-cultivation
tends to take an agnostic stance. What is employed toward the goal of realizing or
valued in rituals is the exercise of li manifesting the individual’s true nature.
(propriety or rites). Much the same The passage in which this phrase occurs
may be said for the tsu-miao. It is first describes the relationship between the
and foremost a way of remembering the hsin (heart-mind) and the hsing
departed, hence a form of family unity (nature), as well as the relation between
and social cohesiveness. It is also a the individual and T’ien (Heaven).
locus for the general education of ritual
629
Ts’ung hsin (Following the Heart-Mind)
Legge, James, trans. The Chinese equilibrium before the rising of emo-
Classics. Vols. 1 & 2, Confucian tions. The manifest represents the initial
Analects, the Great Learning, the agitation of the heart-mind when one is
Doctrine of the Mean, the Works of in solitariness. The diagram illustrates
Mencius. Oxford, England: Clarendon how one preserves “the mean” in ordi-
Press, 1893–95; Reprint (2 vols. in 1), nary life. Emphasizing the role of ch’eng
Taipei, Taiwan: SMC, 1994. (sincerity), and ching (reverence or
Waley, Arthur, trans. The Analects of seriousness), with an ever present cau-
Confucius. New York: Vintage Books, tiousness, the diagram suggests the pos-
1938. sibility of achieving harmony with the
manifest heart-mind in balance. Such a
diagram, representing a schematization
Ts’ung hsin suo yü of Neo-Confucian teachings, was incor-
See ts’ung hsin (following the heart- porated directly into learning and self-
mind). cultivation. See also yü (desire).
Book of Changes, the Shu ching or Book the self-cultivation of ching (reverence
of History, the Shih ching or Book of or seriousness) one must employ qui-
Poetry, the Ch’un ch’iu or Spring and etude.
Autumn Annals, the Hsiao ching (Book While Chu considers quietude to be
of Filial Piety), the Lun yü (Analects), fundamental, Wang Yang-ming seems
the Book of Mencius, and the Four to have made his choice of activity over
Books (ssu-shu), as well as three ritual quietude. Although Wang does not use
texts, the Chou li or Rites of Chou, the I li tung/ching, his theory of chih hsing ho-i,
or Ceremonies and Rites, and the Li chi or unity of knowledge and action, deems
Records of Rites. The collected writings action as the ultimate realization of
were sympathetic to Neo-Confucianism, knowledge. Wang Fu-chih also regards
specifically to the Ch’eng-Chu School. activism as rather basic. He interprets
See also Nine Classics. tung/ching in the light of the dynamic
movements of yin/yang, in which
Elman, Benjamin A. From Philosophy to quietude contains activism and activism
Philology: Intellectual and Social cannot be without quietude. Therefore,
Aspects of Change in Late Imperial yin is not just quiet, but a product
China. Los Angeles, CA: UCLA Asian of activism; in other words, the
Pacific Monograph Series, 2001. constancy of quietude is made possible
Hummel, Arthur W., ed. Eminent only by activism. See also ching (qui-
Chinese of the Ch’ing Period (1644– etude) and t’i/yung (substance/func-
1912). 2 vols. Taipei, Taiwan: SMC, tion).
1991.
Wilhelm, Richard, trans. The I Ching or
Book of Changes. Translated by Cary
Tung/ching F. Baynes. Princeton, NJ: Princeton
A pair of terms shared by Taoism and University Press, 1967.
Confucianism, tung/ching or activism/
quietude have played an important role
in Neo-Confucianism. It can be traced Tung Chung-shu
back to the “Hsi-tz’u chuan” or (c. 179–c. 104 B.C.E.) Considered the
“Commentary on the Appended most important Confucian philosopher
Judgments” of the I ching or Book of during the Former Han dynasty, Tung
Changes, where tung or activism is Chung-shu was largely responsible for
described to be strong and ching (qui- the establishment of Confucianism as
etude) to be weak. the official state ideology. According to
Chou Tun-i observes that in the his biography in the Han shu or History
material world where activism and qui- of the Han Dynasty, he was devoted to
etude are mutually exclusive, the the study of the Kung-yang chuan com-
dichotomy of tung/ching is absolute, but mentary to the Ch’un Ch’iu or Spring
in the spiritual world where activism has and Autumn Annals when he was
no activity and quietude is not quiet at young. He emerged as one of the most
all, tung/ching appear to be paradoxical. noted scholars of his day and was
Chu Hsi relates the principle of eventually employed as erudite and
tung/ching to the t’ai-chi (Great chancellor. He submitted a number of
Ultimate), suggesting that quietude is petitions to the emperor Han Wu Ti,
the t’i or substance of the Great representing a strong voice for
Ultimate, whereas activism is its yung or Confucian teachings in the court, and
function. From the point of T’ien-li was generally considered one of the
(Principle of Heaven), he views tung great leaders of the scholar class (shih).
and ching indispensable to each other, The Han dynasty was a period in
though it is hard to see quietude in which the Chinese empire boomed in
activities, and vice versa. However, in many aspects. Not only did its territory
634
Tung Chung-shu
Tung Chung-shu, the most important Confucian of the Former Han dynasty, is best
known for his doctrine of T’ien-jen kan-ying, or correspondence of Heaven and Human.
expand, but with it the power and the the features of the new Han perspective.
image of the emperor himself were From describing the authority of the
enlarged. It was a period that saw not emperor and his role as a moral leader,
only concern for the understanding of to the reconstruction of history through
history through metaphysical cate- the applications of the theory of
gories such as yin/yang, but also a time yin/yang and the Five Elements, Tung
in which the Chinese were looking at a represented a Confucianism that
kind of intellectual synthesis to draw sought to align itself with the emerging
together many different philosophical new consciousness of the Han period, a
points of view. consciousness defined in terms of unifi-
Tung Chung-shu played a critical cation and synthesis representing the
role in helping to define a number of re-creation of a unified empire after the
635
Tung Chung-shu
637
Tung-lin School
Emperor T’ai Tsu, founder of the Sung dynasty, first referred to Confucian scholars
and officials as “people who read books” with a negative connotation.
Chan, Wing-tsit, trans. and comp. books,” refers to those who successfully
A Source Book in Chinese completed the civil service examina-
Philosophy. Princeton, NJ: Princeton tions and were appointed as officials in
University Press, 1969. imperial China. The phrase was first
used by Emperor T’ai Tsu of the Sung
dynasty to describe the class of scholars
Tu-shu jen trained in the Confucian classics and
Translated as intelligentsia or literati, employed in office. As institutional histo-
tu-shu jen, literally “a person who reads rian Thomas H. C. Lee points out, the
639
Tu T’ung-chien lun
term could invoke respect for the level Hummel, Arthur W., ed. Eminent
of learning and scholarship necessary Chinese of the Ch’ing Period (1644–
to go through the examination system, 1912). 2 vols. Taipei, Taiwan: SMC,
but also suggests a remoteness from 1991.
everyday concerns as well. There stands,
however, the continued Confucian ideal
that the person who was devoted to the Tu Yu
study of the classical texts understood (fl. 1234) One of the seven major disci-
the historical precedents for daily activi- ples of Chu Hsi; also called Tu Shu-kao.
ties and became a moral person. See also Tu Yu was a Neo-Confucian scholar of
scholar class (shih). the Southern Sung dynasty. He was
appointed Proofreader of the Imperial
Lee, Thomas H. C. Government Education Archives while he was in his eighties.
and Examinations in Sung China. The Sung Yüan hsüeh-an or Records of
New York: St. Martin’s Press, 1985. Learning in Sung and Yüan gives no
account on his thought. It appears that
Tu Yu’s poetry was more well-known
Tu T’ung-chien lun than his philosophy.
Major historical work by Wang Fu-chih.
The Tu T’ung-chien lun or On Reading
the General Mirror is based on Ssu-ma Twelve Classics
Kuang’s work Tzu-chih t’ung-chien or One of several groupings of the
General Mirror for the Aid of Confucian classics, the Twelve Classics
Government. It covers the politics, eco- emerged as an identifiable and named
nomics, military science, culture, and group during the T’ang dynasty. The
philosophy from the Ch’in period to the Twelve Classics included the Five
Ming dynasty. In this writing, Wang Classics and additional writings. The
opposed the theory of T’ien-ming ritual writings were augmented to
(Mandate of Heaven) and rebuffed any include in addition to the Li chi or
notion of religious authority of kings. He Records of Rites, the Chou li or Rites of
criticized the Sung dynasty conception of Chou, and the I li or Ceremonies and
Principle (li) as an ahistoric or non-tradi- Rites. The Ch’un ch’iu, already possess-
tional metaphysical category and the ing the Tso chuan commentary, was
attempt to return to models of antiquity. augmented with two additional com-
He argued, instead, for the adaptation of mentaries, the Kung-yang chuan and
ancient teachings to the modern setting. the Ku-liang chuan. The Twelve
In Wang’s view, Principle is always Classics include as well the Lun yü
changing with the evolution of history. It (Analects) of Confucius, the Hsiao
cannot be divorced from things; as the ching (Book of Filial Piety), and the
things of an age are different from those Erh-ya, an early lexicon.
of previous times, each age must have its
own solutions to its problems. Wang also Denny, Frederick M., and Rodney L.
opposed the Manchu rule over the Taylor, eds. The Holy Book in
Chinese. The Tu T’ung-chien lun is col- Comparative Perspective. Columbia,
lected in Wang’s Ch’uan-shan i-shu or SC: University of South Carolina
Surviving Works of Ch’uan-shan. Press, 1985.
640
Tzu-chih t’ung-chien
642
Tzu-kung
Tzu-ssu, Confucius’ grandson, is said to be responsible for the conception of ch’eng or sincerity.
simple one. Any virtue pursued without with complete zeal. His accomplish-
the love of learning will result in being ments were classified in governmental
led into error. For example, pursuing service because of the responsibilities
humaneness without learning will result he took upon himself. Many of his
in foolishness. Another message, and responsibilities involved military ser-
the one most appropriate for Tzu-lu, is vice; in the end, he was killed in a battle
that loving courage without learning will fighting for his lord.
result in a failure to follow orders.
Tzu-lu was praised, however, for his Lau, D. C., trans. The Analects (Lun yü).
commitment and his willingness to take New York: Penguin Books, 1979.
responsibility. In this fashion, he earned
his reputation as a man committed to
carrying out governmental service. As a Tzu-shu I
man of action, he was at times rash. Identified by Chao Ch’i, who wrote the
Also, he was willing to take on a problem first extant commentary to the Book of
645
Tzu-ssu
Mencius, as one of fifteen disciples of chu or ancestral tablets are housed and
Mencius. Tzu-shu I is mentioned in a sacrifices are offered. When referring to
single passage without a clear connec- an ancestral hall, it is also known as tsu-
tion to the circle of Mencius’ disciples. miao (ancestral shrine), chia-miao
Chu Hsi raises doubts about the status (family temple), or tsung-tz’u (clan
of Tzu-shu I as a disciple. Subsequent to hall). According to Ssu-ma Kuang, the
Chu Hsi, little credence has been placed ancient system allows the imperial fami-
in his status as a disciple. ly and the households of officials and
teachers to build their miao (temple or
Lau, D. C., trans. Mencius. Harmondsworth, shrine). During the Han dynasty, the
England: Penguin Books, 1970. tz’u-t’ang of high officials were found
Legge, James, trans. The Chinese within the mu (tomb).
Classics. Vols. 1 & 2, Confucian
Analects, the Great Learning, the Ebrey, Patricia Buckley, trans. Chu Hsi’s
Doctrine of the Mean, the Works of Family Rituals: A Twelfth-Century
Mencius. Oxford, England: Clarendon Chinese Manual for the Performance
Press, 1893–95; Reprint (2 vols. in 1), of Cappings, Weddings, Funerals,
Taipei, Taiwan: SMC, 1994. and Ancestral Rites. Princeton, NJ:
Princeton University Press, 1991.
Wu Hung. “From Temple to Tomb:
Tzu-ssu Ancient Chinese Art and Religion in
(483–402 B.C.E.) Confucius’ grandson; Transition.” Early China (1988).
originally named K’ung Chi. Tzu-ssu Volume 13.
was a thinker during the Warring States
period. He is said to be a student of
Tseng-tzu, one of the major disciples of Tzu-te
Confucius. Tzu-ssu is associated with A term adopted by Chu Hsi and other
the composition of several chapters in Sung dynasty Neo-Confucians from the
the Li chi (Records of Rites), including Book of Mencius and the “Chung yung”
the “Chung yung” (“Doctrine of the (“Doctrine of the Mean”) tzu-te, literally
Mean”). Therefore, he is responsible for “self-acquisition” or “getting it oneself,”
the conception of ch’eng (sincerity). means “be oneself” within the context
While none of these texts is likely to have of “Chung yung,” or, “finding the Way
been his product, it is an indication of in/for oneself.” In both cases, Mencius
the importance attached to Confucius’ uses the term to describe the ideal atti-
lineage. Moreover, the Shih chi (Records tude of the chün-tzu (noble person).
of the Historian) records that Mencius The “Chung yung” suggests that the
received teachings from a follower of noble person should rectify himself,
Tzu-ssu. Thus, there is a Ssu-Meng and be himself, no matter in what posi-
School in the early Confucian tradition. tion or situation he finds himself.
Mencius, however, asserts that a noble
de Bary, Wm. Theodore, Wing-tsit Chan, person, after finding the Tao (Way) in
and Burton Watson, comps. Sources himself, will find the source of the Way
of Chinese Tradition. New York: wherever he turns.
Columbia University Press, 1960. For the Neo-Confucians, tzu-te
means more than simply to inherit a
tradition of teachings. It points out the
Tz’u-t’ang individual’s need to find the Way afresh
Translated by Patricia Buckley Ebrey as and in a personal fashion for his own
an offering hall, the tz’u-t’ang is a temple life. It implies that the tradition of
for worshiping ancestors (tsu). It is also a teachings, the Tao-t’ung or tradition of
memorial shrine, dedicated to a worthy the Way, is established on the ground of
or meritorious person, where the shen-
646
Tzu-te
Tzu-yu, one of the five major disciples of Confucius, emphasized rites and music.
each individual’s discovery about the vidual to “be oneself.” Intellectual his-
Way within oneself. This is an active torian Wm. Theodore de Bary explains
process in search of the Truth—a it as making a decision for the Way in
process, as the “Chung yung” depicts, of the self. It is as if the individual must
self-reliance so that one does not blame sign on with faith in the Way before it
Heaven and men. has any validity for him. De Bary has
Since there are many distractions placed great significance in the term to
from the Way, it is essential for the indi- indicate the importance of personal
647
Tzu-yu
experience in the quest of the Way and and his older disciples late in
the role of individualism in the Confucius’ career. Tzu-yu, by being
Confucian tradition. After all, to follow both part of the list of ten disciples and
the Way is a critical choice that one one of those responsible for the trans-
must make in a world filled with temp- mission of the teachings, figures promi-
tations and difficulties. nently in any discussion of Confucius’
Tzu-te was employed by the Neo- disciples.
Confucians when, challenged by the Unlike Tzu-hsia, who is also recog-
mainsteram ideologies of Buddhism nized for accomplishment in cultural
and Taoism, they faced difficulties in learning, Tzu-yu is not presented as
establishing their teachings. Neo- dominantly focused on book learning.
Confucianism was a relatively minor His connection to wen-hsüeh seems to
and unpopular school of thought at that be in the broader perspective of the
time. It was necessary for anyone seri- meaning of wen (culture), rather than
ous about the teachings to “get them specifically literature. In this respect,
oneself,” to commit oneself to them, to there is an interesting passage in the
uphold them with faith, and to realize Analects where Tzu-yu seems to focus
the Way. In this sense, tzu-te reflects a more on the importance of ritual and
religious sentiment of the Neo- music than on literature. This is still
Confucian tradition. wen and, as literary scholar D. C. Lau
observes, may have been an expression
de Bary, Wm. Theodore. The Liberal of a track within Confucian thought that
Tradition in China. New York: found greater interest in the perfor-
Columbia University Press, 1983. mance of ritual and music than an
––––––––. Neo-Confucian Orthodoxy and agenda of book learning. In one of his
the Learning of the Mind-and-Heart. own sayings, recorded in the Analects,
New York: Columbia University Tzu-yu speaks of mourning as the full
Press, 1981. expression of grief. His statement sug-
Lau, D. C., trans. Mencius. Harmondsworth, gests that while he may have had an
England: Penguin Books, 1970 emphasis on ritual and music, he still
Legge, James, trans. The Chinese held strongly to the teachings of his
Classics. Vols. 1 & 2, Confucian master that ritual was feeling rather
Analects, the Great Learning, the than correct performance alone. See
Doctrine of the Mean, the Works of also li (propriety or rites).
Mencius. Oxford, England: Clarendon
Press, 1893–95; Reprint (2 vols. in 1), Lau, D. C., trans. The Analects (Lun yü).
Taipei, Taiwan: SMC, 1994. New York: Penguin Books, 1979.
Tzu-yu
(b. 506 B.C.E.) A direct disciple of
Confucius; also known as Yen Yen. Tzu-
yu is listed in the Lun yü (Analects) 11.3
as one of ten disciples praised for spe-
cial accomplishments. Tzu-yu is said to
have been accomplished in the subject
of wen-hsüeh or cultural learning. Tzu-
yu is also recognized as one of the five
disciples chiefly responsible for the
transmission of Confucius’ teachings
after the death of the master. Several of
this group joined the circle of Confucius
648
Universal Love
U
Unity, Experience of
See wu (enlightenment).
Unity, State of
The state of unity is a condition in
which all things are interconnected and
share in a common fundamental reality.
In Confucianism, it is understood in
terms of the Principle (li) or T’ien-li
Ultimateless (Principle of Heaven), which is found in
One of the possible translations of the all things. It is also expressed in terms of
term wu-chi (Non-Ultimate). See wu-chi the commonality of ch’i (vitality) in all
(Non-Ultimate). things. In either case, there is the recog-
nition of a singular nature within all
things that forms the state of unity.
Ultimate of Nonbeing
One of the possible translations of the
term wu-chi (Non-Ultimate). See wu-chi Unity of Knowledge and Action
(Non-Ultimate). See chih hsing ho-i.
Unmanifest Heart-Mind
See wei-fa.
Unmoved Heart-Mind
See pu tung hsin.
Unperturbed heart-mind
See pu tung hsin.
Upright
See chih (upright).
Urmonotheism
A fashionable theory in some nine-
teenth-century theological circles,
urmonotheism suggests that all cultures
originally had a form of monotheism,
but that it was lost except in the tradi-
tions associated with Abraham, particu-
larly Christianity. In the study of
Confucianism there has been an
attempt to interpret the original belief in
Shang-ti (Lord upon High) and T’ien
(Heaven) as potential urmonotheism.
Accordingly, Confucianism is seen as
preserving some elements of monothe-
ism, but then moving toward a more
rational and less religious point of view
in its later development.
V W
Vacuity Wai-hsüeh (Outer School)
See hsü (vacuity). A term of various meanings, the wai-
hsüeh, or Outer School, first refers to the
study of the Five Classics during the early
Various Subjects Examinations Later Han dynasty, when the learning of
See chu-k’o examinations. ch’en (prognostication) and wei (apoc-
rypha) was elevated as the nei-hsüeh
Via negativa (Inner School). Later the Buddhists used
The use of negative language to wai-hsüeh to refer to the scholarship of
describe that which is beyond descrip- non-Buddhist canons, especially that of
tion. By using negative language, one the Confucian classics. The word hsüeh
describes by not describing and there- (learning) was a Chinese translation of
fore comes closer to describing that the Sanskrit vidyâ, meaning knowledge
which cannot be described. Via negati- or learning. In this case, only Buddhism
va, as a strategy similar to apophatic was regarded as nei-hsüeh. In the late
discourse, is not so commonly Northern Sung dynasty, Wai-hsüeh
employed in Confucianism as in also meant the outer college, which
Buddhism and Taoism, but the Neo- was established as an educational
Confucian term wu-chi (Non-Ultimate), institution complementary to the t’ai-
when used together with t’ai-chi (Great hsüeh (National University).
Ultimate), may be an example of During the late Ch’ing dynasty, the
via negativa. See also apophatic/ term wai-hsüeh was borrowed by the
kataphatic discourse. Confucian reformer Chang Chih-tung
to describe Western learning or
Occidentalism, which focused on tech-
Vigilance in Solitude nology and economics. It was called
See shen-tu. “outer” not only because of its Western
origin, but also because it was set in
opposition to the Confucian ethical
Virtue code of self-cultivation and family rela-
See te (virtue). tions—the Inner School at that time. See
also ch’en-shu (prognostication text)
and ching-hsüeh (study of classics).
Virtue of Heaven
See T’ien-te.
Wai-shu (Ch’eng Brothers)
See Honan Ch’eng-shih wai-shu.
Virtuous Nature
See te-hsing (virtuous nature).
Waiting for the Dawn: A Plan for
Vitality the Prince
See ch’i (vitality). See Ming-i tai-fang lu.
651
Wan Chang
Wang An-shih
Wang (King) Title for Confucius (1021–1086) Politician, thinker, and
While Confucius was initially referred writer during the Northern Sung
to as hsien-sheng (Sage of Antiquity), dynasty; also called Wang Chieh-fu and
the T’ang dynasty emperor, Hsüan Wang Pan-shan. Wang An-shih took the
Tsung, gave him the title that included chin-shih examination and received
the designation wang, or king, in the the Metropolitan Graduate degree while
year 739. The title read Wen-hsüan in his twenties. He first presented his
Wang (Comprehensive King); this was reformative “Wan yen shu” or “Ten
expanded during the Sung dynasty to Thousand Word Memorial” to Emperor
Chih-sheng Wen-hsüan Wang (Highest Jen Tsung in 1058, but the piece was not
Sage and Comprehensive King). This accepted. Ten years later, with the
title continued to be utilized until the ascension of Emperor Shen Tsung,
Ming dynasty emperor, Chia-ching, Wang was summoned to be Hanlin
under Chang Ts’ung’s petition, removed Academician and was promoted to
the title wang and replaced it with the carry out a set of reforms in 1069.
standard title now found for Confucius, Following the failure of Fan Chung-
Chih-sheng Hsien-shih (Teacher of yen’s reform attempts, there seemed lit-
Antiquity and Highest Sageliness). tle hope that many of the reforms that
The title wang, when applied to the Confucians called for would be
Confucius, suggested an image of brought to fruition. With the promotion
Confucius as ruler rather than teacher. of Wang An-shih to Grand Councilor in
Even in iconographic images, when 1070, these reforms, as well as many
Confucius is referred to as wang, he is others, were suddenly introduced in
portrayed as a ruler with appropriate sweeping motions.
dress and countenance. However, when As a scholar, Wang based his reforms
he is referred to as teacher, he is por- on the institutions of the past, arguing
trayed in the more approachable style that the way of the ancient sage-kings
of a teacher. Yao and Shun could be implemented in
The span of time in which Confucius his own days. He found in the Shih
is portrayed as a ruler is short by com- ching or Book of Poetry, the Shu ching
parison to the time period in which his or Book of History, and the Chou li or
dominant image is that of a teacher. Rites of Chou the blueprint for his
Clearly the tradition has sought in reforms. His Chou kuan hsin-i or New
Confucius primarily the image of a Interpretation of the Institutes of Chou
kindly though stern teacher rather than was his interpretation of the Chou li.
653
Wang An-shih
655
Wang Chung
For Wang, as it is stated in his Chou i between knowledge and action. While
wai-chuan or Outer Commentary on the Wang Yang-ming’s doctrine of chih
Chou Changes, ch’i is not something hsing ho-i, or the unity of knowledge
ching (quietude), but an unceasing and action, was a rebuff against Chu
movement of sheng-sheng, production Hsi’s emphasis on knowledge before
of life. He identified it in terms of anoth- action, Wang Fu-chih insisted that
er ch’i (utensils) or concrete things. action is the foundation of knowledge.
Without concrete things, there will be no In his Shang shu yin-i or Elaboration on
Tao (Way). It has been argued that in the Meanings of the Book of History,
this respect, Wang was mostly influ- Wang Fu-chih argued that action might
enced by Chang Tsai of the Sung embody knowledge, whereas knowl-
dynasty. However, Wang took the mater- edge could not guarantee action.
ality of ch’i (vitality) further than Chang. Wang’s political agenda can be seen
Wang asserted that it is not an abstract in his Tu T’ung-chien lun or On
sense of material nature as the unifying Reading the General Mirror. His philos-
quality of things, but rather the specific ophy of history favored the concrete-
material character of individual things ness of history over transcendental
that creates what is regarded as real. forces predetermining the historical
A return to real things and their process. Accordingly, each age is differ-
functions was exactly where, in Wang’s ent and needs its own standards and
opinion, Confucianism should go. This operating principles. One cannot
is revealed in his struggle to move from resuscitate ancient models of govern-
philosophy as an abstract inquiry to ment to apply to a modern problem.
one that focuses on classical scholar- Change must be made in specific his-
ship and philology. His works such as torical contexts. Wang was very critical
the Ssu-shu hsün-i or Gloss of the Four of the conception of history as a con-
Books and the Li chi chang-chü or stant manifestation of Heavenly
Records of Rites in Chapters and Verses Principle. He believed that history
demonstrate this tendency. In this unfolds for a general improvement of
sense, he anticipated the scholars of civilization.
k’ao-cheng hsüeh or textual criticism
such as Yen Jo-ch’ü, Hui Tung, Tai Chen, Chan, Wing-tsit, trans. and comp. A
Pi Yüan, and Juan Yüan. Source Book in Chinese Philosophy.
Related to his opposition of a meta- Princeton, NJ: Princeton University
physical structure of the cosmos is Press, 1969.
Wang’s understanding of human nature de Bary, Wm. Theodore, Wing-tsit Chan,
as a product of environment, customs, and Burton Watson, comps. Sources
and everyday habits, not something a of Chinese Tradition. New York:
priori. Yü (desire), as part of human Columbia University Press, 1960.
nature, is not contradictory to the T’ien- Hummel, Arthur W., ed. Eminent
li (Principle of Heaven); instead, it is Chinese of the Ch’ing Period (1644–
precisely within selfish desires that the 1912). 2 vols. Taipei, Taiwan: SMC,
Principle of Heaven resides. Wang 1991.
averred that the advent of the ta-t’ung
(great unity) of the Heavenly Principle
depends on the satisfaction of every- Wang Hsin-chai
one’s desires. This is a critique of Chu See Wang Ken.
Hsi’s suppression of human desires in
the name of the Heavenly Principle. Wang Hsin-chai hsien-sheng i-chi
Wang agreed with neither the See Ming-ju Wang Hsin-chai hsien-
Ch’eng-Chu School nor the Lu-Wang sheng i-chi.
School in their views of the relation
658
Wang Ken
For Wang Ken, the physical needs of the ching-hsüeh (study of classics) from
the self are as important as the mental Hui Tung.
and intellectual needs. Thus, the Tao of Advocating the discipline of Han
the sage is inclusive of everyday needs learning, Wang Ming-sheng adopted
and means to manage domestic trivia. most of Cheng Hsüan’s ideas in working
Since everything at hand is part of the on the Shu ching or Book of History. He
Tao and an object of learning, the Tao is also applied the methods of the k’ao-
demystified. Wang’s writings are collect- cheng hsüeh (evidential research) and
ed in the Hsin-chai Wang hsien-sheng the chiao-k’an hsüeh (textual criticism)
ch’üan-chi or Complete Works of Master to his critical study and collation of the
Hsin-chai Wang and the Ming-ju Wang dynastic histories. His notebooks, mod-
Hsin-chai hsien-sheng i-chi or Collected eled after the cha-chi or reading notes
Surviving Works of the Ming Confucian of Ku Yen-wu, reveal his wide interests
Master Wang Hsin-chai. His son, Wang in philology, epigraphy, and geography,
Pi, was responsible for carrying on the as well as institutions. See also han-lin
tradition of the T’ai-chou School. See yüan (Academy of Assembled Brushes).
also sacred/profane and sheng or
sheng-jen (sage). Elman, Benjamin A. From Philosophy to
Philology: Intellectual and Social
de Bary, Wm. Theodore. “Individualism Aspects of Change in Late Imperial
and Humanitarianism in Late Ming China. Los Angeles, CA: UCLA Asian
Thought.” Self and Society in Ming Pacific Monograph Series, 2001.
Thought. Edited by Wm. Theodore Hummel, Arthur W., ed. Eminent
de Bary and the Conference on Chinese of the Ch’ing Period (1644–
Ming Thought. New York: Columbia 1912). 2 vols. Taipei, Taiwan: SMC,
University Press, 1970. 1991.
Goodrich, L. Carrington, and Chaoying
Fang, eds. Dictionary of Ming
Biography, 1368–1644. 2 vols. New Wang Nien-sun
York: Columbia University Press, (1744–1832) Classical scholar of the
1976. Ch’ing dynasty; also known as Wang
Huang Tsung-hsi. The Records of Ming Huai-tsu and Wang Shih-ch’ü. Wang
Scholars. Edited by Julia Ching with Nien-sun carried on the tradition of
Chaoying Fang. Honolulu, HI: k’ao-cheng hsüeh or textual criticism. A
University of Hawaii Press, 1987. native of Kiangsu province, he took the
chin-shih examination and received
the Metropolitan Graduate degree in
Wang Ming-sheng 1775; he was appointed Hanlin
(1722–1798) Classical scholar and histo- Bachelor, as well as a number of other
riographer of the Ch’ing dynasty; also positions. His interests and skills in
known as Wang Feng-chieh, Wang Li- exegetics, phonology, and philology
t’ang, Wang Hsi-chuang, and Wang Hsi- were nurtured by his teacher, Tai Chen.
chih. Wang Ming-sheng was a represen- Being a member of the Han-hsüeh p’ai
tative of the Han-hsüeh p’ai or School of or School of Han Learning, Wang was
Han Learning. A native of Kiangsu able to open himself to various opin-
province, he took the chin-shih exami- ions. Among his voluminous works are
nation and received the Metropolitan detailed notations to the Hsün-tzu, the
Graduate degree in 1754; he held a Shih chi (Records of the Historian), and
number of official positions, including the Han shu or History of the Han
Junior Compiler in the Hanlin Academy, Dynasty. His son, Wang Yin-chih, was
Principal Examiner at the hsiang-shih also a scholar. See also han-lin yüan
examination or Provincial Examination, (Academy of Assembled Brushes).
and Vice Minister of Rites. He learned
660
Wang Shu
Hummel, Arthur W., ed. Eminent dynasty. His grandfather had been
Chinese of the Ch’ing Period (1644– close to both Chu Hsi and Lü Tsu-
1912). 2 vols. Taipei, Taiwan: SMC, ch’ien, and had himself been a student
1991. of Yang Shih, a disciple of the Ch’eng
brothers. Wang Po and several other
scholars were responsible for the pro-
Wang Pi mulgation of Chu Hsi’s teachings in the
(1511–1587) Ming dynasty Neo- Chin-hua area of Chekiang province.
Confucian and member of the T’ai-chou Wang Po followed Chu Hsi’s thesis
School; also known as Wang Tsung-shun regarding the relationship between
and Wang Tung-ya. Wang Pi was a native Principle (li) and ch’i (vitality). For
of T’ai-chou, in Kiangsu province. He was Wang, ch’i is inseparable from li in the
the second eldest son of Wang Ken, formation of human nature’s goodness,
founder of the T’ai-chou School. At the but it must be subordinate to li. Wang,
age of nine, he accompanied his father to however, disagreed with Chu in under-
call on Wang Yang-ming. He studied standing Chou Tun-i’s statement “wu-
under Wang Yang-ming for more than a chi erh t’ai-chi.” While Chu read it as
decade before receiving education from “Non-Ultimate also the Great Ultimate”
Wang Chi and Ch’ien Te-hung. After his and identified the Great Ultimate with
father’s death, Wang Pi took over the work Principle, Wang rendered it as “from
of disseminating the T’ai-chou teachings. Non-Ultimate to the Great Ultimate,” in
He was recommended to the court by a which the Non-Ultimate is not without
Censor-in-chief, but he refused a posi- shape. Comparatively, Wang Po was
tion in the court. more sceptical while learning than his
Wang Pi’s philosophical position sug- teacher, Ho Chi. This is reflected in his
gested a development of his father’s and works on the Shu ching or Book of
Wang Yang-ming’s thought. He saw spon- History and the Shih ching or Book of
taneous behavior as the highest form of Poetry. See also hsing (nature).
realizing one’s liang-chih or knowledge
of the good. Such knowledge, being the Chan, Wing-tsit. “Chu Hsi and Yüan
essence of the purely good human Neo-Confucianism.” Yüan Thought:
nature, was regarded as innate, Chinese Thought and religion Under
autonomous, and unnecessary to learn. the Mongols. Edited by Hok-lam
It is not a product of intellectual efforts, Chan and Wm. Theodore de Bary.
but the function of one’s heart-mind. Any New York: Columbia University
form of self-restraint was considered evil Press, 1982.
because it impeded the natural manifes-
tation of liang-chih. Huang Tsung-hsi
comments that Wang Pi’s teachings rep- Wang Shen-ning
resent a thin line between wisdom and See Wang Ying-lin.
eccentricity. See also hsin (heart-mind)
and hsing (nature).
Wang Shou-jen
Huang Tsung-hsi. The Records of Ming See Wang Yang-ming.
Scholars. Edited by Julia Ching with
Chaoying Fang. Honolulu, HI: Wang Shu
University of Hawaii Press, 1987. (1416–1508) Prominent Neo-Confucian
scholar of the Ming dynasty; also called
Wang Po Wang Tsung-kuan and Wang Shih-ch’ü.
(1197–1274) Disciple of Ho Chi; also Wang Shu was the representative of the
called Wang Hui-chih or Wang Lu-chai. San-yüan School that closely followed
Wang Po was a devout student of Chu the teachings of Hsüeh Hsüan and the
Hsi’s teachings during the late Sung Ch’eng-Chu School. Wang lived a very
661
Wang Su
Loewe, Michael, ed. Early Chinese Texts: Complete Works of the Culturally
A Bibliographical Guide. Early Accomplished Duke Wang, is a collection
China Special Monograph Series, of most of Wang Yang-ming’s writings,
no. 2. Berkeley, CA: Institute of East including the Ch’uan-hsi lu or
Asian Studies, 1994. Instructions for Practical Living, the Ta-
hsüeh wen or Inquiry on the “Great
Learning,” letters, essays, official docu-
Wang T’ung ments, and memorials to the throne. It
(584–618) Wang T’ung is considered the was compiled by Hsü Ai and Ch’ien Te-
greatest Confucian of the Sui dynasty, a hung, Wang’s disciples, and published
period that saw the domination of by Hsieh T’ing-chieh in 1572. A
Buddhism in China. He is said to have chronology of Wang’s life is appended to
accumulated more than 1,000 students, the book.
among them men of great prominence
who were to play a major role in the Chan, Wing-tsit, trans. Instructions for
founding of the T’ang dynasty. He is Practical Living and Other Neo-
portrayed as fulfilling the role of a Confucian Writings by Wang Yang-
Confucian teacher, gathering many dis- ming. New York: Columbia
ciples, and spending his life teaching University Press, 1985.
and devoted to the study of the classics.
In fact, he regarded himself on a par
with Confucius and the Duke of Chou. Wang Yang-ming
The significance of Wang T’ung’s (1472–1529) The most famous Ming
work lies in his role in the growth of dynasty Neo-Confucian; also known as
Confucian teachings in a period domi- Wang Shou-jen and Wang Po-an. Wang
nated by Buddhism. Although he advo- Yang-ming was the representative fig-
cated the unification of Confucianism, ure of the hsin-hsüeh (School of Heart-
Buddhism, and Taoism, it was always Mind), the major rival of the li-hsüeh
Confucianism that he considered the (School of Principle or learning of
orthodox religious tradition of China. Principle) of Chu Hsi. Wang was a
His study of the Confucian concept of native of Yü-yao, in Chekiang province.
ming (destiny or fate) had stimulated He took the chin-shih examination
the hsing-ming group of the T’ang three times before receiving the
dynasty. It was in the T’ang dynasty that Metropolitan Graduate degree in 1499.
there began to be a resurgence of interest During his early years, he attempted to
in Confucianism and where the seeds of study the Ch’eng-Chu School’s teach-
Neo-Confucianism might be found. ings, but left them dissatisfied after an
Such a rekindling of interest was only episode in which he tried to ko-wu or
possible because of the continued role of investigate things by using a stalk of
individuals such as Wang T’ung, who bamboo. After complete failure, he
continued to perpetuate the tradition. renounced the teachings and turned to
the school of Lu Chiu-yüan. By that
Fung Yu-lan. A History of Chinese time Lu’s teachings were not as popular
Philosophy. Translated by Derk as Chu’s, but it enlightened Wang that
Bodde. 2 vols. Princeton, NJ: ko-wu and chih-chih (extension of
Princeton University Press, 1983. knowledge), as well as the Tao (Way) of
the sheng-jen (sage), were to be found
inside, not outside, of one’s own hsing
Wang Wen-ch’eng Kung ch’üan-shu (nature); that is to say, human nature is
Also known as Yang-ming ch’üan-shu or self-sufficient. Besides Confucianism,
the Complete Works of Yang-ming. The Wang also spent time learning
Wang Wen-ch’eng Kung ch’üan-shu or Buddhism, Taoism, and military tactics.
663
Wang Yang-ming
poor. In these locations, Wang worked acted. Knowledge is the idea for action
for a practical agenda of what might be as action is the kung-fu (moral effort)
described as Confucian reforms, of knowledge; in other words, the real-
including tax relief, public education ization of knowledge is action. To put it
programs, and the hsiang-yüeh (com- in another way: knowledge is the begin-
munity compact). He reached the posi- ning of action; action is the completion
tion of Minister of War in Nanking. of knowledge. Knowledge without
Wang Yang-ming constructed his action is not real knowledge, whereas
philosophical understanding of the action always embraces knowledge.
Confucian tradition in terms of the hsin After reading the “Great Learning”
(heart-mind). For him, the heart-mind (“Ta-hsüeh”), instead of accepting
is the repository of Principle (li) and Chu’s supplement to ko-wu and chih-
virtually all things in the world. He chih, the first two steps of hsiu-shen or
explained this in the Ch’uan-hsi lu or self-cultivation listed in the text, Wang
Instructions for Practical Living by using argued that the focus should be on the
an analogy of a flower: Before one looks third step, ch’eng-i (sincerity of will).
at a flower, both the subject and the During the years of his retirement,
object of gaze are absent from each between 1521 and 1527, Wang contin-
other; it is only when one comes to look ued to formulate his interpretation of
at the flower, then its color and beauty the first two steps, which resulted in his
are known and admired. Thus, the exposition of chih-chih, extension of
flower does not exist without one’s knowledge, as chih liang-chih, exten-
heart-mind. The heart-mind, therefore, sion of knowledge of the good. Rather
is the master over wan-wu, all things. It than taking chih-chih as an exterior
is identified by Wang with Tao and T’ien search for T’ien-li (Principle of
(Heaven). If one knows the heart-mind, Heaven), Wang saw it as an outward
then one also knows the Way and extension of the innate moral knowl-
Heaven; and if one wants to realize the edge to everything so that everything
Way, one must realize it in one’s own would have its Principle.
heart-mind. In his Ta-hsüeh wen or Inquiry on
Wang also related the heart-mind to the Great Learning of 1524, Wang ren-
the innate liang-chih, or knowledge of dered the ko of ko-wu into “correction.”
the good, defining the latter in terms of He further explained it as to get rid of
Mencius’ notion of the heart-mind of evil and do good. In this sense, he
right and wrong. Liang-chih is not only assented to Chu Hsi’s doctrine of elimi-
shared among humankind, but is also nating human desires and preserving
the common essence of all things, living the Principle of Heaven. The more
and non-living. It gives rise to Heaven desires being removed, the more
and earth, and is eternal and universal. Principle of Heaven will be recovered,
Based on it, Wang brought forth his hence more knowledge of the good. It is
belief of T’ien-ti wan-wu wei i-t’i or asserted in the Ch’uan-hsi lu that the
Heaven, earth, and all things as one sages are bound to sagehood merely
body. The binary opposition of the self because their heart-minds retain pure
and things, subject and object, is Principle of Heaven and are free of any
declared invalid. desire. For the sage, the Six Classics are
While Chu Hsi and Lu Chiu-yüan to correct the human heart-mind. Thus,
agreed with each other that knowledge although everybody possesses knowl-
was prior to action, Wang proposed his edge of the good, one should hsüeh or
theory of chih hsing ho-i or unity of learn to keep it from being obscured by
knowledge and action. Suggesting that material desires.
knowledge and action were one in the Before Wang Yang-ming left for his
same, he held that there was no divorce last military campaign in 1527, two of
between what one knew and how one his major disciples, Wang Chi and
665
Wang Yang-ming School
Ch’ien Te-hung, asked him about his Chan, Wing-tsit, trans. Instructions for
ssu chü chiao or Four-Sentence Practical Living and Other Neo-
Teaching. This teaching suggests that Confucian Writings by Wang Yang-
the hsin-chih t’i or substance of the ming. New York: Columbia
heart-mind is wu-shan wu-eh, without University Press, 1985.
or beyond the differentiation of good Chan, Wing-tsit, trans. and comp.
and evil. Good and evil emerge with the A Source Book in Chinese Philosophy.
functioning of the will. In turn liang- Princeton, NJ: Princeton University
chih is to distinguish good from evil, Press, 1969.
and finally ko-wu is to perform good Ching, Julia. To Acquire Wisdom: The
and avoid evil. Well known as the T’ien- Way of Wang Yang-ming. New York:
ch’üan Bridge debate, the students’ Columbia University Press, 1976.
interpretations were presented to their Goodrich, L. Carrington, and Chaoying
teacher for judgment. Fang, eds. Dictionary of Ming
Wang Chi assumed that if the heart- Biography, 1368–1644. 2 vols. New
mind, in its original substance, was York: Columbia University Press,
above good and evil, then no such dis- 1976.
tinction should be found elsewhere. Tu Wei-ming. Neo-Confucian Thought
Ch’ien Te-hung believed that while the in Action: Wang Yang-ming’s Youth
absolute state might be so described, (1472-1509). Berkeley, CA: University
there was no question but that the dis- of California Press, 1976.
tinction would be critical for self-culti-
vation. Wang Yang-ming answered that
they were both correct, but aimed at dif- Wang Yang-ming School
ferent audiences. Wang Chi’s response The Wang Yang-ming School, as the term
was for the person of keen insight who suggests, is the school named after its
could dwell in a state of sagely wisdom. founder Wang Yang-ming, a Neo-
Ch’ien Te-hung’s response, however, Confucian of the Ming dynasty. Since
was for those whose thoughts were there is a Yao-chiang or Yao River in
dominated by habits. Nevertheless, the Chekiang province, Wang’s native place,
issue has led to a major split in the the school is also known as Yao-chiang
Wang Yang-ming School and is still School. As a representative of the hsin-
controversial today. hsüeh (School of Heart-Mind), Wang
With an increasingly large number followed Lu Chiu-yüan’s proposition to
of followers, Wang Yang-ming’s teach- identify the hsin (heart-mind) with
ings became so influential after the Principle (li). Thus, people often refer to
middle Ming period that his school was the Wang Yang-ming School as School of
also established in Korea and Japan. Heart-Mind. Other common themes of
Regarding Wang as a dissentient of the the school include liang-chih or knowl-
orthodox Ch’eng-Chu School, his edge of the good and chih hsing ho-i,
opponents were successful in allowing unity of knowledge and action.
no honor to be bestowed upon him at Huang Tsung-hsi, in characterizing
his death. It was not until 1567 that he the school, speaks of the origin of Wang
was conferred the posthumous title of Yang-ming’s teachings in those of Ch’en
Wen-ch’eng, Cultural Accomplishment, Hsien-chang. He suggests that Wang
and not until 1584 that he was placed in revolutionized Confucianism through
the Confucian temple. His writings are the theory of knowledge of the good.
collected in the Wang Wen-ch’eng Kung According to Huang, the main effect of
ch’üan-shu or Complete Works of the this theory was to make the goal of
Culturally Accomplished Duke Wang. sheng (sage) or sagehood available to
See also ko-wu (investigation of everyone, not just the educated. This is
things); Mencius; sheng or sheng-jen regarded as a big step in democratizing
(sage); yü (desire). the Confucian teachings in the middle
of the Ming era.
666
Wang Ying-lin
Wang Ying-lin’s own philosophy, Book of Changes and a study of the three
however, tends more toward Lu Chiu- commentaries on the Ch’un ch’iu or
yüan’s hsin-hsüeh, or learning of the Spring and Autumn Annals. He main-
heart-mind. He considers humanity to tains that some Sung Neo-Confucians’
be the hsin (heart-mind) of Heaven and readings of the I ching are influenced by
earth and jen (humaneness) to be the Taoism.
heart-mind of humanity. Thus, to be a
human means to be humane. Without Hummel, Arthur W., ed. Eminent Chinese
humaneness, the heart-mind of Heaven of the Ch’ing Period (1644–1912).
and earth cannot be established 2 vols. Taipei, Taiwan: SMC, 1991.
because all things are tied to the heart-
mind.
Wang Yün
Franke, Herbert, ed. Sung Biographies. (1227–1304) A prolific scholar of the
2 vols. Wiesbaden, Germany: Yüan dynasty; also called Wang Chung-
Steiner, 1976. mou or Wang Ch’iu-chien. Wang Yün
was raised in Neo-Confucian education,
and he expressed his admiration for
Wang Yüan Chou Tun-i and Chu Hsi. Wang was
(1648–1710) Scholar of the early Ch’ing appointed Consultant by Yao Shu in 1260.
dynasty; also known as Wang K’un-sheng He became highly regarded for his abili-
and Wang Huo-an. Wang Yüan was a ties, and when the Hanlin Academy was
native of Peking. To show his ability in reopened in the next year, he was made a
teaching, he took the chü-jen or Provincial Senior Compiler. He was finally conferred
Graduate degree in 1693. But he never the title Hanlin Academician in 1292.
competed in the chin-shih examination As historian and biographer Herbert
or Metropolitian Graduate degree pro- Franke observes, Wang Yün’s real contri-
gram, refusing to serve the new Manchu bution was to educate the Mongols in
dynasty. He was a friend of Li Kung, Chinese political thought. He gained
through whom he became a student of the distinction of being one of the few
Yen Yüan (Hsi-chai) at the age of 55. people whose writings were translated
With his primary interest in political into Mongolian. His works concerned
economy and institutions, Wang sought the Neo-Confucian agenda of Ti-hsüeh
to move Confucianism toward shih- or learning of the emperors. Thus, we
hsüeh, practical learning. He had no find sections of his writings devoted to
patience with the teachings of Sung such topics as the broadening of hsiao
dynasty Neo-Confucians, which he per- (filial piety), advancement of hsüeh
ceived as being dominated by a focus (learning), honoring of Confucians,
upon metaphysical realms rather than reverence of T’ien (Heaven), modeling
the real problems of the world. For him, upon ancestors (tsu), loving of the peo-
those who prate about Principle (li) are ple, purification of the hsin (heart-
not qualified to be a chün-tzu (noble mind), diligence in cheng (governing or
person), nor even to be a hsiao-jen regimen), establishment of laws, and
(petty person). Though he was critical selection of scholars. See also han-lin
of the abstract nature of Neo- yüan (Academy of Assembled Brushes).
Confucianism, he found Wang Yang-
ming an attractive thinker, mainly Franke, Herbert. “Wang Yün (1227–
because of the latter’s program of action 1304): A Transmitter of Chinese
to implement philosophical thought. In Values.” Yüan Thought: Chinese
fact, like Wang Yang-ming, Wang Yüan Thought and Religion Under the
was keen about military strategy and Mongols. Edited by Hok-lam Chan
tactics. However, his work on the art of and Wm. Theodore de Bary. New
war no longer exists. His other writings York: Columbia University Press,
include an analysis of the I ching or 1982.
668
Wan Ssu-ta
The title Exemplary Teacher for All Ages is inscribed in the Hall of Sage’s Presence.
purification in other religious tradi- of the family line, one of the three unfilial
tions. Other Confucian uses of the behaviors according to Mencius. That is
image include the flood motif related to why the wedding is considered to be the
the culture hero Yü and the employ- great ritual in the Confucian tradition.
ment of water as a metaphor in According to the custom of the Chou
Mencius’ discussion regarding the dynasty, marriage should take place for
goodness of human nature. See also the man between late teenage years and
hsing (nature). about the age of thirty. For the woman, it
is more confined to the late teenage
Allan, Sarah. The Way of Water and years. The marriage ceremony, epitomiz-
Sprouts of Virtue. Albany, NY: State ing the patriarchal structure of the soci-
University of New York Press, 1997. ety, is focused on the introduction of the
Birrell, Anne. Chinese Mythology: An bride to her husband’s family. This is seen
Introduction. Baltimore, MD: Johns in the presentation of the wife at the hus-
Hopkins University Press, 1999. band’s ancestral shrine two days after the
Choy, Howard Y. F. “Did Confucius Take wedding. Works such as the Chia-li
Showers? An Etymological Trace of (Family Rituals) of Chu Hsi demonstrate
ru.” Paper read at American Oriental the Confucian interest in the mainte-
Society Western Branch Meeting, nance of the traditional wedding rites.
Oct. 10-12, 1997, at University of
Colorado, Boulder. Ebrey, Patricia Buckley, trans. Chu Hsi’s
Lau, D. C., trans. Mencius. Harmondsworth, Family Rituals: A Twelfth-Century
England: Penguin Books, 1970. Chinese Manual for the Performance
of Cappings, Weddings, Funerals,
and Ancestral Rites. Princeton, NJ:
Way Princeton University Press, 1991.
See Tao (Way).
Wei (Apocrypha)
Way of Heaven A class of augural writings that
See T’ien-tao. appeared in the Former Han dynasty
and were prevalent during the Hsin and
Way of Humanity Later Han dynasties. The wei or wei-
See jen-tao. shu, apocrypha, consisted of prophe-
cies and portents combining shaman-
ism and magianism with mystical
Way of the Sage-Kings Confucianist beliefs that dealt with
See sheng-wang chih Tao. supernatural events, hidden and eso-
teric meanings of the Confucian clas-
sics, and attempted to encourage a
Wedding miraculous understanding of various
Part of the li (propriety or rites) of life, historical and current political events.
the wedding, as social historian Patricia The term wei is derived from weaving,
Buckley Ebrey points out, is actually a like the term ching (classic). While
portion of the ancestral cult. It is a means ching represents the warp of a piece of
of guaranteeing the continuity of the cloth and thus, the continuity of the
family and the continuation of respect cloth, wei symbolizes the weft (woof )
and care for ancestors (tsu) through the or that which cuts across or is at odds
performance of ceremony and sacrifice with the continuity. This pair of terms
within the ancestral temple, miao (tem- comes to mean orthodox and hetero-
ple or shrine). Without the wedding dox as well. Such writings found the
there will be no more sheng-sheng or sympathy of the New Text School and
production of life, hence no continuation the disdain of the Old Text School.
671
Wei (Artificial Action)
Wei and ching are believed to have hsüeh (learning). The character “wei,”
authority directly from Heaven to aid in meaning “artificial action,” is composed
the interpretation of the classical liter- of two parts: the phonetic-etymonic
ary tradition. part, pronounced wei, means action or
The wei-shu was always intertwined to act; the other part is the radical jen
with the earlier ch’en-shu (prognostica- for human. Together, the two parts sug-
tion text). Employed together to justify a gest human action, implying some
sovereignty, often a new one like the action unique to human beings and
establishments of the Hsin and Later thus contrary to nature.
Han dynasties, both of their theories The term is translated by scholar of
were based on the concept of the T’ien- Chinese philosophy Derk Bodde as
ming (Mandate of Heaven), the notion “acquired training”—that which needs
of wu hsing (Five Elements), the myths to be acquired through training or
and legends recorded in the “Ho t’u” learning is not something natural, but
(“River Chart”) and “Lo shu” (“Lo something artificial, something worked
Writing”), as well as Tung Chung-shu’s out or made by man. From Hsün-tzu’s
doctrine of the T’ien-jen kan-ying or perspective, morality is a result of artifi-
correspondence of Heaven and Human. cial action. Wei allows for the moral cul-
The ch’en and wei reached their zenith tivation of the self and the rectification
in Later Han, and were elevated as the of society, especially in times of chaos
nei-hsüeh (Inner School). As a result of and violence. In the early development
the imperial White Tiger Hall (Po-hu of the Confucian tradition, it was Hsün-
kuan) Conference of C.E. 79, the Po-hu tzu in particular who emphasized the
t’ung (White Tiger Discussions) official- importance of wei because he saw it as
ly incorporated the apocrypha into the the means to learning and education,
Confucian classics. Well known are the which are facilitated in the individual.
Seven Apocrypha corresponding to the Unlike Mencius who believed in the
Seven Classics, namely, the Shih ching goodness of human nature, Hsün-tzu
or Book of Poetry, the Shu ching or Book understood human nature as raw stuff
of History, the Li chi or Records of Rites, that must be transformed into goodness
the lost Yüeh ching or Book of Music, the if society was to be transformed. The
I ching or Book of Changes, the Ch’un models of the sages must be inculcated
ch’iu or Spring and Autumn Annals, and into the individual; the avenue for this
the Hsiao ching (Book of Filial Piety). to take place is through wei, the artifi-
Under the challenge of the hsüan-hsüeh cial action to be added on the original
(mysterious learning) of the Six nature. An example of such an artificial
Dynasties, they gradually lost their action is li (propriety or rites), for
influence. Most of the texts were banned which one has to learn or be trained in
and burned in the Sui dynasty; only a order to observe it.
few are extant today. See also chin-wen
chia (New Text School); civil service Fung Yu-lan. A History of Chinese
examinations; esoteric/exoteric; ku- Philosophy. Translated by Derk
wen chia (Old Text School); New Bodde. 2 vols. Princeton, NJ:
Text/Old Text (chin-wen/ku-wen). Princeton University Press, 1983.
Bary has argued that this phrase was Wei Chung-kuo wen-hua ching-
key to later Confucian and particularly
Neo-Confucian understandings of the
kao shih-chieh jen-shih hsüan-yen
See “A Manifesto for a Re-appraisal of
concept of individualism. Chu Hsi’s use
Sinology and Reconstruction of
of the phrase wei chi chih hsüeh or
Chinese Culture.”
learning for the sake of oneself, suggests
the emerging sense of the individual as
the focus of learning activities. De Bary Wei-fa
puts Confucian individualism within A technical term in Neo-Confucian dis-
the broader framework of social ties course related to the discussion of the
and bonds. Similar to the idea of tzu-te nature of hsin (heart-mind). Wei-fa,
or finding the way for oneself, wei chi often rendered unmanifest or uncondi-
emphasizes the individual’s duty to tioned, is employed to refer to the part
realize the moral goodness of hsing or of the heart-mind that represents the
human nature within the world. See Tao-hsin (heart-mind of the Way) or
also hsing (nature). the T’ien-li (Principle of Heaven). It is
contrasted with the i-fa or manifested
de Bary, Wm. Theodore. The Liberal heart-mind characterized as the jen-
Tradition in China. New York: hsin (heart-mind of humanity) that
Columbia University Press, 1983. represents the normal or daily response
Lau, D. C., trans. The Analects (Lun yü). to things. Put in other Neo-Confucian
New York: Penguin Books, 1979. terms, if the wei-fa is seen as a reposito-
ry of T’ien-li, then the i-fa is more close-
ly involved with ch’i (vitality), in con-
Wei chi chih hsüeh trast with Principle (li).
Derived from a statement by Confucius
The term wei-fa originates in the
in distinguishing the purposes of learn-
“Chung yung” (“Doctrine of the Mean”)
ing between the ancients and
where it occurs as a description of the
Confucius’ contemporaries, wei chi
state of chung (mean) or equilibrium.
chih hsüeh, or “learning for the sake of
The passage reads, “That before the
oneself,” is the ancient attitude that
manifestation of happiness, anger, sor-
presents a striking contrast to the con-
row and joy is called the mean.” Wei-fa
temporary learning, which is for the
is the phrase “before the manifesta-
sake of pleasing others. The phrase is
tion.” For the Neo-Confucians, it
used by Chu Hsi to suggest the com-
becomes a designation for the heart-
mitment of learning and self-cultiva-
mind understood at its deepest layer.
tion to transform the self into a moral
Contrasted with i-fa, wei-fa is seen as in
person. It is only after the self has been
a state of quiet and clarity, which
transformed that others may be trans-
reflects the Tao-hsin and T’ien-li.
formed. Intellectual historian Wm.
The School of Principle sought after
Theodore de Bary, who regards this
the accumulation of the knowledge of
phrase as key to the understanding of
Principle through its agenda of learning
the Confucian notion of individualism,
and self-cultivation characterized by ko-
argues that it distinguishes
wu ch’iung-li, the investigation of things
Confucianism from other teachings by
and the exhaustion of Principle, as well as
insisting on the individual’s fulfillment
the attempt to cultivate a mental state of
of the moral responsibilities for the self
chü-ching (abiding in reverence or seri-
as well as the society.
ousness). Such knowledge of Principle
would permit the individual to realize his
de Bary, Wm. Theodore. The Liberal
own capacity for Principle in the state of
Tradition in China. New York:
sagehood. In this state of sagehood, wei-
Columbia University Press, 1983.
fa—which is the state of Tao (Way) as well
Lau, D. C., trans. The Analects (Lun yü).
as the Principle of Heaven—would be fully
New York: Penguin Books, 1979.
673
Wei-hsüeh
realized and thus become operative with- de Bary, Wm. Theodore. Neo-Confucian
in the individual’s normal life. As a result Orthodoxy and the Learning of
the i-fa would reflect the wei-fa in the the Mind-and-Heart. New York:
same way as the jen-hsin would reflect the Columbia University Press, 1981.
Tao-hsin. See also li-hsüeh (School of
Principle or learning of Principle).
Wei I-chieh
Chan, Wing-tsit, trans. and comp. (1616–1686) Classical scholar of the late
A Source Book in Chinese Ming dynasty and early Ch’ing dynasty;
Philosophy. Princeton, NJ: Princeton also named Wei Shih-sheng and Wei
University Press, 1969. Chen-an. Wei I-chieh was an ardent
Legge, James, trans. The Chinese supporter of the Ch’eng-Chu School of
Classics. Vols. 1 & 2, Confucian Neo-Confucianism. A native of Hopeh
Analects, the Great Learning, the province, he took the chin-shih exami-
Doctrine of the Mean, the Works of nation and received the Metropolitan
Mencius. Oxford, England: Clarendon Graduate degree in 1646. He was
Press, 1893–95; Reprint (2 vols. in 1), appointed Hanlin Bachelor and served
Taipei, Taiwan: SMC, 1994. in other official positions until he was
Tang, Chun-i. “The Development of the forced to resign. As an adherent of the
Concept of Moral Mind from Wang Sung-hsüeh or Sung learning, he criti-
Yang-ming to Wang Chi.” Self and cized Wang Yang-ming’s teachings,
Society in Ming Thought. Edited by Taoism, and Buddhism for what he saw
Wm. Theodore de Bary and the as their shakiness and emptiness.
Conference on Ming Thought. New Wei I-chieh is known for his interpre-
York: Columbia University Press, tation of ko-wu chih-chih or the investi-
1970. gation of things and the extension of
knowledge—the initial steps of learning
listed in the “Great Learning” (“Ta-
Wei-hsüeh hsüeh”). For him, anything outside of
The term wei-hsüeh, or heterodox knowledge is nothing, and any knowl-
learning, is used by a government or edge without things is not knowledge.
school of thought to accuse its dis- Therefore, things and knowledge are
sentients of propagating false knowl- one, not two. The goal of ko-wu chih-
edge. It was used in the late 1190s by chih is to return to the perfect realm of
Han T’o-chou to describe the Tao- T’ien-jen ho-i, or the unity of Heaven
hsüeh, or learning of the Way, as well as and humanity. Thus, ko-wu chih-chih is
Chu Hsi’s teachings. Chu was attacked the t’i (substance) that has the yung
because he was sympathic to Han’s (function) of bringing harmony to the
political opponent, who was later family, order to the state, and peace to
defeated by Han. Han criticized those the world. See also Eight Steps; han-lin
who called for moral cultivation, stat- yüan (Academy of Assembled Brushes);
ing that they were hypocrites and that t’i/yung (substance/function).
their learning was heterodoxy. He pro-
hibited employment of all scholars who Hummel, Arthur W., ed. Eminent
agreed with Chu Hsi’s Neo- Chinese of the Ch’ing Period (1644–
Confucianism. Every official candidate 1912). 2 vols. Taipei, Taiwan: SMC,
was required to claim in his résumé 1991.
that he did not study the wei-hsüeh
before he could receive the appoint-
ment. The ban was removed only a few Wei Liao-weng
years later after Han’s death in 1207; (1178–1237) Scholar of the Southern
Chu Hsi had died seven years earlier. Sung dynasty; also known as Wei Hua-
fu. Wei Liao-weng passed the chin-shih
674
Wei Yüan
that the book is based on his research of Comprehensive King), and Ta-ch’eng
ancient classics and histories as well as Chih-sheng Wen-hsüan Wang
T’ang and Sung memorials to the (Comprehensive King of Great
throne and scholarly discussions. Accomplishments and Highest
Philosopher and Confucian scholar Sageliness) in 998, 1012, and 1307,
Wing-tsit Chan has suggested that Ma’s respectively. All these titles were sub-
historiography is largely drawn by his stituted by Chih-sheng Hsien-shih
perspective of the recent plight of China (Teacher of Antiquity and Highest
under the Mongol conquest, revealing Sageliness) in 1530; after that time,
the complexity of historical changes. Confucius was no longer referred to
Ma has a sense of seeing things in terms as king.
of Confucian values, such as public ver-
sus private and the pursuit of the com- Shryock, John K. The Origin and
mon moral good, but not in a slavish Development of the State Cult of
fashion. Its influence is indicated by the Confucius: An Introductory Study.
fact that there are four sequels of the New York: The Century Co., 1932.
work produced by later historians of the
Ming dynasty, Ch’ing dynasty, and
modern period. Wen-hsüan Wang miao (Temple of
the Comprehensive King)
Chan, Hok-lam. “‘Comprehensiveness’ One of the several names used for the
(T’ung) and ‘Change’ (Pien) in Ma Confucian temple, Wen-hsüan Wang
Tuan-lin’s Historical Thought.” miao or Temple of the Comprehensive
Yüan Thought: Chinese Thought and King is an adoption of the title con-
Religion Under the Mongols. Edited ferred on Confucius, which is Wen-
by Hok-lam Chan and Wm. Theodore hsüan Wang (Comprehensive King).
de Bary. New York: Columbia See also wen miao (Temple of Culture).
University Press, 1982.
de Bary, Wm. Theodore, Wing-tsit Chan, Shryock, John K. The Origin and
and Burton Watson, comps. Sources Development of the State Cult of
of Chinese Tradition. New York: Confucius: An Introductory Study.
Columbia University Press, 1960. New York: The Century Co., 1932.
680
“Wen-yen” Commentary
Graduate degree at the age of twenty. He hexagrams is unclear, but most scholars
was appointed Grand Councilor, as well believe that it was at least more exten-
as Military Affairs Commissioner at the sive than its present form.
end of the Sung period. Wen was The commentary, in the form of
involved in several futile attempts by the Confucius’ catechism, is infused with
Sung forces to hold off the attacks of the Confucian concepts; these concepts are
Mongol armies. He was captured in 1278 used as part of the interpretative tool in
and executed five years later. His refusal the understanding of the text as a whole.
to accept defeat by the Mongols made The person who understands the
him a hero of the highest Confucian processes of change reflected by the hexa-
virtue known as chung (loyalty). Such grams and has the ability to live his life in
virtue was well articulated in his poems accord with the pattern of change is
and essays. referred to as a chün-tzu (noble person)
Wen T’ien-hsiang was also a Neo- within the Confucian tradition. A person
Confucian follower of Chu Hsi’s teach- of this stature, who is in accord with the
ings. He considered the Tao (Way) to be changes of the universe or T’ien
eternal and its relationship with things (Heaven), is said to be a person of good-
to be one of t’i/yung (substance/func- ness and virtue. This is a person of jen
tion). Besides loyalty, he also highly (humaneness), of i (righteousness or
praised Chou Tun-i’s moral idea of rightness), and of ching (reverence or
ch’eng (sincerity), regarding it as the seriousness). The importance of seeing
element that maintains the wholeness the person who understands change as
of the world. Though not a major origi- the embodiment of Confucian virtue sug-
nal thinker of the Ch’eng-Chu School, gests the degree to which the “Wen-yen”
Wen applied its teachings to his own commentary is placing the symbolism of
political practice as well as observations change into a Confucian worldview.
of natural phenomena. See also Cheng Change, as described by the I ching,
Ssu-hsiao and Hsieh Fang-te. refers to processes throughout the uni-
verse. The I ching is said to provide an
Mote, Frederick W. “Confucian Eremitism elaborate symbolism of this process of
in the Yüan Period.” The Confucian change through its sixty-four hexagrams.
Persuasion. Edited by Arthur F. The hexagrams function as specific
Wright. Stanford, CA: Stanford moments or symbols of the processes of
University Press, 1960. change with all of their elaborate corre-
spondences, images, and metaphors. The
text of the “Wen-yen” commentary sug-
Wen-wu gests that moral virtue, as defined by way
See Civil Dance (wen-wu). of traditional Confucian virtues, is part of
the structure of change. An individual
“Wen-yen” Commentary who has perfected such moral virtue is in
The “Wen-yen” commentary, or harmony with the changes of the uni-
“Commentary on the Words of the Text,” verse. To be in harmony with such
is the fifth wing of the “Ten Wings,” changes as a moral person suggests that
commentaries of the I ching (Book of the changes of the universe reflect a sub-
Changes). The commentary itself is structure of moral nature as well. Thus,
found only with the ch’ien hexagram Heaven, Earth, and man reflect a pro-
(the Creative) and k’un hexagram (the foundly moral universe; it is the noble
Receptive), the first two of the sixty- person of the Confucian tradition who is
four hexagrams. It is considered by tra- best able to harmonize with this cosmos.
ditional accounts to be an early layer of
commentary material originating in the Wilhelm, Richard, trans. The I Ching or
Confucian school. Whether the com- Book of Changes. Translated by Cary
mentary ever covered all sixty-four F. Baynes. Princeton, NJ: Princeton
University Press, 1967. 681
Western Inscription
682
Women in Confucianism
hand, Chu Hsi clearly contributed to the The Formative Stage. Edited by Wm.
increased separation of the sexes as well Theodore de Bary and John W.
as an inflated sense of the inferior intel- Chaffee. Berkeley, CA: University of
lectual and dangerous emotional nature California Press, 1989.
of women; on the other hand, in very Handlin, Joanna F. Action in Late Ming
personal writings, he praised the role of Thought: Reorientation of Lü K’un
women as moral teacher within the fam- and Other Scholar-Officials. Berkeley,
ily. Historically, the former attitude was CA: University of California Press, 1983.
far better known; thus, sexual discrimi- Kelleher, M. Theresa. “Confucianism.”
nation is often associated with the Women in World Religions. Edited
School of Principle. by Arvind Sharma. Albany, NY: State
The School of Heart-Mind seemed to University of New York Press, 1987.
have a more positive attitude toward Nienhauser, William H., Jr., ed. and
women because it recognized the inher- comp. The Indiana Companion to
ent quality of sagehood in everybody, Traditional Chinese Literature.
including women. For the School of Bloomington, IN: Indiana University
Principle, the search for sagehood is Press, 1986.
one that involves a much greater com-
mitment of intellectual tenacity and
necessitates access to educational insti- Worship
tutions. In theory, women also shared While T’ien (Heaven) has long been an
the human nature of goodness spoken object of worship in the Confucian tra-
of by Mencius but had less opportunity dition, Confucius himself was first wor-
for its realization through learning. The shiped with the t’ai-lao offering, or
most extreme form of the School of Great Offering, in 195 B.C.E. The later
Heart-Mind, the T’ai-chou School, readi- shih-tien ceremony (Twice Yearly
ly affirmed the existence of sagehood in Confucian Ceremony) is a form of
all persons and negated the necessity of a worshipping the Master. However, the
long path of learning. Appeals to women most popular object of worship in
and the disadvantaged became the strat- Confucianism is neither Heaven nor
egy of the T’ai-chou School. Confucius, but the ancestors (tsu).
By the late Ming dynasty, such Ancestor worship, as an embodiment of
Confucian thinkers as Lü K’un had the Confucian virtue hsiao (filial piety),
made additional efforts to provide edu- is practiced in every household.
cation for women. Lü K’un’s writings for
women, the Kuei chieh or Boudoir Writing
Commandments and Kuei fan or Rules See calligraphy and ching (classic).
in Boudoir, suggest a serious attempt
to present the full agenda of
Confucianism, including the goal of Wu (Cloisters)
sagehood based on the premise of the The name given to the side buildings in
universality of the nature of sagehood the Confucian temple. They are located
in all people. In a sense, with Lü K’un, to the east and west of the main hall,
one comes full circle in the realization called the ta-ch’eng tien (Hall of Great
of the ideal of Confucius himself. It was Accomplishments), and provide the
Confucius who said that education was enclosure for the eastern and western
open to all. See also Ch’eng Hao; Ch’eng sides of the courtyard.
I; hsin-hsüeh (School of Heart-Mind); Contained within the wu are hsien-
li-hsüeh (School of Principle or learn- hsien (former worthies) and hsien-ju
ing of Principle). (former Confucians), two types of fig-
ures honored in the Confucian temple.
Birge, Bettine. “Chu Hsi and Women’s Within the temple complex, the wu is
Education.” Neo-Confucian Education: farthest away from the altar of
686
Wu (Enlightenment)
Confucius. Thus, in the order of those (and changing) Confucian figures that
honored within the temple, the figures are housed in the cloisters are the best
who occupy positions in the wu are indication of the fluid and dynamic
regarded as the lower ranks. quality of this orthodoxy and orthopraxy.
The division between hsien-hsien and
hsien-ju is also hierarchical, the hsien- Shryock, John K. The Origin and
hsien are located at the northern end of Development of the State Cult of
the cloisters—closer to the main altar. Confucius: An Introductory Study.
The hsien-ju are located in the southern New York: The Century Co., 1932.
most position in the cloisters and thus Taylor, Rodney L. The Way of Heaven: An
represent the lowest level of those hon- Introduction to the Confucian
ored in the temple. Any presence in the Religious Life. Leiden, Netherlands:
Confucian temple is still, however, an E. J. Brill, 1986.
extraordinary honor—the use of the term Wilson, Thomas A. Genealogy of the
“lowest” is relative, given how few people Way: The Construction and Uses of
are represented in the temple. the Confucian Tradition in Late
The cloisters contain the tablets of a Imperial China. Stanford, CA:
number of figures. In fact the vast Stanford University Press, 1995.
majority of the figures honored within
the temple complex are found in the
cloisters, among the ranks of the hsien- Wu (Enlightenment)
hsien and the hsien-ju. The ta-ch’eng The term wu, or enlightenment, refers to
tien (main hall) supports the altar to an intuitive process and state of mind.
Confucius, as well as the p’ei altars Largely confined to Buddhist usage, and
(altars of the worthies) with four figures often regarded by many Confucians as
and the che altars (altars of the philoso- other-worldly, it is used in a certain limit-
phers) with ten to twelve figures. There ed way by some Neo-Confucians. These
are more than 100 hsien-hsien and Neo-Confucians, in the course of moral
approximately 70 hsien-ju. and spiritual cultivation and particularly
The shih-tien ceremony (Twice through the practice of meditation
Yearly Confucian Ceremony)—the known as ching-tso (quiet-sitting), come
major ceremonial activity focused on a to an experience or moment of insight,
sacrifice carried out to the altar of which is so overwhelming they cannot
Confucius—remains a celebration of call it anything but enlightenment.
the Confucian tradition, represented by The enlightenment experience, as
all the figures housed within the recorded by the Neo-Confucians, tends
Confucian temple. The ranks of to be an utter shattering of preconceived
Confucians housed in the cloisters have ideas and serves as an entrance for the
changed over the centuries, both in individual into a new way of looking at
terms of figures being added to the the world. By experiencing a profound
ranks as well as those being removed. sense of oneness or unity with all things,
A study of the figures housed in the the individual has his or her life altered in
cloisters provides a view into the a fundamental way. In this sense, it
Confucian ideology accepted as ortho- shares some similarity with its Buddhist
doxy, though their ritual placement and counterpart and probably explains why
celebration in ceremony represent cultic the term is employed.
orthopraxy. As Confucian orthodoxy However, most Neo-Confucians use
blends with state orthodoxy and the extreme caution in employing the term,
cult of Confucius is assimilated to the avoiding the stigma of Buddhism. This
state cult of imperial ceremony, the means that wu is not an experience of
Confucian temple represents both emptiness, but rather one that confirms
orthodoxy and orthopraxy. The various the moral nature underlying the cos-
mos. Neo-Confucians see the Absolute
687
Wu (Enlightenment)
Positions of the 110 Former Worthies in the west (left) and east (right) cloisters during the Ming dynasty.
of Heaven in all things. They find the Those who have experienced wu often
most profound meaning in the simplest look to it as a watershed in their lives.
things and consider serving humankind They agree that life is somehow differ-
and all life as the fulfillment of their ent following an enlightenment experi-
own Heavenly-endowed nature. ence. For example, there is no more
The experience of wu is described by fear; instead, there is a capacity to love
both the School of Principle and the others or a complete commitment to
School of Heart-Mind. The School of the goals of humankind. To some
Principle conceives the experience as Confucians, wu represents a form of
part of a long process of learning and ethical mysticism, an ineffable experi-
cultivation to attain the T’ien-li ence still grounded in the fundamental
(Principle of Heaven). The School of perception of a moral universe. See also
Heart-Mind views it as more readily hsin (heart-mind); hsin-hsüeh (School
available and capable of being sudden- of Heart-Mind); li-hsüeh (School of
ly grasped due to their acceptance of Principle or learning of Principle).
the heart-mind as possessing the
absolute liang-chih or knowledge of the de Bary, Wm. Theodore. “Neo-Confucian
good. The more radical T’ai-chou Cultivation and Seventeenth-Century
School even regards the experience as Enlightenement.’” The Unfolding of
simply part of everyday life and a very Neo-Confucianism. Edited by Wm.
common occurrence. Theodore de Bary. New York:
The concept of wu suggests the Columbia University Press, 1975.
degree to which Confucianism possess- Taylor, Rodney L. The Cultivation of
es a capacity for the experience of the Sagehood as a Religious Goal in Neo-
Absolute within its own boundaries. Confucianism: A Study of Selected
688
Wu Ch’eng
689
Wu Ch’eng
Wu Ch’eng, a Neo-Confucian between the Sung and Yüan dynasties, sought to place both the heart-mind
and Principle in the broad spectrum of the learning of the Way.
690
Wu-chi (Non-Ultimate)
Chan, Wing-tsit. “Chu Hsi and Yüan and this is crucial to understanding the
Neo-Confucianism.” Yüan Thought: development of Chou’s cosmogony.
Chinese Thought and Religion Under Wu-chi is paired with t’ai-chi (Great
the Mongols. Edited by Hok-lam Chan Ultimate). As the Sung Neo-Confucians
and Wm. Theodore de Bary. New York: understood it, neither concept was
Columbia University Press, 1982. given priority. In his commentary on
Gedalecia, David. “Wu Ch’eng’s Approach Chou’s writing, Chu Hsi suggested that
to Internal Self-cultivation and the two are identical to each other. In a
External Knowledge-seeking.” Yüan letter to Lu Chiu-yüan, father of the
Thought: Chinese Thought and School of Heart-Mind, Chu Hsi argued
Religion Under the Mongols. Edited that wu-chi describes the limitlessness
by Hok-lam Chan and Wm. Theodore and omnipresence of the t’ai-chi that
de Bary. New York: Columbia has no shape, no sound, and no smell.
University Press, 1982. In other words, wu-chi is not something
Langlois, John D., Jr. “Law, Statecraft, above, beyond, or separate from the
and The Spring and Autumn Annals t’ai-chi, but a designation of it as the
in Yüan Political Thought.” Yüan origin of the world.
Thought: Chinese Thought and These two terms attempt to charac-
Religion Under the Mongols. Edited terize the nature of the Absolute. The
by Hok-lam Chan and Wm. Theodore Absolute is both wu-chi and t’ai-chi,
de Bary. New York: Columbia both Non-Ultimate and the Great
University Press, 1982. Ultimate. One is negative discourse,
the other positive. The Non-Ultimate
endeavors to reveal that the Absolute is
Wu-chi (Non-Ultimate) beyond all descriptions including
One of two terms referring to the begin- Absolute or Ultimate. Wu-chi, as Wang
ning point of the cosmos, wu-chi is a Fu-chih believed, means having not a
Chinese philosophical expression found single Ultimate, nor Ultimateless; being
in early Taoist sources and borrowed by not Ultimateless, it is called the Great
the Sung dynasty Neo-Confucian thinker Ultimate. In this way, to employ the
Chou Tun-i in his “T’ai-chi t’u shuo” or other translation, it is the Ultimate of
“Explanation of the Diagram of the Great Nonbeing, not just Being.
Ultimate.” Rendered as Non-Ultimate, The Non-Ultimate places the
Ultimate of Nonbeing, Ultimateless, or Absolute in negative description, sug-
Ultimate of Nothing, wu-chi is portrayed gesting that only negative discourse can
in Chou’s cosmogony as the beginning describe that which is beyond any
point of the universe, from which all else description because the Absolute or
has evolved. It is the first term that occurs Ultimate cannot be characterized.
in Chou’s diagram, as well as his explana- Paradoxically, the Ultimate or Absolute
tion of the diagram, leading some to see can also be characterized in terms of
wu-chi as the true beginning point. t’ai-chi, for there is nothing that is not
Many scholars regard Chou as being part of the Great Ultimate. In fact, one
influenced by Taoism and introducing or the other of these characterizations is
certain Taoist concepts into Neo- lopsided without the other. The
Confucianism. The occurrence of the Absolute is both infinite and finite,
term “wu-chi,” a Taoist coined phrase absolute and relative. A beginning point
signifying the formless and imageless of a cosmogony must be sensitive to
primary state of the universe, as well as this dynamic quality of that which is
the framework of Chou’s cosmogonic characterized as the Absolute.
diagram—based on the Taoist “Diagram Such a dynamic quality, however, is
of the Non-Ultimate” or “Wu-chi t’u” of negated by Lu Chiu-yüan. In his corre-
the tenth century—certainly support spondence with Chu Hsi, Lu argues that
such contention. But wu-chi does not since the Great Ultimate is the only reality,
appear alone as the beginning point,
691
Wu-chi erh t’ai-chi
692
Wu-ching po-shih (Erudites of the Five Classics)
the Five Classics by a group of scholars, B.C.E. to some scholarly officials. Wu-ching
headed by the Confucian master K’ung po-shih, or the Erudites of the Five
Ying-ta. This orthodox work was built on Classics, established an official Confucian
authoritative commentaries written dur- presence in the imperial court. The title
ing the Han dynasty and through the Six po-shih, or Erudite, originating during the
Dynasties, including Wang Pi and Han Warring States period and continuing in
K’ang-po’s commentaries to the I ching or the Ch’in dynasty, was given to those offi-
Book of Changes, K’ung An-kuo’s com- cials with historical and literary knowl-
mentary to the Shu ching or Book of edge. The generic designation of wu-
History, Mao Heng’s commentary and ching po-shih created positions for
Cheng Hsüan’s annotation to the Shih Confucian scholars whose role was to act
ching or Book of Poetry, Cheng Hsüan’s as a specialist in the interpretation of the
commentary to the Li chi or Records of classical heritage, each specialized in a
Rites, and Tu Yü’s annotation of the Tso single classic or even one version/school
chuan commentary to the Ch’un ch’iu or of a classic, and to advise the ruler on
Spring and Autumn Annals. state ritual matters and major court poli-
Initial attempts, while extensive, had cies. From 124 B.C.E., they were also teach-
not been entirely successful. After the ers of the t’ai-hsüeh (National
death of Emperor T’ai Tsung, a new com- University) and the later han-lin yüan
mission was established to bring the pro- (Academy of Assembled Brushes).
ject to conclusion. The results were even- Though not a Confucian himself,
tually given to Emperor Kao Tsung who Emperor Wu Ti was responsible for the
accepted the findings. It was at first increasing visibility of the Confucian
known as the Wu-ching i-shu or school through a variety of actions
Expositions and Sub-commentaries to the taken during his reign. His Erudites
Five Classics; K’ung Ying-ta was listed as mainly belonged to the New Text
its author-editor, even though he had School, increasing the number of posts
retired at the end of the first commission. to fourteen by the beginning of the later
Each of the Five Classics Han; these were eventually replaced by
was published with one commentary the Old Text Erudites. The official estab-
accompanying it. As the basis for the civil lishment of the Confucian specialists in
service examinations of the T’ang the court was a position that remained
dynasty and Sung dynasty, the work in effect throughout Chinese dynastic
became a standard, but by no means lim- history—though its highest esteem was
ited discussions surrounding the mean- held in the Han era when the number of
ing and interpretation of the Confucian Erudites swelled to as many as 70. After
classics, nor the debate concerning the the mid-later Han period, study of the
question of a definitive commentary. Confucian classics spread outside the
court; the post-Han Erudites never
McMullen, David. State and Scholars in functioned in as scholarly a role as their
T’ang China. New York: Cambridge predecessors. Since 1510 the wu-ching
University Press, 1988. po-shih was also a hereditary title awarded
to the descendants of Confucius as well
as notable Confucians during the
Wu-ching i-shu Ch’ing dynasty. See also chin-wen chia
See Wu-ching cheng-i (Standard (New Text School); Five Classics; Han
Expositions of the Five Classics). Wu Ti; ku-wen chia (Old Text School);
New Text/Old Text (chin-wen/ku-wen).
Wu-ching po-shih (Erudites of the
Hucker, Charles O. A Dictionary of
Five Classics) Official Titles in Imperial China.
A title first conferred by the emperor Wu Stanford, CA: Stanford University
Ti of the Han dynasty in the spring of 136 Press, 1985.
693
Wu-ching ta-ch’üan
There is virtually nothing excluded. Chou. The five rites are those associated
Thus, each element has a correspond- with sacrifice, death and misfortune,
ing color, smell, taste, direction, musi- the military, host and guest, and festi-
cal note, symbolic animal, sacrifice, vals. They are an integral part of the
season, virtue, planet, and so on. Tzu- Confucian ritual institutes.
ssu and Mencius, in fact, refer the term
wu hsing to the five virtues of wu Hummel, Arthur W., ed. Eminent
ch’ang. The point, of course, is to be Chinese of the Ch’ing Period (1644–
able to understand the underlying sys- 1912). 2 vols. Taipei, Taiwan: SMC,
tem of integrated and ordered change 1991.
and to work and live in the world in
such a way that one lives in harmony
with the processes of change and trans- Wu lun
formation. The wu lun, or Five Relationships, refers
For the Confucian school of the Han to the proper ethical relationships
period, such theories—whether Five defined in the Book of Mencius, namely,
Element, yin/yang, or the philosophy of affection between father and son, right-
change as in the I ching—became criti- eousness between ruler and subject,
cally important as ways of understanding distinction between husband and wife,
the order of the world. It was not precedence of the old over the young,
enough simply to rely on the Confucian and faith between friends. Mencius
teachings of the classical period. considers the sheng-jen (sage) to be the
Instead, one needed a strategy for being model of human relationships. See also
able to harmonize with the world by hsin (faithfulness); i (righteousness or
understanding the processes through rightness); sheng or sheng-jen (sage).
which the world transforms itself. For the
Confucian minister of state, such knowl- Lau, D. C., trans. Mencius. Harmondsworth,
edge provided a way for the ruler to rule in England: Penguin Books, 1970.
harmony with Heaven and earth. See also Legge, James, trans. The Chinese
eight trigrams and sixty-four hexagrams. Classics. Vols. 1 & 2, Confucian
Analects, the Great Learning, the
de Bary, Wm. Theodore, Wing-tsit Chan, Doctrine of the Mean, the Works of
and Burton Watson, comps. Sources Mencius. Oxford, England: Clarendon
of Chinese Tradition. New York: Press, 1893–95; Reprint (2 vols. in 1),
Columbia University Press, 1960. Taipei, Taiwan: SMC, 1994.
Wu k’ang-chai Wu-lu-tzu
See Wu Yü-pi. (c. 4th-3rd century B.C.E.) One of fifteen
disciples of Mencius; also known as Wu-
lu Lian. Wu-lu-tzu was identified by
Wu-li t’ung-k’ao Chao Ch’i, who wrote the first extant
Major work about ancient Chinese rites commentary to the Book of Mencius.
written by the Ch’ing dynasty Confucian Wu-lu was asked whether ritual or food
scholar Ch’in Hui-t’ien. The Wu-li was more important, and in turn,
t’ung-k’ao or General Study of the Five whether ritual or sex was more impor-
Rites was completed in 1761 after thirty- tant. Initially, he answered that ritual was
eight years. Based on Hsü Ch’ien- more important, but his questioner
hsüeh’s work Tu Li t’ung-k’ao or On asked what would be more important if
Reading the Rites: A General Study, the alternative was starvation or wifeless-
which addressed only mourning rites, ness. Wu-lu could not answer the ques-
the Wu-li t’ung-k’ao covers all five ritu- tion and took the issue to Mencius, who
als classified in the Chou li or Rites of responded by suggesting that the answer
695
Wu-ma Ch’i
The term wu-wei occurs in the Lun action, manifested itself as he sat facing
yü (Analects) as a description of the south, the traditional seat of the ruler
behavior of sage ruler Shun. According who was the only person in the empire
to tradition, his power and authority allowed to sit and face south.
were such that he fulfilled his capacity The Confucian use of the term wu-
to lead and rule by no direct action, that wei is an outgrowth of the ruler’s capac-
is, simply non-action. He was an ity for the embodiment of te (virtue),
embodiment of virtue, which without and as such, is a natural component of
697
Wu-wu
the nature of sageliness. It does not sug- Chan, Wing-tsit, trans. and comp. A
gest, as in its Taoist usage, a rejection of Source Book in Chinese Philosophy.
those characteristics that are distinctly Princeton, NJ: Princeton University
human, but rather a full embodiment of Press, 1969.
the features that set out the unique
character of what it means to be human.
Wu Yü-pi
Fung Yu-lan. A History of Chinese (1391–1469) Representative of the
Philosophy. Translated by Derk Ch’ung-jen School during the Ming
Bodde. 2 vols. Princeton, NJ: dynasty; also called Wu Tzu-fu or Wu
Princeton University Press, 1983. K’ang-chai. Wu Yü-pi was a Neo-
Lau, D. C., trans. The Analects (Lun yü). Confucian known for his orthodox fol-
New York: Penguin Books, 1979. lowing of the Ch’eng-Chu School. A
man of Kiangsi, Chu Hsi’s native
province, Wu was the son of an official
Wu-wu in the Hanlin Academy. Wu decided not
See Martial Dance (wu-wu). to take the civil service examinations
after reading the Neo-Confucian writ-
ings that focused on the pursuit of
Wu-yü (No Desire) sheng or sagehood. Instead, he elected
Signifying the constraint of material to turn his back on an official career so
desire, the term wu-yü—no desire or that he could concentrate on learning
desireless—first appears in classical and self-cultivation.
Taoist texts as a reference to asceticism. As a result of this decision, Wu spent
While the founders of Taoism, Lao-tzu his life as a teacher in his hometown. He
and Chuang-tzu, regard it as an impor- gathered a large number of students
tant concept of statecraft, the early around him, farming with them in the
Confucian Hsün-tzu deems it impossi- countryside. He suggested that this
ble to get rid of yü (desire) in human eremitic style was the ideal for the
relationships. In Hsün-tzu’s opinion, chün-tzu (noble person). His teaching
suppression of desires cannot lead to became so well known that the throne
order of the world; instead, desires received recommendations for his offi-
should be guided in moderation. Thus, cial appointment. He was brought to
from the traditional Confucian point of Peking to serve as a tutor for the heir-
view, kua-yü (reducing desires) is more apparent, but he refused the position
reasonable and probable than wu-yü. and went home to teach. He criticized
The Sung dynasty Neo-Confucian the eunuchs at the court, placing them
Chou Tun-i, however, considers wu-yü on a par with the Buddhists as the
to be the highest criterion for moral cul- sources of social disorder.
tivation. In his T’ung-shu (Penetrating Among Wu’s disciples were Hu Chü-
the Book of Changes), Chou insists that jen, Lou Liang, and Ch’en Hsien-chang.
having no desire is the only key to emu- Huang Tsung-hsi places the Wu’s
late the sheng, or sage. He believes that Ch’ung-jen School at the beginning of
human desires stand in the way of the his Ming-ju hsüeh-an or The Records of
realization of sagehood. In order to Ming Scholars, implying Wu’s unique
achieve the state of desirelessness, status in opening up a tradition that
Chou stresses the cultivation of ching eventually culminated in Wang Yang-
(quietude). Because of his chu-ching ming’s teachings. At the same time,
(regarding quietude as fundamental) however, Wu represented an effort to
and emphasis upon wu-yü, he has been transmit the teachings of the Ch’eng-
criticized as leaning toward Buddhism Chu School, in particular the idea of pre-
and Taoism. See also Mencius; serving T’ien-li (Principle of Heaven)
Principle (li); sheng or sheng-jen (sage); and eliminating human desires.
Tao-t’ung.
698
Wu Yü-pi
Wu Yü-pi, founder of the Ch’ung-jen School, sought to purify the heart-mind from material desires.
699
Wu Yü-pi
700
Yang Chien
Y
more than the wo (self )—the fully
developed self.
According to Yang Chien, every
human being possesses a nature that is
inherently good or a heart-mind which
is illuminant and intelligent by itself.
Yang acknowledged that everybody
could become Yao and Shun, the sage-
kings of antiquity. He followed Lu Chiu-
yüan’s advocacy of tsun te-hsing, or the
Yang honoring of virtuous nature, as a
See yin/yang. method of self-cultivation, rather than
the extensive intellectual activity of
learning as maintained by Chu Hsi and
Yang Chien his li-hsüeh (School of Principle or
(1141–1226) Regarded as the major learning of Principle). But Yang was
inheritor of Lu Chiu-yüan’s hsin-hsüeh also influenced by Buddhist teachings
or learning of the heart-mind; also that the heart-mind should be like a
known as Yang Ching-chung. Yang bright mirror and be free of ideas or
Chien was a philosopher of the thoughts. He attributed the obscurity of
Southern Sung dynasty. His father, Yang the heart-mind—the evil-disposed
T’ing-hsien, was a friend of Lu Chiu- nature as well as the loss of the Tao
yüan, but it was only when Yang Chien (Way)—to thoughts. In order to keep
was able to discuss with Lu the concept the heart-mind as clear and bright as
of the hsin (heart-mind) that he the moon and the sun that shine upon
became Lu’s student. Yang Chien took all things, one must get rid of all ideas,
the chin-shih examination and received thoughts, and even knowledge.
the Metropolitan Graduate degree in Yang’s elaboration of Lu Chiu-yüan’s
1189. He held several positions in concept of the heart-mind brought with
government service, including that of it the criticism that Yang was danger-
po-shih, or Erudite of the t’ai-hsüeh ously close to Buddhism. However, for
(National University). He was highly Yang, as well as for other members of
respected for his abilities as an official. the School of Heart-Mind, his philoso-
Yang’s major writing, the Yang-shih phy remained in the Confucian camp
i-chuan or Yang’s Commentary on the on the basis of seeing the heart-mind,
Book of Changes, showed his interest in though as clean as a bright mirror, still
the I ching or Book of Changes as the possessing ethical characteristics,
major source for the development of which the Buddhists denied. Not to be
Neo-Confucian philosophy. He sought stirred by thoughts, as Yang Chien
to apply Lu Chiu-yüan’s teachings as the remarked, does not mean to be uncon-
mainstay of Confucianism. He focused cerned about matters. In the last analy-
on the role of the heart-mind as the sis, so long as one’s act conforms to the
underlying element of the universe and Principle (li), one has a reason to be
the inner core of the individual. He con- involved in the world. See also Tsun te-
sidered all things to be products of the hsing erh Tao wen-hsüeh.
moral heart-mind, claiming that
Heaven and earth, as well as their Chang, Carsun. The Development of
changes, belonged to oneself and not to Neo-Confucian Thought. 2 vols. New
any other thing. Heaven and earth, as York: Bookman Associates, 1957-62.
he asserted, are created by oneself with- Franke, Herbert, ed. Sung Biographies.
in one’s hsing (nature). As a result, Lu’s 2 vols. Wiesbaden, Germany:
learning of the heart-mind was ampli- Steiner, 1976.
fied into a theory that all things are no
701
Yang ch’i hsing (Nourishing the Nature)
Yang Hsiung combined Taoist philosophy with Confucian ethics and rejected
esotericism in the study of Confucian classics.
704
Yang Shih
Yang Shih, one of the Four Masters of the Ch’eng School, suggested
realizing the Tao in quietude, not in words.
706
Yao
Tao in ching (quietude). See also nei- rule. Frequently mentioned in combi-
sheng wai-wang (sage within, king nation with Shun and Yü, the Three
without). Sage Kings became a template for sage-
ly sovereigns against whom all other
Franke, Herbert, ed. Sung Biographies. rulers would be measured and judged.
2 vols. Wiesbaden, Germany: For Mencius, the time of Yao was an
Steiner, 1976. epoch in which the world was yet to be
fully ordered, but in which Yao had
undertaken the process to begin such
Yang-shih i-chuan an ordering. Yao is said, for example, to
Major work by Yang Chien of the have encountered the problem of the
Southern Sung dynasty. The Yang-shih flood waters of the Yellow River, but he
i-chuan or Yang’s Commentary on the remained unsuccessful in his attempt
Book of Changes demonstrates the role to gain complete control over them. He
played by the I ching or Book of Changes eventually picked Shun as his succes-
in Yang’s philosophy as well as Yang’s sor, in part, to assist in the control of the
attempt to interpret the classic in the waters. The complete control of the
light of Lu Chiu-yüan’s hsin-hsüeh or waters had to wait, however, until
learning of the heart-mind. It is inter- Shun’s successor, Yü, had become sov-
esting that while Lu left little in written ereign. The failure to succeed complete-
form about his teachings and virtually ly in controlling the waters is not the
nothing on the Book of Changes, Yang ground for the criticism of Yao, but an
regarded it as a centerpiece of Lu’s indication of the task before him and of
worldview and a text worthy of exten- his diligent pursuit of a resolution.
sive study and commentary. All three sage kings remain common
The Yang-shih i-chuan represents its reference points for the Confucian
author’s emphasis on the goodness of school. They were a symbol of the virtue
the moral heart-mind. In this work, achieved in high antiquity and a goal,
Yang Chien defined the Tao-hsin no matter how distant, of what the
(heart-mind of the Way) as that which is world and human society might return
free of thoughts but has an inherent to if they would turn themselves toward
sense of ethics. Since the hsin (heart- the ways of virtue. When Mencius sug-
mind) is described as a unifying entity, gests that anyone become a Yao or a
all things in the external world are seen Shun, he has this point in mind: Every
as lacking any substantial differences or person has within himself the capacity
variations. For Yang, even wind and rain of a sagely nature, which, if developed,
are merely formal variations, not essen- would be no different than that found in
tial changes. Such is Yang’s understand- a cultural paradigm such as a Yao or
ing of the notion i (change). Shun. The increasing relevancy of the
goal of sagehood became a central
Chang, Carsun. The Development of component of the later Confucian tradi-
Neo-Confucian Thought. 2 vols. New tion. See also hsin-hsüeh (School of
York: Bookman Associates, 1957-62. Heart-Mind); Wang Yang-ming; Yü
Fung Yu-lan. A History of Chinese (king).
Philosophy. Translated by Derk
Bodde. 2 vols. Princeton, NJ: Birrell, Anne. Chinese Mythology: An
Princeton University Press, 1983. Introduction. Baltimore, MD: Johns
Hopkins University Press, 1999.
Yao Lau, D. C., trans. Mencius. Harmondsworth,
The first figure designated as a sage king England: Penguin Books, 1970.
in Chinese high antiquity, Yao is praised Legge, James, trans. The Chinese
extensively by the Confucian school as Classics. Vol. 3, The Shoo King or the
an exemplar of personal virtue and wise Book of Historical Documents. Hong
707
Yao-chiang School
The sage king Yao is believed by Mencius to have begun putting the world into order.
chin-shih examination and received the After Kublai had ascended the throne,
Metropolitan Graduate degree in 1763. he was vested with several official titles,
Yao began his official career as a Hanlin including Grand Academician of the
Bachelor and later served as Examining Institute for the Glorification of
Official of the hsiang-shih examination Literature and Hanlin Academician
(Provincial Examination) and the hui- Recipient of Edicts.
shih examination (Metropolitan Through a lifetime of devotion to
Examination). He retired as a Compiler Confucianism, Yao Shu insured the dis-
of the Ssu-k’u ch’üan-shu or Complete semination of Neo-Confucian teachings
Library of Four Branches of Books, in into the North during the Mongol rule.
1775; he spent his last forty years in In Yen-ching, he established the T’ai-
various shu-yüan academies. chi shu-yüan, or the Great Ultimate
Yao Nai is best known as a prosaist of Academy, and a memorial temple for
the T’ung-ch’eng School. He advocated Chou Tun-i in honor of the major Neo-
a combination of the methods of moral- Confucians. He is noted for his efforts in
philosophical interpretation and k’ao- convincing Chao Fu to transmit the
cheng hsüeh, or evidential research in teachings of the Ch’eng-Chu School in
writing, but saw the latter as a means of the Great Ultimate Academy. After his
the former. In the realm of the ching- retirement, he edited and published a
hsüeh (study of classics), his works number of important commentaries
include an exposition of the Nine and works by Chu Hsi, including the
Classics and an annotation to the san Four Books (ssu-shu) and the Hsiao-
chuan, or Three Commentaries, on the hsüeh or Elementary Learning. He also
Ch’un ch’iu or Spring and Autumn collected and oversaw the publication
Annals. See also han-lin yüan of writings by Ch’eng I, Hu An-kuo, and
(Academy of Assembled Brushes) and others. With these works available, the
shu-yüan academy. propagation of Neo-Confucianism in
the north was assured. See also han-lin
Elman, Benjamin A. From Philosophy to yüan (Academy of Assembled Brushes).
Philology: Intellectual and Social
Aspects of Change in Late Imperial Chan, Wing-tsit. ed. Chu Hsi and
China. Los Angeles, CA: UCLA Asian Neo-Confucianism. Honolulu, HI:
Pacific Monograph Series, 2001. University of Hawaii Press, 1986.
Hummel, Arthur W., ed. Eminent
Chinese of the Ch’ing Period (1644–
1912). 2 vols. Taipei, Taiwan: SMC, Yeh-lü Ch’u-ts’ai
1991. (1189–1243) A famous Khitan in
Chinese history; also called Yeh-lü
Chin-ch’ing and Yeh-lü Chan-jan. Yeh-
Yao Shu lü Ch’u-ts’ai played an important role in
(1203–1280) A Confucian scholar of the bringing civil rule and administration to
Yüan dynasty. Yao Shu joined the the Mongol court during the establish-
Mongols in the early years after the ment of Mongol power in China. He was
Mongols had captured the north of the son of a high official of the Ch’in
China. He was responsible for bringing dynasty. He was well educated and
a number of prominent Confucians, elected to take the chin-shih examina-
Taoists, and Buddhists to the Mongol tion and received the Metropolitan
capital of Yen-ching (modern Peking). Graduate degree in which he came out
He brought them, including Confucian first, a great honor and guarantee of
Chao Fu, from the south to solicit their high position. He lived, however,
service for the Mongols. He was through the Mongol siege and devasta-
employed by Kublai Khan to teach the tion of the Chin capital Chung-tu (mod-
Confucian classics to the Mongol heirs. ern Peking).
709
Yeh-lü Ch’u-ts’ai
Yao Shu insured the dissemination of Neo-Confucian teachings into the north of China under Mongol rule.
After the Mongols captured Chung-tu slaughter the enemy. With the election of
in 1215, Yeh-lü was selected by Mongol Ögedei as the new ruler, Yeh-lü was
ruler Genghis Khan to be his close advi- responsible for the establishment of
sor. He accompanied Genghis Khan on a Confucian rites in the Mongol court.
major expedition to Central Asia in 1219, When the southern capital at Pien (mod-
not returning to China until 1227 after ern-day K’ai-feng) fell to the Mongols, he
the death of Genghis Khan. During this abolished the law of massacre. In 1233
lengthy journey, Yeh-lü attempted to he filed a petition for restoring recogni-
introduce Chinese civilization to the tion of the Confucian lineage, then in its
Mongol ruler and persuaded him not to 51st generation. He also worked to repair
710
Yeh Shih
the Confucian temple in Ch’ü-fu and to Sung dynasty; also named Yeh Cheng-
set up an office of compilation as well as tse and Master of Shui-hsin. Yeh Shih
an imperial library to promote culture was a native of Yung-chia, Chekiang.
and education. In 1237 he re-instituted After passing the chin-shih examina-
the civil service examinations to rescue tion and receiving the Metropolitan
the scholar class (shih) of North China Graduate degree, he was appointed
and to bring them into service. Instructor Second-class in the t’ai-
It appears that because of his experi- hsüeh (National University). Later, he
ences witnessing the sufferings of was promoted Erudite of the Court of
untold capacity, Yeh-lü Ch’u-ts’ai took Imperial Sacrifices and Probationary
up the study of Buddhism. In fact, to Vice Minister of War. According to insti-
understand his thought, it is important tutional historian Winston Wan Lo, Yeh
to consider his commitment to his Shih was a tireless advocate for the
Buddhist faith even though at the same restoration of the Sung territory lost to
time he was deeply involved with the Jürchen nomads. Although he was a
Confucianism and to a lesser degree war hero for repulsing the Jürchen’s
with Taoism. Yeh-lü may best be assaults, he was impeached and dis-
described as a syncretist, an advocate of missed in 1207 because of his connec-
san chiao ho-i, or the unity of the three tion with Han T’o-chou. He returned to
teachings. He believed strongly in the his hometown, spending his remaining
wisdom that could be gained by study- years teaching and writing.
ing Buddhism, Confucianism, and Yeh Shih was highly critical of a
Taoism simultaneously. number of teachings of the Neo-
While it seems that Yeh-lü held Confucian movement and sought a
Buddhism as his basic worldview, his- form of Confucian teaching far more
torical records suggest the dominance of utilitarian than he found in the teach-
Confucianism in his thirty-year admin- ings of either Chu Hsi or Lu Chiu-yüan.
istrative work. As a sinicized Khitan who He saw both Chu Hsi’s li-hsüeh (School
brought Chinese ways to the Mongols, of Principle or learning of Principle)
Yeh-lü exercised the flexibility between and Lu Chiu-yüan’s hsin-hsüeh (School
cultures. He played a unique role in less- of Heart-Mind), or the learning of the
ening people’s pains through the proper heart-mind, as merely empty talk. Yeh
statecraft with moral and religious sen- Shih especially criticized the former’s
sitivity. A collection of his writings exists dichotomy into T’ien-li (Principle of
today. See also syncretism. Heaven) and human desires, suggesting
that moral and material wants are actu-
Liu Ts’un-yan and Judith Berling. “The ally compatible. After all, li (propriety
‘Three Teachings’ in the Mongol- or rites) are to regulate, not to elimi-
Yüan Period.” Yüan Thought: nate, natural desires, while i (righteous-
Chinese Thought and Religion Under ness or rightness) is based on profit,
the Mongols. Edited by Hok-lam Chan not poverty. It is useless and meaning-
and Wm. Theodore de Bary. New York: less to talk about rightness and the Tao
Columbia University Press, 1982. (Way) without considering profit. To
Rachewiltz, Igor de. “Yeh-lü Ch’u-ts’ai realize this idea, Yeh called for state
(1189-1243): Buddhist Idealist and support of business and industry.
Confucian Statesman.” Confucian In Yeh Shih’s view, the Tao exists
Personalities. Edited by Wright and wherever things are found; it does not
Twitchett. Stanford, CA: Stanford operate before the formation of Heaven
University Press, 1962: 189-216. and earth, for Heaven and earth are
filled with things. Therefore, to under-
stand the Tao, one must examine all
Yeh Shih kinds of things or ch’i (utensils) in
(1150–1223) Representative figure of the detail. For this reason, Yeh criticized
Yung-chia School during the Southern
711
Yellow Emperor
Taoism and Buddhism for their neglect mind); hsing (nature); i (righteousness
and destruction of things. Things, or rightness); jen (humaneness).
according to him, are composed of ch’i
(vitality), whose patterns of change de Bary, Wm. Theodore and the
appear as the wu hsing (Five Elements) Conference on Ming Thought. Self
and the eight trigrams. A thing is always and Society in Ming Thought. New
two. One differentiates, for example, York: Columbia University Press,
into yin and yang, while two are com- 1970.
plementary and are mediated by the Huang Tsung-hsi. The Records of Ming
“Chung yung” (“Doctrine of the Scholars. Edited by Julia Ching with
Mean”), in which the Tao is achieved. Chaoying Fang. Honolulu, HI:
Yeh was interested in logic, particularly University of Hawaii Press, 1987.
that of cheng-ming (rectification of
names). He valued Hsün-tzu’s theory of
cheng-ming over that of Confucius. Yeh Yen Fu
left a number of works, including stud- (1853–1921) Thinker and translator of
ies of the “Chung yung” or “Doctrine of the late Ch’ing dynasty and early
the Mean” and the “Great Learning” republican periods; also known as Yen
(“Ta-hsüeh”). See also li (profit); Yu-ling and Yen Chi-tao. Yen Fu was a
yin/yang; yü (desire). native of Fukien province. He was sent
by the Ch’ing government to study
Lo, Winston Wan. The Life and Thought naval science in England between 1877
of Yeh Shih. Gainesville: University and 1879. This allowed him to examine
Presses of Florida, 1974. the British sociopolitical system and to
compare Western and Chinese learning.
After returning to China, he served in
Yellow Emperor the newly founded Northern Naval
See Huang Ti. Academy as dean and later as chancel-
lor. Ironically, he failed the chü-jen, or
Provincial Graduate examination, four
Yen Chi-tao times between 1885 and 1893.
See Yen Fu. Disturbed by the defeat of China’s
Northern Fleet in the Sino-Japanese
Yen Chün War (1894–1895), he turned his energies
(fl.16th century) Prominent member of to the reform movement.
the T’ai-chou School; also known as Yen Being a reformer and the first
To and Yen Shan-nung. Yen Chün was a Chinese translator of Thomas H.
native of Kiangsi province. He was a stu- Huxley’s “Evolution and Ethics,” Yen
dent of Hsü Yüeh and Wang Ken. Yen argued that change is the characteristic
taught at the grassroots level. Among his of T’ien (Heaven) and the Tao (Way).
numerous disciples were Lo Ju-fang and Note that he chose the Confucian term
Ho Hsin-yin. He was once thrown into T’ien to render “nature.” In fact, as his-
prison, probably because he offended the torian Wang Hui has observed, Yen’s
authorities. Yen saw the human heart- understanding of “science” is based on
mind as mysterious and inscrutable, and the Neo-Confucian concept ko-wu
human nature as bright and pure. He chih-chih, or the investigation of things
suggested that one should only act tzu- and extension of knowledge, which
jan, or naturally according to one’s refers not only to the natural world, but
nature in daily activities. At the end of also to a moral order. Wang also points
Yen’s political agenda lies a typical out that Yen considers Herbert
Confucian utopia, in which the ruler is Spencer’s Sociology to be a Western ver-
humane, ministers are righteous, and sion of “Great Learning” (“Ta-hsüeh”).
the people content. See also hsin (heart- Institutional historian Benjamin Schwartz
712
Yen Jo-ch’ü
has suggested that in translating these native of Shansi province. He failed the
modern Western works into classical chin-shih examiniation, also known as
Chinese, Yen actively re-created an agen- the Metropolitan Graduate examination,
da for his age-old country to struggle but his scholarly talents became so well
and survive in the future. known that in his later years he was
For Yen Fu, the relation between accorded a courteous reception by
Chinese learning and Western learning Emperor Yung-cheng. When his friend
cannot be seen as a t’i/yung (sub- Hsü Ch’ien-hsüeh compiled the Ta Ch’ing
stance/function) binarism, for both i-t’ung chih or Comprehensive Geography
forms of learning have their own sub- of the Great Ch’ing, Yen was involved in
stances and functions. Substance and the project. Under the influence of Ku
function are not two, but one. Similarly, Yen-wu, Yen’s major contributions were
moral and profit are inseparable. Yen to the ching-hsüeh (study of classics).
became chancellor of Peking University Yen Jo-ch’ü’s rigorous textual analysis
in 1912 and a founding member of the is revealed in his research on the Shu
Confucian Association in 1913. The five- ching or Book of Documents, namely,
volume Yen Fu chi or Collected works of Shang shu ku-wen shu-cheng or Inquiry
Yen Fu, was published in 1986. See also into the Authenticity of the Old Text Version
Hundred Days of Reform and li (profit). of the Hallowed Documents. It proved that
the long-venerated version could not be
Boorman, Howard L., and Richard C. considered the original text. Yen was also
Howard, eds. Biographical Dictionary good at historical geography as shown in
of Republican China. 5 vols. New his Ssu-shu shih-ti or Analysis of the Place
York: Columbia University Press, Names in the Four Books. Related to his
1967-79. work on the Four Books (ssu-shu), he
Schwartz, Benjamin I. In Search of examined the authorship of the “Great
Wealth and Power: Yen Fu and the Learning” (“Ta-hsüeh”), suggesting that
West. Cambridge, MA: Harvard the Sung dynasty attribution of the piece
University Press, 1964. to Tseng-tzu and his disciples was
Wang, Hui. “The Fate of ‘Mr. Science’ in groundless. Besides, his investigation of
China: The Concept of Science and the dates supplied by Mencius is equally
Its Application in Modern Chinese substantial.
Thought.” Translated by Howard Y. Although his interest was in the Han
F. Choy. Formations of Colonial dynasty methods of collation and
Modernity in East Asia. Edited by exegetics, Yen Jo-ch’ü never negated the
Tani E. Barlow. Durham, NC: Duke abstract philosophical discourses of the
University Press, 1997. Sung Neo-Confucians. He praised the
achievements of the Sung scholars in
developing the Confucian tradition. For
Yen Hsi-chai Yen, the ideal was to complement the
See Yen Yüan (Hsi-chai). archaeological Han-hsüeh or Han
learning with the interpretive Sung-
Yen Hui hsüeh, or Sung learning. Yen’s Ch’ien-
See Yen Yüan (Hui). ch’iu cha-chi or Ch’ien-ch’iu’s Reading
Notes, is the first book that bears the
genre cha-chi (reading notes) in its title.
Yen Jo-ch’ü
(1636–1704) A classical scholar of the Elman, Benjamin A. From Philosophy to
early Ch’ing dynasty; also known as Yen Philology: Intellectual and Social
Pai-shih and Yen Ch’ien-ch’iu. Yen Jo-ch’ü Aspects of Change in Late Imperial
was one of the precursors of k’ao-cheng China. Los Angeles, CA: UCLA Asian
hsüeh, or textual criticism. He was a Pacific Monograph Series, 2001.
713
Yen Yen
Hummel, Arthur W., ed. Eminent curriculum covering rites, music, clas-
Chinese of the Ch’ing Period (1644– sics, history, geography, astronomy,
1912). 2 vols. Taipei, Taiwan: SMC, strategy, agriculture, irrigation, and
1991. taxation. Such activities from Yen’s
point of view stressed action in the
acquisition of knowledge. This is in
Yen Yen accordance with his rendition of the
See Tzu-yu. character ko in the phrase ko-wu chih-
chih. Although the phrase was conven-
Yen Yüan (Hsi-chai) tionally understood as the “investiga-
(1635–1704) Major Confucian thinker of tion of things and extension of knowl-
the early Ch’ing dynasty; also known as edge,” Yen believed it to mean “grap-
Yen I-chih, Yen Hun-jan, and Yen Hsi- pling” in the sense of grappling with a
chai. Yen Yüan was an advocate of the fierce animal. In other words, one
shih-hsüeh or practical learning. A should learn with one’s own hands or
native of Hopeh province, he chose not through personal experience, not mere-
to pursue an official career through the ly by thinking and talking.
civil service examinations. Only late in The philosophical position behind this
life, in 1696, was he asked to be director practical learning is the belief that
of a shu-yüan academy. This academy Principle cannot be separated from the
was planned to realize his ideas, but ch’i (vitality) or material force. Principle is
unfortunately was lost to a flood. Li to be found in materials, just as knowledge
Kung came to be his disciple in 1679 has to be embodied in things. Nothing can
and together the two founded the Yen- be divorced from the real to be made a
Li School. subject of study. For Yen, Principle is nei-
Yen studied the Lu-Wang School’s ther a separable entity nor a metaphysical
teachings, also known as hsin-hsüeh structure. It is secondary to and reflective
(School of Heart-Mind) in his youth. of the primal ch’i that creates the wan-wu,
Wang Yang-ming’s military talent and or myriads of things. Accordingly, it is false
focus on action had influenced him. He to view human nature as good and the
turned to the Ch’eng-Chu School, also physical body as evil. Yen believed that
known as li-hsüeh (School of Principle evilness was acquired from bad habits, not
or learning of Principle), but after fol- something innate.
lowing punctiliously the Chia-li The celebration of the physical did
(Family Rituals) of Chu Hsi in mourn- not, however, derail the moral track of
ing his foster grandfather, he concluded Confucianism. On the problem of right-
that the Ch’eng-Chu doctrines were not eousness and profit, for example, Yen
the orthodox interpretations of Yüan considered righteousness to be
Confucius’ teachings. He criticized the profitable and seeking profits in right-
Neo-Confucians of the Sung dynasty, as eousness. Confucian scholar Tu Wei-
well as those of the Ming dynasty, for ming has captured best Yen’s agenda of
their useless practice of ching-tso a “lived concreteness” for a moral
(quiet-sitting) and empty talks about world. In spite of Yen’s rejection of the
the hsin (heart-mind), hsing or human Neo-Confucian models, he did not can-
nature, ming (destiny or fate), and cel self-cultivation. He simply turned
Principle (li). He saw them as too the process from an inward, abstract
involved in book-learning while ignor- reflection to an outward, pragmatic
ing real life. approach. The Confucian commitment
As a result, Yen Yüan returned to the to transformation of the individual and
ancient models for the ideal type of the world remains alive in the context of
education. A balance was sought actual problems. Yen’s works include
between civil and military trainings in a critiques on the Four Books (ssu-shu)
714
Yen Yüan (Hsi-chai)
Wang, Hui. “The Fate of ‘Mr. Science’ in goes on to express his concern for oth-
China: The Concept of Science and ers. He says he does not want to overly
Its Application in Modern Chinese burden others. He is concerned for their
Thought.” Translated by Howard Y. welfare. These characteristics are part of
F. Choy. Formations of Colonial what has given Yen Yüan such high
Modernity in East Asia. Edited by stature as a man of virtue. Nothing
Tani E. Barlow. Durham, NC: Duke recorded about Yen Yüan would indicate
University Press, 1997. arrogance, self-righteousness, intellec-
tual pedantry, careless courage, or any
of the other negative features that
Yen Yüan (Hui) Confucius finds in his disciples at times.
(521–490 B.C.E.) A disciple of Confucius; Yen Yüan, unlike several of Confucius’
also known as Yen Hui. Yen Yüan was a other disciples, also displays ability and
native of the state of Lu and is the most interest in learning and education.
famous of Confucius’ disciples. He is Thus, in addition to his veritable perfec-
mentioned in the Lun yü (Analects) 11.3 tion of the Confucian sense of humane-
as the first of the ten disciples designat- ness, Yen Yüan also represents the
ed for comment as demonstrating a Confucian ideal of commitment to
particular accomplishment. If he had learning, a learning thoroughly imbued
lived long enough, there is little doubt with the quality of moral virtue.
that he would have been regarded as Because of these qualities, Yen Yüan
one of the chief transmitters of represented the ideal of the chün-tzu
Confucius’ teaching after the death of (noble person) to the greatest degree
the master. that Confucius had himself observed
Yen Yüan is said to have been amongst his own disciples.
accomplished in te-hsing (virtuous Because of Confucius’ attitude
nature) or conduct. If there was any toward Yen Yüan, the relationship
one attribute that most summarized between them has been said to have
Yen Yüan it would be the constant ref- been a very close one. It is said that
erences to his virtuous nature. Confucius regarded Yen Yüan as a son.
Confucius finds only praise for Yen Not unlike the image of father and son,
Yüan. He appears to have lived in there are times when Confucius indi-
poverty; Confucius is quick to com- cates a certain annoyance that Yen Yüan
ment on his ability to live in such cir- can listen to him at great length without
cumstances, yet still conduct himself ever challenging him. Confucius makes
with virtue. He is the personification of the comment that there is almost the
the Confucian virtue of jen (humane- impression of stupidity about Yen Yüan
ness). His ability to live a virtuous life until he realizes that Yen Yüan has added
is the occasion for Confucius to com- to his own understanding through his
ment that while most people have brief quiet reflection and listening. Some of
periods when their natures of jen were the sense of closeness and understand-
manifest, Yen Yüan could go for a peri- ing is also conveyed in comments that
od of three months without falling Yen Yüan makes about Confucius him-
away from the nature of jen. self. Probably the most famous passage
Part of Yen Yüan’s nature of humane- where this quality is found is one in
ness was a level of modesty about his which Yen Yüan praises Confucius as one
own accomplishments and a high level whose height and depth are of such pro-
of concern for the welfare of others. Yen fundity that no one can penetrate them.
Yüan comments about himself that he It is because Yen Yüan represented
never wants to boast of his virtuous the embodiment of humaneness and
nature. Not only is it inappropriate, but was clearly very close to Confucius that
it is also a basis for hurting others. The his premature death was a loss of such
rest of his comment about not bragging
716
Yen-Li School
magnitude for Confucius. Passages that The Yen-Li School emphasized the
discuss the death of Yen Yüan show immediacy of knowledge in serving
Confucius and his circle of disciples in the world. Yen Yüan suggested that
deep mourning. His disciples comment the basic learning step of chih-chih
in one passage that Confucius showed (extension of knowledge) in the
excessive mourning at Yen’s passing. “Great Learning” (“Ta-hsüeh”) is not
Confucius’ response was to ask that if reading, questioning, and thinking, but
he did not show such mourning for Yen rather practicing, acting, and doing.
Yüan, then to whom could such mourn- Philosophically, the school was rooted
ing be shown? At hearing of Yen Yüan’s in the belief that Principle (li) exists in
death, Confucius is quoted as having things and is inseparable from the ch’i
said, “Heaven has destroyed me, (vitality) or material force. Yen criti-
Heaven has destroyed me.” cized the Ch’eng-Chu School for
In turn, the disciples showed exces- putting ch’i secondary to li. For him,
sive mourning as well. They carried out they belong to each other. And as
a very elaborate funeral. Confucius Principle is defined as good, human
objected on the basis of the under- nature formed by the ch’i must also be
standing of li (propriety or rites). While morally good.
the feelings of the disciples are The focus on applied knowledge did
expressed in an elaborate funeral, such not, however, remove the Yen-Li School
feelings are, from Confucius’ point of from religious consideration. Rather
view, excessive. Yen Yüan was the than searching the Absolute in meta-
embodiment of jen and the fulfillment physical categories, the school rendered
of the ideal of the chün-tzu. As his posi- it in a pragmatic fashion. In fact, one
tion was humble, an elaborate funeral may argue that religious commitment
was a violation of the proper ritual pro- can also be found in the pursuit of use-
priety to be shown to his origin. See also ful learning. A collection of the writings
T’ien (Heaven). of Yen and Li was published in the late
nineteenth century. The two founders
Lau, D. C., trans. The Analects (Lun yü). had about 100 students each, among
New York: Penguin Books, 1979. whom Wang Yüan is the most famous.
See also Eight Steps; hsing (nature);
hsing (punishment or criminal law).
Yen-Li School
An influential group formed during the Chan, Wing-tsit, trans. and comp.
Ch’ing dynasty by Confucian Yen Yüan A Source Book in Chinese
(Hsi-chai) and Li Kung, his disciple. The Philosophy. Princeton, NJ: Princeton
Yen-Li School represented a trend University Press, 1969.
toward the shih-hsüeh, or practical de Bary, Wm. Theodore, Wing-tsit Chan,
learning. It differed fundamentally from and Burton Watson, comps. Sources
the abstract Sung-hsüeh, or Sung learn- of Chinese Tradition. New York:
ing, and the textual oriented Han- Columbia University Press, 1960.
hsüeh, or Han learning, during the Hummel, Arthur W., ed. Eminent
Ch’ing period. Here the focus was upon Chinese of the Ch’ing Period (1644–
the traditional Six Arts of rites, music, 1912). 2 vols. Taipei, Taiwan: SMC,
archery, charioteering, calligraphy, and 1991.
mathematics, which were regarded by Tu Wei-ming. “Yen Yüan: From Inner
Li Kung as the means for self-cultivation Experience to Lived Concreteness.”
and governance. Great attention was The Unfolding of Neo-Confucianism.
also paid to economics, and the military Edited by Wm. Theodore de Bary.
system, as well as irrigation. Politically, New York: Columbia University
to the contrary of classical Confucian Press, 1975.
ideal, the school advocated harsh pun-
ishments and severe laws.
717
Yen-shih chia-hsün
718
Yin/yang
Gale, Esson M., trans. Discourses on Salt Elman, Benjamin A. From Philosophy to
and Iron: A Debate on State Control Philology: Intellectual and Social
of Commerce and Industry in Aspects of Change in Late Imperial
Ancient China, Chapters I-XXVIII. China. Los Angeles, CA: UCLA Asian
Leiden, Netherlands: E.J. Brill Ltd., Pacific Monograph Series, 2001.
1931. Hummel, Arthur W., ed. Eminent
Loewe, Michael, ed. Early Chinese Texts: Chinese of the Ch’ing Period (1644–
A Bibliographical Guide. Early 1912). 2 vols. Taipei, Taiwan: SMC,
China Special Monograph Series, 1991.
no. 2. Berkeley, CA: Institute of East
Asian Studies, 1994.
Yin/yang
One of the most central concepts in
Yin Chinese thought, yin/yang has played a
See yin/yang. central role in the Chinese worldview
from antiquity to the present day. It is a
concept that spans all schools of
Ying-t’ang (Image Hall) Chinese philosophy as well as the major
An alternative name of chia-miao (fam- religions of the Chinese tradition. It has
ily temple). The ying-t’ang, or image been used over the centuries as a gener-
hall, also refers to the mourning hall al explanation of the structure and
inside the house, where portraits of functioning of the cosmos. Thus, it has
ancestors (tsu) are displayed for wor- become part of the general worldview
ship. The term is shared by Buddhism of the Chinese culture.
and Taoism to signify the place used for In addition, yin/yang has spread cul-
worshiping in a temple. See also hsiang turally throughout the sphere of influ-
(portrait or statue). ence of Chinese culture to become vir-
tually a universal concept throughout
Ebrey, Patricia Buckley, trans. Chu Hsi’s East Asia. Because of the spread of East
Family Rituals: A Twelfth-Century Asian culture worldwide, yin/yang has
Chinese Manual for the Performance also become a symbol known through-
of Cappings, Weddings, Funerals, out the world. Its common form, a circle
and Ancestral Rites. Princeton, NJ: with an “s” shape dividing the circle into
Princeton University Press, 1991. yin and yang, is as well known today as
any symbol in the world.
Yin-hsüeh wu-shu The origins of the concept of
Major writing by Ku Yen-wu, the Yin- yin/yang are lost to antiquity. The terms
hsüeh wu-shu, or Five Books on themselves, while today carrying a
Phonology, was printed in 1667. It illus- number of separate meanings, seem to
trated the new direction of Confucianism refer originally to natural phenomena,
during the early Ch’ing dynasty. Instead specifically the play of sun and shadow
of studying the standard categories of on a hillside. Yang refers to the sunlight
abstract thought developed by the Neo- side of the hill, yin to the side of the hill
Confucians during the Sung dynasty in shadow. From these meanings, a vast
and Ming dynasty, Ku wanted to return set of correlations and complementary
Confucian scholarship to the textual meanings for the two terms have
focus of the Han dynasty. With studies developed.
on the rhymes in the Shih ching or Book At the outset, it is important to
of Poetry and the I ching or Book of understand that even in their original
Changes, the work became a standard of meaning, the terms yin and yang appear
the Han-hsüeh, or Han learning. to refer to a single phenomenon with
opposite but complementary forces or
719
Yin/yang
yin/yang and the Five Elements. He is not, identify both the origins and the moral
however, affiliated with Confucianism underpinnings of the universe. At the
nor any school other than yin/yang center of these metaphysical theories
and the Five Elements. Tsou’s biography lay the theories of yin/yang and the Five
suggests that he propounded both Elements. Chou Tun-i describes the
theories, however, no works remain generation of yin and yang from the
representing his theories. t’ai-chi (Great Ultimate). The Five
The yin/yang theory and the Five Elements, in turn, are produced from
Elements do not have any inherent ties yin/yang. From these come the myriad
to the Confucian school. Both theories things of the world, including humankind
received wide acclaim across the range and its capacity for moral reflection.
of religious and philosophical traditions Whatever thinker one might turn to in
of China as well as East Asia. Both theo- the later tradition of Neo-Confucianism,
ries, however, also become extremely there is virtually all relied upon and
important within the context of the built from this basic metaphysical
Confucian school and probably reach system set in place by Chou Tun-i,
their highest development in the later which sees yin/yang and the Five
Confucian tradition because of the cen- Elements as the basic building blocks
tral role they play in the formulation of explaining the nature of things and pro-
later Confucian metaphysics. viding a foundation for understanding
During the Han dynasty, the applica- the underlying moral structure of the
tion of the cosmology and metaphysics, universe itself. Chu Hsi, for instance,
particularly as represented by the Five has identified Chou’s t’ai-chi with
Elements, was applied to an even larger Principle (li).
sweep of phenomena, including colors,
tastes, smells, tones, sacrifices, direc- Chan, Wing-tsit, trans. and comp.
tions, times, social relationships, inter- A Source Book in Chinese
nal organs, and so on. It was also Philosophy. Princeton, NJ: Princeton
applied to the theory of history, sug- University Press, 1969.
gesting that history progressed in an
orderly fashion and reflected these larg-
er structures of meaning. The philo- Yi Yin
sophical commentaries of the I ching (c. 1891–1820 B.C.E.) Yi Yin is associated
attempted to project the two theories as with both King Chieh, the last ruler of
an explanation of the world and its his- the Hsia dynasty, and King T’ang, the
tory. The commentaries of the I ching founder of the Shang dynasty. He is
were a critical component in the later praised highly in Confucian literature as
Confucian tradition. a minister willing to serve in adversity
Tung Chung-shu was also instru- rather than retire. He was considered
mental in incorporating the yin/yang instrumental in assisting T’ang in the
and the Five Elements theories into defeat of Chieh and the establishment of
Confucian discourse. This provided a the Shang dynasty. Mencius regarded Yi
basis for yin/yang to become affiliated Yin with high esteem, a man who saw
with the raising of moral issues and his duty in the establishment of right-
social order to a cosmological and eous rule under T’ang. Mencius con-
metaphysical level. Since then, yin and trasted Yi Yin with the two sons of Lord
yang have been related to evil and Ku-chu, Po-i and Shu-ch’i, who retired
good—hsing (punishment or criminal from office rather than serve during
law) and te (virtue), respectively. times of chaos or adversity. Yi Yin, Po-i,
Such speculation became the foun- and Shu-ch’i are honored by Confucians
dation for the Neo-Confucian tradition as examples of men with virtuous
as it developed a highly sophisticated behavior, but they are regarded as
metaphysical system that sought to contrasting models of virtue, and thus,
722
Yi Yin
Yi Yin, an example of a good minister, is known for persuading King T’ang to overthrow the
tyrant Chieh by speaking on cookery (notice the pot on his shoulder).
represent two forms of behavior that China. Scholars have long debated
a worthy Confucian might chose for whether it is a Confucian discourse or a
himself when faced with similar issues. Taoist writing. It contains both the
The Lü-shih ch’un-ch’iu (Spring and Confucian ideal of sage kings and virtu-
Autumn Annals of Mr. Lü) contains a ous statesmen and the Taoist practices
chapter on Yi Yin’s mythic birth in a of fire alchemy and food symbolism.
banyan tree and his lengthy speech See also tree symbolism.
delivered to T’ang. Yi Yin’s persuasion
made use of his culinary knowledge of Birrell, Anne. Chinese Mythology: An
control over fire as a trope for statecraft Introduction. Baltimore, MD: Johns
and a list of food resources from various Hopkins University Press, 1999.
reigions containing hidden messages Choy, Howard Y. F. “Political Gastronomy:
that mapped out a complete military The ‘Benwei’ (Basic Flavors) Chapter
plan for conquering a vast territory of in the Lüshi chun qiu (Spring and
723
Yü (Desire)
Autumn Annals of Mr. Lü).” Paper however, centered around the issue of
read at American Oriental Society hsing or human nature, from which the
Western Branch Meeting, Nov. 3-4, problem of evil arose. The source of evil
1995, at University of California, Los is sometimes associated with ch’ing
Angeles. (emotions or feelings), but more often
Knoblock, John, and Jeffrey Riegel, trans. with ch’i (vitality) understood as mater-
The Annals of Lü Buwei. Stanford, ial force.
CA: Stanford University Press, 2000. Desire has never been identified as
Lau, D. C., trans. Mencius. Harmondsworth, the source of evil. It becomes a problem
England: Penguin Books, 1970. only if it is exercised in excess because
Legge, James, trans. The Chinese of the level of material force involved.
Classics. Vol. 3, The Shoo King or the Such excessiveness is described by most
Book of Historical Documents. Hong Neo-Confucians as selfish desires—
Kong: London Missionary Society, desires motivated not by moral good-
n.d.; Reprint (as vol. 2), Taipei, ness, but personal acquisition. Chu Hsi
Taiwan: SMC, 1994. distinguishes yü from jen-yü (human
desires), defining yü as proper material
demands for basic needs in human life
Yü (Desire) and jen-yü as extravagance. Eating one’s
Yü, or desire, is not seen as a problem fill and drinking to quench one’s thirst,
throughout most of the Confucian tra- for example, are desires indispensable
dition so long as there is moderation in to life and conforming to T’ien-li
its expression and exercise. This view (Principle of Heaven), whereas the
of desire contrasts drastically with quest for delicacy is excessive human
Buddhism, which is largely based on desire. The use of the word jen or
the negative attitude toward human human here is derived from Chu Hsi’s
desires as one of the chief impediments distinction between Tao-hsin (heart-
to enlightenment for the individual. The mind of the Way) and jen-hsin (heart-
early Confucian Hsün-tzu suggests that mind of humanity), where the jen-hsin
desires cannot be eliminated but can be is regarded as a limitation of the full
kept under control. Mencius aptly cap- realization of the Way. It is in this sense
tures the Confucian point of view when that the Neo-Confucians set human
he suggests that kua-yü (reducing desires against Heavenly Principle and
desires) is the best way to nourish the advocate to preserve the Principle (li)
hsin (heart-mind) and a prerequisite to by ridding the individual of desires.
becoming a chün-tzu (noble person). Eliminating human desires and pre-
Lessening desires does not imply that serving Heavenly Principle are the only
desires in and of themselves are bad but means of emulating the sheng-jen
that they could become a problem when (sage), as stated in Wang Yang-ming’s
exercised in excess. From the Confucian work Ch’uan-hsi lu or Instructions for
perspective, life is good and abundant, as Practical Living. His contemporary, Lo
indicated by the phrase “sheng-sheng”or Ch’in-shun, however, insists that
“begetter of all begetting;” desires are a human desires stem from T’ien
natural part of such a life cycle. (Heaven) and thus are justifiable. He
Certain Neo-Confucian teachings and avers that there is nothing wrong with
forms of self-cultivation that emphasize desires as long as they are not in excess.
wu-yü (no desire) or desirelessness are Wang Fu-chih even asserts that
not traditional to Confucianism. It was in Heavenly Principle resides within selfish
later interaction with their opponents desires. This is followed by the Ch’ing
that the Confucians found their teachings dynasty Confucian Tai Chen, who
influenced by some Buddhist and Taoist includes not only Principle but also jen
features such as desirelessness and (humaneness), i (righteousness or
ching (quietude). Much discussion,
724
Yü (Desire)
King Yü, founder of the Hsia dynasty, is credited for the control of the flooding of the
Yellow River, an indication of his austerity and personal sacrifice.
725
Yü (King)
Layout of the Circular Mound Altar shows the Chinese conception of circular Heaven and square earth.
altar to Heaven, but additional offerings small fraction of the population. Thus,
were made to each of the other natural they needed the continual presence
forces. of native Chinese officials to run the
The emperor’s sacrifice at the Circular government and the control of the
Mound Altar represented part of a com- Chinese people by making use of native
plex of state ceremonies. Ceremonies Chinese culture.
carried out at the T’ien-t’an were some of When the Mongols arrived in China,
the most important within the state cult. their faith was based on Buddhism; soon
Because of the intimate link between the afterward, they had a newfound interest
Confucian school and the maintenance in Taoism. Confucianism played a small
of the state cult, Confucians were role were it not for the sake of ruling.
involved in advising on all matters of Genghis Khan appointed Yeh-lü Ch’u-
detail of ritual performance. ts’ai as his advisor. Yeh-lü, although of
Khitan ancestry, followed the Confucian
Wheatley, Paul. The Pivot of the Four tradition. With this appointment, Genghis
Quarters: A Preliminary Enquiry into Khan acknowledged the importance of
the Origins and Character of the Confucianism in the formation of the
Ancient Chinese City. Chicago, IL: Mongol government.
Aldine, 1971. Yeh-lü offered a trial of the civil ser-
vice examinations in 1237. Confucians
were exempt from corvée (forced labor)
Yüan Dynasty so that they could serve the new empire
(1260–1368) A Mongol regime established in an official capacity. The Mongols
by Kublai Khan, the grandson of Genghis eventually adopted the civil service exam-
Khan. As foreign rulers, the Mongols rec- inations system in 1313. The textbooks
ognized that they represented only a they used were the Ch’eng-Chu School’s
727
Yüan Dynasty
Kublai Khan, founder of the Yüan dynasty, conquered the Sung dynasty and
established Yen-ching (modern Peking) as the new capital of China.
the emperors, which meant not only Buddhism seriously, but his model for
instruction in government, but also cul- interpretation tended to be Confucian.
tivation in moral leadership. By 1313 According to intellectual historian Wm.
Neo-Confucianism was arguably a form Theodore de Bary, Yüan was influenced
of state ideology when the civil service by Wang Chi and thus, used the teach-
examinations were carried out on the ings of Wang Yang-ming as his intellec-
base of the commentaries of the Sung tual framework. Yüan’s practice of self-
Neo-Confucians. cultivation was deeply rooted in all
In many respects, the Yüan period three traditions. He employed the shan-
represented a critical phase in the evolu- shu (morality book), as well as the
tion of the Confucian tradition, even kung-kuo ko (ledgers of merit and
though it is one of foreign domination in demerit) to promote moral acts, sug-
China. It was during this epoch that the gesting that sagehood was to be mea-
newly developed Neo-Confucianism sured by acts of the common person,
began to be accepted as orthodoxy. not elite endeavors.
Yüan ju
Yüan Huang Two works bearing the title Yüan ju or
(1533–1606) Neo-Confucian of the Ming Tracing the ju, were produced in the
dynasty; also known as Yüan K’un-i and twentieth century: one by Chang Ping-
Yüan Liao-fan. Yüan Huang was a native lin and the other by Hsiung Shih-li.
of Chekiang province. He devoted his Chang’s Yüan ju, translated by intellec-
early life to the study of Taoism. Yüan tual historian Lionel M. Jensen as The
followed a Taoist for some twenty years, Etiology of Ru [Ju], was published in
believing in the Taoist’s prophecy that 1910. The article defines ju in three
he would fail the civil service examina- ways, namely, those who were special-
tions. Later, Yüan came under the influ- ized in early mythological and magical
ence of the Zen Buddhist Yün-ku, who skills, such as praying and dancing for
taught him to ignore the prophecy and rain; those who were versed in the Six
work for his goals. Yüan finally attained Arts of rites, music, archery, charioteer-
the chin-shih examination and ing, calligraphy, and mathematics; and
received the Metropolitan Graduate those who regarded Confucius as their
degree in 1586. He was proficient in Master and put jen (humaneness) and i
medicine, astronomy, divination, and (righteousness or rightness) into prac-
water conservancy. tice. Chang lamented, for his contem-
Yüan Huang was an advocate and porary Confucians’ undertakings were
practician of the syncretic san chiao ho- in the narrow scope the classics alone.
i, or the unity of the three teachings or Obviously, his ideal ju should be an all-
religions. He studied both Taoism and round Confucian.
729
Yüan Ssu
Hsiung Shih-li’s Yüan ju, translated Lau, D. C., trans. The Analects (Lun yü).
by philosopher and Confucian scholar New York: Penguin Books, 1979.
Wing-tsit Chan as An Inquiry on
Confucianism, was written in 1954 and
published two years later in Shanghai. Yüan Tao
Consisting of four chapters, it traces the There are two major essays titled “Yüan
origin and development of the Tao” or “Tracing the Way,” one written
Confucian school, comparing it with by the T’ang dynasty Confucian Han
Buddhism and Taoism. Hsiung focused Yü, another by the Ch’ing dynasty
on the Confucian agenda of nei-sheng Confucian Chang Hsüeh-ch’eng. The
wai-wang (sage within, king without), “Yüan Tao” written by Han Yü focuses
reaffirming the centrality of the Six upon restoring the Confucian Tao
Classics in Confucius’ sheng-hsüeh, or (Way), criticizing the ways of Buddhism
the learning of the sages. The book is and Taoism that prevailed during his
also a study of the complementarity time. While the former is defined in
between the Tao (Way) and the ch’i terms of the virtues of jen (humane-
(utensils), T’ien (Heaven) and jen ness) and i (righteousness or right-
(human), the hsin (heart-mind) and ness), the latter is reproved for being
things, chih (knowledge or knowing) destructive of moral principles and
and hsing (action), and Principle (li) human relationships.
and yü (desire). See also chih hsing ho- Han’s “Yüan Tao” also represents a
i and ching (classic). Confucian Tao-t’ung or tradition of the
Way, an orthodox lineage beginning
Chan, Wing-tsit, trans. and comp. A with the teachings of Yao, Shun and Yü
Source Book in Chinese Philosophy. (the Three Sage Kings) from whom the
Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Way was transmitted to King Wen and
Press, 1969. King Wu, as well as the Duke of Chou,
Choy, Howard Y. F. “Did Confucius Take (the founders of the Chou dynasty);
Showers? An Etymological Trace of from the Duke of Chou, it was passed on
ru.” Paper read at American to Confucius and then to Mencius. It
Oriental Society Western Branch was suspended after Mencius and thus
Meeting, Oct. 10-12, 1997, at was in need of restoration, the task to
University of Colorado, Boulder. which Han Yü posed himself. Based on
Hsiao, Kung-chuan. A History of Chinese the ideas from the “Great Learning”
Political Thought. Translated by F. (“Ta-hsüeh”) and the Lun yü (Analects),
W. Mote. Princeton, NJ: Princeton the writing was highly praised by mem-
University Press, 1979. bers of the Ch’eng-Chu School of Neo-
Confucianism during the Sung dynasty.
Chang Hsüeh-ch’eng’s “Yüan Tao,”
Yüan Ssu written in 1789, emphasized that the
(b. 515 B.C.E.) One of Confucius’ disci- Way is the order of all matters and
ples; also known as Yüan Hsien. Yüan Ssu things, that it resides in the ch’i (uten-
is considered one of the minor disciples sils). Historian David S. Nivison pointed
of the twenty-five disciples of Confucius out that the work was also a study of the
listed in the Lun yü (Analects). He has no role of an intellectual as an individual
recorded saying nor questions of and his relation with state authority as
Confucius. The only reference to him is well as tradition.
when he is hired as Confucius’ steward
and refuses to accept grain that Fung Yu-lan. A History of Chinese
Confucius wishes to give him. Confucius Philosophy. Translated by Derk
expresses the opinion that he could have Bodde. 2 vols. Princeton, NJ:
distributed it for others’ use. Princeton University Press, 1983.
730
Yü Chi
Yü Chi gave lectures on the Confucian classics in both Mongolian and Chinese.
Nivison, David S. The Life and Thought province, where Wu Yü-pi appeared half of
of Chang Hsüeh-ch’eng (1738-1801). a century later. Spending his life as a schol-
Stanford, CA: Stanford University ar-official, Yü was recommended as an
Press, 1966. Instructor in a Confucian school around
1300 and was soon promoted to kuo-tzu
po-shih, or Erudite of the national univer-
Yü Chi sity. He was assigned the post of Senior
(1272–1348) A follower of Wu Ch’eng dur- Compiler in the chi-hsien yüan (Academy
ing the Yüan dynasty; also called Yü Po- of Assembled Worthies) during the 1310s.
sheng or Yü Shao-an. Yü Chi was a native In 1324 he accompanied the emperor to
of Ch’ung-jen County in today’s Kiangsi Inner Mongolia, where he gave lectures on
731
Yüeh
732
Yüeh chi
punishments keep people from com- within the person the perfection of har-
mitting offenses. At first, laws and pun- mony, while ritual is responsible for
ishments seem out of place in the dis- external relationships with others
cussion, but the form of Confucianism through propriety.
that is the basis for this chapter is a far The “Yüeh chi” is an important
more strident expression of reacting to Confucian text. Although the “Yüeh chi”
the continued and increased chaotic never achieved the stature of the “Great
conditions of the Eastern Chou dynasty Learning” (“Ta-hsüeh”) or the “Chung
and its collapse into the Warring States. yung” (“Doctrine of the Mean”), its rep-
References to laws and punishments utation as an exposition on the
are normally associated with the school Confucian understanding of music and
of thought known as Legalism, or the relationship between music and rit-
fa-chia, rather than Confucianism. ual made Confucians regard it with spe-
However, this chapter shows the close cial attention. This is evident by the
connection between the two, particularly citations of the chapter in the “Great
in terms of the teachings of Hsün-tzu, Preface” to the Shih ching or Book of
which is the form of Confucian teaching Poetry and Ssu-ma Ch’ien’s work Shih
most representative of the work. In fact, chi (Records of the Historian).
over one-third of the extant “Yüeh chi”
originated in the Hsün-tzu. Legge, James, trans. The Sacred Books of
Music itself is seen primarily as an China: The Texts of Confucianism.
instrument for the creation of order. Vols. 3 & 4, The Li Ki. Delhi, India:
Ancient music was the object of this Motilal Banarsidass, 1966.
cultivation—music purportedly associ-
ated with the sage kings, rather than
contemporary music of the day. It was Yüeh ching
the ancient music and only the ancient The fourth of the Six Classics according
music that corresponded to the teach- to traditional accounts is the Yüeh ching
ings of the sages, or more specifically, or Book of Music. In early Confucianism,
to embody their moral character. music is related to the virtue of ho, har-
Contemporary music was brandished mony. However, no work by this title is
as licentious and corrupt. This condem- extant, reducing the Six Classics to Five
nation of the contemporary music and Classics from the Han dynasty on.
praise of ancient music becomes the While the ku-wen chia (Old Text
basis for several rulers to suggest to School) believes that the book has
Confucian teachers that the rulers are become lost as a result of “burning of
unable to follow the ways of the the books” in the Ch’in dynasty, the
ancients in part because they are only chin-wen chia (New Text School) argues
fond of contemporary music! that the “book” of music is not a sepa-
In addition to the discussion of rate text, but has to be traced to the
music playing a role in the establish- Shih ching or Book of Poetry and be
ment of order in the world, there are found in the Li chi or Records of Rites. A
also discussions of music as possessing chapter from the Li chi by the name of
deep and profound meaning, a kind of “Yüeh chi” or “Records of Music,” for
philosophy of music. At this level, music example, is regarded as a remaining
was said to represent the harmony of fragment of the Yüeh ching. Yet there is
Heaven and Earth and the manifesta- no convincing evidence to connect the
tion of te (virtue). Always paralleled two except their common use of the
with ritual, music represents harmony, word “music” in their titles.
while ritual represents distinction. In
turn, it is suggested that music trans- Fung Yu-lan. A History of Chinese
forms the person inwardly, whereas rit- Philosophy. Translated by Derk
ual is the occasion for transformation of Bodde. 2 vols. Princeton, NJ:
the external self. Thus, music creates Princeton University Press, 1983.
734
Yüeh-lu shu-yüan
School was opposed to both the li- the transmission of Confucius’ teach-
hsüeh (School of Principle or learning ings after the death of the master. Most
of Principle) of Chu Hsi and the hsin- of the group of five disciples are gener-
hsüeh (School of Heart-Mind) of Lu ally regarded as joining the circle of
Chiu-yüan. Confucius and his disciples late in
Confucius’ career. Among the twenty-
five disciples named in the Lun yü
Yu Tso (Analects), Yu-tzu is one of four disci-
(1053–1123) A scholar of the Northern ples for whom the title tzu or “master” is
Sung dynasty; also known as Yu Ting-fu used. In the case of Yu-tzu, unlike sever-
and Yu Chien-shan. Yu Tso was a major al of the other disciples, the title is used
disciple of Ch’eng Hao and Ch’eng I. He constantly. The use of tzu suggests a fig-
was considered one of the Four Masters ure of high stature as a teacher.
of the Ch’eng School, along with Yang Scholars believe that Yu-tzu pos-
Shih, Lü Ta-lin, and Hsieh Liang-tso. sessed a character of high stature,
He passed the chin-shih examination which is attested to by the position he
and received the Metropolitan Graduate held in the group of five disciples who
degree in 1083; he held various posi- passed on the teaching of Confucius. A
tions, including po-shih (Erudite) at the reference found in the Book of Mencius
t’ai-hsüeh (National University). His suggests that after Confucius died, Tzu-
works include studies of the I ching or hsia, Tzu-chang, and Tzu-yu all wanted
Book of Changes, the “Chung yung” to serve Yu-tzu as the successor of
(“Doctrine of the Mean”), the Lun yü Confucius. Other references suggest Yu-
(Analects), the Book of Mencius, and tzu, of all the disciples, most physically
the Shih ching or Book of Poetry. He resembled the master himself.
regarded the I ching, in particular, as a In the passages where Yu-tzu’s say-
book covering Heaven and earth, as well ings are recorded, he speaks in an elo-
as the human heart-mind. quent and authoritarian style on a range
Being a Neo-Confucian, Yu Tso was of Confucian virtues. In one passage, he
also active in the circle of Chan or Zen states that if a man is a good son and a
Buddhists. He highly praised the Chan fraternal brother, he will not transgress
teachings and suggested that only after against his superiors. This is regarded as
reading the Buddhist texts could one be attention to the “roots” from which jen
qualified for comparing and contrasting (humaneness) is derived. He reaffirms
Confucianism with Buddhism. For this the importance of li (propriety or rites),
reason, according to the Sung Yüan suggesting that it is the basis of harmo-
hsüeh-an or Records of Learning in Sung ny in the world and the way of the for-
and Yüan, he was condemned by the mer kings. And as a general statement,
Neo-Confucian Hu Hung (Jen-chung). one must be truthful in declaration, as
See also hsin (heart-mind). well as respectful and honoring of pro-
priety. As literary scholar D. C. Lau
Franke, Herbert, ed. Sung Biographies. observes, Yu-tzu is unique in being the
2 vols. Wiesbaden, Germany: only disciple who has his own sayings in
Steiner, 1976. the Analects, yet never poses a question
to Confucius. This suggests his recog-
Yu-tzu nized stature as an independent, yet
(b. 538 B.C.E.) A direct disciple of thoroughly Confucian thinker. See also
Confucius and a native of the state of Confucius’ disciples and Mencius.
Lu; also known as Yu Jo. Yu-tzu was
regarded as one of a group of five disci- Lau, D. C., trans. The Analects (Lun yü).
ples said to be chiefly responsible for New York: Penguin Books, 1979.
738
Zazen
Z
Yü Yüeh
(1821–1907) Scholar of the Late Ch’ing
dynasty; also known as Yü Yin-fu and Yü
Ch’ü-yüan. Yü Yüeh was a native of
Chekiang province. He passed the chin-
shih examination and received the
Metropolitan Graduate examination in
1850; he was appointed to the Hanlin
Academy as Bachelor and Junior
Compiler before becoming a Provincial
Education Commissioner in Honan in Zazen
1855. He was dismissed from office two Japanese pronunciation of the Chinese
years later and then taught at various tso-ch’an, or sitting in meditation. See
shu-yüan academies. In particular, he tso-ch’an.
studied the Ku-ching ching-she or
Refined Study for the Explication of the
Classics, for more than thirty years.
Throughout most of his life, Yü Yüeh
delved into the k’ao-cheng hsüeh, or
textual criticism. In the light of Wang
Nien-sun and Wang Yin-chih’s scholar-
ship, he stressed the importance of
philology and collation in understand-
ing the Confucian classics. His writings,
including notes to the classical and
philosophical texts, are regarded as rep-
resentative works of the late Ch’ien-
Chia School. See also han-lin yüan
(Academy of Assembled Brushes) and
shu-yüan academy.
739
Chronology of Chinese Dynasties
740
Romanization Conversion Tables
a a chang zhang
ai ai chao zhao
an an che zhe
ang ang chei zhei
ao ao chen zhen
cheng zheng
ch’a cha chi ji
ch’ai chai chia jia
ch’an chan chiang jiang
ch’ang chang chiao jiao
ch’ao chao chieh jie
ch’e che chien jian
ch’en chen chih zhi
ch’eng cheng chin jin
ch’i qi ching jing
ch’ia qia chiu qiu
ch’iang qiang chiung jiong
ch’iao qiao cho zhuo
ch’ieh qie chou zhou
ch’ien qian chu zhu
ch’ih chi chü ju
ch’in qin chua zhua
ch’ing qing chuai zhuai
ch’iu qiu chuan zhuan
ch’iung qiong chüan juan
ch’o chuo chuang zhuang
ch’ou chou chüeh jue
ch’u chu chui zhui
ch’ü qu chun zhun
ch’ua chua chün jun
ch’uai chuai chung zhong
ch’uan chuan
ch’üan quan eh e
ch’uang chuang ei ei
ch’üeh que en en
ch’ui chui eng eng
ch’un chun erh er
ch’ün qun
ch’ung chong fa fa
cha zha fan fan
chai zhai fang fang
chan zhan fei fei 741
Wade-Giles Pinyin Wade-Giles Pinyin
a a chou ch’ou
ai ai chu ch’u
an an chua ch’ua
ang ang chuai ch’uai
ao ao chuan ch’uan
chuang ch’uang
ba pa chui ch’ui
bai pai chun ch’un
ban pan chuo ch’uo
bang pang ci tz’u
bao pao cong ts’ung
bei pei cou ts’ou
ben pen cu ts’u
beng peng cuan ts’uan
bi pi cui ts’ui
bian pien cun ts’un
biao piao cuo ts’o
bie pieh
bin pin da ta
bing ping dai tai
bo po dan tan
bu pu dang tang
dao tao
ca ts’a de te
cai ts’ai dei tei
can ts’an den ten
cang ts’ang deng teng
cao ts’ao di ti
ce ts’e dia tia
cen ts’en dian tien
ceng ts’eng diao tiao
cha ch’a die tieh
chai ch’ai ding ting
chan ch’an diu tiu
chang ch’ang dong tung
chao ch’ao dou tou
che ch’e du tu
chen ch’en duan tuan
cheng ch’eng dui tui
chi ch’ih dun tun
chong ch’ung duo to
746
Pinyin Wade-Giles Pinyin Wade-Giles
General Terms
examination) 解試 ching-hsüeh 經學
Chieh-tzu t’ung-lu 戒子通錄 ching i chih nei 敬以直內
chien-ai 兼愛 ching-kua 經卦
chien-ku 建鼓 ching-she 精舍
chih (knowing/experiencing) 知 ching-shu 經書
chih (raw material) 質 Ching-shu tzu-i 經書字義
chih (upright) 直 Ching-shuo 經說
chih (will) 志 ching-t’ien 井田
chih (wisdom) 智 ching-tso 靜坐
chih-chiang 直講 ching-yen 經筵
chih-chih (extension of knowledge) chiu ching 九經
致知 chiu-ching ch’u-shen 九經出身
chih-chih (knowing where to rest) Chiu-ching chieh 九經解
知止 Chiu-ching yao-i 九經要義
chih-hsin chih shu 治心之術 Chou 周
chih-hsin chih tao 治心之道 chou-hsüeh 州學
chih hsing ho-i 知行合一 Chou i 周易
chih-hsiu 止修 Chou i shu 周易述
chih-ku 植鼓 Chou i wai-chuan 周易外傳
chih-kuo 治國 Chou kuan 周官
chih liang-chih 致良知 Chou kuan hsin-i 周官新義
chih-sheng 至聖 Chou li 周禮
Chih-sheng Hsien-shih 至聖先師 Chou Lien-hsi chi 周濂溪集
Chih-sheng Wen-hsüan Wang 至聖 Chou-tzu ch’üan-shu 周子全書
文宣王 Chou Yüan-kung chi 周元公集
chih-ts’e 質測 chu (prayer-master) 祝
Chin 晉 chu (resounding box) 柷
chin (ch’i) hsin 盡(其)心 chu-ching 主靜
chin-chi 盡己 chu-ju 諸儒
Chin-hsi-tzu chi 近溪子集 chu-k’o 諸科
Chin-hsi-tzu wen-chi 近溪子文集 Chu-tzu ch’üan-shu 朱子全書
chin-hsing 盡性 Chu-tzu i-shu 朱子遺書
chin-sheng yü-chen 金聲玉振 Chu-tzu ta-ch’üan 朱子大全
chin-shih 進士 Chu-tzu wen-chi 朱子文集
Chin-ssu lu 近思錄 Chu-tzu yü-lei 朱子語類
Chin-tai wei-hsin-lun chien-shih Chu-tzu yü-lei chi-lüeh 朱子語類輯
近代唯心論簡釋 略
chin-wen 今文 chu-wen 祝文
chin-wen chia 今文家 Chu Wen-kung chi 朱文公集
ching (classic) 經 chü-ching 居敬
ching (quietude) 靜 chü-ching ch’iung-li 居敬窮理
ching (reverence/seriousness) 敬 chü-jen 舉人
Ching-chi tsuan-ku 經籍纂詁 Chuang-tzu 莊子
Ching-chieh 經解 chün-tzu 君子
752
Glossary of Chinese Characters
chung (loyalty) 忠 ho 和
chung (mean) 中 Ho t’u 河圖
chung (people) 眾 Honan Ch’eng-shih i-shu 河南程氏
Chung ching 忠經 遺書
chung-jen 眾人 Honan Ch’eng-shih wai-shu 河南程
Chung-kuo che-hsüeh shih 中國哲 氏外書
學史 Hou Han shu 後漢書
Chung-kuo wen-hua yü shih-chieh hsi (happiness) 喜
中國文化與世界 hsi (practice) 習
chung-ssu 中祀 Hsi-hsien lu 希賢錄
Chung yung 中庸 Hsi-ming 西銘
Chung yung chang-chü 中庸章句 Hsi-ming chieh-i 西銘解義
Chung yung chih-chieh 中庸直解 Hsi-sheng chieh 希聖解
Chung yung huo-wen 中庸或問 Hsi-tz’u chuan 繫辭傳
Eh-hu chih hui 鵝湖之會 Hsia 夏
Erh Ch’eng ch’üan-shu 二程全書 hsiang (image) 象
Erh Ch’eng hsien-sheng lei-yü 二程 hsiang (portrait/statue) 像
先生類語 Hsiang chuan 象傳
fa 法 Hsiang-shan (hsien-sheng) ch’üan-
fa-chia 法家 chi 象山(先生)全集
Fa yen 法言 hsiang-shih 鄉試
Fang chi 坊記 hsiang-shu 象數
Fen shu 焚書 hsiang-yin-chiu 鄉飲酒
fen-shu 焚書 hsiang-yüeh 鄉約
feng (air) 風 hsiao 孝
feng (sacrifice on marchmount) 封 Hsiao ching 孝經
feng-shui 風水 hsiao-hsüeh 小學
fu (bat) 蝠 Hsiao-hsüeh ta-i 小學大義
fu (blessing) 福 hsiao-jen 小人
fu (return) 復 hsiao-k’ang 小康
fu hsing 復性 hsiao-lao 小牢
Fu hsing shu 復性書 hsien-hsien 先賢
fu-ku 復古 hsien-hsüeh 縣學
fu-sang 扶桑 hsien-ju 先儒
Han 漢 hsien-sheng (sage of antiquity) 先聖
Han chi 漢紀 hsien-sheng (teacher) 先生
Han Fei-tzu 韓非子 hsien-sheng miao 先聖廟
Han-hsüeh (p’ai) 漢學(派) hsien-shih 先師
Han-hsüeh shang-tui 漢學商兌 Hsien-shih Ni-fu 先師尼父
Han-lin yüan 翰林院 Hsien T’ien t’u 先天圖
Han-shih wai-chuan 韓詩外傳 Hsin 新
Han shu 漢書 hsin (faithfulness) 信
hao-jan chih ch’i 浩然之氣 hsin (heart-mind) 心
Heng-ch’ü wen-chi 橫渠文集 Hsin ch’ing-nien 新青年
753
Glossary of Chinese Characters
shih-ching 石經 ssu-tuan 四端
Shih-ch’ü ko 石渠閣 Ssu-wen lu 思問錄
shih-erh ching 十二經 ssu-wu 四無
shih-fei chih hsin 是非之心 ssu-yü 私欲 慾
shih-hsüeh 實學 Sui 隋
Shih i 十翼 Sung 宋
Shih li 士禮 sung 頌
shih-liu tzu hsin-ch’uan 十六字心傳 Sung-ch’u san hsien-sheng 宋初三
shih-san ching 十三經 先生
Shih-san ching chu-shu 十三經注疏 Sung-hsüeh 宋學
Shih t’ung 史通 Sung-hsüeh yüan-yüan chi 宋學淵
shih-tien 釋 舍奠 源記
Shinto (J.) 神道 Sung Yüan hsüan-an 宋元學案
shou 壽 T’ai-ch’ang yin-ko li 太常因革禮
shou-lien 收斂 t’ai-chi 太極
shou-shih 收拾 T’ai-chi hsien T’ien chih t’u 太極先
Shu 蜀 天之圖
shu (empathy/reciprocity) 恕 T’ai-chi shu-yüan 太極書院
shu (number) 數 T’ai-chi t’u 太極圖
Shu chi chuan 書集傳 T’ai-chi t’u shuo 太極圖說
Shu ching 書經 t’ai-ho yüan-ch’i 太和元氣
shu-i 書儀 T’ai-hsüan (ching) 太玄(經)
shu-jen 庶人 t’ai-hsüeh 太 大學
shu t’u t’ung kuei 殊途同歸 t’ai-i 太一
shu-yüan 書院 T’ai-kung chia-chiao 太公家教
Shuo ju 說儒 t’ai-lao 太牢
Shuo kua (chuan) 說卦(傳) T’ai-p’ing yü-lan 太平御覽
Shuo-wen chieh-tzu 說文解字 T’ai-shang kan-ying p’ien 太上感應
ssu 思 篇
ssu chü chiao 四句教 T’ang 唐
Ssu-k’u ch’üan-shu 四庫全書 T’ang chien 唐鑒
ssu-men hsüeh 四門學 T’ang shih-ching 唐石經
ssu shu 四書 t’i 體
Ssu-shu (chang-chü) chi-chu 四書 t’i-jen 體認
(章句)集注 T’ien 天
Ssu-shu (hsing-li) tzu-i 四書(性理) t’ien-hsia 天下
字義 T’ien-jen ho-i 天人合一
Ssu-shu hsün-erh su-shuo 四書訓 T’ien-jen kan-ying 天人感應
兒俗說 T’ien-jen san ts’e 天人三策
Ssu-shu hsün-i 四書訓義 T’ien-kuan 天官
Ssu-shu shan-cheng 四書刪正 T’ien-li 天理
Ssu-shu shih-ti 四書釋地 T’ien-ming 天命
Ssu-shu t’u-shuo 四書圖說 T’ien-ming chih hsing 天命之性
Ssu-shu ta-ch’üan 四書大全 T’ien-t’an 天壇
758
Glossary of Chinese Characters
Personal Terms
Geographical Terms
An-yang 安陽 Lan-t’ien 藍田
Anhwei (An-hui) 安徽 Liang 梁
Ch’ang-an 長安 Lo-yang 洛陽
Ch’ang-chou 常州 Lu 魯
Ch’ang-sha 長沙 Lu-shan 廬山
Ch’eng-tu 成都 Mao-shan 茅山
Ch’i 齊 Min 閩
Ch’in 秦 Nan-chung 南中
Ch’u 楚 Nan-k’ang 南康
Ch’u-chung 楚中 Nanking (Nan-ching) 南京
Ch’ü-fu 曲阜 Ni-ch’iu 尼丘
Ch’ung-jen 崇仁 Pai-lu-tung 白鹿洞
Che-chung 浙中 Pai-sha 白沙
Che-tung 浙東 Peking (Pei-ching) 北京
Chekiang (Che-chiang) 浙江 San-yüan 三原
Chi-hsia 稷下 Shanghai 上海
Chi-shan 蕺山 Shansi (Shan-hsi) 山西
Chiang-yu 江右 Shantung 山東
Chihli 直隸 Shensi (Shan-hsi) 陝西
Chin-hua 金華 Shih-ku 石鼓
Chung-tu 中都 Sung 宋
Fukien (Fu-chien) 福建 Sung-shan 嵩山
Hangchow (Hang-chou) 杭州 Sung-yang 嵩陽
Ho-tung 河東 Szechwan (Ssu-ch’uan) 四川
Honan 河南 T’ai-chou 泰州
Hong Kong 香港 T’ai-shan 泰山
Hopeh (Ho-pei) 河北 T’ien-ch’üan 天泉
Hsien-yang 咸陽 T’ien-t’ai 天台
Hsüeh 薛 T’ung-ch’eng 桐城
Hu-Hsiang 湖湘 Tsou 鄒
Hu-Kwang (Hu-Kuang) 湖廣 Wan 皖
Huai-nan 淮南 Waseda (J.) 早稻田
Hunan 湖南 Wei 衛
Hupeh (Hu-pei) 湖北 Wu 吳
K’ai-feng 開封 Wu-hsi 無錫
K’uai-chi 會稽 Yangchow (Yang-chou) 揚州
Kiangsi (Chiang-hsi) 江西 Yangtze 揚子
Kiangsu (Chiang-su) 江蘇 Yao-chiang 姚江
Kuan-chung 關中 Yen 燕
Kwangsi (Kuang-hsi) 廣西 Yen-ching 燕京
Kwangtung (Kuang-tung) 廣東 Ying-t’ien 應天
Kweichow (Kuei-chou) 貴州 Yü-yao 餘姚
773
Glossary of Chinese Characters
Yüeh 粵 Yung-k’ang 永康
Yüeh-lu 嶽麓 Yünnan 雲南
Yung-chia 永嘉
774
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Abbreviations:
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Ch’en Tu-hsiu 陳獨秀. Tu-hsiu wen-ts’un 獨秀文存. [Ho-fei]: An-hui jen-min
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shu-chü, 1982.
Ch’in Hui-t’ien 秦蕙田, comp. Wu-li t’ung-k’ao 五禮通考. 8 vols. SKCS edn.
Chang Chi-ch’eng 張其成, ed. I-hsüeh ta-tz’u-tien 易學大辭典. Peking: Hua-
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Chang Hsüeh-ch’eng 章學誠. Chang shih i-shu 章氏遺書. 1922. Peking: Wen-
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Chang Jung-ming 張榮明. Chung-kuo te kuo-chiao: Ts’ung shang-ku tao
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Chang Ping-lin 章炳麟. Chang T’ai-yen ch’üan-chi 章太炎全集. Shanghai:
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Chang Shan-wen 張善文, ed. Chou i tz’u-tien 周易辭典. Shanghai: Shanghai
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794
Index
795
ancestors (tsu), 4–5, 17, 61, 80, 104, authority, 8, 14, 18, 20, 39, 52, 83,
129, 149, 180, 191, 222, 224, 319, 87, 94, 103–104, 111, 121–122,
384, 408, 430, 435, 549, 603, 628, 129–130, 149, 155, 163, 167, 183,
646, 668, 671, 684, 686, 719. See 186–187, 205, 237, 376, 410–411,
also hun/p’o; kuei/shen; shen- 493, 502, 504, 512, 550, 552,
wei (tablet); worship 604–606, 610, 613, 615, 636,
ancestral cult. See ancestors (tsu) 652, 672. See also wu lun and
and tsu-miao (ancestral shrine) sheng or sheng-jen (sage)
ancestral shrine. See tsu-miao awakening. See wu (enlightenment)
(ancestral shrine) awe, 8–9, 182, 662. See also sheng
ancestral tablet. See shen-wei (tablet) or sheng-jen (sage)
ancestral temple. See tsu-miao axis mundi, 9, 18. See also
(ancestral shrine) sacred/profane
“Ancient Glosses on Nature and
Fate.” See “Hsing-ming ku-hsün” B
anima/animus, 5 Baird, Robert, 563–564
anthropomorphism, 5–6, 606. See Balanced Inquires. See Lun-heng
also sheng or sheng-jen (sage) banishment, 10, 39, 43, 66, 284,
anti-Confucianism. See May 331, 557. See also sheng or
Fourth Movement and Cultural sheng-jen (sage)
Revolution bat, 10, 146, 150
An-ting Hsien-sheng. See Hu Yüan before form/after form. See hsing-
apocrypha. See wei (apocrypha) erh-shang/hsing-erh-hsia
apophatic/kataphatic discourse, 6. begetter of all begetting. See sheng-
See also t’ai-chi (Great Ultimate) sheng
applied learning. See shih-hsüeh Bellah, Robert N., 438
apricot platform. See hsing-t’an benevolence. See jen (humaneness)
(apricot platform) be oneself. See tzu-te
aristocracy. See chün-tzu (noble Berling, Judith A., 388
person) Berthrong, John H., 442
articles for learning. See hsüeh- beyond. See transcendent
kuei (articles for learning) beyond good and evil. See wu-shan
artificial action. See wei (artificial wu-eh
action) Bible, 10, 83. See also sacred/profane
art of governing the heart-mind. and sheng or sheng-jen (sage)
See chih-hsin chih shu Biographies of Women. See Lieh nü
asceticism, 6, 182, 214, 319, 396, chuan (Biographies of Women)
399, 499, 698. See also k’o-chi Birge, Bettine, 685
fu-li and yü (desire) birthday of Confucius, 12, 214, 549
Assessment of the Han Learning. Blaze Emperor. See Shen Nung
See Han-hsüeh shang-tui Bokenkamp, Stephen, 183
astrology, 7–8, 404, 412, 456 Boodberg, Peter A., 34, 132, 139,
atonement, 8 311, 401
authenticity. See ch’eng (sincerity) Book of Changes. See I ching
796
Book of Documents. See Shu ching C
Book of Filial Piety. See Hsiao ching calligraphy, 2, 17, 144, 154, 178,
(Book of Filial Piety) 226, 262, 280, 361, 534, 677, 717,
Book of Filial Piety for Women. See 729. See also ching (classic) and
Nü hsiao-ching (Book of Filial sheng or sheng-jen (sage)
Piety for Women) calling back the soul. See chao hun
Book of Great Unity. See Ta - t’ung shu calmness. See ching (quietude)
Book of History. See Shu ching capacity of the good. See liang-neng
Book of Mencius, 12–13, 22, 29, 35, capping, 17, 60, 306, 529
57, 77, 80, 100, 130, 150, 154–155, Carsun Chang, See Chang Chün-mai
177, 186, 196, 208, 210, 212, 230, celebration. See capping; funeral;
238, 246, 252, 254, 267, 272, 276, shih-tien ceremony (Twice
282, 312, 317, 325, 328, 333, Yearly Confucian Ceremony)
350–352, 366, 371–372, 374, 387, celestial deity. See T’ien (Heaven)
410, 413, 416, 424–425, 428–430, centrality. See chung (mean)
453, 467–468, 482–483, 501, 505, ceremonial center, 1 8, 207, 437, 550
520, 545, 553, 565, 593, 600, 634, ceremonial or ceremony. See cap-
646, 652, 682, 689, 695, 702, 721, ping; funeral; I li; shih-tien cer-
732, 738 emony (Twice Yearly Confucian
Book of Music. See Yüeh ching Ceremony)
Book of Poetry. See Shih ching cha-chi, 18, 316, 363, 387, 660, 713,
Book of Rites. See Li chi 737
Book of Songs. See Shih ching ch’a-chü system, 18, 199, 257
A Book to Hide. See Ts’ang shu chai-kung (Fasting Palace), 18–19,
Boudoir Commandments. See Kuei 611. See also ch’i-nien tien (Hall
chieh of Prayer for the Year) and
Boudoir Four Books. See Nü ssu- yüan-ch’iu t’an (Circular
shu (Four Books for Women) Mound Altar)
Brief Explanation of Contemporary Chang, Carsun. See Chang Chün-
Idealism. See Chin-tai wei-hsin- mai
lun chien-shih Chang Ch’ih. See Chang Shih (Ch’ih)
Brière, O., 560 Chang Chih-tung, 19–20, 111, 446,
bronze bell rack (pien-chung), 15. 617, 651. See also han-lin yüan
See also chin-sheng yü-chen; (Academy of Assembled
music; stone chime rack (pien- Brushes); sheng or sheng-jen
ch’ing) (sage); shu-yüan academy;
“burden of culture,” 15–16, 339, 365 t’i/yung (substance/function)
“burning of the books,” 15, 16, 159, Chang Chi-jo. See Chang Er-ch’i
204, 207, 214, 318, 450, 552, 734. Chang Ching-an. See Chang Po-
See also New Text/Old Text hsing
(chin-wen/ku-wen) Chang Ching-fu. See Chang Shih
“burying of the Confucians,” 15, (Ch’ih)
16, 159, 318 Ch’ang-chou New Text School. See
Kung-yang hsüeh
797
Ch’ang-chou School. See Kung- Chang Shih-chai. See Chang
yang hsüeh Hsüeh-ch’eng
Chang Chü-cheng, 20, 214, 330, Chang Shu-chai. See Chang Po-hsing
400. See also han-lin yüan Chang Shu-ta. See Chang Chü-cheng
(Academy of Assembled Chang T’ai-yen. See Chang Ping-lin
Brushes); hundred schools of Chang T’ai-yüeh. See Chang Chü-
thought; shu-yüan academy cheng
Chang Chün-mai, 20–21, 438, 442, Chang Tsai, 25–28, 38, 43, 47, 50,
449, 489, 583. See also han-lin 57–58, 62, 67, 93, 98, 108, 118,
yüan (Academy of Assembled 134, 143, 175, 183, 185, 187,
Brushes) 210–212, 214, 235, 237, 243–245,
Chang Er-ch’i, 21–22 252, 256, 265, 341, 363, 372,
Chang, Hao, 371 379–380, 382, 384, 397, 412–413,
Chang Hao-an. See Chang Er-ch’i 439, 456–457, 467, 478–479,
Chang Heng-ch’ü. See Chang Tsai 497, 505, 511–512, 554–555,
Chang Hsiao-hsien. See Chang Po- 571–572, 589, 591–592, 610,
hsing 612–613, 615, 658, 676, 728,
Chang Hsiao-ta. See Chang Chih- 737. See also ch’ing (emotions
tung or feelings); chin-hsing (fully
Chang Hsiao-t’ao. See Chang Chih- developing the nature); ch’iung-
tung li (exhausting Principle); hsiao
Chang Hsüeh-ch’eng, 22, 31, 70, (filial piety); sheng or sheng-jen
679, 730. See also Chekiang (sage); T’ien-li (Principle of
Schools; shu-yüan academy; Heaven); T’ien-ming chih hsing;
Han hsüeh yü (desire)
Chang I, 22, 79 Chang-tzu ch’üan-shu, 28, 47, 235
Chang K’ao-fu. See Chang Li-hsiang Chang Tzu-hou. See Chang Tsai
Chang Li-hsiang, 22–23. See also Chang-tzu yü-lu, 28, 615, 737
ko-wu (investigation of things) Chan Jo-shui, 28–29, 50, 62–63,
Chang Lo-chai. See Chang Shih 218, 268, 324, 462, 586. See also
(Ch’ih) han-lin yüan (Academy of
Chang Mei-shu. See Chang Ping-lin Assembled Brushes)
Chang Nien-chih. See Chang Li- Chan Kan-ch’üan. See Chan Jo-shui
hsiang Chan, Wing-tsit, 26, 33, 39, 76, 118,
Chang Ping-lin, 23, 372, 388, 729. 153, 186, 192, 205, 244, 265, 267,
See also May Fourth movement 286, 313, 408, 465, 467, 569, 592,
Chang Po-hsing, 23–24, 98. See 613, 657, 664, 678, 682, 730
also shu-yüan academy and yü Chan Yüan-ming. See Chan Jo-shui
(desire) Chao Ch’i, 12, 29, 32, 53, 100, 129,
Chang Shao-yen. See Chang 230, 276, 328, 350, 352, 467, 593,
Hsüeh-ch’eng 645, 652, 695, 732
Chang Shih (Ch’ih), 25, 170, 301, Chao Chia. See Chao Ch’i
414, 437, 530, 728, 736. See also Chao Fu, 29, 113, 270, 305, 396,
chih hsing ho-i 709, 728
798
chao hun, 29–30, 191, 561. See also 117–118, 120, 122, 129, 170–171,
hun/p’o 185–187, 196, 211, 216, 218, 229,
Chao Jen-fu. See Chao Fu 244–245, 248, 265, 269, 279, 283,
charity. See jen (humaneness) and 286–287, 293, 296, 305, 380, 396,
shu (reciprocity or empathy) 407, 413, 447, 467, 478, 505, 511,
che altars (altars of the philoso- 545, 554, 572, 586, 589, 591–592,
phers), 30, 149, 230, 232, 602, 608, 610, 661, 685, 705, 728,
466–467, 687 737. See also Ch’eng Hao and
Che-chung Wang School, 30–31, Ch’eng I
71, 256, 655 Ch’eng Cheng-shu. See Ch’eng I
Chekiang Schools, 22, 31, 50, 114, Ch’eng Chü-fu, 36
414, 737 Cheng Chung, 37–38, 42
Ch’en An-ch’ing. See Ch’en Ch’un Cheng Chung-shih. See Cheng
Ch’en Ch’ang-fang, 3 1, 314, 615–616 Chung
Ch’en Chen, 32 Ch’eng-Chu School, 21–22, 25–26,
Ch’en Ch’i-chih. See Ch’en Ch’ang- 29, 38, 44–45, 49, 67, 76, 116,
fang 118, 122, 180–181, 192, 202, 213,
Ch’en Ch’ien-ch’u. See Ch’en Ch’üeh 244, 248–249, 252, 254–255,
Ch’en Chih, 32. See also sheng or 265, 268, 270, 276, 284–286, 290,
sheng-jen (sage) 305, 324, 327, 342, 345–346, 377,
Ch’en Chih-chai. See Ch’en Fu-liang 379–380, 382, 385, 387, 391–392,
Chen Ching-hsi. See Chen Te-hsiu 398–400, 403, 408, 413–414,
Chen Ching-yüan. See Chen Te-hsiu 429, 440–441, 460, 467, 497,
Ch’en Ch’üeh, 32–33, 183, 191, 396, 534, 554–556, 559, 575, 585–588,
608. See also T’ien-ming chih 619, 623, 627, 632, 634, 637–638,
hsin and yü (desire) 657–658, 661–663, 666, 674,
Ch’en Ch’un, 33, 36, 76, 84, 126, 681, 689, 698–699, 709, 714,
240, 345, 432–433, 467, 478, 717, 727–728, 730
527–528, 589, 594, 596–597, 610, Ch’eng Feng-yüan. See Ch’eng Jo-
612. See also Chih hsing ho-i yung
Ch’en Chün-chü. See Ch’en Fu-liang Ch’eng Hao, 25, 32, 36, 38–41, 49,
Ch’en Ch’un’s Explanation of Terms. 56, 62, 75, 98, 108, 110, 113,
See Pei-hsi tzu-i 115–117, 130, 142, 170–171, 185,
Ch’en Fu-liang, 33–34, 52, 264, 737 187, 196, 215–216, 229, 240,
cheng (governing or regimen), 248–249, 252, 283, 286, 313–315,
34–35, 500, 668 379, 382, 407, 413, 423, 433, 437,
ch’eng (sincerity), 8–9, 35–36, 39, 448, 478–479, 505, 530, 539,
56, 62, 70, 93, 107, 111, 120, 126, 555–556, 589–592, 612–613,
131, 190, 236, 299, 316, 348, 360, 617, 643, 705, 738. See also
372, 396, 467, 507, 514, 586, 589, chin-hsing (fully developing the
597, 631, 638, 646, 681. See also nature); chin-shih examination;
sheng or sheng-jen (sage) sheng or sheng-jen (sage)
Ch’eng brothers, 5, 25, 29, 31, 36, Cheng-ho wu-li hsin-i, 41, 60, 322,
38–39, 57, 70, 91, 113, 115, 529, 570
799
cheng-hsin, 42, 46, 121, 166, 249, cheng-ming (rectification of
269, 296, 310, 380, 441, 448, 508, names), 47–48, 125, 152, 273,
568–569, 585 331, 613, 684, 712. See also li
Cheng Hsing, 42 (propriety or rites)
Cheng Hsüan, 21, 29, 34, 38, 42–43, Ch’eng Ming-tao. See Ch’eng Hao
47, 130, 202, 289, 298, 326, 342, Ch’eng Po-ch’un. See Ch’eng Hao
353, 394, 417, 452–453, 495, 538, Cheng School. See Cheng-hsüeh
556, 594, 597, 660, 662, 689, 693, Cheng Shao-kan. See Cheng Hsing
696. See also ching (classic); Cheng So-nan. See Cheng Ssu-hsiao
chin-wen chia (New Text Cheng Ssu-hsiao, 4 8. See also Hsieh
School); New Text/Old Text Fang-te; Liu Yin; T h ree Colleges
(chin-wen/ku-wen); ku-wen System; Wen T’ien hsiang
chia (Old Text School); and wei Cheng Ssu-nung. See Cheng Chung
(apocrypha) Cheng Tzu-mei. See Cheng Yü
Cheng-hsüeh, 43, 326. See also Ch’eng Wen-hai. See Ch’eng Chü-fu
New Text/Old Text (chin- Cheng Yü, 49
wen/ku-wen) Ch’en Hsien-chang, 28, 49–50,
Ch’eng I, 16, 25, 36, 38–39, 42, 116, 285, 324, 403, 462, 643, 666,
43–46, 50, 57, 60, 72, 76, 85, 89, 698. See also han-lin yüan
98, 101, 108, 113, 115–117, 120, (Academy of Assembled
126, 142, 170–171, 185, 187, Brushes); hsin-hsüeh (School of
196, 215–216, 229, 235, 240, Heart-Mind); hsiu-shen; sheng
243–244, 248, 264, 283, 286, 293, or sheng-jen (sage)
297, 301, 303, 339–342, Ch’en Kung-fu. See Ch’en Hsien-
379–380, 382, 384, 392–393, chang
407, 413, 416, 423, 478–479, Ch’en Liang, 31, 34, 50–52, 118,
505, 512, 527, 530, 539, 555–556, 366, 387, 447, 556, 737. See also
589, 591–592, 616, 630–631, ch’iung-li (exhausting
643, 705, 709, 737–738. See also Principle) and chü-ching (abid-
chin-shih examination and ing in reverence or seriousness)
t’i/yung (substance/function) Ch’en Lung-ch’uan. See Ch’en Liang
ch’eng-i (sincerity of will), 42, 46, Ch’en Pai-sha. See Ch’en Hsien-
166, 254, 338, 396, 511, 514, chang
568–569, 575, 665, 689. See also Ch’en Pei-hsi. See Ch’en Ch’un
yü (desire) Ch’en-shih tzu-i. See Pei-hsi tzu-i
Ch’eng I-ch’uan. See Ch’eng I ch’en-shu (prognostication text),
Cheng I-weng. See Cheng Ssu-hsiao 42, 52–53, 60, 143, 200, 216,
Ch’eng Jo-yung, 47, 310. See also 250, 257, 275, 284, 319, 356–357,
t’i/yung (substance/function) 437, 456, 474, 550, 561, 672. See
Cheng K’ang-ch’eng. See Cheng also chin-wen chia (New Text
Hsüan School); esoteric/exoteric; ku-
Cheng-meng, 25, 28, 47, 67, 93, wen chia (Old Text School);
235, 244–245, 372, 610. See also New Text/Old Text (chin-
T’ien-ming chih hsing wen/ku-wen)
800
Ch’en Tai, 53 also ku-wen chia (Old Text
Ch’en Tao-yung. See Ch’en Ch’üeh School) and New Text/Old Text
Chen Te-hsiu, 53–55, 238, 509, 514, (chin-wen/ku-wen)
557, 569, 582, 616. See also chin Chia-li (Family Rituals), 60–61,
ch’i hsin (fully realize the heart- 191, 244–245, 529, 671, 714, 719
mind); ch’i-ung- li (exhausting chia-miao (family temple), 61, 628,
Principle); han-lin yüan 631, 646. See also sacrifice
(Academy of Assembled Chiang Cheng-t’ang. See Chiang Fan
Brushes); t’i/yung Chiang Ch’ing-shih. See Chiang Hsin
(substance/function) Chiang Ching-t’ao. See Chiang
Ch’en Tu-hsiu, 55, 295, 366, 419, Sheng
421, 438, 477, 489, 495 Chiang Fan, 61–62, 180, 202, 326,
Ch’en T’ung-fu. See Ch’en Liang 360, 556
chi (subtlety), 55–56, 617 Chiang Hsin, 62, 117. See also shu-
ch’i (utensils), 22, 45, 56–57, 233, yüan academy
243, 250, 264, 363, 408, 570, 588, chiang hsüeh, 62–63, 553. See also
628, 658, 679, 711, 730. See also ching-she academy and shu-
Book of Mencius; hsing-erh- yüan academy
shang/hsing-erh-hsia; t’i/yung Chiang Sheng, 63. See also Han-
(substance/function) hsüeh
ch’i (vitality), 25, 32–33, 45, 47, 49, Chiang Shen-hsiu. See Chiang Yung
51, 56, 57–59, 62, 84, 91, 98, Chiang Shu-yün. See Chiang Sheng
108, 115, 120, 164, 178, 185, Chiang Tao-lin. See Chiang Hsin
210–211, 218, 237, 240, 243, 250, Chiang Tao-lin wen-ts’ui, 62, 63
256, 270, 282, 286, 302, 315–316, Chiang Tzu-p’ing. See Chiang Fan
345–346, 363, 372, 377, 380, 385, Chiang Wu-yüan. See Chiang Yung
387, 393, 396, 398–399, 404, Chiang Yung, 63–64, 389, 570. See
406–407, 409, 429, 432, 439, also Thirteen Classics
456–457, 479–480, 512, 517, Chiang-yu Wang School, 64, 76,
555, 557, 559–561, 570–572, 284, 400, 452, 460, 627. See also
574, 586, 589, 591, 603, 612, 619, Wang Yang-ming School
621, 649, 654, 657–658, 661, chiao (teaching or religion), 64–65.
673, 689, 712, 714, 717, 724, 736. See also san chiao (three reli-
See also chi (subtlety); gions or teachings)
esoteric/exo t e ric; li-hsüeh Chiao Hsün, 65. See also hsing
(School of Principle or learning (nature)
of Principle); t’ i / y u n g (sub- Chiao Hung, 65–66, 93, 341, 575.
stance/function); yü (desire) See also Ch’eng-Chu School;
Chia Ch’iu-ho. See Chia Ssu-tao han-lin yüan (Academy of
Chia fan, 59, 529 Assembled Brushes); hsin
chia-hsün, 59–60, 68, 393, 395, 718 (heartmind); Mencius; tien-shih
Chia I, 60, 256, 361, 439 examination
Chia K’uei, 60, 250, 659, 662. See Chiao Jo-hou. See Chiao Hung
801
chiao-k’an hsüeh, 18, 66, 102, 137, shu-yüan academy
213, 326, 416, 559, 660. See also Ch’ien Te-hung, 31, 71, 110, 249,
Thirteen Classics 392, 540, 568, 607, 655, 661, 663,
Chiao Li-t’ang. See Chiao Hsün 666–667, 696
Ch’i-ao Sun Shen-hsing. See Sun Ch’ien tzu wen, 71–72, 461, 624.
Shen-hsing See also Hsiao-hsüeh; Pai-chia
Chiao Tan-yüan. See Chiao Hung hsing; San tzu ching; tsa-tzu
Chia Shih-hsien. See Chia Ssu-tao ch’ih. See shame
Chia Ssu-tao, 66, 229, 667 chih (knowledge or knowing), 25,
ch’i-chih chih hsing, 26, 47, 62, 33, 72–73, 74, 194, 236, 261,
66–67, 120, 241, 610. See also 392, 539, 730
ch’i (vitality) and yü (desire) chih (upright), 73–74, 223
ch’i ch’ing (seven emotions), 67. chih (wisdom), 2, 74, 80, 133, 175,
See also hsi (happiness); yü 194, 213, 236, 269, 314, 369, 409,
(desire); sheng or sheng-jen 425, 429, 483, 511, 520, 525,
(sage); ming (destiny or fate) 547–548, 610, 689, 726
chieh-shih (posted notice). See chih-chiang, 74, 297, 476, 518, 554.
hsüeh-kuei ( a rticles for learn i n g ) See also chin-shih examination
chieh-shih examination, 67–68, 97, chih-chih (extension of knowl-
123, 138, 220, 597 edge), 15, 24, 38–39, 45–46,
Chieh-tzu t’ung-lu, 68, 227, 393 74–75, 77, 86, 121, 254–255,
chien-ai, 68–69, 292, 656 283–284, 338, 340–341, 392, 448,
Ch’ien-Chia School. See k’ao-cheng 486, 632, 663, 665, 717. See also
hsüeh Neo Confucianism and yü
Ch’ien Chu-t’ing. See Ch’ien Ta-hsin (desire)
Ch’ien, Edward, 65 Chi Ch’un-fan. See Chi Yün
ch’ien hexagram, 69, 108, 357, 359, chih-hsin chih shu, 75. See also
521, 612, 681. See also eight tri- hsin (heart-mind) and sheng or
grams; k’un hexagram; yin/yang sheng-jen (sage)
Ch’ien Hsiao-cheng. See Ch’ien Ta- chih hsing ho-i, 62, 72, 75–76, 110,
hsin 215, 247, 255, 282, 380, 416, 433,
Ch’ien Hsü-shan. See Ch’ien Te-hung 560, 587, 634, 658, 665–666. See
Ch’ien Hung-fu. See Ch’ien Te-hung also chih (knowledge or know-
Ch’ien I-pen, 70, 345, 638. See also ing) and chi-ssu
i (righteousness or rightness) Chih-hsiu School, 76, 392
and jen (humaneness) chih liang-chih, 46, 76, 110, 237,
Ch’ien Kuo-jui. See Ch’ien I-pen 255, 282, 371–372, 400, 408, 448,
Ch’ien Mu, 70, 489, 582. See also 509, 514, 569, 571, 575, 586, 665.
May Fourth movement; Ming See also chi-ssu; k’o-chi fu-li;
dynasty; Sung dynasty Principle (li); sheng or sheng-
Ch’ien Pin-ssu. See Ch’ien Mu jen (sage)
Ch’ien Ta-hsin, 70–71, 570, 736. chih-sheng (highest sageliness), 77,
See also han-lin yüan (Academy 78, 233
of Assembled Brushes) and Chih-sheng Hsien-shih (Teacher of
802
Antiquity and Highest Heart-Mind); ssu-tuan (Four
Sageliness), 77–78, 232–233, Beginnings); yü (desire)
549, 565, 653, 678. See also ching (classic), 10, 82–83, 492,
Chih-sheng Wen-hsüan Wang 671–672. See also ching-hsüeh
(Highest Sage and (study of classics); Han Wu Ti;
Comprehensive King) and sacred/profane
wang (king) title for Confucius ch’ing (emotions or feelings), 28, 42,
Chih-sheng Wen-hsüan Wang 46, 67, 83–8 5, 120, 127, 237, 240,
(Highest Sage and 409, 507, 570, 588, 617, 654, 724.
Comprehensive King), 77, 78, See also Book of Mencius;
259, 653 Principle (l i); tung/ching; women
Chi-hsia Academy, 78–79, 424 in Confucianism; yin/yang
Chi Hsiao-lan. See Chi Yün ching (quietude), 39, 58, 86, 91,
chi-hsien tien shu-yüan (Academy at 115, 128, 324, 400, 413, 462, 485,
the Hall of Assembled Worthies). 574, 634, 658, 698, 707, 724
See chi-hsien yüan (Academy of ching (reverence or seriousness), 2,
Assembled Worthies) 24, 32, 42, 45, 85–86, 89, 114,
chi-hsien yüan (Academy of 116, 121, 126, 182, 187, 224, 229,
Assembled Worthies), 79–80, 238, 254, 283, 286, 303, 310, 324,
93, 362, 518, 731. See also 359, 396, 441, 467, 497, 508, 514,
ch’ung-wen kuan (Institute for 569, 628, 631, 634, 681, 689. See
the Veneration of Literature); also hsin (heart-mind)
han-lin yüan (Academy of Ching-chieh, 86–87. See also li
Assembled brushes); hung-wen (propriety or rites)
kuan (Institute for the Ching-chi tsuan-ku, 87, 317, 342
Advancement of Literature); Ch’ing dynasty, 18–19, 21–23, 31,
t’ai-hsüeh (National University) 56–58, 60, 63, 65–66, 70, 87–88,
Ch’i-kuo Kung, 80, 129. See also 94, 97–98, 102, 109, 114, 123,
ancestors (t s u) and Lu-kuo fu-jen 132, 134, 137, 169, 172, 178, 180,
child about to fall into the well, 182, 191, 201–203, 213, 220, 228,
80–81, 425, 482. See also pu jen 230, 237, 241, 243–245, 247, 254,
jen chih hsin (the heart-mind 261–264, 268, 278, 288–289, 291,
that cannot bear to see the suf- 2 95–296, 304, 317–318, 324–326,
fering of people); ssu-tuan 342, 348–349, 352, 356, 360–363,
(Four Beginnings) 365–366, 370, 374, 378, 385, 387,
Chi-lu. See Tzu-lu 389, 391, 393, 398, 408, 411, 413,
Ch’i lüeh (Seven Summaries). See 416, 418, 429, 433–435, 438, 446,
Liu Hsiang and Liu Hsin 448, 452–453, 471–472, 477,
China’s Only Hope. See Ch’üan- 4 80–481, 489, 495–496, 498,
hsüeh p’ien 5 03–504, 513, 520, 527, 533, 546,
chin ch’i hsin (fully realize the 552, 554, 556–557, 559–560, 565,
heart-mind), 3, 81– 82, 702. See 570, 578, 582, 585, 587–588, 594,
also hsin-hsüeh (School of 597, 608, 611–612, 617, 628, 632,
803
637, 651, 656–657, 660, 667–670, Chin-hsi-tzu chi, 93–94, 400
6 74–675, 677–679, 682, 692–693, Chin-hsi-tzu wen-chi, 94, 400
695, 708, 712–714, 717, 719, 724, Ch’in Hui-t’ien, 94, 633, 695. See
730, 736–737, 739. See also also han-lin yüan (Academy of
Kung-yang hsüeh and New Assembled Brushes)
Text/Old Text (chin-wen/ku-wen) ch’i-nien tien (Hall of Prayer for the
ching-hsüeh (study of classics), Year), 94–96, 550, 611
21–23, 29, 43, 61, 63, 70, 88, Ch’in K’ai-hsiang. See Chin Lü-
102, 114, 244, 257, 278, 288–289, hsiang
296, 325, 357, 363, 389, 391, 416, Chin Lü-hsiang, 96–97, 213
418, 453, 471, 481, 538, 570, 657, chin-sheng yü-chen, 97, 150. See
660, 679, 713. See also ching also bronze bell rack (pien-
(classic); Han Wu Ti; New chung); music; sacrifice; stone
Text/Old Text (chin-wen/ku- chime rack (pien-ch’ing)
wen); po-shih chin-shih examination, 19, 22, 24,
ch’ing-i (pure criticism), 88–89, 28, 31, 46, 50, 53, 62, 65, 70–71,
283, 327, 345, 637 94, 97–98, 102, 104, 109, 117,
ching i chih nei, 89. See also i i fang 123–124, 137–138, 175, 178,
wai, k’un hexagram; sixty-four 180–181, 209, 213, 220, 229, 254,
hexagrams; yü (desire) 256, 261, 265, 267–268, 276, 280,
Ching, Julia, 28, 120, 214, 382, 435, 283, 288–289, 296, 317, 324, 327,
511, 526 345, 349, 352, 371, 375–376, 378,
ching-kua, 89–90, 300, 471. See 385, 389, 392–393, 399–400, 403–
also pieh-kua and sixty-four 404, 407–408, 416, 443, 460, 472,
hexagrams 504, 518, 530, 542, 554, 559, 561,
ching-she academy, 90, 342, 393, 585–586, 600, 628, 653, 655, 660,
404. See also shu-yüan academy 663, 667–668, 674–675, 677, 679,
Ching-shu tzu-i. See Peihsi tzu-i 701, 705, 709, 711, 713, 729, 738
ch’ing-t’an (pure conversation), 90, Ch’in Shu-feng. See Ch’in Hui-t’ien
258. See also hsing-ming group Chin-ssu lu, 33, 63, 82, 98–99, 101,
ching-t’ien. See well-field system 116, 118, 120, 135, 310, 338, 341,
ching-tso (quiet-sitting), 49, 62, 85, 414, 539, 575, 685, 702. See also
90–92, 116, 172, 255, 285, 287, li-hsüeh (School of Principle or
310, 324, 327, 345, 348, 393, 400, learning of Principle) and Lun
444, 452, 462-463, 485, 525, 626, yü (Analects)
700, 714. See also shou-lien Chin-tai wei-hsin-lun chien-shih,
(collecting together); Tung-lin 99, 215, 247
Academy Ch’in Wei-ching. See Ch’in Hui-t’ien
ching-yen, 93, 94, 261. See also chin-wen (New Text). See New
han-lin yüan (Academy of Text/Old Text (chin-wen/ku-wen)
Assembled Brushes) chin-wen chia (New Text School),
chin-hsing (fully developing the 88, 99, 109, 152, 326, 352, 356,
nature), 27, 93, 101, 111, 285, 432, 394, 481, 561, 675, 734. See also
497. See also hsin (heart-mind) ching (classic) and New Text/Old
804
Text (chin-wen/ku-wen) Chou kuan hsin-i, 1 04–105,
ch’in-zither, 99, 500. See also music 6 53–654
Chi-shan School, 9 9, 396, 568, 667. Chou li, 22, 34, 38, 42–43, 50, 60,
See also Wang Yang-ming School 1 0 5, 109–110, 124, 172, 177,
chi-ssu, 99–100. See also k’o-chi fu- 1 90–191, 210, 213, 221, 247, 283,
li and yü (desire) 289, 304, 347, 361, 370, 375,
Chi-sun, 100, 309 3 7 7–378, 395, 403, 417, 450,
Ch’i-tiao K’ai, 101. See also 4 53–454, 495–496, 523, 570,
Confucius’ disciples 596, 628, 634, 640, 653, 662, 669,
chiu ching. See Nine Classics 675, 695, 705, 726. See also New
Chiu-ching chieh. See T’ung-chih Text/Old Text (chin-wen/ku-wen)
t’ang ching-chieh Chou Lien-hsi. See Chou Tun-i
ch’iung-li (exhausting Principle), 15, Chou Lien-hsi chi. See Chou-tzu
23–25, 27, 38–39, 45, 49, 52, 93, ch’üan-shu
101–102, 111, 116, 195, 229, Chou Mao-shu. See Chou Tun-i
283–285, 341, 348, 406, 414, Chou Tun-i, 25, 29, 36, 38–39, 43,
432, 497 56, 70, 85, 91, 98, 105–108, 113,
chi-wu ch’iung-li. See ko-wu ch’i - 115–116, 118, 120, 129, 185, 218,
ung-li 245, 252, 265, 342, 346, 379–380,
Chi Yün, 102, 570. See also han-lin 382, 396, 404, 444, 467, 505, 507,
yüan (Academy of Assembled 511, 554, 556, 571–575, 591–592,
Brushes) 634, 638, 661, 668, 681, 691–692,
Chou Chi-yüan. See Chou Ju-teng 698, 709, 722, 728. See also
Chou dynasty, 4, 8, 17, 34–35, 51, ch’ien hexagram; hsing (nature);
57, 72, 78, 102–104, 105, 138, k’un hexagram; p o - s h i h; sheng
164, 173, 220, 222, 224, 226, or sheng-jen (sage)
261–263, 272, 274, 287, 291, 294, Chou-tzu ch’üan-shu, 107, 108, 638
300, 316, 331, 334, 337, 361, 364, Chou Yüan-kung chi. See Chou-tzu
367–369, 394, 397–398, 412, 419, ch’üan-shu
424, 430, 437, 450, 502–504, 511, Chow, Kai-wing, 389, 418, 656
519, 528, 531, 534–535, 539, Chow Tse-tsung, 421, 490, 618
550, 591, 596, 602–606, chu (prayer-master), 108–109, 477.
608–609, 667, 671, 676–677, See also church
721, 730, 734. See also ancestors chu (resounding box). See resound-
(tsu); ching (classic); Shang ing box (chu)
dynasty; worship ch’uan (transmission), 109
Chou Hai-men. See Chou Ju-teng Chuang Fang-keng. See Chuang
chou-hsüeh, 104, 230. See also t’ai- Ts’un-yü
hsüeh (National University) Chuang Pao-ch’en. See Chuang
Chou i. See I ching Shu-tsu
Chou Ju-teng, 104, 341, 382, 509, Chuang Shu-tsu, 109, 556. See also
511, 575. See also hsin (heart- chin-shih examination and
mind) and hsing (nature) New Text/Old Text (chin-
Chou kuan. See Chou li wen/ku-wen)
805
Chuang Ts’un-yü, 109–110, 356, 1 14–115, 121, 213, 341, 403, 673.
360, 393. See also han-lin yüan See also li-hsüeh (School of
(Academy of Assembled Principle or learning of
Brushes); New Text/Old Text Principle)
(chin-wen/ku-wen); sheng or chu-ching (regarding quietude as
sheng-jen (sage); “Shih i” (“Ten fundamental), 115–116, 346,
Wings”) 360, 452, 638, 698. See also
Chuang Yang-t’ien. See Chuang tung/ching
Ts’un-yü chü-ching ch’iung-li, 25, 86,
Ch’uan-hsi lu, 46, 75, 77, 110, 256, 116–117, 413. See also chih-
465, 613, 632, 663, 665, 724 chih; ko-wu; “Shuo kua” com-
ch’uan-hsin (transmission of the mentary; shou-lien (collecting
heart-mind), 41, 109, 110–111, together); yü (desire)
249, 379. See also hsin (heart- Chu Chu-chün. See Chu Yün
mind) and sheng or sheng-jen Chu Chung-hui. See Chu Hsi
(sage) Ch’u-chung Wang School, 62, 117
Ch’uan-hsin mi-chih, 111, 511. See Chu Hsi, 5, 9, 13, 16–17, 25–26,
also ch’eng (sincerity); chi-ssu; 29–34, 36, 38–39, 41–42, 44,
hsin (heart-mind) 46–47, 49–53, 56–58, 60, 63,
Ch’üan-hsüeh p’ien, 111–112. See 67–68, 70, 74, 77, 82, 85, 88–89,
also ching (classic); hsin-hsüeh 91–93, 97–102, 107–108, 110,
(new learning); nei-hsüeh 113–116, 117–122, 125,
(Inner School); wai-hsüeh 129–132, 135–136, 143, 149,
(Outer School) 163, 166, 170, 175, 181, 185–186,
Ch’uan-shan i-shu, 112, 640, 657 190–191, 195–196, 202, 205,
Ch’üan Shao-i. See Ch’üan Tsu-wang 213–216, 218, 221, 226–230,
Chuan-sun Shih. See Tzu-chang 235–239, 243–245, 247–248,
“Ch’uan Tao cheng-t’ung,” 250, 255, 259, 261, 265, 267–268,
112–113, 511. See also hundred 278–280, 286–288, 294–296,
schools of thought; King T’ang; 303, 308–310, 313–315, 319,
King Wen; King Wu; Yen Yüan 337–342, 347–348, 366, 370,
(Hui); Yü (king) 378–380, 382, 385, 387, 392–
Ch’uan Tao t’u, 29, 113. See also 393, 397, 399, 401, 403–404,
sacred/profane and Yen Yüan 406–408, 410–414, 416,
(Hui) 418–421, 424, 428–429, 433,
Ch’üan Te-yü, 113, 246, 632 438, 440, 442, 447–448, 455,
ch’üan-t’i ta-yung, 113–114 463, 467–469, 478–479, 495,
Ch’üan Tsu-wang, 31, 1 1 4, 283, 559, 503, 505, 507, 509, 511, 514, 522,
670. See also Chekiang Schools; 525–526, 529–530, 533, 540,
Chi-shan School; han-lin yüan 544–545, 554–557, 568–569,
(Academy of Assembled 571–572, 574–575, 585–586,
Brushes); shu-yüan academy 589–593, 601, 608, 610, 612,
chü-ching (abiding in reverence or 617–619, 621, 623–624, 627,
s e riousness), 38, 49, 52, 631–632, 634, 638, 640–643,
806
646, 657–658, 661, 663, 665, 152, 193, 213, 229, 303–304,
667–668, 671, 673–675, 679, 311, 318, 482, 527, 560, 617, 626,
681–682, 685–686, 689, 681. See also hsin (faithfulness)
691–692, 696, 698, 701, 705, chung (mean), 127, 360, 662, 673
709, 711, 714, 722, 724, 728, chung (people), 127–128, 310,
736–738. See also chin hsing 431. See also shu-jen (common
(fully developing the nature); people)
ch’iung-li (exhausting ch’ung-hsien kuan (Institute for
Principle); sheng or sheng-jen Veneration of the Worthies). See
(sage) ch’ung-wen kuan (Institute for
Chu Hsi School, 47, 118, 122–123, the Veneration of Literature)
404. See also Ch’eng Hao Ch’ung-jen School, 128, 285, 403,
Chu Hui-an. See Chu Hsi 698. See also hsin (heart-mind)
chü-jen, 65, 67, 123, 213, 220, 257, and hsing (nature)
289, 370, 387, 400, 471, 477, 481, Chung-kung, 128–129, 154, 527.
554, 556, 570, 597, 623, 628, 632, See also Confucius’ disciples
656–657, 668, 675, 712. See also and Lun yü (Analects)
te-chieh chü-jen Chung-ni. See Confucius
Chu Jo-chan. See Chu Shih ch’ung-sheng tz’u (Hall of
chu-ju (miscellaneous scholars), Illustrious Sages), 80, 129, 149,
123, 177, 210, 399, 407 408, 549
chu-k’o examinations, 97, ch’ung-wen kuan (Institute for the
123–124, 138, 453, 600. See also Veneration of Literature), 25,
Ch’un ch’iu and Shih chi 129. See also chi-hsien yüan
(Records of the Historian) (Academy of Assembled
Chu K’o-ting. See Chu Shih Worthies); han-lin yüan
Chu Kuang-hsin. See Chu Shu (Academy of Assembled
Chu Mei-shu. See Chu Yün Brushes); hung-wen kuan
Ch’un ch’iu, 21, 29, 37–38, 42–43, (Institute for the Advancement
50, 86, 88, 109, 1 2 4, 125, 150, of Literature); t’ai-hsüeh
180, 184, 212, 214, 258, 264, 275, (National University)
283, 285, 287-289, 325, 346, 349, Chung Yu. See Tzu-lu
352, 355–356, 364, 375, 393–395, Ch’ung Yü, 129–130. See also Lun
403, 412, 414, 418, 450, 453, 495, yü (Analects)
505, 517, 552, 554, 596, 627, 634, “Chung yung” (“Doctrine of the
640, 656, 668–669, 672, 675, 677, Mean”), 13, 21, 25, 35, 64,
693, 709. See also san chuan 77–78, 84, 87, 91, 93, 107, 111,
Ch’un ch’iu fan-lu (Luxuriant Dew 115, 122, 127, 130–131, 132,
of the Spring and Autumn 134, 175, 177, 185–186, 190,
Annals), 8, 124–125, 213, 240, 195–196, 208, 212–213, 224,
355, 366, 416, 598, 607, 636. See 238–239, 246, 252, 264, 302,
also New Text/Old Text (chin- 319, 321, 325, 327, 374–376,
wen/ku-wen) 387, 401, 407, 410, 413, 432, 440,
chung (loyalty), 48, 66, 125–127, 442, 514, 522, 527, 538, 546, 589,
807
593, 597, 610, 628, 631, Chu Yüan-hui. See Chu Hsi
646–647, 673, 705, 712, 721, Chu Yün, 137–138, 570. See also
734, 736, 738 han-lin yüan (Academy of
Chung yung chang-chü, 131–132, Assembled Brushes)
522, 545, 632. See also Chung Circular Mound Altar. See yüan-
yung huo-wen ch’iu t’ a n (Circular Mound Altar)
Chung yung chih-chieh, 132 Civil Dance (wen-wu), 136, 138,
Chung yung huo-wen, 132 419, 524. See also Martial Dance
chün-tzu (noble person), 8–10, 46, (wu-wu) and Yüeh-chang
48, 53, 56, 69, 72–73, 89, 131, civil service examinations, 13,
132–134, 153–154, 173, 193, 17–19, 36, 49, 66–68, 87–88, 97,
196, 198, 204, 212, 215, 223, 228, 105, 122–123, 138–139, 182,
242, 253–254, 262, 298–299, 186, 190, 196, 208, 220,
317, 320–321, 337, 342, 368, 229–230, 244–245, 270, 283,
401, 430, 432, 445, 453, 462, 467, 285, 289, 296, 310, 322, 343,
481, 501, 511, 514, 544, 561, 565, 356–357, 361, 388, 399, 410,
601, 616, 631, 641–642, 646, 413, 423, 433, 438, 495–496,
652, 668, 675, 681, 683, 698, 513, 532–533, 546, 555, 557,
716–717, 724. See also sheng or 583, 588, 597, 600, 611, 619, 639,
sheng-jen (sage) and T’ien 654, 659, 669–670, 682, 685,
(Heaven) 693–694, 698, 711, 714, 727, 729
Chu, Ron-Guey, 41 clan hall. See Tsung-tz’u
Chu Shih, 134–135. See also han- Clarification of the Diagrams in the
lin yüan (Academy of Changes. See I-t’u ming-pien
Assembled Brushes) classic. See ching (classic)
Chu Shu, 135, 199, 575 Classic of Supreme Mystery. See
Chu Ssu-ho. See Chu Yün T’ai-hsüan ching (Classic of
Chu-tzu ch’üan-shu, 135, 385, 387. Supreme Mystery)
See also hsin-hsüeh (School of Classic of the Heart-Mind. See Hsin
Heart-Mind) ching
Chu-tzu i-shu, 135 Classics Colloquium. See Ching-yen
Chu-tzu ta-ch’üan. See Chu-tzu classics mat. See Ching-yen
wen-chi co-humanity. See jen (humaneness)
Chu-tzu wen-chi, 122, 135 Collected Commentaries on the
Chu-tzu yü-lei, 33, 99, 122, 135, Analects. See Lun yü chi-chu
136, 715. See also ch’i (vitality); Collected Commentaries on the
hsing (nature); Principle (li) Book of Mencius. See Meng-tzu
Chu-tzu yü-lei chi-lüeh, 136 chi-chu
chu-wen (ritual address), 136–137, Collected Commentaries on the
149, 524. See also Confucian Four Books. See Ssu-shu chi-chu
temple Collected Commentaries on the
Chu Wen-kung. See Chu Hsi Four Books in Chapters and
Chu Wen-kung chi. See Chu-tzu Verses. See Ssu-shu chang-chü
wen-chi chi-chu
808
Collected Essays of Master Chin- Commandments for Women. See
hsi. See Chin-hsi-tzu wen-chi Nü chieh (Commandments for
Collected Glosses on the Classics. Women)
See Ching-chi tsuan-ku Commentary on the Meanings of
Collected Surviving Works of the Terms in the Book of Mencius.
Ming Confucian Master Wang See Meng-tzu tzu-i shu-cheng
Hsin-chai. See Ming-ju Wang common people. See shu-jen
Hsin-chai hsien-sheng i-chi community compact. See hsiang-
Collected Works of Chou Lien-hsi. yüeh
See Chou-tzu ch’üan-shu “Community Compact of the Lü
Collected Works of Chou Yüan- Family.” See “Lü-shih hsiang-
kung. See Chou-tzu ch’üan-shu yüeh”
Collected Works of Cultured Duke community libation. See hsiang-
Chu. See Chu-tzu wen-chi yin-chiu (community libation)
Collected Works of Hui-an. See compassion. See jen (humaneness)
Chu-tzu wen-chi Complete Literary Works of Master
Collected Works of Li Ao. See Li Chu. See Chu-tzu wen-chi
Wen-kung chi (Collected Works Complete Works of Master Chang.
of Li Ao) See Chang-tzu ch’üan-shu
Collected Works of Master Chin-hsi. Complete Works of Master Chou.
See Chin-hsi-tzu chi See Chou-tzu ch’üan-shu
Collected Works of Wu Yü-pi. See Complete Works of Master Chu. See
K’ang-chai wen-chi Chu-tzu ch’üan-shu
collecting together (body and Complete Works of Master Hsin-
heart-mind). See shou-lien (col- chai Wang. See Hsin-chai Wang
lecting together) Hsien-sheng ch’üan-chi
Collection of Litera ry Works by Chang Complete Works of Master Kao. See
Tsai. See Heng-ch’ü wen-chi Kao-tzu ch’üan-shu
Collection of Literary Works by Complete Works of Master Lin. See
Cultured Duke Chu Hui-an. See Lin-tzu ch’üan-chi
Chu-tzu wen-chi Complete Works of (Master) Lu
Collection of Literary Works by Hsiang-shan. See Hsiang-shan
(Master) Ch’eng Hao. See Ming- (hsien-sheng) ch’üan-chi
tao (hsien-sheng) wen-chi Complete Works of Master Pai-sha.
Collection of Literary Works by See Pai-sha Hsien-sheng
(Master) Ch’eng I. See I-ch’uan ch’üan-chi
(hsien-sheng) wen-chi Complete Wo rks of the Cu l t u ra l l y
Collection of Litera ry Works by Accomplished Duke Wang. Se e
Master Chu. See Chu-tzu wen-chi Wang Wen-ch’eng Kung
combined cultivation of the Three ch’üan-shu
Teachings. See san chiao chien- Complete Works of the Two Ch’engs.
hsiu See Erh Ch’eng ch’üan-shu
Commandments for Household. See Complete Works of Yang-ming.
Chia fan See Wang Wen-ch’eng Ku n g
ch’üan-shu 809
Complete Writings of Chiang Tao- 34–35, 39, 46–48, 52, 55, 64–65,
lin. See Chiang Tao-lin wen-ts’ui 70, 72–73, 77–78, 80, 86, 97–98,
composure. See shou-lien (collecting 101, 104, 107, 112–114, 120–121,
together) 1 24–134, 136, 144, 146–149,
Comprehensive Institutes of the Great 1 50–154, 155, 157, 159, 164,
Yüan. See Ta Yüan t’ung-chih 171–173, 175, 177, 180, 182–184,
Comprehensive King. See Wen- 186, 188, 191, 193, 196, 200, 202,
hsüan Wang 204, 208, 212, 214, 216, 219,
comprehensive learning. See 222–226, 228–230, 232–233,
Cheng-hsüeh 2 35–236, 238–242, 246–247, 250,
Compre h e n s i ve Re c o rd of 252–254, 257–259, 261–262, 269,
Admonitions to Sons. Se e 271–273, 276, 284, 291, 298–300,
Chieh-tzu t’ung-lu 3 02–304, 306, 309–313, 315–320,
concreteness. See ch’i (utensils) 322, 325, 327, 337, 342, 344,
concrete things. See ch’i (utensils) 3 46–349, 351, 353, 355–357, 361,
conditioned heart-mind. See i-fa 364, 366–370, 373–375, 377, 385,
Confucian. See ju and ju-hsüeh 3 88–389, 394–395, 401, 408–411,
Confucian ecology, 142–143 419, 423–426, 428–429, 431–433,
Confucian folklore, 143–146. See 437, 439–443, 445–448, 450, 455,
also ch’en-shu (prognostication 466–467, 470–471, 474, 477–478,
text); sacred/profane; san chiao 4 83–484, 500–501, 508, 511,
ho-i; Yen Yüan (Hui) 5 18–519, 521–528, 531, 533,
Confucian hall. See Confucian 5 38–539, 542, 544–545, 547,
temple 5 49–550, 555–556, 561, 563,
Confucian iconography, 146–147. 565–567, 576, 578–580, 583–584,
See also hsiang (image); shen- 587, 589, 591–593, 596, 605–606,
wei (tablet); wu (cloisters) 6 10–611, 616–618, 621, 623–627,
Confucian religion. See ju-chiao 6 30–631, 636–637, 640–644, 646,
Confucian school. See ju-hsüeh 648, 653, 656–657, 659, 662–663,
Confucian temple, 10, 30, 50, 78, 669, 672–673, 676–679, 681–682,
97, 118, 129, 143–144, 146, 684, 686–687, 693, 696, 703, 705,
147–150, 159, 163, 178, 193, 219, 712, 714, 716–717, 726, 728–730,
230, 233, 247, 267, 270, 280, 286, 732, 736–738. See also hsin
302, 319, 350, 352, 355, 363, 385, ( h e a rt-mind); i ( righteousness or
388–389, 399, 430, 439, 464–466, rightness); King Wen; King Wu;
495, 517, 522–525, 533, 549, kuei/shen; New Text/Old Text
565–567, 576, 579, 583, 585, 652, (chin-wen/ku-wen); sheng or
666, 669, 678–679, 686–687, 705, sheng-jen (sage); Yen Yüan (Hui)
711, 728, 732. See also bat; hsing- Confucius’ disciples, 112, 133, 144,
t’an ( a p ricot platform); K’ung- 149, 152, 154–155, 175, 349,
tzu mu (Tomb of Confucius); 355, 368, 410, 467, 544, 627,
sacre d / p rofane; shen wei 641–644, 648, 678, 696, 716, 728,
(tablet); t’ a i - l a o offering 730. See also li (propriety or
Confucius, 2, 8, 12–13, 16, 19, 30, rites) and Six Classics
810
Confucius’ Family Sayings. See creation myth, 158, 457, 507, 512,
K’ung-tzu chia-yü 519, 694, 721. See also myth
Confucius’ gravesite, 155–157. See creed, 158
also K’ung-tzu mu (Tomb of criminal law. See hsing (punish-
Confucius); wang (king) title for ment or criminal law)
Confucius Critical Discussion on Learning. See
Confucius’ manor. See K’ung-fu Hsüeh-shu pien
conscience, 157, 202 Critical Review School. See Hsüeh
constant production of life. See heng School
sheng-sheng c u l t i vation of the self. See hsiu-shen
contemplation. See ching-tso Cultural Revolution, 159, 419. See
(quiet-sitting) also hsiang (portrait or statue)
Contemporary Chinese Philosophy. culture. See wen (culture)
See Tang-tai Chung-kuo che- Culture and Life. See Wen-hua yü
hsüeh jen-sheng
Conversations of Master Chu, culture heroes. See Three Culture
Arranged Topically. See Chu-tzu Heroes
yü-lei Customary and Reformed Rites of the
Conversations of the Two Masters Chamberlain for Ceremonials.
Ch’eng Classified. See Erh See T’ai-ch’ang yin-ko li
Ch’eng hsien-sheng lei-yü
“Correcting of the Ignorant.” See D
“Hsi-ming” dance. See Civil Dance (wen-wu)
Correcting Youthful Ignorance. See and Martial Dance (wu-wu)
Cheng-meng death. See funeral and hun/p’o
correspondence of Heaven and de Bary, Wm. Theodore, 15–16, 39,
human. See T’ien-jen kan-ying 53, 122, 181, 190–192, 214, 228,
cosmic law. See T’ien-li (Principle 238–239, 245, 248–249, 263,
of Heaven) 269–270, 286, 302, 306, 337, 339,
cosmic order. See T’ien-li 347, 365, 377, 379, 447, 509, 520,
(Principle of Heaven) 585, 631, 647, 659, 673, 729, 736
cosmogony. See li-hsüeh (School of design, 161, 410
Principle or learning of desire. See yü (desire)
Principle); t’ai-chi (Great destiny. See ming (destiny or fate)
Ultimate); T’ai-chi t’ u (Diagram determinism, 161. See also i
of the Great Ultimate); “T’ai-chi (change)
t’u shuo;” wu-chi (Non-Ultimate) “Diagram of Preceding Heaven.”
cosmology. See t’ai-chi (Great See “Hsien T’ien t’u”
Ultimate); T’ai-chi t’u (Diagram “Diagram of the Great Ultimate.”
of the Great Ultimate); “T’ai-chi See T’ai-chi t’u
t’u shuo;” wu-chi (Non- “Diagram of the Transmission of
Ultimate); yin/yang the Way.” See Ch’uan Tao t’u
crane, 146, 157–158 “Diagram of What Antedates
Crawford, Robert, 20 Heaven.” See “Hsien T’ien t’u”
811
Di a g rams and Explanations of the dragon, 146, 163, 216, 364, 470,
Four Books. See Ssu-shu t’u-shuo 499, 531
Diagrams of the Proper Business of dualism, 58, 164, 243, 406, 443,
the Sages’ School. See Sheng- 479. See also monism
men shih-yeh t’u Duke of Chou, 103, 105, 112, 148,
different paths reaching the same 152, 159, 164, 207–208,
end. See Shu t’u t’ung kuei 232–233, 257, 272, 320,
Dimberg, Ronald, 214 330–331, 337, 375, 437, 450,
Directorate of Education. See Kuo- 502, 511, 528, 592, 602, 604,
tzu chien 608–609, 663, 669, 676, 730. See
disciple, 13, 33, 42, 44, 47–48, 53, also li (propriety or rites)
60–63, 76, 93, 97–100, 104, 109, duty. See wu ch’ang
125, 128–130, 135, 152, 161,
187, 196, 199, 201, 213–214, E
223–226, 233, 237, 256, 263, earth. See ti (earth)
267–268, 278, 284–286, 296, 303, Eastern Grove Academy. See Tung-
309, 311, 328–329, 337, 347, lin Academy
349, 351–352, 357, 368, 400, 403, Eastern Grove Party. See Tung-lin
413, 437, 452, 556, 607, 644, 646 Party
disciplined action. See kung-fu Eastern Grove School. See Tung-lin
(moral effort) School
disciplining of the self and return- Ebrey, Patricia Buckley, 17, 41, 61,
ing to propriety or rites. See k’o- 191, 529, 646, 671
chi fu-li ecology. See Confucian ecology
Discourses on Salt and Iron. See ecstasy, 166
Yen-t’ieh lun (Discourses on Edkins, Joseph, 732
Salt and Iron) education. See chiao (teaching or
discussion of learning. See chiang religion) and hsüeh (learning)
hsüeh Eh-hu chih hui. See Goose Lake
district school. See hsien-hsüeh debate
divination, 15, 103, 146, 163, 173, eight conducts. See pa hsing
300–301, 316, 404, 432, 456, 474, Eight Steps, 42, 46, 74, 142,
521, 537, 550, 561, 729 166–167, 196–197, 254, 338,
doctrine, 52, 75, 113, 1 6 3, 170, 340, 441, 601, 616, 685, 705
180–181, 200, 208, 214, 252, 268, eight trigrams, 69, 90, 167, 169,
282, 295, 313, 320, 325, 355, 389, 188, 216, 220, 233, 298, 300, 401,
399, 408, 413, 429, 442, 540, 570 412, 505, 507, 531, 536, 563, 571,
Doctrine in Four Axioms. See ssu 712. See also “Shih i” (“Ten
chü chiao Wings”) and yin/yang
“D o c t rine of the Mean.” See “Chung Elder Tai’s Records of Rites. See Ta
yung” (“D o c t rine of the Mean”) Tai Li chi
“Doctrine of the Mean” in Chapters Elementary Learning. See Hsiao-
and Verses. See Chung yung hsüeh
chang-chü elementary school. See Hsiao-hsüeh
812
Eliade, Mircea, 9, 492 Essential Meanings of the Book of
Elman, Benjamin A., 18, 87, Mencius. See Meng-tzu ching-i
109–110, 326, 394, 556, 587 “Essential Method for the
emotions. See ch’ing (emotions or Preservation of the Heart-
feelings) mind.” See “Ts’un-hsin yao-fa”
empathy. See shu (reciprocity or Essentials of Nature and Principle.
empathy) See Hsing-li ching-i
empirical learning. See k’ao-cheng “Essentials of the ‘Great Learning.’”
hsüeh See “Ta-hsüeh yao-lüeh”
empiricism, 169–170, 438, 498, 520 “Essentials of the Sages’ and
emptiness. See hsü (vacuity) Worthies’ Exposition of the
encyclopedia. See lei-shu Heart-mind.” See Sheng-hsien
energy. See ch’i (vitality) lun hsin chih yao
Eno, Robert, 439 ether. See ch’i (vitality)
environment. See Confucian ecology ethics, 19, 26, 47, 57, 59, 68, 166,
epiphany, 170. See also 172, 253, 259, 268, 270, 273,
sacred/profane and sheng or 315–316, 343, 366, 371, 377, 403,
sheng-jen (sage) 419, 438, 446, 454, 463, 479, 486,
Erh Ch’eng ch’üan-shu, 38, 44, 508, 557, 582–583, 594, 608, 612,
170– 1 7 1, 215–216, 301, 437. See 617, 684, 707. See also hsing
also Honan Ch’eng-shih i-shu (nature); i (righteousness or
and Honan Ch’eng-shih wai-shu rightness); li (profit)
Erh Ch’eng hsien-sheng lei-yü, 1 7 1. etiquette books. See shu-i (eti-
See also Honan Ch’eng-shih i-shu quette book)
and Honan Ch’eng-shih wai-shu euhemerism. See myth
Erh Ch’eng i-shu, 171, 215, 561 evangelicalism, 173
Erh Ch’eng wai-shu, 171, 216 evidential research. See k’ao-cheng
erudite. See po-shih hsüeh
Erudites of the Five Classics. See examination in letters. See chin-
wu-ching po-shih shih examination
escapism, 1 7 1, 458. See also examination system. See civil ser-
sacred/profane vice examinations
eschatology, 171 Exegeses of the Nine Classics. See
esoteric/exoteric, 52, 57, 171–172, T’ung-chih t’ang ching-chieh
194, 216, 284, 401, 446, 450, 671 exemplary person. See chün-tzu
essence, 56, 110, 132, 172, 214, 239, (noble person)
310, 321, 345, 442, 456, 468, 478, Exemplary Teacher for All Ages. See
501, 514, 540, 628, 661, 665. See wan-shih shih-piao
also macrocosm/microcosm exhausting Principle. See ch’iung-li
Essential Learning for Examination (exhausting Principle)
Studies of Ancient and Modern Exhortation to Learn. See Ch’üan-
Times. See Ku-chin wen-yüan hsüeh p’ien
chü-yeh ching-hua exorcism, 173. See also agnosti-
Essential Meanings of the Analects. cism; kuei/shen; li (propriety or
See Lun yü ching-i rites); purification; sacrifice 813
expiation. See atonement also han-lin yüan (Academy of
“Explanation of the Diagram of the Assembled Brushes); li (profit);
Great Ultimate.” See “T’ai-chi yü (desire)
t’u shuo” Fang Hsi-chih. See Fang Hsiao-ju
“Explanation of the Meaning of the Fang Hsün. See Fang Tung-mei
‘Western Inscription.’” See “Hsi- Fang Hsün-chih. See Fang Hsiao-ju
ming chieh-i” Fang I-chih, 56, 178, 180, 477
Exposition of the Doctrines of the Fang I-wei. See Fang Tung-shu
Ch’engs and Chu Hsi. See I-Lo Fang Ling-kao. See Fang Pao
fa-hui Fang Man-kung. See Fang I-chih
“Exposition of the Heart-Mind Fang Mi-chih. See Fang I-chih
Coordinating the Nature and Fang Pao, 180, 708. See also
Emotions.” See “Lun hsin t’ung Ch’eng-Chu School
hsing ch’ing” Fang Tung-mei, 180, 449, 489
Extended Meanings of the “Great Fang Tung-shu, 180–181, 201. See
Learning.” See Ta-hsüeh yen-i also hsin (heart-mind); hsing
extension of knowledge of the (nature); shu-yüan academy
good. See chih liang-chih Fang Wang-hsi. See Fang Pao
Fan Hsi-wen. See Fan Chung-yen
F Fan Hsü. See Fan Ch’ih
faith. See hsin (faithfulness) Fan Tsu-yü, 181, 615–616, 641. See
faithfulness. See hsin (faithfulness) also han-lin yüan (Academy of
Family Instructions for the Liu Assembled Brushes)
Clan. See Liu-shih chia-hsün Fasting Palace. See chai-kung
Family Instructions for the Yen (Fasting Palace)
Clan. See Yen-shih chia-hsün fatalism. See ming (destiny or fate)
Family Rituals. See chia-li fate. See ming (destiny or fate)
Family Teachings of Grandfather. Fa yen (Model Sayings), 181–182,
See T’ai-kung chia-chiao 544, 703. See also hsing (nature)
family temple. See chia-miao (fam- and T’ai-hsüan ching
ily temple) fear, 9, 134, 182, 688
Fan Ch’ih, 2, 175 feelings. See ch’ing (emotions or
Fan Ch’un-fu. See Fan Tsu-yü feelings)
Fan Chung-yen, 175, 297, 350, 423, Fei Mi, 182. See also yü (desire)
458, 518, 554–555, 653. See also Fei Tz’u-tu. See Fei Mi
yü (desire) Fei Yen-feng. See Fei Mi
Fang, Chaoying, 28 feng and shan sacrifices, 182–183,
“Fang chi,” 177, 264, 375, 410. 205, 442, 550, 583. See also
See also ch’ing (emotions or sacred/profane
feelings); li (propriety or feng sacrifice. See feng and shan
rites); yü ( d e s i re ) sacrifices
Fang Chih-chih. See Fang Tung-shu feng-shui, 32, 183–184, 456. See
Fang Feng-chiu. See Fang Pao also ch’i (vitality)
Fang Hsiao-ju, 123, 177–178. See fen-shu k’eng-ju. See “burning of
814
the books” and “burying of the Four Axioms. See ssu chü chiao
Confucians” Four Beginnings. See ssu-tuan
fertility rites, 184 (Four Beginnings)
filial piety. See hsiao (filial piety) Four Books (ssu-shu), 13–14, 50,
finding the way for oneself. See tzu-te 70, 118, 122, 130–132, 163, 172,
finding the way in oneself. See tzu-te 184, 186–187, 208, 220, 227,
first hexagram. See ch’ien hexagram 245–246, 254, 258, 261–262,
Five Books On Phonology. See Yin- 270, 310, 322, 374–375, 398,
hsüeh wu-shu 401, 410–411, 418, 424, 429,
Five Classics, 13, 82, 88, 93, 105, 453, 455, 467, 509, 545–546,
109, 122, 124, 153, 163, 184, 552, 554–555, 568, 621, 623,
186–188, 196, 207, 210, 220, 245, 634, 682, 685, 694, 709, 713–714.
262, 300–301, 310, 357, 375, See also Ch’eng Hao; Ch’eng I;
378, 410, 446, 453, 464, 471, 474, wen (culture)
509, 518–519, 528, 535, 555, Four Books for Women. See Nü ssu-
632, 640, 651, 675, 693–694, 734 shu (Four Books for Women)
Five Constants. See wu ch’ang Four Books With Popular
Five Early Sung Masters, 25, 44, Commentaries for The
108, 118, 185, 379, 423, 448, Instruction of Children.
468, 505, 544, 555, 602 See Ssu-shu hsün-erh su-shuo
Five Elements. See wu hsing Four Masters of the Ch’eng School,
Five Relationships. See wu lun 38, 43–44, 1 8 7, 229, 413, 705, 738
Five Virtues. See wu te Four Negatives. See ssu-wu
flood, 144, 185, 671, 707, 714, 726 Four-Sentence Teaching. See ssu
flood-like vitality. See hao-jan chih chü chiao
ch’i (flood-like vitality) Franke, Herbert, 66, 668
following the heart-mind. See ts’ung Fu Ch’ien-an. See Fu Kuang
hsin (following the heart-mind) fu hexagram, 187–188. See also
following the Way of inquiry and eight trigrams and sixty-four
learning. See tsun te-hsing erh hexagrams
Tao wen-hsüeh Fu Han-ch’ing. See Fu Kuang
forgiveness. See shu (reciprocity or Fu Hsi, 113, 167, 183, 188, 216, 280,
empathy) 300, 401, 514, 537, 592, 600, 602,
Former Confucians. See hsien-ju 615
(former Confucians) Fu hsing shu (Discourse on
Former Worthies. See hsien-hsien Returning to the Nature ), 84, 1 8 8,
(former worthies) 1 9 0, 240, 374, 397. See also Neo-
for the sake of oneself. See wei chi Confucianism and yü (desire)
fortune telling. See divination and I fu-ku, 190, 447
ching Fu Kuang, 190, 675. See also sheng
foundation of the heart-mind. See or sheng-jen (sage)
hsin-chih-t’i fully developing the nature. See
founding myth. See Shun; Yao; Yü chin-hsing (fully developing the
(king) nature)
815
function (yung). See t’i/yung chung (loyalty)
fundamentalism, 173, 190–191, Gloss of the Four Books. See Ssu-
384, 447. See also ching (classic) shu hsün-i
funeral, 4, 30, 50, 129–130, 144, gnosis, 188, 194. See also
183, 191, 349, 353, 529, 531, esoteric/exoteric
717. See also sacrifice God. See agnosticism; kuei/shen;
Fung Yu-lan, 48, 59, 192, 247, 250, Shang-ti (Lord upon High);
447–449, 480, 489, 572 T’ien (Heaven)
Fu Pu-ch’i. See Tzu-chien golden age. See Chou dynasty;
Shun; ta-t’ung; Yao; Yü (king)
G goodness. See shan (goodness)
Gate of the Lattice Asterism. See Goodrich, L. Carrington, 391
ling-hsing men (Gate of the Goose Lake debate, 118, 195, 407,
Lattice Asterism) 414. See also tsun te-hsing erh
General Institutions. See T’ung tien Tao wen-hsüeh; Lu Chiu-ling;
(General Institutions) Lu Chiu-shao
General Meaning of Literature and government. See cheng (governing
History. See Wen-shih t’ung i or regimen)
General Mirror. See Tzu-chih t’ung- Government Departmental
chien Examination. See sheng-shih
General Mirror for the Aid of examination
Government. See Tzu-chih government that cannot bear to
t’ung-chien see the suffering of people. See
General Rites of the K’ai-pao pu jen jen chih cheng
Period. See K’ai-pao t’ung-li (Government that cannot bear
General Significance of the to see the suffering of people)
Elementary Learning. See Graham, A. C. (Angus Charles), 83
Hsiao-hsüeh ta-i Great Compendium of the Five
General Study of Literary Remains. Classics. See Wu-ching ta-ch’üan
See Wen-hsien t’ung-k’ao Great Compendium of the Four
General Study of the Five Rites. See Books. See Ssu-shu ta-ch’üan
Wu-li t’ung-k’ao Great Compendium on Nature and
General Treatises. See T’ung chih Principle. See Hsing-li ta-ch’üan
(General Treatises) “Great Learning” (“Ta-hsüeh”), 32,
generosity. See shu (reciprocity or 42, 45–46, 74, 76–77, 97, 101,
empathy) 117, 121, 130, 142, 166–167,
gentleman. See chün-tzu (noble 177, 186, 195–197, 208, 213,
person) 226, 238, 246, 252, 254–256, 264,
geomancy. See feng-shui 269, 296, 314, 321, 327–328,
getting it oneself. See tzu-te 338, 340, 366, 371, 375,
ghosts. See kuei/shen 387–388, 392, 396, 410, 413,
ginkgo tree, 193, 247, 618. See also 421, 441–442, 448, 460, 514,
tree symbolism 527, 546, 568–569, 585, 589,
giving of oneself completely. See 601, 615–616, 626, 628, 659,
816
665, 674, 685, 705, 712–713, 105, 113, 124, 126, 130, 138, 144,
717, 721, 730, 734 1 48–149, 152, 172, 181–182, 196,
“Great Learning” in Chapters and 1 99–2 0 1, 202–205, 207, 211,
Verses. See Ta-hsüeh chang-chü 214, 216, 220, 226, 235, 237, 240,
great man. See ta chang-fu 250, 252–253, 256–258, 264, 271,
great one. See t’ai-i 273, 275–276, 284, 288–289, 294,
Great Ultimate. See t’ai-chi (Great 2 98–299, 304, 310, 312, 314, 319,
Ultimate) 3 26–327, 346–347, 350–351, 353,
Great Ultimate Academy. See T’ai- 3 55–356, 361–362, 364, 375,
chi shu-yüan 3 78–379, 382, 388–389, 391,
Great Unity. See ta-t’ung 3 94–396, 401, 409–410, 412,
great virtue. See ta-te 417, 430, 432, 437, 443, 446, 448,
Groaning Dialogues. See Shen-yin yü 450, 452–454, 462–463, 474, 476,
guilt (tsui), 8, 198, 500, 534 481, 495, 508, 517, 519, 521, 526,
532, 535–536, 542, 544,
H 5 49–552, 556, 561, 570–571,
half-day quiet-sitting, half-day 5 76–580, 584, 587, 592–593, 607,
reading. See pan-jih ching-tso 611, 627, 634–636, 646, 651, 656,
pan-jih tu-shu 662, 667, 671–672, 675, 689,
Hall, David L., 35, 48, 72–74, 6 93–696, 703, 713, 718–719,
125–128, 131–132, 173, 193, 198, 721–722, 728, 733–734. See also
235–236, 239, 261–262, 298–300, ch’en-shu (prognostication text);
303, 310, 430–432, 461, 500, 527– ching (classic); New Text/Old
530, 538–539, 596, 606, 683, 733 Text (chin-wen/ku-wen)
Hall of Great Accomplishments. Han Fei-tzu, 48, 201, 271, 292, 318,
See ta-ch’eng tien (Hall of Great 391, 495. See also hundred
Accomplishments) schools of thought
Hall of Illustrious Sages. See Han-hsüeh, 21, 66, 87, 109–110,
ch’ung-sheng tz’u (Hall of 201–202, 288–289, 317,
Illustrious Sages) 326–327, 342, 352, 360, 362,
hall of light. See ming-t’ang (hall of 394, 416, 434, 472, 503, 520, 556,
light) 571, 587, 669, 677, 713, 717, 719.
Hall of Prayer for the Year. See ch’i- See also hsin (heart-mind);
nien tien (Hall of Prayer for the hsing (nature); Kuo-ch’ao Han-
Year) hsüeh shih-ch’eng chi
Han Ch’ang-li. See Han Yü Han-hsüeh p’ai. See Han-hsüeh
Han Chen, 199, 575. See also hsin Han-hsüeh shang-tui, 181, 202
(heart-mind) and wu (enlight- han-hsüeh shih-ch’eng chi. See Kuo-
enment) ch’ao Han-hsüeh shih-ch’eng chi
Han Chieh-fu. See Han T’o-chou Han I-chung. See Han Chen
Handlin, Joanna F., 407 Han Kao Tsu, 202–203, 205, 233,
Han dynasty, 8, 13, 15, 18, 29, 31, 257, 388, 450, 522–523, 549. See
37, 42–43, 50, 52, 57, 60–61, also “burning of the books” and
65–66, 70, 82, 87–88, 99, 102, shih-tien ceremony (Twice
817
Yearly Confucian Ceremony) 632, 730. See also ancestors
Han learning. See Han-hsüeh (tsu); hsing (nature); worship
han-lin hsüeh-shih yüan (Academy Hao Ching, 123, 209–210, 453. See
of Assembled Brushes also hsing (nature) and sheng or
Academicians). See han-lin sheng-jen (sage)
yüan (Academy of Assembled Hao Chung-yü. See Hao Ching
Brushes) Hao Ch’u-wang. See Hao Ching
han-lin yüan (Academy of hao-jan chih ch’i (flood-like vitality),
Assembled Brushes), 203–204, 57, 210, 351, 426
532, 611, 693. See also chi-hsien harmony. See ho
yüan (Academy of Assembled Hawkes, David, 30
Worthies); ch’ung-wen kuan heart-mind. See hsin (heart-mind)
(Institute for the Veneration of Heart-Mind and Nature. See Hsin-
Literature); hung-wen kuan t’i yü hsing-t’i
(Institute for the Advancement h e a rt-mind in itself. See hsin-chih-t’ i
of Literature); t’ai-hsüeh heart-mind of humanity. See jen-
(National University) hsin (heart-mind of humanity)
Han Lo-wu. See Han Chen heart-mind of the good. See liang-
Han-shih wai-chuan, 204, 207, hsin
416. See also New Text/Old Text heart-mind of the Way. See Tao-
(chin-wen/ku-wen) hsin (heart-mind of the Way)
Han shu, 16, 124, 204–205, 264, heart-mind that cannot bear to see
275, 318, 361, 394–395, 410, the suffering of people. See pu
462–465, 481, 496, 532, 577, jen jen chih hsin (the heart
634, 660, 703 mind that cannot bear to see
Han’s Miscellaneous Commentary the suffering of people)
on the Poetry. See Han-shih Heaven. See T’ien (Heaven)
wai-chuan He a ven, earth and all things as
Han T’o-chou, 34, 53, 205, 238, one body. See T’ien-ti wan-wu
469, 674, 711 wei i-t’i
Han T’ui-chih. See Han Yü hell, 211. See also agnosticism;
Han Wu Ti, 183, 199, 205, 207, 211, Han Wu Ti; hun/p’o; kuei/shen
277, 318–319, 351, 355, 437, Heng-ch’ü School, 211–212, 327, 341
452, 476, 517–518, 542, 544, Heng-ch’ü wen-chi, 212
549–551, 580, 634, 636. See also henotheism, 212. See also Shang
sacred/profane dynasty and Chou dynasty
Han Ying, 204, 207. See also New hero. See Three Culture Heroes
Text/Old Text (chin-wen/ ku- heterodox learning. See wei-hsüeh
wen) highest sageliness. See chih-sheng
Han Yü, 2, 13, 84, 104, 107, 113, (highest sageliness)
122, 186, 191, 196, 207–208, history, 124, 171, 203–204, 2 1 2, 264,
240, 246, 264, 274, 318, 374, 424, 2 69–270, 293, 296, 317, 349, 356,
447, 458, 468–469, 489, 532, 363, 371, 409, 412, 421, 444, 447,
554–555, 584–585, 589, 591–592, 493, 507, 517–518, 525, 528–529,
818
542, 559, 594, 605, 610, 635–636, (New Text School); esoteri c / e xo-
640–642, 658, 679, 722. See also t e ric; ku-wen chia ( Old Text
Three Culture Heroes and Three School); New Text/Old Text
Sage Ki n g s (c h i n - w e n - k u - w e n); wuhsing
ho, 212–213, 368, 444, 662, 734. Ho-tung School, 218. See also
See also sheng or sheng-jen hsing (nature)
(sage) Ho Tzu-kung. See Ho Chi
Ho Chi, 97, 213, 259, 661 hsi (happiness), 218. See also pillar
Ho Ch’o, 66, 213, 633. See also han- drum (ying-ku or chien-ku)
lin yüan (Academy of Hsia dynasty, 70, 164, 218–219,
Assembled Brushes) 331, 333, 502, 504, 528, 594, 602,
Ho Hsin-yin, 213–214, 376, 575, 609, 722, 726. See also Yü (king)
712. See also hsing (nature); hsiang (image), 94, 219, 220, 526.
shu-yüan academy; yü (desire) See also sheng or sheng-jen
Ho Hsiu, 99, 109, 2 1 4, 349, 356, (sage) and sixty-four hexagrams
393–394. See also chin-wen chia hsiang (portrait or statue), 219, 319
(New Text School) and New Hsiang-shan (hsien-sheng) ch’üan-
Text/Old Text (chin-wen/ku-wen) chi, 219–220, 248, 404. See also
Ho Jun-ch’ien. See Ho Ch’o hsin-hsüeh (School of Heart-
holiday, 12, 214 Mind)
Ho Lin, 99, 214–215, 247, 320, 373, hsiang-shih examination, 68, 123,
448–449, 489, 587, 678 138, 220, 376, 388, 460, 513,
holiness, 215, 495. See also ching 660, 677, 709
(reverence or seriousness) and hsiang-shu (image-number), 172,
sacred/profane 178, 219, 220, 505, 507, 526,
holy. See sacred/profane 621, 656
holy person, 215, 492. See also hsiang-yin-chiu (community liba-
sacred/profane and sheng or tion), 220–221. See also civil
sheng-jen (sage) service examinations
homo religiosus, 215. See also hsiang-yüeh (community com-
sheng or sheng-jen (sage) pact), 221, 373, 412, 624, 665
Honan Ch’eng-shih i-shu, 117, 171, hsiao (filial piety), 48, 61, 130, 144,
215–216, 293, 561 152, 175, 191, 222–225, 226, 443,
Honan Ch’eng-shih wai-shu, 171, 454, 497, 501, 560, 585, 626, 668,
216 686. See also li (propriety or ri t e s )
honoring virtuous nature and fol- Hsiao ching (Book of Filial Piety),
lowing the Way of inquiry and 224, 2 25– 2 2 6, 280, 417, 453–454,
learning. See Tsun te-hsing erh 583, 585, 634, 640, 659, 672. See
Tao wen-hsüeh also macrocosm/microcosm;
Host of the Ice-Drinker’s Studio. New Text/Old Text (chin-
See Liang Ch’i-ch’ao wen/ku-wen); Nü hsiao-ching
“Ho t’u” (“River Chart”), 52, 102, (Book of Filial Piety for Women)
216, 284, 289, 308, 401, 418, 446, Hsiao-hsüeh, 68, 132, 226–227,
672. See also chin-wen chia 228, 270, 342, 393, 568, 685. See
819
also li (propriety or rites); san- 511, 612. See also “Hsi-ming
ts’ung ssu-te; women in chieh-i” and T’ien-ti chih se wu
Confucianism ch’i t’i
Hsiao-hsüeh ta-i, 228. See also hsin “Hsi-ming chieh-i,” 118, 235
(heart-mind) hsin (faithfulness), 235–236, 269,
hsiao-jen (petty person), 9, 46, 133, 314, 348, 409, 560, 689. See also
153, 212, 228, 237, 299, 337, sacred/profane and sheng or
352, 366, 430, 514, 668 sheng-jen (sage)
Hsiao, Kung-chuan, 325 hsin (heart-mind), 16, 20, 25, 28,
hsiao-lao offering, 228–229 3 1–32, 39, 42, 45, 47, 49, 62,
Hsieh Chün-chih. See Hsieh Fang-te 76–77, 81, 89, 91, 99, 110–111,
Hsieh Fang-te, 229. See also Cheng 1 13–114, 116, 120, 122, 127, 195,
Ssu-hsiao; Liu Yin; Wen T’ien- 214, 219, 229, 233, 2 36–2 3 7, 241,
hsiang 247–248, 256, 265, 269, 276, 284,
Hsieh Hsien-tao. See Hsieh Liang-tso 287, 302, 304, 307, 313–314, 328,
Hsieh Liang-tso, 38, 187, 229–230, 339, 342, 346, 348, 360, 363, 372,
283, 413, 705, 737–738. See also 380, 398–399, 403–404, 409,
yü (desire) 4 13–414, 416–418, 433, 439–440,
Hsieh Tieh-shan. See Hsieh Fang-te 452, 460, 462, 465, 469, 478–479,
Hsien-ch’iu Meng, 230. See also 486, 505, 507, 509, 511, 520, 540,
Five Classics 557, 570, 575, 586, 590, 606, 619,
hsien-hsien (former worthies), 149, 623, 628–629, 631–632, 655,
230, 232, 686–687 6 65–666, 668, 673, 675, 689, 692,
hsien-hsüeh, 104, 230 699, 701–702, 705, 707, 714, 724,
hsien-ju (former Confucians), 149, 730, 737. See also Lu - Wang
230, 232, 686–687 School
hsien-sheng (Sage of Antiquity), 232, Hsin-chai Wang hsien-sheng
257. See also wang (king) title for ch’üan-chi, 237, 435, 660
Confucius and Yen Yüan (Hui) Hsin-chai yü-lu, 237–238. See also
hsien-sheng (teacher), 232, 233, yü-lu
653. See also scholar class (shih) hsin-chih-t’i, 238, 345, 382, 540,
hsien-sheng miao (Temple of the 548, 607, 666, 696. See also hsin
Sage of Antiquity), 148, 233, (heart-mind)
549. See also hsien-shih Hsin ching, 53, 238. See also yü
(Teacher of Antiquity) (desire)
hsien-shih (Teacher of Antiquity), hsin-fa, 235, 238–239, 249, 314,
78, 232, 233, 653. See also wang 379, 484, 508, 522, 621, 630–631
(king) title for Confucius and hsing (nature), 3, 28, 31–32, 34, 45,
Yen Yüan (Hui) 49, 52, 56–57, 62, 64, 66–67, 81,
Hsien-shih Ni-fu (Father Ni the 83, 93, 101, 108, 120, 122, 127,
Teacher of Antiquity), 233 131, 172, 182, 188, 237, 2 39–241,
“Hsien T’ien t’u,” 220, 233, 235, 244, 246, 264–265, 269–270,
417, 507 274–275, 278, 287, 307, 313, 318,
“Hsi-ming,” 25, 28, 120, 235, 384, 328, 337, 342, 345–346, 348, 352,
820
363, 374, 387, 391–392, 396–397, 280, 307, 318, 326, 348, 371–372,
399, 401, 406, 409, 417–418, 425, 377, 379–380, 398, 404, 407, 414,
429, 432, 440, 460, 467, 469, 433, 448–449, 462, 469, 486, 498,
478–479, 497, 501, 508, 517, 544, 509, 520, 585, 587, 624, 628, 631,
556, 560, 596, 610–612, 623–624, 663, 711, 714, 737. See also
629–630, 654, 663, 672, 675, 689, Hsiang-shan (hsien-sheng)
701–702, 705. See also hsin-hsüeh ch’üan-chi and sheng or s h e n g -
(School of Heart-Mind); Yang jen (sage)
Hsiung; yin/yang; yü (desire) hsin ju-chia. See New Confucianism
hsing (punishment or criminal hsin ju-hsüeh. See New
law), 34, 57, 125, 241–243, 500, Confucianism
722. See also hundred schools Hsin li-hsüeh, 192, 247, 250, 449
of thought Hsin lun (New Treatises), 250, 284.
hsing-erh-shang/hsing-erh-hsia, See also chin-wen chia (New
56–57, 243, 429–430, 479. See Text School); ku-wen chia (Old
also t’i /yung and yin/yang Text School); New Text/Old Text
Hsing-li ching-i, 244, 245, 387. See (chin-wen/ku-wen)
also ch’i (vitality); hsing Hsin-t’i yü hsing-t’i, 250, 252, 442,
(nature); ming (destiny or fate); 449. See also hsin (heart-mind)
Principle (li) and hsing (nature)
hsing-li hsüeh, 118, 122, 244, 248, Hsin wei-shih lun, 252, 253. See
379, 556, 590. See also hsin also hsin (heart-mind) and Lu-
(heart-mind) Wang School
Hsing-li ta-ch’üan, 98, 244–245, “Hsi-tz’u chuan,” 56–57, 69, 167,
265, 290, 509. See also ch’i (vital- 188, 219, 243, 252–253, 298,
ity); hsing (nature); Principle 300, 359, 401, 430, 512, 514, 521,
(li); T’ien (Heaven) 532, 536, 571, 589, 593, 634. See
hsing-ming group, 113, 190, 208, also eight trigrams and sixty-
245–246, 374, 584, 632, 663 four hexagrams
“Hsing-ming ku-hsün,” 246–247, hsiu-chi. See hsiu-shen
317. See also yü (desire) Hsiung Ch’ing-hsiu. See Hsiung
hsing-t’an (apricot platform), 193, Tz’u-li
247 Hsiung Ch’ing-yüeh. See Hsiung
hsin hsin-hsüeh, 99, 247, 449, 587. Tz’u-li
See also Lu-Wang School and Hsiung Shih-li, 59, 252, 253, 373,
t’i/yung (substance/function) 442, 448–449, 480, 489, 582,
hsin-hsüeh (new learning), 195, 729–730. See also hsin (heart-
247. See also New Text/Old Text mind) and t’i/yung
(chin-wen/ku-wen) (substance/function)
hsin-hsüeh (School of Heart-Mind), Hsiung Tz’u-li, 254, 385
3, 20–21, 28, 32, 38, 42, 47, 53, hsiu-shen, 42, 166, 254–255, 392,
65, 77, 88, 92, 102, 110, 118, 122, 441, 569, 665. See also hsin
178, 192, 229, 237, 244, 247, (heart-mind); hsing (nature);
2 48–2 4 9, 252–253, 255, 270, 278, sheng or sheng-jen (sage)
821
hsiu-wen kuan (Institute for the hsüeh-an (records of learning),
Cultivation of Literature). See 262–263, 347, 370
hung-wen kuan (Institute for hsüeh-cheng, 263, 268, 476, 556,
the Advancement of Literature), 623. See also hsüeh-lu
255, 293 “Hsüeh chi,” 263–264, 375
hsü (vacuity), 255–256, 258, 439, Hsüeh Chi-hsüan, 33, 264, 737
460, 623, 703 Hsüeh Ching-hsüan. See Hsüeh
Hsü Ai, 31, 110, 256, 663. See also Hsüan
hsing (nature) Hsüeh Chung-li. See Hsüeh K’an
hsüan-chü system, 18, 138, 257. See Hsüeh-Hai Hall’s Exegeses of the
also chin-shih examination; chü- Classics. See Huang-Ch’ing
j e n; civil service examinations ching-chieh
hsüan-fu (comprehensive father), Hsüeh-hai t’ang, 180, 264, 278,
257, 583. See also wang (king) 317, 343. See also shu-yüan
title for Confucius academy
hsüan-hsüeh (mysterious learn- Hsüeh-hai t’ang ching-chieh. See
ing), 88, 90, 257–258, 318, 357, Huang-Ch’ing ching-chieh
430, 536, 538, 577. See also Lun Hsüeh heng School, 265, 438. See
yü (Analects) and Neo- also May Fourth movement
Confucianism Hsüeh Hsüan, 218, 265, 382, 400,
Hsüan-sheng Wen-hsüan Wang 497, 624, 661. See also han-lin
(Profound Sage and yüan (Academy of Assembled
Comprehensive King), 77, 259, Brushes)
678 Hsüeh K’an, 110, 267, 736. See also
Hsü Ch’ien, 97, 259–261, 296. See hsing (nature)
also hsin (heart-mind); sheng or Hsüeh Ken-chai. See Hsüeh Chi-
sheng-jen (sage); shih-liu tzu hsüan
hsin-ch’uan hsüeh-kuei (articles for learning),
Hsü Chien-an. See Hsü Ch’ien- 67, 265, 267, 682
hsüeh hsüeh-kung (Pavilion of Learning),
Hsü Ch’ien-hsüeh, 94, 213, 261, 148, 267–268, 418, 465. See also
296, 326, 633, 670, 695, 713. See p’an-kung (Pavilion of the
also han-lin yüan (Academy of Pond)
Assembled Brushes) hsüeh-lu, 268, 476
Hsü Ching-an. See Hsü Fu-yüan Hsüeh Shang-ch’ien. See Hsüeh
Hsü Chung-p’ing. See Hsü Heng K’an
hsüeh (learning), 22, 64, 72–73, Hsüeh Shih-lung. See Hsüeh Chi-
154, 181, 210, 236, 245, 254, hsüan
261–262, 263, 302, 399, 407, Hsüeh-shu pien, 268, 408
463, 535, 538–539, 586, 591, Hsüeh Te-wen. See Hsüeh Hsüan
651, 656, 668, 672. See also chih Hsü Fu-yüan, 268–269, 324, 497.
(knowledge or knowing); Lun See also k’o-chi fu-li; sheng or
yü (Analects); sheng or sheng- sheng-jen (sage); yü (desire)
jen (sage) Hsü Heng, 29, 36, 132, 228, 245,
822
269–270, 397, 568-569, 643, See also chih-chih (extension of
689, 728. See also chih hsing knowledge); sheng or sheng-jen
ho-i and yü (desire) (sage); tsun te-hsing-erh Tao
Hsü Heng-shan. See Hsü Ai wen-hsüeh
Hsü I-chih. See Hsü Ch’ien Huang Li-chou. See Huang Tsung-
Hsü Meng-chung. See Hsü Fu- hsi
yüan Huang Nan-lei. See Huang Tsung-
Hsün Ch’ing. See Hsün-tzu hsi
Hsün K’uang. See Hsün-tzu Huang Po-an. See Huang Tsun-su
hsün-ocarina, 269. See also music Huang Shih-chai. See Huang Tao-
Hsün-tzu, 12–13, 36, 48, 57, 78, chou
83–84, 87–88, 104, 111, 113, 173, Huang Tao-chou, 67, 280. See also
177, 198, 201, 223, 237, 240, 242, han-lin yüan (Academy of
254, 256, 2 7 1–2 7 4, 275, 291, Assembled Brushes) and k’o-chi
299, 312–313, 316, 318, 321, 329, fu-li
342, 344, 351, 353, 366, 368–370, Huang Ti, 183, 188, 280, 282, 499,
374, 391, 412, 424, 426, 432, 440, 514, 592, 600, 602, 726
446, 478, 508, 535, 547, 584, 589, Huang Tsung-hsi, 22, 28, 31–32,
605–606, 612, 626, 637, 656, 660, 49–50, 58, 62, 64–65, 70–71, 76,
672, 696, 698, 712, 724, 734. See 99, 104, 114, 117, 123, 128, 135,
also Book of Me n c i u s; ching 177–178, 195, 199, 210, 218, 237,
(classic); yü (desire) 257, 262–263, 265, 267–269, 276,
Hsün Yüeh, 275, 508. See also New 2 82–283, 285–286, 288, 324, 328,
Text/Old Text (chin-wen/ku-wen) 330, 346–349, 360, 363, 382, 389,
Hsü Pi, 276 392, 396, 398–401, 403, 407–408,
Hsü Po-shih. See Hsü Yüeh 4 34–435, 443, 445, 453, 460, 462,
Hsü Tzu-chih. See Hsü Yüeh 469, 480, 497, 511, 526, 548, 554,
Hsü Yüan-i. See Hsü Ch’ien-hsüeh 556, 559–560, 576, 586–587,
Hsü Yüeh, 276, 575, 712. See also 6 23–624, 627–628, 632, 638, 655,
chin-shih examination 657, 660–662, 666–667, 669–670,
Hsü Yüeh-jen. See Hsü Ai 676, 698–700, 712, 736. See also
hu (tablet), 146, 276. See also hsin (heart-mind)
Confucian iconography Huang Tsun-su, 282, 283, 638
Huai-nan-tzu, 276–277, 412, 417, Huang Yu-p’ing. See Huang Tao-
535. See also Han Wu Ti and wu chou
hsing Hu An-kuo, 229, 283, 286–287, 296,
Huang Chen-ch’ang. See Huang 554, 709. See also sheng or
Tsun-su sheng-jen (sage)
Huang-chi ching-shih (shu), 245, Huan T’an, 250, 284. See also chin-
278, 505 wen chia (New Text School);
Huang Chih-ch’ing. See Huang Kan esoteric/exoteric; ku-wen chia
Huang-Ch’ing ching-chieh, 264, (Old Text School); New Text/Old
278, 317, 326, 593 Text (chin-wen/ku-wen)
Huang Kan, 97, 213, 278–280, 309. Hu Cheng-fu. See Hu Chih
823
Hu Chih, 64, 284–285. See also Hui Yen-hsi. See Hui Chou-t’i
chin-shih examination Hui Yüan-lung. See Hui Chou-t’i
Hu Chih-yü, 285. See also hsing Hu Jen-chung. See Hu Heng (Jen-
(nature) chung)
Hu Chü-jen, 128, 285–286, 403, Hu K’ang-hou. See Hu An-kuo
698. See also hsin (heart-mind) Hu Kuang, 245, 289–290, 546, 694.
Hucker, Charles O., 97–98, 123–124, See also han-lin yüan (Academy
263, 268 of Assembled Brushes)
Hu Fei-ming. See Hu Wei Hu Kuang-ta. See Hu Kuang
Hu-Hsiang School, 283, 286, 287 Hu Lu-shan. See Hu Chih
Hu Hsien, 286–287. See also chin- human. See jen (human)
shih examination; k’o-chi fu-li; human desires. See yü (desire)
li (propriety or rites) humaneness. See jen (humaneness)
Hu Huang-an. See Hu Kuang humane person completely shares
Hu Hung (Jen-chung), 25, 91, 252, the same body with things. See
286, 287, 414, 705, 738. See also jen che hun-jan yü wu t’ung t’i
Mencius and yü (desire) human-heartedness. See jen
Hu Hung (Ying-ch’i), 288 (humaneness)
Hui-an chi. See Chu-tzu wen-chi humanism, 143, 153, 290, 382, 447,
Hui-an hsien-sheng Chu Wen- 563, 583
kung wen-chi. See Chu-tzu humanity. See jen (humaneness)
wen-chi human nature. See hsing (nature)
Hui-an weng. See Chu Hsi human souls. See hun/p’o
Hui Chou-t’i, 288, 289. See also Hu Ming-chung. See Hu Yin
han-lin yüan (Academy of hun (cloud-soul). See hun/p’o
Assembled Brushes) Hunan School. See Hu-Hsiang
Hui Chung-ju. See Hui Shih-ch’i School
Hui Shih-ch’i, 288–289. See also hundred cognomina. See pai-hsing
Han-hsüeh; han-lin yüan Hundred Days of Reform, 19, 23,
(Academy of Assembled 88, 291, 325, 371, 452, 471, 588,
Brushes); New Text/Old Text 609, 667
(chin-wen/ku-wen) Hundred Family Names. See Pai-
hui-shih examination, 97, 220, 254, chia hsing
288, 289, 611, 627. See also hundred schools of thought, 13,
chin-shih examination 34, 78, 103, 113, 172, 276,
Hui Shu. See Hui Chou-t’i 291–293, 318, 424, 498, 656, 694
Hui Sung-ya. See Hui Tung hung-wen kuan (Institute for the
Hui T’ien-mu. See Hui Shih-ch’i Advancement of Literature),
Hui Ting-yü. See Hui Tung 255, 293. See also chi-hsien
Hui Tung, 61, 63, 202, 288, 289, yüan (Academy of Assembled
326, 363, 472, 503, 570, 582, 658, Worthies); ch’ung-wen kuan
660, 736. See also “Hsien T’ien (Institute for the Veneration of
t’u” and New Text/Old Text Literature); han-lin yüan
(chin-wen/ku-wen) (Academy of Assembled
824
Brushes); t’ai-hsüeh (National I ching, 5, 21, 25, 37, 42–43, 45, 47,
University) 55–57, 59, 61, 65, 69–70, 84, 86,
hun-jan i-t’i, 293–294. See also 89–90, 94, 101–102, 107–108,
chih (wisdom); hsin (faithful- 110, 116, 135, 146, 150, 163, 167,
ness); i (righteousness or right- 169, 172, 175, 178, 180, 184–185,
ness); li (propriety or rites) 1 8 7–188, 212–213, 216, 219–220,
hun/p’o, 294, 306, 344. See also 233, 238, 243, 252–253, 258, 275,
ancestors (tsu); Hsün-tzu; 278, 280, 288–289, 296–298,
kuei/shen; li (propriety or rites) 3 0 0–301, 302, 308, 334, 357, 384,
huo-jan kuan-t’ung, 181, 294–295 387, 396, 401, 412, 414, 417, 430,
Hu Shao-k’ai. See Hu Chih-yü 432, 434, 442, 453, 456, 461, 478,
Hu Shih, 55, 295, 419, 421, 477, 481, 501, 505, 512, 514, 518, 521,
498, 531, 676 526, 531–532, 536–538, 550, 552,
Hu Shih-chih. See Hu Shih 554, 556, 559, 563, 571, 576–577,
Hu Shu-hsin. See Hu Chü-jen 589, 593, 609, 612, 616–617, 621,
Hu Tung-ch’iao. See Hu Wei 628, 633–634, 638, 642, 659, 668,
Hu Tzu-shan. See Hu Chih-yü 672, 681, 693–695, 701, 703, 707,
Hu Wei, 202, 288, 296, 308, 326. See 719, 721–722, 738. See also
also civil service examinations ch’ien hexagram and i (change)
Hu Yi-chih. See Hu Yüan I chuan. See “Shih i” (“Ten Wings”)
Hu Yin, 286, 296. See also ch’iung-li I-ch’uan (hsien-sheng) wen-chi,
(exhausting Principle); hsin 170, 301
(heart-mind); sheng or sheng- icon. See hsiang (portrait or statue)
jen (sage); ts’un ch’i hsin idol. See hsiang (portrait or statue)
Hu Ying-ch’i. See Hu Hung (Ying- andidolatry
ch’i) idolatry, 302, 319. See also hsiang
Hu Yüan, 175, 296–297, 379, 549, (portrait or statue) and shen-
602. See also hsing (nature) wei (tablet)
Hu Yüan-chung. See Hu Hsien i-fa, 91, 115, 302, 409, 540, 631,
hymn. See yüeh-chang 673–674. See also “Chung yung”
(“Doctrine of the Mean”); hsin
I (heart-mind); jen hsin (heart-
i (change), 219, 299, 360, 456, 561, mind of humanity); Tao-hsin
616, 707 (heart-mind of the Way); T’ien-
i (righteousness or rightness), 26, li (Principle of Heaven); wei-fa
51, 57, 60, 67, 80, 89, 178, 208, ignorance, 259, 302. See also hsing
210, 213, 223, 236, 243, 269, 287, (nature)
299–300, 303, 314, 318, 329, ignorant men and women. See yü-
333, 342, 352, 359, 361, 366, 369, fu yü-fu
372, 379, 398, 409, 424, 429, 468, i i fang wai, 3 02–3 0 3. See also ching
478, 482, 501, 547, 560, 591, 610, i chih nei and k’un hexagram
612, 636, 654, 675, 681, 689, 705, i-kuan, 125, 303–304, 526, 626. See
711, 724, 729–730, 737. See also also Lun yü (Analects)
ssu-tuan (Four Beginnings) I li, 17, 21–22, 29, 43, 60, 63, 105,
825
124, 210, 220, 278, 304, 370, insight. See wu (enlightenment)
375, 377–378, 403, 416–417, inspiration. See wu (enlightenment)
453–454, 495–496, 529, 552, instinct, 239, 307
634, 640, 662. See also Five Institute for the Advancement of
Classics Literature. See hung-wen kuan
i-li chih hsing. See T’ien-ming chih (Institute for the Advancement
hsing of Literature)
illusion, 304–305 Institute for the Veneration of
I-Lo fa-hui, 29, 305. See also Chu Literature. See ch’ung-wen kuan
Hsi (Institute for the Veneration of
image. See hsiang (image) Literature)
image hall. See ying-t’ang (image Institutes of Chou. See Chou li
hall) Instructions for Practical Living.
image-number. See hsiang-shu See Ch’uan-hsi lu
(image-number) Instructions for the Inner Quarters.
immanent, 305, 606–607, 618. See See Nei hsün (Instructions for
also sacred/profane the Inner Quarters)
immanentism. See immanent Instructor. See hsüeh-cheng; hsüeh-
immersion, 305 lu
immortality, 107, 171, 210, integrity. See ch’eng (sincerity)
305–306, 456, 538, 572. See also intellectualism, 307
hun/p’o intellectual knowledge. See ratio-
Imperial Ch’ing Exegeses of the nality
Classics. See Huang-Ch’ing intuition, 253, 307–308, 373, 442,
ching-chieh 486, 587. See also hsin (heart-
imperishability. See immortality mind)
individual. See Individualism intuitive ability. See liang-neng
individualism, 214, 306, 337, 373, intuitive knowledge. See intuition
376–377, 648, 659, 673, 684 and liang-chih
individuality. See tzu-te investigation of things. See ko-wu
infinity. See wu-chi (Non-Ultimate) (investigation of things)
initiation rites, 306 investigation of things and exhaus-
innate moral capacity. See liang- tion of Principle. See ko-wu
neng ch’iung-li
innate moral knowledge. See liang- investigation of things and exten-
chih sion of knowledge. See ko-wu
Inner School. See nei-hsüeh (Inner chih-chih
School) I-shu (Ch’eng brothers). See Honan
Inquiry into the Authenticity of the Ch’eng-shih i-shu
Old Text Version of the Hallowed is/ought, 308, 337, 612. See also
Documents. See Shang shu ku- hsing (nature) and sheng or
wen shu-cheng sheng-jen (sage)
Inquiry on the “Great Learning.” See I ta-chuan. See “Shih i” (“Ten
Ta-hsüeh wen Wings”)
826
I-t’u ming-pien, 296, 308. See also jen-hsin (heart-mind of humanity),
hsin (heart-mind) and hsing 58, 100, 111, 120–121, 188, 256,
(nature) 269, 278, 302, 308, 314–315,
I t’ung (Penetrating the Book of 337, 406, 413, 484, 508, 522, 540,
Changes). See T’ung-shu 560, 585, 590, 612, 673–675,
(Penetrating the Book of 724. See also New Text/Old Text
Changes) (chin-wen/ku-wen); sheng or
sheng-jen (sage); yü (desire)
J jen-hsing. See hsing (nature)
Jan Ch’iu. See Jan Yu Jen-hsüeh, 315, 588
Jan Keng. See Jan Po-niu Jensen, Lionel M., 439
Jan Po-niu, 154, 309. See also jen-tao, 315–316, 611–612. See also
Confucius’ disciples; Lun yü ssu (thinking)
(Analects) jen-yü (human desires). See yü
Jan Yu, 154, 309, 624. See also (desire)
Confucius’ disciples; Lun yü Jen Yu-wen, 643
(Analects) Jih-chih lu, 18, 247, 316, 363. See
Jan Yung. See Chung-kung also ching (classic)
Jao Lu, 47, 309–310. See also hsin ju, 16, 64, 153, 173, 305, 316–317,
(heart-mind) and Wu Ch’eng 318–319, 321, 388, 483, 527,
Jao Po-yü. See Jao Lu 531, 549, 642, 670, 729–730. See
jen (human), 127, 132, 310, 530, 730 also ju-hsüeh
jen (humaneness), 2, 39, 45, 57, 60, Juan Po-yüan. See Juan Yüan
62, 69, 73, 80, 114–116, 120, 125, Juan Yüan, 63, 65–66, 87, 180, 246,
128, 133, 142, 152, 175, 204, 208, 264, 278, 3 1 7–3 1 8, 326, 342,
2 13–214, 223, 229, 236–237, 242, 360, 389, 559, 600, 658. See also
253, 269, 287, 293, 309, 3 10–3 1 3, ching (classic); han-lin yüan
3 14–315, 317–318, 329–330, 333, ( Academy of Assembled
337, 360–361, 368–369, 372, 379, Brushes); T h i rteen Classics
385, 400, 409, 424–425, 429, 442, Juan Yün-t’ai. See Juan Yüan
446, 478, 482–483, 501, 511, 513, ju-chia, 318, 321. See also ch’en-
527, 531, 544, 547–548, 560, 585, shu (prognostication text); Han
5 88–589, 591, 595, 610, 612, 617, Fei-tzu; li (propriety or rites);
636, 641, 644, 652, 656, 668, 681, New Text/Old Text (chin-
689, 705, 716, 724, 729–730, 738. wen/ku-wen); wei (apocrypha)
See also Four Beginnings; hsin- ju-chiao, 314, 319–320. See also
hsüeh (new learning); j e n ching (classic); Confucian folk-
(human); k’o-chi fu-li lore; New Confucianism;
jen che hun-jan yü wu t’ung t’i, sacred/profane; yü (desire)
313–314. See also hsin (heart- ju-chiao chu-i, 320, 355. See also
mind); T’ien-ti chih se wu ch’i ju-chiao
t’i; T’ien-ti wan-wu wei i-t’i “Ju-chia ssu-hsiang te hsin k’ai-
Jen Chi-yü, 314, 319, 555 chan,” 320, 678
jen-chu hsin-fa, 314 Ju hsing, 320–321, 375
827
ju-hsüeh, 220, 263, 318, 321, 557 Kao P’an-lung, 47, 89, 91, 188,
juist. See ju 327–328, 329, 345, 359, 392,
ju-tao, 321 469, 637–638. See also hsin
(heart-mind) and hsing
K (nature)
K’ai-ch’eng shih-ching (K’ai-ch’eng Kao Ts’un-chih. See Kao P’an-lung
Stone Classics), 322, 503. See Kao-tzu (disciple), 328. See also
also stone classics Kao-tzu (thinker)
K’ai-ch’eng Stone Classics. See K’ai- Kao-tzu (thinker), 12, 239, 312,
ch’eng shih-ching (K’ai-ch’eng 328–329, 351–352, 425,
Stone Classics) 547–548. See also ssu-tuan
K’ai-pao t’ung-li, 41, 60, 322, 529, (Four Beginnings)
569 Kao-tzu ch’üan-shu, 328, 329
K’ai-yüan li, 60, 124, 322, 324, 529 Kao-tzu i-shu, 329, 359
Kan-ch’üan School, 28, 218, 268, Karlgren, Bernhard, 4, 85, 108, 183
324, 462. See also hsin (heart- Kelleher, M. Theresa, 393, 446
mind) Keng Ch’u-k’ung. See Keng Ting-li
K’ang-chai wen-chi, 324, 700. See Keng Ting-hsiang, 65, 213-214,
also hsin (heart-mind) and yü 329–330, 376, 575. See also hsin
(desire) (heart-mind)
K’ang Ch’ang-su. See K’ang Ye-wei Keng Ting-li, 213–214, 330,
K’ang Kuang-hsia. See K’ang Ye-wei 376–377, 575
K’ang Yu-wei, 23, 55, 70, 88, 112, Keng Tsai-lun. See Keng Ting-hsiang
247, 291, 324–325, 356, 371, Keng Tzu-yung. See Keng Ting-li
373, 375, 394–395, 398, 419, kindness. See jen (humaneness)
421, 438, 452, 489, 513, 587–588, King Ch’eng, 164, 330
594–595, 609, 667, 676. See also King Chieh, 331, 333, 722
hsin-hsüeh (new learning); King Chou, 331, 502, 609
hsin-hsüeh (School of Heart- King Hui of Liang, 333, 366,
Mind); New Text/Old Text 424–425
(chin-wen/ku-wen) King T’ang, 164, 331, 333–334, 502,
Kao Ch’ai. See Tzu-kao 511, 591–592, 722
k’ao-cheng hsüeh, 18, 63, 65–66, King Wen, 103, 164, 208, 272, 300,
8 7–88, 137, 169, 201–202, 213, 331, 334, 337, 476, 511, 519,
246, 261, 278, 288–289, 295–296, 591–592, 602, 604, 608–609,
317, 3 25–327, 353, 360, 363, 676, 730. See also T’ien-ming
3 88–389, 391, 394, 429, 434, 448, (Mandate of Heaven)
476, 481, 498, 503, 520, 570, 628, King Wu, 103, 164, 208, 330–331,
656, 658, 660, 677, 713, 739. See 334, 337, 511, 519, 592, 602,
also shu-yüan academy 604, 608–609, 676, 730
Kao Ching-i. See Kao P’an-lung Kleeman, Terry F., 442, 580
k’ao-chü. See k’ao-cheng hsüeh Knapp, Keith N., 222
K’ao hsin lu, 327, 628. See also knowledge. See chih (knowledge or
ching (classic) knowing)
828
knowledge of the good. See liang- women in Confucianism
chih Kuei fan, 343–344, 378, 407, 686.
k’o-chi fu-li, 153, 337, 441, 508 See also Kuei chieh and women
ko-chih. See ko-wu chih-chih in Confucianism
ko-jen chu-i, 337–338 Kuei-ko ssu-shu (Boudoir Four
ko-wu (investigation of things), 3, Books). See Nü ssu-shu (Four
15, 42, 74–75, 101, 121, 143, Books for Women)
166, 195, 210, 229, 249, 254, 268, kuei/shen, 71, 153, 245, 344–345,
284–286, 330, 338–340, 341, 363, 561, 662. See also hun/p’o
388, 407, 448, 460, 514, 544, 548, Ku Hsien-ch’eng, 70, 89, 91, 327,
568, 571, 586, 623, 632, 659, 689. 345–346, 382, 637–638. See also
See also hsin-hsüeh (School of Tung-lin Party; wu (enlighten-
Heart-Mind) and ko-wu chih- ment); yü (desire)
chih Ku-liang chuan, 124, 346, 349,
ko-wu chih-chih, 39, 45, 53, 55, 355–356, 495, 505, 627, 640. See
74–75, 77, 113–114, 169, 181, also New Text/Old Text (chin-
252, 280, 287, 295, 327, 337, wen/ku-wen) and san chuan
340, 365, 387, 398, 406, K’un-chih chi, 346–347, 399
413–414, 433, 448, 477, 486, kung-an (kôan), 263, 347
498, 568–569, 585, 674, 699, K’ung An-kuo, 347, 503, 538, 659,
712, 714. See also ch’iung-li 693. See also New Text/Old Text
(exhausting Principle); hsin- (chin-wen/ku-wen) and wu-
hsüeh (School of Heart-Mind); ching po-shih (Erudites of the
Neo-Confucianism Five Classics)
ko-wu ch’iung-li, 75, 82, 92, 98, K’ung Chi. See Tzu-ssu
101–102, 114, 278, 340–341, kung-ch’i (public vessel), 347–348.
380, 702 See also civil service examina-
Kramers, Robert P., 353 tion and t’ai-hsüeh (National
k’uang Ch’an, 341. See also sheng University)
or sheng-jen (sage) K’ung-chiao, 64, 319, 348. See also
Kuan School, 211, 341, 497. See chiao (teaching or religion) and
also Heng-ch’u School and K’ung-men
Chang Tsai K’ung Ch’iu. See Confucius
kua-yü (reducing desires), 214, K’ung Chung-chung. See K’ung
341–342, 406, 675, 698, 724 Kuang-sen
Ku Chiang. See Ku Yen-wu K’ung Chung-ta. See K’ung Ying-ta
Ku-ching ching-she, 87, 264, 317, K’ung Family Masters’ Anthology.
342–343, 559, 739. See also See K’ung-ts’ung-tzu (The K’ung
ching-she academy Family Masters’ Anthology)
Ku Ching-yang. See Ku Hsien-ch’eng K’ung-fu, 348
Ku-chin wen-yüan chü-yeh ching- kung-fu (moral effort), 24, 70, 77,
hua, 343, 365 92, 117, 286, 345, 348–349, 392,
kuei (ghost). See kuei/shen 400, 413, 452, 655, 665
Kuei chieh, 343, 686. See also K’ung Fu-tzu. See Confucius
829
Kung-hsi Ch’ih. See Kung-hsi Hua 465, 524, 533, 583. See also
Kung-hsi Hua, 349, 624 Confucius and ta-ch’eng tien
K’ung Hui-yüeh. See K’ung Kuang- (Hall of Great
sen Accomplishments)
K’ung Kuang-sen, 349, 593. See K’ung-tzu mu (Tomb of
also ching (classic); han-lin Confucius), 144, 148, 150,
yüan (Academy of Assembled 155–157, 159, 355, 579
Brushes); New Text/Old Text Kung-yang chuan, 42, 60, 88, 109,
(chin-wen/ku-wen) 124–125, 214, 325, 346, 349,
kung-kuo ko (ledger of merit and 352, 355–356, 393, 450, 495,
demerit), 349–350, 729 552, 634, 640, 675, 718. See also
K’ung-men, 350. See also K’ung- chin-wen chia (New Text
chiao School); New Text/Old Text
Kung Se-jen. See Kung Tzu-chen (chin-wen/ku-wen); san chuan
Kung-sun Ch’ou, 12, 350–351. See Kung-yang hsüeh, 88, 109, 325,
also ch’i (vitality) 356–357, 393. See also New
Kung Ting-an. See Kung Tzu-chen Text/Old Text (chin-wen/ku-
K’ung-ts’ung-tzu (The K’ung wen) and wei (apocrypha)
Family Masters’ Anthology), Kung-yang learning. See Kung-
351–352, 353, 364, 662. See also yang hsüeh
chin-wen chia (New Text Kung-yang School. See Kung-yang
School); Han dynasty; ku-wen hsüeh
chia (Old Text School); New Kung-yeh Ch’ang, 357. See also
Text/Old Text (chin-wen/ku- Confucius’ disciples
wen); Sung dynasty; Tang K’ung Ying-ta, 56, 88–89, 243, 357,
dynasty 503, 512, 538, 578, 693
Kung-tu-tzu, 352, 547 k’un hexagram, 357, 359, 521, 681.
K’ung-tzu. See Confucius See also eight trigrams and
Kung Tzu-chen, 352–353, 356, 520. “Shih i” (“Ten Wings”)
See also chung (people); hsin K’un-hsüeh chi, 328-329, 359
(nature); New Text/Old Text Ku Ning-jen. See Ku Yen-wu
(chin-wen/ku-wen); sheng or K’un-pien lu, 359–360, 452
sheng-jen (sage) Kuo-ch’ao Han-hsüeh shih-ch’eng
K’ung-tzu chia-yü (Confucius’ chi, 61, 180, 202, 360. See also
Family Sayings), 143–144, 327, New Text/Old Text (chin-
351, 353, 355, 364, 578, 643, wen/ku-wen)
662. See also chin-wen chia Kuo-ch’ao Sung-hsüeh yüan-yüan
(New Text School); ku-wen chia chi, 61, 360
(Old Text School); New Text/Old “Kuo Ch’in lun” (“On the Faults of
Text (chin-wen/ku-wen) Ch’in”), 60, 360–361
K’ung-tzu chu-i, 320, 355. See also kuo-tzu, 361, 362. See also kuo-tzu
ju-chiao chu-i chien and kuo-tzu hsüeh
K’ung-tzu miao (Temple of kuo-tzu chien, 19, 22, 65, 71, 74,
Confucius), 148, 150, 267, 355, 175, 263, 268, 297, 357,
830
361–362, 376, 399, 476, 518, hsin-hsüeh (School of Heart-
554, 627, 736. See also kuo-tz Mind)
kuo-tzu hsüeh, 74, 361, 362, 404, learning of the ju. See ju-hsüeh
476, 578 learning of the nature and
Ku Shu-shih. See Ku Hsien-ch’eng Principle. See hsing-li hsüeh
Ku T’ing-lin. See Ku Yen-wu learning of the sages. See sheng-
ku-wen, 362, 565. See also chin- hsüeh
wen chia (New Text School); learning of the Way. See Tao-hsüeh
ku-wen chia (Old Text School); lecturer. See chih-chiang
New Text/Old Text (chin- ledger of merit and demerit. See
wen/ku-wen) kung-kuo ko (ledger of merit
ku-wen chia (Old Text School), and demerit)
88, 109, 289, 326, 356, Lee, Thomas H. C., 263, 268, 639
362–363, 394, 481, 561, 703, Legge, James, 48
734. See also ching (classic); Legitimate Succession in the
chin-wen chia (New Text Transmission of the Way. See
School); New Te x t / Old Text “Ch’uan Tao cheng-t’ung”
(chin-wen/ku-wen) lei-shu, 143, 343, 365–366, 736
Ku-wen Shang shu shu-cheng. See lessening desires. See kua-yü
Shang shu ku-wen shu-cheng (reducing desires)
Ku Yen-wu, 18, 21, 23, 87, 201, 237, Levenson, Joseph R., 371, 375, 438
247, 295, 311, 316, 326, 360, li (Principle). See Principle (li)
363, 398, 434, 520, 657, 660, li (profit), 23, 52, 299, 333,
675, 713, 719 366–367, 425, 675, 737. See also
kylin-unicorn, 144, 163, 282, Ch’ing Dynasty; jen (humane-
363–364, 470 ness); yü (desire)
li (propriety or rites), 17, 25–26, 29,
L 60, 67, 80, 105, 153, 177, 198,
Langlois, John D., Jr., 595 204, 211, 229, 236, 241, 243, 253,
Lau, D. C., 12, 155, 193, 210, 299, 269, 273, 299, 304, 311, 314, 321,
410, 527, 626, 648, 738 337, 342, 367–370, 375–377,
learning. See hsüeh (learning) 379, 389, 409, 414, 423, 425, 429,
learning for the sake of oneself. See 468, 492, 500–501, 547–548,
wei chi chih hsüeh 610, 629, 636, 671–672, 689,
learning of Principle. See li-hsüeh 711, 717, 726, 733, 738. See also
(School of Principle or learning k’o-chi fu-li; ssu-tuan (Four
of Principle) Beginnings); T’ien-li (Principle
learning of sagehood. See sheng- of Heaven); yü (desire)
hsüeh Liang Ch’i-ch’ao, 19–20, 55, 291,
Learning of the Emperors. See Ti- 295, 315, 325, 366, 370–371,
hsüeh 373, 419, 438, 453, 587. See also
learning of the emperors and Ch’eng-Chu School; hsin
kings. See ti-wang chih hsüeh (heart-mind); Lu-Wang School;
learning of the heart-mind. See ts’un ch’i hsin (preserving the
831
heart-mind); yang ch’i hsing 662, 672, 684, 693, 733–734. See
(nourishing the nature) also macrocosm/microcosm
liang-chih, 23, 26, 28, 62, 71, 76–77, Li chi chang-chü, 112, 376, 658. See
85, 157, 194, 249, 255, 267, 284, also Li chi
298, 306–307, 317, 324, 330, 345, Li Chien-lo. See Li Ts’ai
348, 363, 3 7 1–3 7 2, 377, 380, Li Chih, 24, 306, 330, 366, 376–377,
392, 399–401, 406–407, 433, 623. See also hsin (heart-mind);
440–442, 460, 465, 469, 486, 509, hsing (nature); sheng or sheng-
540, 545, 548, 569, 571, 608, jen (sage)
6 2 7–628, 638, 655, 661, 665–666, Li Chin-ch’ing. See Li Kuang-ti
688, 696. See also chih ( w i s- Li ching, 377–378
dom); jen (humaneness); i Li Cho-wu. See Li Chih
( righteousness or rightness); li Li Chü-lai. See Li Fu
(propriety or rites); Principle (l i) Li Chung-fu. See Li Yung
Liang Cho-ju. See Liang Ch’i-ch’ao Lieh nü chuan (Biographies of
Liang Fu-shan. See Ho Hsin-yin Women), 343, 378, 428,
liang-hsin, 3 7 2, 508. See also hsin 684–685. See also women in
( h e a rt-mind) and hsing (nature) Confucianism
Liang Jen-kung. See Liang Ch’i-ch’ao Li Erh-ch’ü. See Li Yung
Liang Ju-yüan. See Ho Hsin-yin Li Fu, 378–379. See also han-lin
liang-neng, 77, 371, 372–373, 407 yüan (Academy of Assembled
Liang Shu-ming, 373–374, 438, Brushes)
449, 489. See also yü (desire) Li Hou-an. See Li Kuang-ti
Liang Su, 113, 246, 374, 632. See li-hsüeh (School of Principle or
also han-lin yüan (Academy of learning of Principle), 24, 31–33,
Assembled Brushes) 38–39, 45, 47, 53, 74, 82, 88, 91,
Li Ao, 13, 36, 67, 84, 188, 190, 196, 101, 110, 114, 118, 122–123, 126,
240, 246, 374, 397, 447, 532, 178, 180, 192, 214, 238, 240,
584–585, 592, 593. See also Neo- 2 43–245, 247–250, 255, 270, 280,
Confucianism 302–303, 307, 313, 318, 324, 338,
Liao Chi-p’ing. See Liao P’ing 340, 348, 359, 371–372, 377,
Liao P’ing, 374–375, 452. See also 3 79– 3 8 0, 3 8 2, 391, 398, 407,
New Text/Old Text (chin- 414, 433, 448–449, 463, 467,
wen/ku-wen) 4 7 7–478, 486, 509, 520, 545, 554,
Li chi, 17, 22, 29, 43, 50, 67, 86, 105, 556, 570, 585, 590–591, 602, 619,
124, 130, 138, 154, 163, 177, 184, 631–632, 637, 663, 675, 689,
186, 195–196, 220, 224, 226, 701, 711, 714, 737. See also
232, 263–264, 273, 276, 304, 320, hsing (nature) and Principle (li)
338, 349, 353, 364, 370, Li-hsüeh tsung-ch’uan, 382, 435,
375–376, 377–378, 397, 403, 554. See also hsing (nature)
410, 412–413, 417, 419, 453, Li Hua, 374, 382. See also kuei/shen
465, 470–471, 483, 495, 514, “Li huo lun” (“On Dispelling
523, 529–530, 535, 577–578, Doubts”), 382, 384. See also
591, 594, 626, 634, 640, 642, 646, ching (classic)
832
li-i erh fen-shu. See li-i fen-shu liturgy. See shih-tien ceremony
li-i fen-shu, 39, 45, 120, 235, 280, (Twice Yearly Confucian
384–385, 417, 705. See also Ceremony) and yüeh-chang
sixty-four hexagrams (liturgical verse)
li jen chih chi (taking the highest liu ching. See Six Classics
stand for humanity), 385 Liu Ch’ing-chih, 59, 68, 227, 393.
Li Jung-ts’un. See Li Kuang-ti See also ching-she academy
Li Kang-chu. See Li Kung Liu Ching-hsiu. See Liu Yin
Li Kuang-ti, 135, 244, 254, 385, Liu Chi-shan. See Liu Tsung-chou
387. See also han-lin yüan Liu Ch’i-tung. See Liu Tsung-chou
(Academy of Assembled Liu Feng-lu, 352, 356, 360, 393–394,
Brushes) and I ching 675. See also hsin-hsüeh (new
Li Kung, 387–388, 513, 520, 668, l e a rning) and New Text/Old Text
714, 717. See also hsing (chin-wen/ku-wen)
(nature); li (profit); li (propriety Liu Hsiang, 66, 343, 378, 394–395.
or rites) See also ching-hsüeh (study of
Li Meng-ch’eng. See Li Ts’ai classics); chin-wen chia (New
Li Mu-t’ang. See Li Fu Text School); ku-wen chia (Old
Lin Chao-en, 188. 377, 388, 389, Text School); li (propriety or
494 rites); New Text/Old Text (chin-
Ling Chung-tzu. See Ling T’ing- wen/ku-wen)
k’an Liu Hsin, 42, 60, 70, 200, 247, 324,
ling-hsing men (Gate of the Lattice 362, 375, 394, 395, 452, 535. See
Asterism), 150, 388–389 also chin-wen chia (New Text
Ling T’ing-k’an, 389 School); ku-wen chia (Old Text
Ling Tz’u-chung. See Ling T’ing-k’an School); New Text/Old Text
Lin Lung-chiang. See Lin Chao-en (chin-wen/ku-wen); wu-ching
Lin Mao-hsün. See Lin Chao-en po-shih (Erudites of the Five
Lin Tsai-chih. See Li Chih Classics)
Lin-tzu ch’üan-chi, 388, 389 Liu Hsiu. See Liu Hsin
Lin, Yü-sheng, 421 liu hsüeh. See Six Teachings
Li Shu-ku. See Li Kung liu i. See Six Arts
Li Ssu, 15, 201, 271, 292, 318, 389, Liu Meng-chi. See Liu Yin
391. See also “burning of the Liu Nien-t’ai. See Liu Tsung-chou
books” Liu Shen-fu. See Liu Feng-lu
literary inquisition, 180, 391–392 Liu Shen-shou. See Liu Feng-lu
literature. See wen (culture) Liu-shih chia-hsün, 59, 395
Li Ts’ai, 76, 269, 392. See also chih liu-shih-ssu kua. See sixty-four
hsing ho-i hexagrams
Li T’ung, 91, 117, 287, 293, Liu Tsung-chou, 23, 32, 46, 58, 237,
392–393, 705. See also Principle 252, 282, 396, 413, 435, 442,
(li) and yü (desire) 480, 509, 511, 514, 667, 670. See
liturgical verse. See yüeh-chang also k’o-chi fu-li and yü (desire)
(liturgical verse) Liu Yin, 29, 396–397. See also
833
sheng or sheng-jen (sage) Text School); New Text/Old Text
Li Wen-kung chi (Collected Works (chin-wen/ku-wen); Yü (king)
of Li Ao), 188, 374, 397 Lo Ta-fu. See Lo Hung-hsien
Li Wen-ling. See Li Chih Lou I-chai. See Lou Liang
Li Yen-p’ing. See Li T’ung Lou K’o-chen. See Lou Liang
Li Yüan-chung. See Li T’ung Lou Liang, 128, 285, 403, 698
“Li yün,” 325, 375, 397–398, 419, Lo Wei-te. See Lo Ju-fang
578, 594 Lo, Winston Wan, 711–712
Li Yung, 282, 372, 398–399, 554. Lo Writing. See “Lo shu” (“Lo
See also hsing (nature); hsing Writing”)
(punishment or criminal law); love. See jen (humaneness)
li (propriety or rites); shu-yüan Lo Yün-sheng. See Lo Ch’in-shun
academy; t’i/yung Lu brothers. See Lu Chiu-ling; Lu
(substance/function) Chiu-shao; Lu Chiu-yüan
Lo Cheng-an. See Lo Ch’in-shun Lu Chia-shu. See Lu Lung-ch’i
Lo Ch’in-shun, 67, 346, 385, 399, Lu Chiu-ling, 403–404. See also
460, 627, 724. See also Ch’eng- hsin (heart-mind)
Chu School; chih (wisdom); Lu Chiu-shao, 403, 404
han-lin yüan (Academy of Lu Chiu-yüan, 31, 47, 49–50, 53,
Assembled Brushes); i (right- 114, 118, 122, 229, 248–249, 280,
eousness or rightness); jen 315, 330, 378, 380, 382, 403, 4 0 4,
(humaneness); li (propriety or 4 06–4 0 7, 414, 416, 442, 448,
rites); wu (enlightenment) 462, 468, 479, 530, 554–557, 590,
Loewe, Michael, 125 6 3 1–632, 663, 665–668, 675, 682,
Lo Hung-hsien, 64, 284, 360, 382, 689, 691–692, 701, 707, 711,
400, 452, 627, 667. See also han- 7 3 7–738. See also hsin (heart-
lin yüan (Academy of mind); Principle (l i); sheng or
Assembled Brushes) sheng-jen (sage)
Lo Ju-fang, 65, 94, 104, 400–401, Lu Chi-yü. See Lu Wen-ch’ao
511, 575, 712. See also chih Lu Fu-t’ing. See Lu Shih-i
(wisdom); hsin (faithfulness); Lu Hsiang-shan. See Lu Chiu-yüan
hsin (heart-mind); i (righteous- Lü Hsin-wu. See Lü K’un
ness or rightness); li (propriety Lu K’ang-chai. See Lu Shih-i
or rites); and yü (desire) Lü K’un, 123, 343–344, 397,
longevity. See immortality and 407–408, 517, 686. See also hsin
shou (longevity) (heart-mind) and sheng or
Lo Nien-an. See Lo Hung-hsien sheng-jen (sage)
lordson. See chün-tzu (noble per- Lu-kuo fu-jen, 408. See also Ch’i-
son) kuo kung
“Lo shu” (“Lo Writing”), 52, 102, Lu Lung-ch’i, 268, 408, 413. See
216, 284, 289, 308, 401–402, also Wang Yang-ming
418, 446, 672. See also chin-wen lung. See dragon
chia (New Text School); eso- Lung-ch’uan School. See Yung-
teric/exoteric; ku-wen chia (Old k’ang School
834
Lun-heng (Balanced Inquiries), 195, 205, 414, 530, 556, 661, 667,
143–144, 409, 656. See also 728. See also yü (desire)
ch’en-shu (prognostication text) Lü Tung-lai. See Lü Tsu-ch’ien
and New Text/Old Text (chin- Lu Tzu-ching. See Lu Chiu-yüan
wen/ku-wen) Lu Tzu-mei. See Lu Chiu-shao
“Lun hsin t’ung hsing ch’ing,” 239, Lu Tzu-shou. See Lu Chiu-ling
409, 546 Lu-Wang School, 23, 38, 192, 244,
Lun yü (An a l e c t s ), 2, 8, 12, 25, 47, 248–249, 252, 268, 315, 324,
63, 85, 100–101, 114, 116, 125, 327, 346, 378, 380, 387, 398,
130, 133, 150, 154, 181, 186, 191, 414, 416, 429, 440, 554, 556,
193, 196, 208, 210, 212, 223–224, 587, 590, 658, 714
229, 235, 241, 252, 254, 272, Lu Wen-ch’ao, 66, 416, 570. See also
2 96–297, 306, 315, 317, 320, 322, han-lin yüan (Academy of
325, 337, 342, 349, 353, 357, 359, Assembled Brushes) and shu-
385, 387, 394, 4 09–411, 417–418, yüan academy
432, 437, 453, 455, 470, 500–501, Luxuriant Dew of the Spring and
526, 538, 552, 556, 589, 591, 616, Autumn Annals. See Ch’un ch’iu
6 30–631, 634, 640–644, 648, 659, fan-lu (Luxuriant Dew of the
662, 672, 682, 689, 696–697, 703, Spring and Autumn Annals)
716, 721, 730, 737–738. See also Lü Yü-shu. See Lü Ta-lin
sacred/profane
Lun yü chi-chu, 67, 118, 411, 412, M
545. See also Lun yü (Analects); macrocosm/microcosm, 7, 26,
Lun yü ching-i; Lun yü huo-wen 300–301, 376, 417, 442, 501. See
Lun yü ching-i, 411, 412. See also also T’ien (Heaven)
Lun yü (Analects) magic, 417. See also i (change)
Lun yü huo-wen, 411, 412. See also Ma Jung, 42, 126, 144, 362, 417, 463,
Lun yü (Analects) 662. See also ku-wen chia (Old
Lü Po-kung. See Lü Tsu-ch’ien Text School) and New Text/Old
Lu Shao-kung. See Lu Wen-ch’ao Text (chin-wen/ku-wen)
Lü-shih ch’un-ch’iu (Spring and Ma Kuei-yü. See Ma Tuan-lin
Autumn Annals of Mr. Lü), 154, mandala, 417
226, 412, 723. See also music Mandate of Heaven. See T’ien-
“Lü-shih hsiang-yüeh,” 221, ming (Mandate of Heaven)
412–413 manifest heart-mind. See i-fa
Lu Shih-i, 408, 413. See also shu- “A Manifesto for a Re-appraisal of
yüan academy Sinology and Reconstruction of
Lü Shu-chien. See Lü K’un Chinese Culture,” 21, 417–418,
Lu So-shan. See Lu Chiu-shao 438, 442, 449, 582–583. See also
Lü Ta-lin, 38, 43, 187, 211, 229, 412, May Fourth movement
413, 705, 738. See also ching-tso Mao Ch’i-ling, 418, 503, 692. See also
(quiet-sitting) han-lin yüan (Academy of
Lu Tao-wei. See Lu Shih-i Assembled Brushes) and New
Lü Tsu-ch’ien, 25, 31, 50, 63, 98, 118, Text/Old Text (chin-wen/ku-wen)
835
Mao Jun-shih. See Mao Tse-tung material force. See ch’i (vitality)
Mao Ta-k’o. See Mao Ch’i-ling Master Li-chou. See Huang Tsung-
Mao Tse-tung, 159, 373, 418–419, hsi
495. See also hsing (nature) Master Lung-hsi. See Wang Chi
Marshall, S. J., 609 Master of Chiang-han. See Chao Fu
Martial Dance (wu-wu), 136, 419, Master of Chi-shan. See Liu Tsung-
524 chou
masses. See min (masses) Master of Ch’uan-shan. See Wang
Master Cheng-hsüeh. See Fang Fu-chih
Hsiao-ju Master of Five Peaks. See Hu Heng
Master Chen-i. See Chuang Shu-tsu (Jen-chung)
Master Chi-hsi. See Hu Hsien Master of Hsia-feng. See Sun Ch’i-
Master Ch’i-hsin. See Ch’ien I-pen feng
Master Chih-t’ang. See Hu Yin Master of Hsieh-shan. See Ch’üan
Master Ching-chai. See Hu Chü-jen Tsu-wang
Master Chin-hsi. See Lo Ju-fang Master of Hsi-ho. See Mao Ch’i-ling
Master Fu-chai. See Lu Chiu-ling Master of Jen-shan. See Chin Lü-
Master Han Fei. See Han Fei-tzu hsiang
Master Heng-ch’ü. See Chang Tsai Master of Lu-chai. See Hsü Heng
Master Ho-fu. See Wan Ssu-ta Master of Lung-ch’uan. See Ch’en
Master Hsiang-shan. See Lu Chiu- Liang
yüan Master of Pai-sha. See Ch’en
Master Hsin-chai. See Wang Ken Hsien-chang
Master Hsi-pao. See Yao Nai Master of Pei-hsi. See Ch’en Ch’un
Master Hung-tou. See Hui Shih-ch’i Master of Pei-shan. See Ho Chi
Master Hsü-shan. See Ch’ien Te- Master of Shang-ts’ai. See Hsieh
hung Liang-tso
Master I-an. See T’ang Shu Master of Shih-shan. See Cheng Yü
Master I-men. See Ho Ch’o Master of Shih-yüan. See Wan Ssu-
mastering of quietude. See chu- t’ung
ching (regarding quietude as Master of Shuang-feng. See Jao Lu
fundamental) Master of Shui-hsin. See Yeh Shih
Master Ken-t’ing. See Chiang Sheng Master of T’ien-t’ai. See Keng Ting-
Master Kuei-shan. See Yang Shih hsiang
Master K’ung. See Confucius Master of T’ing-lin. See Ku Yen-wu
Master K’ung, the Teacher of Master of Tortoise Mountain. See
Antiquity of Great Yang Shih
Accomplishments and Highest Master of Ts’ao-lu. See Wu Ch’eng
Sageliness. See Chih-sheng Master of Wu-feng. See Hu Heng
Hsien-shih (Teacher of (Jen-chung)
Antiquity and Highest Master of Yang-yüan. See Chang Li-
Sageliness); K’ung-tzu (Master hsiang
K’ung, the Teacher of Antiquity Master of Yüeh-ch’uan. See Ts’ao
of Great Accomplishments and Tuan
836 Highest Sageliness); Ta-ch’eng Master Pai-yün. See Hsü Ch’ien
Master Pao-ching. See Lu Wen-ch’ao 482–483, 496, 507–508,
Master Wei-shih. See Ch’en Ch’ang- 511–512, 530, 544, 547–548,
fang 555, 565, 584, 590–593, 596,
Master Yen-p’ing. See Li T’ung 605–606, 617, 626, 629–632,
Ma Tuan-lin, 420–421, 633, 638, 643, 646, 652–653, 656, 662,
677–678. See also sheng or 665, 671–672, 676, 682, 686,
sheng-jen (sage) 695, 702, 705, 707, 713, 722, 724,
May Fourth movement, 55, 88, 159, 726, 728, 730, 732–733, 738
180, 247, 295, 318, 320, 419, Mencius’ mother, 129–130, 428
421, 489 Meng K’o. See Mencius
May Fo u rth New Culture movement. Meng-tzu chi-chu, 118, 428–429,
See May Fo u rth movement 468, 545. See also Four Books
McMullen, David, 357 (ssu-shu); hsing (nature); yü
mean. See chung (mean) (desire)
measure of the heart-mind. See Meng-tzu ching-i, 429
hsin-fa Meng-tzu tzu-i shu-cheng, 57, 429.
meditation. See ching-tso (quiet- See also hsin (heart-mind) and
sitting) yü (desire)
memorial to the emperor Jen Meskill, John Thomas, 433, 583–584
Tsung (Ch’eng I), 423 message of the heart-mind. See
memorial to the emperor Jen hsin-fa
Tsung (Fan Chung-yen), 423 metaphysics, 35, 107, 125, 192,
memorial to the emperor Jen 429–430, 442, 572, 574, 583,
Tsung (Wang An-shih). See 721–722. See also hsing-erh-
“Wan yen shu” shang/hsing-erh-hsia
memorial to the emperor Shen method of the heart-mind. See
Tsung, 423–424 hsin-fa
Mencius, 2–3, 12–14, 25–26, 29, miao (temple or shrine), 61, 108,
31–32, 39, 46, 49, 53, 56–57, 60, 148, 150, 191, 267, 355, 430,
65, 68, 78, 80–82, 84, 97, 100, 443, 567, 633, 646, 671, 679. See
104, 107, 112–113, 120–121, also chia-miao (family temple)
124, 129–130, 134, 144, and tsu-miao (ancestral shrine)
149–150, 164, 172–173, 177, middle. See chung (mean)
180–181, 186, 188, 202, 208, 210, min (masses), 60, 114, 127, 132, 310,
224, 230, 236–240, 242, 246, 4 30–432, 462, 529. See also jen
249, 252, 254, 269, 271–276, 285, (human) and scholar class (shih)
291, 298–299, 308, 310, mind. See hsin (heart-mind)
312–313, 316, 318, 328–329, ming (destiny or fate), 31, 62, 101,
331, 333–334, 342, 350–353, 108, 154, 161, 182, 240, 246, 264,
366, 368–374, 379, 382, 403, 270, 285, 297, 309, 331, 333, 363,
406, 409, 419, 423–424, 432–433, 467, 474, 559, 610,
424–426, 428, 429–430, 434, 663, 714, 737
440–442, 446, 448, 457, Ming dynasty, 15–16, 20–23, 28, 30,
467–468, 474, 478–479, 32, 38–39, 49, 56, 58, 61–64, 68,
837
70–71, 75–76, 78, 84, 87–88, miscellaneous scholars. See chu-ju
91–94, 97, 99, 102, 104–105, 108, (miscellaneous scholars)
114, 116–118, 121–123, 126, 128, Model Sayings. See Fa yen (Model
132, 135, 148, 173, 177–178, 182, Sayings)
191, 195, 201, 203, 209, 213, 216, modernization, 19, 21, 88, 291, 315,
218, 220, 230, 232, 245, 256, 318, 325, 339, 421, 437–439,
261–262, 265, 268, 276, 280, 449, 499, 520, 561, 609, 617. See
283–284, 289, 296, 304, 314, 318, also New Text/Old Text (chin-
322, 324, 326–327, 329–330, 339, wen/ku-wen)
341, 343, 345–348, 350, 353, 359, monism, 47, 210, 439, 457, 480. See
361–363, 365–366, 371–372, 376, also Ch’eng-Chu School; dual-
378–380, 382, 384–385, 388, ism; Lu-Wang School
391–392, 396–401, 403, 406–408, monotheism, 439–440, 599, 650
411, 413–414, 416, 418, 433–4 3 4, moon, 7, 71, 136, 167, 294, 385,
435, 441, 443, 445–448, 452–455, 4 4 0, 553, 629, 683, 701, 721, 726.
460, 462–463, 479–481, 493, See also hun/p’o and yin/yang
496–498, 503–504, 509, 511–513, m o ral character. See chih (wisdom);
517, 520, 526–527, 533–534, hsin (faithfulness); i (righteous-
545–546, 548–549, 554–557, 559, ness or rightness); jen (humane-
570, 575–576, 582, 585–586, 593, ness); li (pro p riety or rites)
595, 608, 611, 617, 623, 631–633, moral cultivation. See moral training
637–638, 640, 653, 655, 657, 659, moral effort. See kung-fu (moral
661, 666–667, 670, 674, 678, 682, effort)
686, 694, 698, 714, 719, 729, morality. See Tao-te
736–737. See also shu-yüan morality book. See shan-shu
academy (morality book)
Ming-i tai-fang lu, 282, 434–435. moral law, 6, 440. See also hsing
See also li (profit) (nature)
Ming-ju hsüeh-an, 31, 64, 70, 99, moral mind. See hsin (heart-mind)
123, 262, 267, 282, 348, 382, 392, moral nature. See hsing (nature)
396, 435, 443, 445, 453, 497, moral obligation. Se e chih ( w i s-
559, 586, 698 dom); hsiao (filial piety); hsin
Ming-ju Wang Hsin-chai hsien- (faithfulness); i (righteousness
sheng i-chi, 237, 435, 660 or rightness); jen (humaneness);
ming-t’ang (hall of light), 207, 435, li (propriety or rites)
437 moral order. See Principle (li) and
Ming-tao (hsien-sheng) wen-chi, T’ien-li (Principle of Heaven)
170, 437 moral origin, 440–441
Min Sun. See Min Tzu-ch’ien moral training, 440, 441. See also
Min Tzu-ch’ien, 154, 437. See also yü (desire)
Confucius’ disciples m o ral va l u e. Se e chih (wisdom);
miracle, 437 hsiao (filial piety); hsin ( f a i t h-
Miscellaneous Characters. See tsa- fulness); i (righteousness or
tzu rightness); jen (humaneness);
838
li (pro p riety or rites); shan myriads of things. See wan-wu
(goodness) mysterious learning. See hsüan-
m o ral virt u e. Se e chih (wisdom); hsüeh (mysterious learning)
hsiao (filial piety); hsin (faith- mysticism, 256, 444, 688
fulness); i (righteousness or myth, 444, 519
rightness); jen (humaneness);
li (pro p riety or rites); shan N
(goodness) Nan-chung Wang School, 445, 586
Mote, Frederick W., 49, 177–178, Nan Jung, 445. See also Confucius’
457 disciples and Lun yü (Analects)
Moule, G. E., 136 Nan-kung K’uo. See Nan Jung
Mound Ni-ch’iu, 144, 152, 184, 319, National University. See t’ai-hsüeh
441. See also Confucian folklore (National University)
mountain, 99, 167, 182–183, 207, natural law. See Tao (Way) and
441–442, 580. See also shu- T’ien-li (Principle of Heaven)
yüan academy; feng and shan naturalness. See tzu-jan
sacrifices; sacred/profane natural order. See i (change)
Mou Tsung-san, 21, 250, 252, 418, nature. See hsing (nature) and
438, 442–443, 449, 489, 583. See Confucian ecology
also chih (wisdom); hsin (heart- nature-and-destiny (school). See
mind); hsing (nature); macro- hsing-ming group
cosm/microcosm nature conferred by Heaven. See
Mou-Tzu. See “Li huo lun” (“On T’ien-ming chih hsing
Dispelling Doubts”) nature of Heaven and earth. See
Mou-Tzu li huo lun. See “Li huo T’ien-ming chih hsing
lun” (“On Dispelling Doubts”) nature of rightness and Principle.
Mr. Ch’en’s Explanation of Terms. See T’ien-ming chih hsing
See Pei-hsi tzu-i nature of temperament. See ch’i-
mu (tomb), 183, 191, 335, 430, 443 chih chih hsing
mu-chu (tablet). See shen-wei Needham, Joseph, 438
(tablet) nei-hsüeh ( Inner School), 52,
Mu Hsüan-an. See Mu K’ung-hui 111–112, 446, 651. See also
Mu K’ung-hui, 443, 453, 646. See ch’en-shu (prognostication
also han-lin yüan (Academy of text) and ching-hsüeh (study
Assembled Brushes) of classics)
multitude. See chung (people) Nei hsün (Instructions for the Inner
Mu Po-ch’ien. See Mu K’ung-hui Quarters), 446, 454–455, 684
music, 48, 97, 136, 150, 153–154, Neininger, Ulrich, 16
164, 177–178, 213, 224, 226, 262, nei-sheng wai-wang (sage within,
273, 282, 318, 368, 375–376, 379, king without), 441, 446–447,
394, 398, 4 4 4, 474, 534–535, 730. See also Ch’eng Hao;
602, 621, 636, 648, 677, 714, 717, Ch’eng I; sheng or sheng-jen
729, 733–734, 737. See also li (sage); wang (king) title for
(propriety or rites) Confucius
839
neither good nor evil. See wu-shan new learning. See hsin-hsüeh (new
wu-eh learning)
Neo-Confucianism, 1, 13, 21, 26, new learning of Principle. See Hsin
29–30, 32–33, 38, 43–44, 47, 50, li-hsüeh
55, 63, 65–66, 70, 85, 90–91, 105, new learning of the heart-mind.
108–109, 116–118, 121–122, 134, See hsin hsin-hsüeh
142, 166, 175, 178, 181–182, New Text/Old Text (chin-wen/ku-
1 84–187, 192, 195, 197, 205, 208, wen), 326, 346, 355–356, 450,
210, 240–241, 244–245, 247–249, 452. See also chin-wen chia
252, 254, 269–270, 287–288, 295, (New Text School);
298, 303, 305, 308, 313–314, esoteric/exoteric; ku-wen chia
3 18–320, 325, 330, 338, 341, (Old Text School)
3 5 2–353, 360, 362, 365, 379–380, New Text School. See chin-wen
384, 387–388, 396, 404, 407, chia (New Text School)
4 09–410, 414, 416, 426, 429, 435, Ng, On-cho, 387
437, 442, 447–4 4 8, 449, 458, Nieh Pao, 64, 359–360, 400,
4 68–469, 479, 481, 485, 505, 452–453, 627
5 0 7–509, 511–512, 520, 522, 533, Nieh Shuang-chiang. See Nieh Pao
538, 540, 554–556, 572, 585, Nieh Wen-wei. See Nieh Pao
5 90–592, 596, 601, 606, 608, Nine Classics, 74, 82, 124, 210, 289,
6 1 1–612, 617, 623, 626, 630–631, 322, 453, 709. See also ching
634, 643, 648, 663, 668, 674, 677, (classic); Ku-liang chuan; Kung-
685, 689, 691, 709, 722, 728–730, yang chuan
737. See also hsin (heart-mind) Nivison, David S., 22, 190, 730
and hsing (nature) noble person. See chün-tzu (noble
Neo-Confucian Terms Explained. person)
See Pei-hsi tzu-i no desire. See wu-yü (no desire)
New Confucianism, 180, 247, 250, Non-Ultimate. See wu-chi (Non-
373, 442, 449, 489, 582. See also Ultimate)
Ch’eng-Chu School and Lu- Non-Ultimate also/to the Great
Wang School Ultimate. See wu-chi erh t’ai-chi
New Culture Movement. See May Northern School, 88, 360, 453, 538,
Fourth movement 667
New Development of Confucian Northern Wang School, 443, 453.
Thought. See “Ju-chia ssu- See also Wang Yang-ming
hsiang te hsin k’ai-chan” School
New Doctrine of Consciousness- nourishing the nature. See yang ch’i
Only. See Hsin wei-shih lun hsing (nourishing the nature)
New Forms for the Five Categories Nü chieh (Commandments for
of Rites of the Cheng-ho Period. Women), 68, 343, 446, 454, 455,
See Cheng-ho wu-li hsin-i 463, 496, 557, 684–685. See also
New Interpretation of the Institutes san-ts’ung ssu-te and yin/yang
of Chou. See Chou kuan hsin-i Nü hsiao-ching (Book of Filial Piety
840
for Women), 454–455, 684. See organic holism, 457
also hsiao (filial piety) and organismic process, 457
women in Confucianism original heart-mind. See pen-hsin
Nü lun-yü (Analects for Women), (original heart-mind)
454, 455, 557, 684. See also original substance. See pen-t’i
Sung sisters (Sung Jo-hua and Orthodox Essentials of the Learning
Sung Jo-chao) and women in of the Sages. See Sheng-hsüeh
Confucianism tsung-yao
number. See shu (number) orthodox tradition. See Tao-t’ung
numerology. See shu (number); Orthodox Transmission of the
hsiang-shu (image-number) Learning of Principle. See Li-
numinous, 455. See also hsüeh tsung-ch’uan
sacred/profane Orthodox Transmission of the
Nü ssu-shu (Four Books for Learning of the Sages. See
Women), 446, 454, 455, 463, 685 Sheng-hsüeh tsung-ch’uan
otherworldliness, 458
O Outer School. See wai-hsüeh
obligation. See i (righteousness or (Outer School)
rightness) Outline and Digest of the Classified
occult, 163, 183, 456, 598. See also Substatutes in the
divination Comprehensive Institutes of the
offering hall. See tz’u-t’ang Great Yüan. See Ta Yüan t’ung-
Old Text School. See ku-wen chia chih t’iao-li kang-mu
(Old Text School) Outline and Digest of the General
omen, 144, 456, 609 Mirror. See Tzu-chih t’ung-chien
On Dispelling Doubts. See “Li huo kang-mu
lun” (“On Dispelling Doubts”) Ou-yang Ch’ung-i. See Ou-yang Te
one, 456 Ou-yang Hsiu, 175, 423, 458–459,
oneness, experience of, 293, 314, 468, 518, 549, 569. See also
401, 444, 456, 687 chin-shih examination and
On Fundamentals. See “Pen lun” han-lin yüan (Academy of
(On Fundamentals) Assembled Brushes)
On Reading the General Mirror. See Ou-yang Hsüan, 459–460, 474. See
Tu T’ung-chien lun also han-lin yüan (Academy of
On Reading the Rites: A General Assembled Brushes)
Study. See Tu Li t’ung-k’ao Ou-yang Kuei-chai. See Ou-yang
On the ju. See Shuo ju Hsüan
On the Learning of the Emperors. Ou-yang Nan-yeh. See Ou-yang Te
See “Ti-hsüeh lun” Ou-yang Te, 64, 284, 460, 627. See
oracle. See sheng or sheng-jen also chin-shih examination;
(sage) chih-chih (extension of knowl-
ordeal, 457, 553. See also hsin edge); ching (quietude); han-lin
(heart-mind) yüan (Academy of Assembled
841
Brushes); hsü (vacuity) partial love. See chien-ai
Ou-yang Yüan-kung. See Ou-yang pa t’iao-mu. See Eight Steps
Hsüan Pavilion of Learning. See hsüeh-
Ou-yang Yung-shu. See Ou-yang kung (Pavilion of Learning)
Hsiu Pavilion of the Pond. See p’an-kung
(Pavilion of the Pond)
P p’ei altars (altars of the worthies),
pa hsing, 461. See also chung (loy- 30, 149, 230, 232, 466–467, 687.
alty) and hsiao (filial piety) See also Yen Yüan (Hui)
pa-hsing hsüan-kuan fa. See pa Pei-hsi tzu-i, 33, 36, 84, 126, 240,
hsing 304, 345, 432, 467, 527, 545,
pai chia. See hundred schools of 547, 589, 594, 596–597, 612. See
thought also Ch’eng Hao and Ch’eng I
Pai-chia hsing, 461, 624. See also Penetrating the Book of Changes.
Hsiao-hsüeh See T’ung-shu (Penetrating the
pai-hsing ( h u n d red cognomina), Book of Changes)
127, 310, 431, 461–462, 529. P’eng Keng, 467–468. See also
Se e also chung (people); jen scholar class (shih)
(human); shu-jen (common pen-hsin (original heart-mind), 42,
people) 253, 404, 468, 508, 655. See also
Pai-lu-tung shu-yüan. See White hsing (nature)
Deer Grotto Academy Pen lun (On Fundamentals), 458,
pain. See suffering 468
Pai-sha hsien-sheng ch’üan-chi, 50, pen-t’i, 42, 70, 252–253, 349, 360,
462 373, 452, 469
Pai-sha School, 49, 462 people. See chung (people)
pa-kua. See eight trigrams persecution, 39, 46, 159, 205, 469
Palmer, Spencer J., 157, 163 personal realization. See t’i-je
Pan Chao, 68, 205, 343, 446, pessimism, 469. See also other-
454–455, 462–463, 465, 496, worldlines
557, 685 Petersen, Jens Østergard, 15
pan-jih ching-tso pan-jih tu-shu, petty person. See hsiao-jen (petty
92, 463 person)
Pankenier, David W., 604, 609 philology. See Hsiao-hsüeh
Pan Ku, 205, 275, 361, 410, 454, philosophy, 2, 5, 35, 83, 87, 98–99,
462, 463–464, 465, 474, 532. See 103, 126–127, 133, 136, 172,
also wu ch’ang 180, 192, 238, 241, 250, 253, 264,
p’an-kung (Pavilion of the Pond), 269, 277, 289, 295, 319–320,
148, 464–465. See also miao 326, 363, 371, 409, 439,
(temple or shrine) 469–470, 488, 508, 550, 559,
Pan Piao, 205, 462–463, 465, 656 640, 658, 679. See also chih
panpipes (su or lü), 465. See also (wisdom)
music phoenix, 146, 163, 282, 364, 470.
“Pa-pen se-yüan,” 465, 613 See also Shang dynasty and
842
wang (king) title for Confucius (posted notice)
physical nature. See ch’i-chih chih postmodernism and Confucianism.
hsing See modernization
Pi Ch’iu-fan. See Pi Yüan practical learning. See shih-hsüeh
pieh-kua, 300, 471. See also sixty- prayer or prayer-master. See chu
four hexagrams (prayer-master)
Pi Hsiang-heng. See P’i Yüan Prefectural Examination. See
P’i Hsi-jui, 471. See also ching chieh-shih examination
(classic); chin-shih examina- Prefectural Graduate. See chü-jen
tion; New Text/Old Text (chin- and te-chieh chü-jen
wen/ku-wen); shu-yüan prefectural school. See chou-hsüeh
academy preserving the heart-mind. See
pillar drum (ying-ku or chien-ku), ts’un ch’i hsin (preserving the
471. See also music heart-mind)
P’i Lu-men. See P’i Hsi-jui priest. See chu (prayer-master) and
P’i Lu-yün. See P’i Hsi-jui sacred/profane
Pi Yüan, 22, 63, 326, 389, 472, 505, primitivism, 477–478. See also
658. See also han-lin yüan sheng or sheng-jen (sage)
(Academy of Assembled Principle (li), 2, 5, 9, 16, 22, 31,
Brushes) 33–34, 36, 38–39, 42, 45, 47, 49,
p’o (white-soul). See hun/p’o 51, 55–57, 62, 65, 67, 75–77, 82,
Po-chu-lu Ch’ung, 472, 474, 595. See 85, 89, 91, 93–94, 98–99, 101,
also chi-hsien yüan (Academy of 107, 114, 117, 120, 131–132, 143,
Assembled Worthies) 164, 167, 180, 185, 192, 197, 218,
Po-hu t’ung (White Tiger 229, 233, 235–237, 240–241,
Discussions), 109, 133, 143, 416, 243, 249–250, 255–256, 262,
444, 464, 474, 672. See also 265, 269–270, 278, 282,
(propriety or rites); New 286–287, 296, 303–304, 308,
Text/Old Text (chin-wen/ku- 314–315, 327, 338–339, 342,
wen); wu ch’ang; wu hsing 345–346, 348, 363, 366, 370,
Po-i and Shu-ch’i, 474, 476, 722. 377, 379–380, 382, 384, 387,
See also King Wu 389, 393, 396–397, 399,
Pokora, Timotheus, 16 406–409, 413–414, 416–417,
polytheism, 476. See also agnosti- 429, 432–433, 439, 448, 460,
cism and kuei/shen 462, 468–469, 478–480, 483,
portent. See ch’en-shu (prognostica- 507, 517, 527, 539, 556–557,
tion text) and wei (apocrypha) 570, 572, 585, 588–590, 601,
portrait. See hsiang (portrait or 603, 608, 610, 617, 619, 623, 630,
statue) 632, 640, 649, 654, 657–658,
po-shih, 13, 15, 74, 207, 263, 268, 661, 665–666, 668, 673, 689,
347, 357, 362, 376, 395, 414, 692, 699, 701–703, 705, 714,
476, 549, 701, 738. See also ju 717, 722, 724, 730, 736–737. See
positivism, 476–477, 498 also Book of Mencius; Ch’eng-
posted notice. See chieh-shih Chu School; chih (wisdom);
843
chin-hsing (fully developing the pulling up the seedlings, 482–483
nature); ch’iung-li (exhausting punishment. See hsing (punish-
Principle); chü-ching (abiding ment or criminal law)
in reverence or seriousness); pure conversation. See ch’ing-t’an
hsing-erh-shang/hsing-erh-hsia; (pure conversation)
hsin-hsüeh (School of Heart- pure criticism. See ch’ing-i (pure
Mind); hsiu-shen; “Shuo kua” conversation)
commentary; yin/yang purification, 316, 483, 611, 668,
Principle being one and manifesta- 670–671. See also sacrifice and
tions being many. See li-i fen-shu yü (desire)
Principle of Heaven. See T’ien-li purpose, 1, 161, 483, 528, 598
(Principle of Heaven) Pu Shang. See Tzu-hsia
private academy. See shu-yüan pu tung hsin, 351, 4 83–484, 508. See
academy also sheng or sheng-jen (sage)
Procedure for Selection Based upon
Eight Conducts. See Pa hsing Q
profit. See li (profit) Questions and Answers on the
profound person. See chün-tzu Analects. See Lun yü huo-wen
(noble person) Questions and Answers on the
prognostication. See ch’en-shu “Doctrine of the Mean.” See
(prognostication text) Chung yung huo-wen
prognostication text. See ch’en-shu Questions and Answers on the “Great
(prognostication text) Learning.” See Ta-hsüeh huo-wen
prophecy, 481, 729 quietism, 485
prophet, 394, 481. See also sheng or quiet-sitting. See ching-tso (quiet-
sheng-jen (sage) sitting)
propriety. See li (propriety or rites) quietude. See ching (quietude)
Provincial Graduate. See chü-jen
p’u-hsüeh, 201, 317, 326, 363, 481, R
520. See also New Text/Old Text rationality, 121, 153, 307, 486
(chin-wen/ku-wen) rational knowledge. See rationality
pu jen jen chih cheng (government reading notes. See cha-chi
that cannot bear to see the suf- reality. See ch’eng (sincerity); ch’i
fering of people), 482. See also (vitality); hsiang-shu (image-
hsin (heart-mind) and suffering number); Principle (li); t’ai-chi
pu jen jen chih hsin (the heart- (Great Ultimate); Tao (Way);
mind that cannot bear to see the T’ien (Heaven); t’i/yung (sub-
suffering of people), 312, 425, stance/function); wu-chi (Non-
482. See also hsin (heart-mind); Ultimate); wu hsing; yin/yang
pu jen jen chih cheng (gove rn- realization. See t’i-jen
ment that cannot bear to see the real learning. See shih-hsüeh
suffering of people); sufferi n g reasoning. See ssu (thinking)
Pulling up the Root and Stopping up rebirth, 144, 296, 486. See also
the Source. See Pa-pen se-yüan hun/p’o
844
reciprocity. See shu (reciprocity or Refined Study for the Explication
empathy) of the Classics. See Ku-ching
recommendee. See chü-jen ching-she
recorded conversations. See yü-lu reflecting. See ssu (thinking)
Recorded Conversations of Hsin- Reflections on Things at Hand. See
Chai. See Hsin-chai yü-lu Chin-ssu lu
Record of Beliefs Investigated. See regarding quietude as fundamen-
K’ao hsin lu tal. See chu-ching (regarding
Record of Daily Knowledge. See Jih- quietude as fundamental)
chih lu regeneration. See sheng-sheng
Record of Han-Learning Masters in religion. See chiao (teaching or reli-
the Ch’ing Dynasty. See Kuo- gion)
ch’ao Han-hsüeh shih-ch’eng chi religionswissenschaft, 488–489. See
Records of Knowledge Painfully also sacred/profane
Acquired. See K’un-chih chi religious cultivation. See hsiu-shen
Records of Learning. See hsüeh-an religious experience. See wu
(Records of Learning) (enlightenment)
Records of Learning in Sung and religious persecution. See persecu-
Yüan. See Sung Yüan hsüeh-an tion
Records of Ming Scholars. See religious sentiment. See ching (rev-
Ming-ju hsüeh-an erence or seriousness)
Records of Rites. See Li chi religious tolerance, 489. See also
Records of Rites in Chapters and persecution
Verses. See Li chi chang-chü Remaining Works of Master Kao.
Records of the Grand Historian. See See Kao-tzu i-shu
Shih chi (Records of the republican period, 23, 324, 370,
Historian) 374, 489–490, 594, 712
Records of the Historian. See Shih resounding box (chu), 490. See also
chi (Records of the Historian) music
Record of the Origins of Sung restorationism. See fu-ku
Learning during the Ch’ing restoration of the ancient order.
Dynasty. See Kuo-ch’ao Sung- See fu-ku
hsüeh yüan-yüan chi revelation. See ching (classic) and
Records of the Toils of Learning. See sheng or sheng-jen (sage)
K’un-hsüeh chi reverence. See ching (reverence or
Records of the Toils of seriousness)
Understanding. See K’un-pien lu reverence is to straighten the inter-
rectification of names. See cheng- nal. See ching i chih nei
ming (rectification of names) righteousness. See i (righteousness
rectification of the heart-mind. See or rightness)
cheng-hsin rightness. See i (righteousness or
reducing desires. See kua-yü rightness)
(reducing desires) rightness is to square the external.
reed organ (sheng), 487. See also See i i fang wai
music rites. See li (propriety or rites) 845
Rites of Chou. See Chou li san chiao ho-i, 65, 314, 319,
Rites of the K’ai-Yüan Period. See 388–389, 489, 493–494, 532,
K’ai-yüan li 557, 563–564, 655, 711, 729
Rites of the K’ai-Yüan Period of the san chiao i yüan, 494–495
Great T’ang. See K’ai-yüan li san chuan, 124, 495, 709. See also
ritual address. See chu-wen (ritual New Text/Old Text (chin-
address) wen/ku-wen)
River Chart. See “Ho t’u” (“River sanctuary, 495. See also
Chart”) sacred/profane
ruler’s method of the heart-mind. san kang, 172, 421, 495, 588
See jen-chu hsin-fa san kang-ling. See Three Items
Rules in Boudoir. See Kuei fan san li, 63, 94, 124, 180, 288, 453,
495–496, 538, 669. See also chu-
S k’o examinations
sacred/profane, 492 san she. See Three Colleges System
sacred time, 492. See also san shih, 124, 496. See also chu-k’o
sacred/profane and sheng or examinations
sheng-jen (sage) san-ts’ung ssu-te, 463, 496, 683
sacrifice, 2, 4, 17, 19, 80, 103, 128, san t’ung, 212, 365, 496, 505, 584,
136, 148, 153, 170, 182–183, 202, 677
208, 211, 218, 223, 228–229, 232, San tzu ching, 461, 496–497, 624.
294, 299, 304, 311, 316, 344, 355, See also Ch’ien tzu wen; Hsiao-
370, 389, 430, 442–443, 4 9 2. See hsüeh; hsing (nature); Pai-chia
also ancestors (t s u); hsiao-lao hsing; tsa-tzu
o f f e ring; sheng or sheng-jen San-yüan School, 497, 661. See also
(sage); t’ai-lao offering yü (desire)
sage. See sheng or sheng-jen (sage) savior, 497. See also hsing (nature);
sagehood. See sheng or sheng-jen sheng or sheng-jen (sage); Shun;
(sage) yü (king)
sage kings. See Three Sage Kings Sayings of the Confucian School.
Sage of Antiquity. See hsien-sheng See K’ung-tzu chia-yü
(Sage of Antiquity) (Confucius’ Family Sayings)
sage within, king without. See nei- Schirokauer, Conrad, 296
sheng wai-wang (sage within, scholar class (shih), 103, 202, 291,
king without) 497–498, 634, 711. See also ju
saint, 492, 703. See also sheng or School for the Sons of the State.
sheng-jen (sage) See kuo-tzu hsüeh
salvational history, 212, 493 schooling. See Hsiao-hsüeh; hsien-
san chiao (three religions or teach- hsüeh; ju-hsüeh; kuo-tzu hsüeh;
ings), 314, 319, 493, 536. See shu-yüan academy; t’ai hsüeh
also chiao (teaching or religion) (National University)
san chiao chien-hsiu, 493, 494. See School of Han Learning. See Han-
also san chiao (three religions hsüeh
or teachings) School of Heart-Mind. See hsin-
846
hsüeh (School of Heart-Mind) (emotions or feelings) and yü
School of Principle or learning of (desire)
Principle. See li-hsüeh (School se-zither, 500. See also music
of Principle or learning of shame (ch’ih), 8, 81, 198, 236, 299,
Principle) 363, 468, 500, 534, 548
Schwartz, Benjamin I., 712–713 shan (goodness), 2–3, 42, 210, 298,
scientific method, 498, 617. See 308, 345, 366, 469, 501, 514,
also Ch’eng-Chu School 733. See also chih (wisdom) and
scripture. See ching (classic) macrocosm/microcosm
Sea of Learning Hall. See Hsüeh- Shang dynasty, 4, 8, 29, 64, 70, 108,
hai t’ang 164, 218–219, 300, 316, 318,
second hexagram. See k’un hexa- 331, 333–334, 367, 417, 430,
gram 476, 502, 503–504, 511, 519,
second level examination. See 528, 531, 550, 591, 602–604,
sheng-shih examination 609, 722. See also King Wu
Secret Purport of the Transmission Shang shu. See Shu ching
of the Heart-Mind. See Ch’uan- Shang shu ku-wen shu-cheng, 503,
hsin mi-chih 713. See also New Text/Old Text
secularism, 499. See also (chin-wen/ku-wen) and
sacred/profane sacred/profane
selection of people of talent. See Shang-ti (Lord upon High), 4, 212,
ch’a-chü system 439, 502, 503–504, 550, 599,
self-acquisition. See tzu-te 603–604, 609, 650. See also
self-cultivation. See hsiu-shen sacred/profane
self-denial, 6, 499. See also hsing shan sacrifice. See feng and shan
(nature) and sheng or sheng-jen sacrifices
(sage) shan-shu (morality book), 350,
self-discipline. See k’o-chi fu-li 504, 582. See also Kung-kuo ko
selfish desires. See yü (desire) (ledger of merit and demerit)
selfish intentions. See ssu-i Shao Chin-han, 504–505. See also
selfishness. See chi-ssu han-lin yüan (Academy of
self-knowledge. See liang-chih Assembled Brushes)
self-realization. See i (righteous- Shao Erh-yün. See Shao Chin-han
ness or rightness) Shao-hsing Wang School. See Che-
self-reliance. See tzu-te chung Wang school
self-sacrifice. See i (righteousness Shao K’ang-chieh. See Shao Yung
or rightness) Shao Nan-chiang. See Shao Chin-
seriousness. See ching (reverence han
or seriousness) Shao Po-wen, 505. See also sheng
serpent, 499–500. See also Yen or sheng-jen (sage)
Yüan (Hui) Shao Yao-fu. See Shao Yung
seven emotions. See ch’i ch’ing Shao Yung, 25, 43, 98, 108, 185,
(seven emotions) 216, 220, 233–235, 237, 244–245,
sex or sexuality, 500. See also ch’ing 278, 308, 379, 382, 397, 401, 439,
847
505, 507, 526, 554, 571, 589, also hsiang (portrait or statue)
592, 621, 728. See also ching and ta-ch’eng tien (Hall of Great
(quietude); hsiang (image); shu Accomplishments)
(number) Shen-yin yü, 408, 517
Shao Yü-t’ung. See Shao Chin-han shih. See scholar class (shih)
shen (spirit). See kuei/shen Shih chi (Records of the Historian),
Shen-chien (Extended Reflections), 8, 15–16, 109, 144, 150, 154,
508 183–184, 204–205, 264, 327,
shen-chu (ancestral tablet). See 347, 361, 364, 424, 441, 444, 463,
shen-wei (tablet) 474, 496, 517–518, 542, 544,
Sheng-hsien lun hsin chih yao, 559, 604, 633, 646, 660, 734, 736.
409, 508. See also chin ch’i hsin See also Huang Ti
(fully realize the heart-mind) Shih Chieh, 379, 5 1 8, 602. See also i
and hsin (heart-mind) ( righteousness or rightness); jen
sheng-hsüeh, 65, 248, 379, 509. See (humaneness); kuo-tzu hsüeh
also sheng or sheng-jen (sage) Shih ching, 15, 37, 43, 86, 103,
Sheng-hsüeh hsin-fa, 245, 509. See 109–110, 138, 182, 184, 204,
also hsin (heart-mind) 207, 247, 395, 412–414, 430,
Sheng-hsüeh tsung-ch’uan, 104, 445, 453, 465, 518–520, 530,
382, 509, 511 538, 552, 570, 609, 632, 634, 642,
Sheng-hsüeh tsung-yao, 511 653, 659, 661–662, 672, 675,
Sheng-men shih-yeh t’u, 112, 511. 693, 705, 719, 734, 738
See also Tao (Way) shih-ching (stone classics). See
sheng or sheng-jen (sage), 77, 107, stone classics
110, 511–512. See also Yü (king) shih-erh ching. See Twelve Classics
sheng-sheng, 45, 58, 62, 107, 171, shih-fei chih hsin, 520. See also
184, 298, 401, 429, 512–513. See hsing (nature)
also yin/yang shih-hsüeh, 87, 169, 178, 182, 387,
sheng-sheng chih wei i. See sheng- 434, 448, 476, 480, 498, 520,
sheng 587, 617, 714, 717
sheng-shih examination, 67, 97, “Shih i” (“Ten Wings”), 69, 220,
123, 138, 289, 513. See also 252, 300, 359, 521–522. See also
chin-shih examination eight trigrams and “Shuo kua”
sheng-wang chih Tao, 513–514. See commentary
also sheng or sheng-jen (sage) shih-liu tzu hsin-ch’uan, 158, 181,
and Tao (Way) 522, 591. See also New Text/Old
Shen Nung, 3, 113, 183, 188, 280, Text (chin-wen/ku-wen)
514, 592, 600, 602 shih-san ching. See Thirteen
shen-tu, 28, 46, 70, 396, 508, 511, Classics
514, 517, 554, 575, 628. See also Shih Shou-tao. See Shih Chieh
chin-hsing (fully developing the shih-tien ceremony (Twice Yearly
nature); hsin (heart-mind); hsing Confucian Ceremony), 15, 97,
(nature); Principle (li); y ü (desire) 99, 136, 138, 149–150, 220, 270,
shen-wei (tablet), 219, 517, 565. See 419, 465, 470–471, 487, 490, 500,
848
522–525, 549, 551, 565–566, 230, 238, 248, 366, 457, 509,
578, 582, 615, 678, 686–687, 735. 511–512, 522, 530, 591, 593,
See also hsiao-lao o f f e ring and 601–602, 604, 652–653, 655,
tiger instrument (y ü) 676, 697, 701, 707, 726, 730. See
Shih Ts’u-Lai. See Shih Chieh also T’ao Ying and Yü (king)
Shih t’ung (Understanding of Shuo ju, 295, 531
History), 525, 679 “Shuo kua” commentary, 69, 101,
shou (longevity), 525. See also jen 1 16–117, 167, 359, 478, 531–532.
(humaneness) See also “Shih i” (“Ten Wings”)
shou-lien (collecting together), 91, and sixty-four hexagrams
525–526. See also hsin (heart- shu t’u t’ung kuei, 494, 532
mind) and Principle (li) shu-yüan academy, 19, 22, 62, 71,
shou-shih. See shou-lien (collecting 114, 180–181, 190, 214, 264, 282,
together) 327, 398, 433, 442, 5 32–5 3 4,
shrine. See miao (temple or shrine) 714, 735–736. See also chi-hsien
shu (number), 219–220, 526. See yüan (Academy of Assembled
also sixty-four hexagrams Wo rthies); ching-she academy;
shu (reciprocity or empathy), 125, li-hsüeh (School of Principle or
152, 185, 204, 303–304, 311, learning of Principle)
318, 482, 526–528, 617, 626, Shu Yüan-chih. See Shu Lin
644, 659. See also ju and hsin Shu Yüan-pin. See Shu Lin
(heart-mind) sin, 8, 299, 534, 685
Shu-ch’i. See Po-i and Shu-ch’i sincerity. See ch’eng (sincerity)
Shu ching, 15, 42–43, 50, 63, 86, sincerity of will. See ch’eng-i (sin-
103, 109–111, 164, 172, 184, cerity of will)
212, 216, 218, 222, 224, 238, 247, single thread. See i-kuan
264, 280, 289, 296–297, 314, sitting in meditation. See tso-ch’an
347, 401, 412, 417–419, 450, Six Arts, 17, 152, 154, 226, 262, 316,
453, 459, 471, 503, 517, 522, 525, 444, 534–535, 536, 656, 677,
528–529, 538, 552, 556, 559, 717, 729. See also li (propriety
563, 590, 596, 608–609, 618, or rites)
632, 634, 653, 656, 659–662, Six Classics, 31, 60, 62, 65, 70, 82,
672, 675, 693, 705, 713, 721, 726. 86, 88, 152, 154, 175, 180, 254,
See also New Text/Old Text 363, 375, 397, 450, 532, 535,
(chin-wen/ku-wen); 536, 585, 638, 656, 665, 677, 679,
sacred/profane; Shang shu ku- 730, 734, 737. See also ching
wen shu-sheng; Shun; Yao (classic) and music
shu-i (etiquette book), 41, 60, 322, Six Dynasties, 52, 348, 535–536,
529, 570 571, 584, 672, 693
shu-jen (common people), 310, Six Teachings, 535, 536
431, 529–530, 675. See also sixteen-character message of the
chung (people) heart-mind. See shih-liu tzu
Shu Lin, 530 hsin-ch’uan
Shun, 112–113, 121, 144, 208, 224, sixty-four hexagrams, 69, 278, 296,
849
300, 334, 357, 359, 507, 521, 705, 728. See also han-lin yüan
536–537, 681. See also (Academy of Assembled
sacred/profane; “Shih i” (“Ten Brushes) and sheng or sheng-
Wings”); yin/yang jen (sage)
sky. See T’ien (Heaven) Ssu-ma Niu, 544. See also Lun yü
sky deity. See Shang-ti (Lord upon (Analects)
High) and T’ien (Heaven) Ssu-ma T’an, 517–518, 544
social order, 47, 198, 224, 240, 242, ssu-shu. See Four Books (ssu-shu)
270, 353, 367, 430, 538, 591, Ssu-shu chang-chü chi-chu, 118,
594–595, 722 131, 213, 411, 428–429, 545. See
Son of Heaven. See T’ien-tzu (Son also Ch’eng Hao, Ch’eng I;
of Heaven) “Chung yung” (“Doctrine of the
so of itself. See tzu-jan Mean”); Lun yü (Analects)
soul, 30, 191, 211, 294, 486, 538, Ssu-shu chi-chu, 545. See also Four
561, 606. See also hun/p’o Books (ssu-shu)
Southern School, 88, 360, 453, 538. Ssu-shu hsing-li tzu-i. See Pei-hsi
See also hsin (heart-mind) and tzu-i
hsing (nature) Ssu-shu hsün-erh su-shuo, 545. See
spirits. See kuei/shen also Four Books (ssu-shu)
spirits and ghosts. See kuei/shen Ssu-shu hsün-i, 112, 546, 658
Spring and Autumn Annals. See Ssu-shu shan-cheng, 546. See also
Ch’un ch’iu Four Books (ssu-shu)
Spring and Autumn Annals of Mr. Ssu-shu shih-ti, 546, 713
Lü. See Lü-shih ch’un-ch’iu Ssu-shu ta-ch’üan, 546, 694
(Spring and Autumn Annals of Ssu-shu t’u-shuo, 409, 508, 5 46–547
Mr. Lü) Ssu-shu tzu-i. See Pei-hsi tzu-i
ssu (thinking), 65, 72, 236–237, 261, ssu-tuan (Four Beginnings), 56, 84,
399, 463, 538–539. See also 236, 239, 254, 330, 372, 409, 425,
hsin-hsüeh (School of Heart- 440, 467, 479, 482, 501, 520,
Mind) and li-hsüeh (School of 547–548. See also hsing
Principle or learning of (nature); Kao-tzu (thinker); pu
Principle) jen jen chih hsin (the heart-
ssu chü chiao, 71, 76–77, 104, 157, mind that cannot bear to see
238, 345, 372, 400, 540, 548, the suffering of people); Shih-
607, 655, 666, 696. See also fei chih hsin
T’ien-ch’üan Bridge debate ssu-wu, 548, 607, 655. See also hsin
ssu-i, 540. See also chi-ssu and yü (heart-mind)
(desire) ssu-yü. See chi-ssu and yü (desire)
Ssu-ma Ch’ien, 8, 77–78, 130, 154, Standard Expositions of the Five
183, 204, 347, 361, 444, 517–518, Classics. See Wu-ching cheng-i
535, 542, 544, 604, 633, 734 (Standard Expositions of the
Ssu-ma Kuang, 59–60, 130, 181, Five Classics)
196, 256, 439, 505, 529, 542, state cult, 8, 19, 87, 94, 125, 136,
544, 633, 640–642, 646, 654, 149, 152, 157, 183–184, 207,
850
228, 319, 391, 442, 489, 492, 518, substance of the heart-mind. See
522–523, 549–550, 578, 603, hsin-chih-t’i
611, 687, 727. See also substantial learning. See shih-hsüeh
Confucian temple; hsiang (por- subtlety. See chi (subtlety)
trait or statue); ju-chiao; miao succession to the Way. See Tao-t’ung
(temple or shrine); shen-wei sudden and total penetration of
(tablet); t’ai-lao (offering); the pervading unity. See huo-
wang (king) title for Confucius; jan kuan-t’ung
Yen Yüan (Hui) suffering, 80, 143, 309, 426, 497,
state religion, 18, 159, 183, 228, 421, 547, 553, 604
549, 550–551. See also ching Su Ho-chung. See Su Shih
(classic); Confucian temple; sui generis, 553. See also
sacred/profane; wei (apocrypha); sacred/profane
yüeh-chang (liturgical verse) summoning the soul. See chao hun
statue. See hsiang (portrait or statue) sun, 7, 71, 167, 434, 440, 553, 604,
stone chime rack (pien-ch’ing), 683, 701, 719–720, 726. See also
551. See also bronze bell rack hun/p’o and yin/yang
(pien-chung); chin-sheng yü- Sun Ch’i-feng, 182, 282, 382, 398,
chen; music 554, 585. See also hsin (heart-
stone classics, 551–552. See also mind)
ching (classic); New text/old Sun Ch’i-t’ai. See Sun Ch’i-feng
text (chin-wen/ku-wen); K’ai- Sun Chung-shan. See Sun Yat-sen
ch’eng shih-ching (K’ai Ch’eng- Sun Chung-yüan. See Sun Ch’i-feng
Stone Classics) Sun Fu, 175, 379, 554, 602. See also
Straightforward Explanation of the kuo-tzu hsüeh
“Doctrine of the Mean.” See Sung Ch’ien-hsi. See Sung Lien
“Chung yung chih-chieh” Sung Ching-lien. See Sung Lien
Straightforward Explanation of the Sung-ch’u san hsien-sheng. See
“Great Learning.” See “Ta-hsüeh Three Teachers of Early Sung
chih-chieh” Sung dynasty, 13, 22, 24–25, 30–33,
Study of Humaneness. See jen-hsüeh 36, 41, 43, 47–48, 56–57, 59–61,
study of Principle. See li-hsüeh 63, 65–68, 72, 74, 77–80, 84–85,
(School of Principle or learning 87–88, 90, 93, 96–98, 100, 102,
of Principle) 104–105, 108, 110, 114–115,
study of the heart-mind. See hsin- 117, 122–124, 126, 129–130,
hsüeh (School of Heart-Mind) 144, 150, 175, 178, 180–182,
study of the nature and Principle. 1 84–186, 190, 195–196, 201, 203,
See hsing-li hsüeh 205, 207, 211–213, 215–216, 219,
subdue the self and return to pro- 221, 224–227, 229, 233, 235,
priety or rites. See k’o-chi fu-li 2 37–240, 243–246, 248, 254,
substance (t’i). See t’i/yung (sub- 2 56–259, 262–264, 268, 280,
stance/function) 2 82–283, 286–289, 295–296, 301,
substance/function. See t’i/yung 303, 308, 310, 314, 317–320, 322,
(substance/function) 325, 342, 345, 347–349, 353,
851
3 6 1–363, 365–366, 372, 374, 175, 211, 259, 262, 264,
3 79–380, 382, 384, 388, 391–393, 282–283, 286, 297, 382, 435,
396, 399, 403–404, 407–408, 556, 559, 623, 640, 737–738
4 12–414, 418, 421, 423–424, 433, Sung Yü-t’ing. See Sung Hsiang-feng
437, 441, 446–448, 453, 458–459, Sun Hsing-yen, 342, 559. See also
461, 468, 477, 478, 481, 486, 493, han-lin yüan (Academy of
4 95–496, 500, 503–505, 509, Assembled Brushes)
5 1 2–513, 520–522, 526–527, Sun Ming-fu. See Sun Fu
5 29–530, 532, 538–539, 542, 546, Sun Shen-hsing, 559–560, 638. See
5 54–5 5 6, 559, 561, 569–572, also Ch’eng Chu School and
574, 582, 585, 587, 589–592, 597, han-lin yüan (Academy of
600, 602, 608, 611, 613, 615–616, Assembled Brushes)
618, 621, 623, 631, 633, 637–641, Sun Wen. See Sun Yat-sen
643, 646, 651, 653–654, 658, 661, Sun Wen-ssu. See Sun Shen-hsing
6 6 7–668, 670, 674–675, 677, 679, Sun Yat-sen, 23, 215, 373, 419, 489,
682, 689, 691–693, 698, 701, 705, 560, 587, 594, 617
707, 711, 713–714, 719, 728, 730, Sun Yüan-ju. See Sun Hsing-yen
735, 737–738. See also chin-shih superior man. See chün-tzu (noble
examination; hsin (heart-mind); person)
shu-yüan academy supernaturalism, 456, 561. See also
Sung Hsiang-feng, 556. See also agnosticism; divination;
ch’en-shu (prognostication kuei/shen
text); New Text/Old Text (chin- superstition, 173, 284, 561,
wen/ku-wen); wei (apocrypha) 656–657. See also New Text/Old
Sung-hsüeh, 61, 87, 109, 201–202, Text (chin-wen/ku-wen); super-
254, 268, 308, 360, 408, 413, naturalism; wei (apocrypha)
556–557, 669, 674, 677, 717. See supplication. Se e chu (pra ye r-
also Kuo-ch’ao Sung-hsüeh master)
yüan-yüan chi supreme being. See Shang-ti (Lord
Sung-hsüeh yüan-yüan chi. See upon High); T’ien (Heaven)
Kuo-ch’ao Sung-hsüeh yüan- supreme deity. See Shang-ti (Lord
yüan chi upon High); T’ien (Heaven)
Sung Jo-chao. See Sung sisters Supreme Principles Governing the
(Sung Jo-hua and Sung Jo-chao) World. See Huang-chi ching-
Sung Jo-hua. See Sung sisters (Sung shih (shu)
Jo-hua and Sung Jo-chao) Surviving Works of Ch’uan-shan.
Sung learning. See Sung-hsüeh See Ch’uan-shan i-shu
Sung Lien, 177, 557. See also han- Surviving Works of Master Chu. See
lin yüan (Academy of Chu-tzu i-shu
Assembled Brushes) Surviving Works of the Ch’engs of
Sung sisters (Sung Jo-hua and Honan. See Honan Ch’eng-shih
Sung Jo-chao), 557. See also i-shu
women in Confucianism Surviving Works of the Two Ch’engs.
Sung Yüan hsüeh-an, 34, 110, 114, See Honan Ch’eng-shih i-shu
852
Su Shih, 43, 350, 561, 563. See also sheng Hsien-shih K’ung-tzu
han-lin yüan (Academy of (Master K’ung, the Teacher of
Assembled Brushes); kuei/shen; Antiquity of Great
syncretism Accomplishments and Highest
sutra. See ching (classic) Sageliness)
Su Tung-p’o. See Su Shih Ta-ch’eng Chih-sheng Wen-hsüan
Su Tzu-chan. See Su Shih Wang, 152, 155, 355, 566, 678.
symbol, 17, 39, 48, 331, 364, 423, See also Chih-sheng Wen-hsüan
563. See also hsiang (portrait or Wang (Highest Sage and
statue) Comprehensive King) and
syncretism, 65, 277, 377, 388, wang (king) title for Confucius
493–494, 563–564 ta-ch’eng tien (Hall of Great
synthesis, 43, 65, 91, 236, 388, 448, Accomplishments), 30, 149,
536, 563, 564, 592, 635, 703 163, 230, 247, 466, 524, 565,
system of the heart-mind. See 566–568, 669, 679, 686–687
hsin-fa Ta chuan. See “Hsi-tz’u chuan”
System of the Heart-Mind in the Ta-hsüeh. See “Great Learning”
Learning of the Sages. See (“Ta-hsüeh”)
Sheng-hsüeh hsin-fa Ta-hsüeh chang-chü, 113, 387, 545,
5 6 8. See also hsin-hsüeh (School
T of Heart-Mind); li-hsüeh (School
tablet. See hu (tablet) and shen-wei of Principle or learning of
(tablet) Principle); Ta-hsüeh huo-wen
ta chang-fu, 565 “Ta-hsüeh chih-chieh,” 568
Ta-ch’eng Chih-sheng Hsien-shih Ta-hsüeh huo-wen, 568
K’ung-tzu (Master K’ung, the Ta-hsüeh wen, 77, 568–569, 613,
teacher of Antiquity of Great 665. See also hsin (heart-mind)
Accomplishments and Highest “Ta-hsüeh yao-lüeh,” 569
Sageliness), 565. See also shih- Ta-hsüeh yen-i, 53, 509, 557, 569,
tien ceremony (Twice Yearly 616. See also hsiu-shen; ti-wang
Confucian Ceremony) and Ta- chih hsüeh; yü (desire)
ch’eng Chih-sheng K’ung-tzu T’ai-ch’ang yin-ko li, 60, 322, 529,
Hsien-shih (Teacher of 569–570
Antiquity, Master K’ung of Tai Chen, 57, 63, 67, 87, 202, 241,
Great Accomplishments and 243, 317, 326, 342, 349, 363, 389,
Highest Sageliness) 416, 429, 439, 480, 504, 513,
Ta-ch’eng Chih-sheng K’ung-tzu 570–571, 589, 595, 608, 612,
Hsien-shih (Teacher of 632, 658, 660, 724. See also Book
Antiquity, Master K’ung of of Mencius; Ch’eng-Chu School;
Great Accomplishments and han-lin yüan (Academy of
Highest Sageliness), 5 6 5 – 5 6 6. Assembled Brushes)
See also shih-tien ceremony t’ai-chi (Great Ultimate), 1, 6, 25,
(Twice Yearly Confucian 33, 47, 49, 62, 107–108, 120, 214,
Ceremony) and Ta-ch’eng Chih- 233, 237, 245, 278–279, 289,
853
298, 327, 345, 353, 380, 385, 387, T’ai-kung chia-chiao, 578. See also
393, 408, 439, 479, 505, 507, 560, Ch’ien tzu wen; Pai-chia hsing;
571–572, 574, 589, 623, 634, San tzu ching; tsa-tzu
651, 675, 691–692, 722. See also t’ai-lao offering, 148, 229, 355, 522,
hsin (heart-mind); Principle 524, 549, 578–580, 686
(li); T’ai-chi t’u (Diagram of the T’ai-shan, 144, 182, 207, 211, 419,
Great Ultimate) 580, 583. See also feng and shan
T’ai-chi shu-yüan, 29, 572. See also sacrifices; miao (temple or
shu-yüan academy shrine); mountain
T’ai-chi t’u (Diagram of the Great T’ai-shang kan-ying p’ien, 504, 582
Ultimate), 572–574. See also T’ai-shan hsien-sheng. See Sun Fu
ch’ien hexagram; k’un hexa- Tai Shen-hsiu. See Tai Chen
gram; sheng or sheng-jen (sage); Tai Tung-yüan. See Tai Chen
tung/ching taking personal responsibility for
“T’ai-chi t’u shuo,” 98, 107–108, the Way. See tzu-jen yü Tao
120, 185, 245, 379–380, 396, T’an Chuang-fei. See T’an Ssu-t’ung
404, 418, 511, 571–572, tandem drum (ling-ku), 582. See
574–575, 691–692. See also li- also music
hsüeh (School of Principle or T’an Fu-sheng. See T’an Ssu-t’ung
learning of Principle) and Neo- T’ang Ch’ien-an. See T’ang Pin
Confucianism T’ang Ching-ch’uan. See T’ang
T’ai-chou School, 65, 92, 99, 104, Shun-chih
199, 213–214, 249, 276, 306, T’ang Chün-i, 21, 418, 438, 442,
329–330, 341, 376, 400–401, 449, 489, 582–5 8 3. See also hsin
575–576, 627, 655, 659–661, (heart-mind) and hsing (nature)
667, 686, 688, 712, 736. See also T’ang dynasty, 13, 18, 22, 36, 50,
hsing (nature); jen (humane- 56, 59–61, 66–68, 74, 79, 83–84,
ness); sheng or sheng-jen (sage); 88–89, 93, 97, 104, 113,
yü (desire) 123–124, 129, 148, 181, 186,
t’ai-ho yüan-ch’i (pri m o rdial vitality 188, 203–204, 207, 232–233,
of the supreme harmony), 150, 240, 243, 245–246, 257, 293,
576 318–319, 322, 347–348, 351,
T’ai-hsüan ching (Classic of Supreme 353, 356–357, 361, 365, 374,
Mystery), 544, 576–577, 703, 705. 379, 382, 395–397, 424, 447,
See also “Shih i” (“Ten Wings”) 453–455, 458, 468, 493,
t’ai-hsüeh (National University), 495–496, 503, 512–513, 523,
18, 42, 48, 74, 87, 104, 199, 207, 525, 529, 532, 538, 549, 552, 554,
230, 283, 286, 296–297, 557, 578, 580, 583– 5 8 5, 589,
361–362, 413–414, 435, 437, 591–592, 611, 632–633, 638,
476, 552, 577–578, 600, 689, 6 40–641, 653–654, 663, 677–678,
693, 701, 738. See also Five 692–693, 730, 736. See also han-
Classics; Han Wu Ti lin yüan (Academy of Assembled
t’ai-i, 456, 578, 636, 656. See also Brushes) and Yen Yüan (Hui)
ch’i (vitality) T’ang Jen-ch’ing. See T’ang Po-yüan
854
T’ang K’ung-po. See T’ang Pin (righteousness or rightness);
T’ang Pin, 554, 585. See also hsin Three Items
(heart-mind) and sheng or Tao-hsin ( h e a rt-mind of the Way),
sheng-jen (sage) 41, 58, 100, 111, 115, 120–121,
T’ang Po-yüan, 324, 5 85–586. See 188, 256, 269, 278, 302, 308,
also hsin (heart-mind); hsing 3 14–315, 337, 396, 406, 484, 508,
(nature); jen (humaneness); 522, 540, 560, 585, 590, 611,
kua-yü (reducing desires); sheng 6 73–674, 707, 724. See also hsing
or sheng-jen (sage); yü (desire) (nature); Neo-Confucianism;
T’ang Shu, 268, 586. See also yü New Text/Old Text (chin-
(desire) wen/ku-wen); sheng or sheng-jen
T’ang Shun-chih, 445, 5 86–587. See (sage); yü (desire)
also han-lin yüan (Academy of Tao-hsüeh, 36, 50, 63, 113, 118, 248,
Assembled Brushes) and New 379, 533, 556, 590–591, 592, 689
Text/Old Text (chin-wen/ku-wen) Tao-te, 591. See also li (propriety or
T’ang Shu-t’ai. See T’ang Po-yüan rites); t’i/yung (substance/func-
Tang-tai Chung-kuo che-hsüeh, tion)
215, 247, 587 Tao-t’ung, 8, 29, 39, 46, 107,
T’ang Wei-chung. See T’ang Shu 109–110, 112–113, 120–121,
T’ang Ying-te. See T’ang Shun-chih 161, 178, 182, 208, 238, 245,
Tan-kuo fu-jen, 587–588. See also 249–250, 279, 318, 374, 379,
Ch’i-kuo Kung and Lu-kuo fu-jen 396, 404, 424, 444, 448–449,
T’an Ssu-t’ung, 57, 291, 315, 325, 484, 505, 509, 511, 513, 555, 584,
495, 5 8 8, 594, 667. See also hsing 589, 591–593, 643, 646, 656, 730
(nature); New Text/Old Text Tao wen-hsüeh. See tsun te-hsing
(chin-wen/ku-wen); yü (desire) erh Tao wen-hsüeh
Tao (Way), 1, 22, 32, 35, 47, 49–50, T’ao Ying, 593
53, 56, 58, 62, 64, 67, 83, 94, 110, Ta Tai Li chi, 349, 570, 593, 626. See
125, 131, 133, 135, 152, 171, 180, also li (propriety or rites)
182, 196, 199, 210, 233, 237–238, Ta T’ang K’ai-yüan li. See K’ai-
243, 250, 256, 258, 264, 276, 280, yüan li
287, 292, 303, 316–317, 321, 330, ta-te, 593–594. See also hsing
334, 350, 352–353, 363, 366, (nature) and sheng-sheng
396–399, 403, 408, 413–414, ta-t’ung, 171, 398, 419, 439, 594,
429–430, 432, 439–440, 445, 447, 658. See also hsin (faithfulness)
455, 478–479, 507, 526, 538, 560, and li (propriety or rites)
563, 565, 570–571, 575, 586, Ta-t’ung shu, 325, 594–595. See
588–590, 591, 594, 596, 610, also Kung-yang hsüeh and yü
616, 619, 623, 628, 631, 638, 643, (desire)
646, 658–660, 663, 665, 673, 675, Ta Yüan t’ung-chih, 285, 460, 472,
679, 681, 691, 696, 701, 705, 707, 595. See also Ta Yüan t’ung-chih
711–712, 720–721, 730, 736–737. t’iao-li kang-mu
See also ch’i (utensils); h s i n g - Ta Yüan t’ung-chih t’iao-li kang-
erh-shang/hsing-erh-hsia; i mu, 595–596, 689
855
te (virtue), 52, 57, 256, 276, 399, Temple of the Comprehensive
500, 589, 591, 594, 596–597, King. See Confucian temple and
605, 609, 612–613, 652, 689, Wen-hsüan Wang miao (Temple
696–697, 722, 734. See also chih of the Co m p rehensive Ki n g )
(wisdom); ching (reverence or Temple of the Sage of Antiquity.
seriousness); chung (loyalty); See Confucian temple and
hsiao (filial piety); hsin (faith- hsien-sheng miao (Temple of
fulness); hundred schools of the Sage of Antiquity)
thought; i (righteousness or temple to Confucius’ ancestors. See
rightness); jen (humaneness); li ch’ung-sheng tz’u (Hall of
(propriety or rites); sheng or Illustrious Sages)
sheng-jen (sage) “Ten Thousand Word Memorial.”
teacher. See hsien-sheng (teacher) See “Wan yen shu”
Teacher of Antiquity. See hsien- “Ten Wings.” See “Shih i” (“Ten
shih (Teacher of Antiquity) Wings”)
Teacher of Antiquity and Highest Terms from the Classics Explained.
Sageliness. See Chih-sheng See Pei-hsi tzu-i
Hsien-shih (Teacher of Antiquity Terms from the Four Books
and Highest Sageliness) Explained. See Pei-hsi tzu-i
Teacher of Antiquity, Master K’ung, Terms from the Four Books on
of Great Accomplishments and Nature and Principle Explained.
Highest Sageliness. See Ta- See Pei-hsi tzu-i
ch’eng Chih-sheng K’ung-tzu textual criticism. See chiao-k’an
Hsien-shih (Teacher of hsüeh and k’ao-cheng hsüeh
Antiquity, Master K’ung of textual research. See k’ao-cheng
Great Accomplishments and hsüeh
Highest Sageliness) theism, 599. See also ancestors
Teacher’s Day. See birthday of (tsu); Chou dynasty; kuei/shen;
Confucius hun/p’o; Shang dynasty
teaching. See chiao (teaching or theocracy, 599
religion) theology, 355, 488, 550, 599
te-chieh chü-jen, 68, 257, 597 thinking. See ssu (thinking)
te-hsing ( v i rtuous nature), 128, 154, T h i rteen Classics, 82, 226, 264, 552,
309, 5 9 7, 716. See also T’ien-te 5 99–6 0 0. See also ching (classic)
teleology, 483, 598 Thousand Character Essay. See
telepathy, 144, 598 Ch’ien tzu wen
temple. See miao (temple or shrine) Three Bonds. See san kang
Temple of Confucius. See Three Character Classic. See San
Confucian temple and K’ung- tzu ching
tzu miao (Temple of Confucius) Three Colleges System, 600, 654
Temple of Culture. See Confucian Three Commentaries. See san chuan
temple and wen miao (Temple Three Culture Heroes, 188, 280,
of Culture) 444, 514, 600–601, 602
Temple of Heaven. See T’ien-t’an “Three Generals.” See san t’ung
856
Three Histories. See san shih of Principle);
Three Items, 166, 196, 371, 601. See macrocosm/microcosm
also Ch’eng I T’ien-ch’üan Bridge debate, 71,
three obediences and four virtues. 607, 655. See also hsing (nature)
See san-ts’ung ssu-te T’ien-jen kan-ying, 52, 125, 200,
three religions. See san chiao (three 319, 353, 556, 607–608, 636,
religions or teachings) 657, 672. See also macro-
three religions one origin. See san cosm/microcosm.
chiao i yüan T’ien-li (Principle of Heaven), 1–2,
Three Ritual Classics. See san li 5–6, 24–25, 28, 32, 39, 45–46,
Three Sage Kings, 444, 530, 584, 52, 55, 77, 85–86, 89, 93, 111,
601, 602, 707, 726, 730 115, 117, 120, 142, 161, 172, 178,
Three Teachers of Early Sung, 296, 212, 215, 229, 240, 269–270,
518, 554, 602. See also i (right- 287, 290, 302–303, 305,
eousness or rightness), li (pro- 313–314, 319, 324, 337, 342,
priety or rites), Principle (li) 345, 366, 372, 393, 396,
three teachings. See san chiao 399–400, 406, 414, 429, 432,
(three religions or teachings) 437, 439–441, 448, 455, 457,
three teachings one origin. See san 469, 477, 479, 483, 489, 492, 495,
chiao i yüan 497, 513–514, 553–554,
ti (earth), 182, 602–603 569–570, 585–586, 588–590,
t’i (substance). See t’i/yung (sub- 594–599, 603, 606, 608, 612,
stance/function) 618, 634, 649, 662, 665, 673, 688,
T’ien (Heaven), 1–5, 8–9, 30, 39, 698, 705, 711, 724. See also
65, 81, 83, 86, 103, 107, 114, 121, Ch’eng Hao; Ch’eng I; hsing
124, 127, 130, 134, 142, 154, 161, (nature); li-hsüeh (School of
164, 170, 172, 182, 188, 190, 208, Principle or learning of
212–213, 215, 229, 233, 237, 256, Principle)
265, 270, 273, 287, 290, 297, 305, T’ien-ming (Mandate of Heaven),
312, 316, 319, 331, 333, 337, 350, 1, 8–9, 52, 103, 133, 152, 164,
382, 396, 399–400, 426, 428, 182–183, 212, 239, 262, 316,
430, 432, 437, 439–440, 448, 331, 333, 371, 432, 493, 502, 504,
455, 457, 477, 479–480, 483, 518, 528, 538, 544, 550, 588, 599,
489, 492–493, 497, 501–504, 604–606, 608–610, 613, 640. See
512, 514, 517, 529, 538, 544, also astrology; li-hsüeh (School
548–550, 553, 555, 559, 586, of Principle or learning of
589, 598–599, 602, 603–607, Principle); sacre d / p rofane;
608–613, 616, 618, 624, 629, Ssu-ma Ch’ien
631, 636, 638, 650, 652, 657, 662, T’ien-ming chih hsing, 67, 120,
665, 668, 670, 681, 686, 702, 712, 240–241, 610–611
724, 726, 730. See also hsing tien-shih examination, 97, 123,
(nature); hsin-hsüeh (School of 138, 213, 289, 513, 611, 655
Heart-Mind); hun/p’o; li-hsüeh T’ien-t’an, 18, 94, 550, 611,
(School of Principle or learning 726–727
857
T’ien-tao, 21, 69, 125, 181, 315, 334, mu (Tomb of Confucius)
376, 429, 442, 556, 585, 589, Topical Treatment of Events in the
611–612 General Mirror. See T’ung-chien
T’ien-te, 26, 372, 596, 612. See also chi-shih pen-mo
“Shih i” (“Ten Wings”); total realization of oneness. See
yin/yang; yü (desire) hun-jan i-t’i
T’ien-ti chih hsing. See T’ien-ming total substance and great function-
chih hsing ing. See ch’üan-t’i ta-yung
T’ien-ti chih se wu ch’i t’i, 26, 612. Tracing the ju. See Yüan ju
See also Jen che hun-jan yü wu “Tracing the Way.” See “Yüan Tao”
t’ung t’i and T’ien-ti wan-wu tradition of the Way. See Tao-t’ung
wei i-t’i transcendent, 253, 305, 504,
T’ien-ti wan-wu wei i-t’i, 253, 280, 606–607, 610, 618
373, 396, 465, 613, 665. See also transcendentalism. See transcen-
Jen che hun-jan yü wu t’ung t’i dent
and T’ien-ti chih se wu ch’i t’i transmigration. See rebirth
T’ien-tzu (Son of Heaven), 9, 86, transmission. See ch’uan (trans-
128, 182, 254, 319, 538, mission)
549–550, 599, 608, 613, 615. See transmission of the heart-mind.
also sacred/profane See ch’uan-hsin (transmission
tiger instrument (yü), 615. See also of the heart-mind)
music Treatise of the Most Exalted One
Ti-hsüeh, 36, 117, 120, 175, 181, on Moral Retribution. See T’ai-
269, 615, 616, 668, 728 shang kan-ying p’ien
“Ti-hsüeh lun,” 31, 314, 615, 616 tree symbolism, 618
t’ i - j e n, 615–616. See also hsin Truth. See ch’eng (sincerity)
( h e a rt-mind) and hsing (nature) Ts’ai Ch’en, 618–619, 621, 623. See
Tillman, Hoyt Cleveland, 50 also “all things are complete in
time, 30, 616. See also hsin (heart- oneself;” civil service examina-
mind) and sheng or sheng-jen tions; sheng or sheng-jen (sage);
(sage) shu (number)
t’ing-shih examination. See tien- Ts’ai Chi-t’ung. See Ts’ai Yüan-ting
shih examination Ts’ai Chiu-feng. See Ts’ai Ch’en
“Ting wan.” See Hsi-ming Ts’ai Chung-mo. See Ts’ai Ch’en
ti-wang chih hsüeh, 93, 314, 615, Tsai Wo, 154, 223, 621, 644. See also
616 Confucius’ disciples and Lun yü
t’i/yung (substance/function), 90, (Analects)
256, 320, 398, 449, 616–617, Tsai Yü. See Tsai Wo
681, 713. See also Book of Ts’ai Yüan-ting, 549, 621, 623
Mencius; hsiang (image); hsing Ts’ang-shu, 623
(nature); Lun yü (Analects) Ts’ao Cheng-fu. See Ts’ao Tuan
tolerance. See religious tolerance Ts’ao Tuan, 123, 623–624. See also
tomb. See mu (tomb) Hsüeh Hsüan and hsin-hsüeh
tomb of Confucius. See K’ung-tzu (School of Heart-Mind)
858
tsa-tzu, 461, 624. See also Hsiao- the heart-mind); hsin-hsüeh
hsüeh (new learning); ssu-tuan (Four
Tseng Hsi, 129, 624. See also Beginnings)
Confucius’ disciples and Lun yü ts’ung hsin (following the heart-
(Analects) mind), 508, 630–631
“Tseng-sun Lü-shih hsiang-yüeh,” ts’ung hsin suo yü. See ts’ung hsin
221, 412, 624–625 (following the heart-mind)
Tseng Tian. See Tseng Hsi tsung-tz’u, 631, 646. See also ances-
Tseng Ts’an. See Tseng-tzu tors (tsu); sacrifice; worship
Tseng-tzu, 112, 125, 129, 144, 152, “Ts’un-hsin yao-fa,” 511, 631. See
155, 196, 224–226, 303, 311, also yü (desire)
327, 437, 467, 526–527, 592, tsun te-hsing erh Tao wen-hsüeh,
624, 625–626, 646, 713. See also 407, 631–632
Confucius’ disciples and Lun yü Tuan Jo-ying. See Tuan Yü-ts’ai
(Analects) Tuan Mao-t’ang. See Tuan Yü-ts’ai
tso-ch’an, 91, 626 Tuan-mu Ssu. See Tzu-kung
Tso chuan, 37, 42, 60, 124, 150, 220, Tuan Yü-ts’ai, 352, 416, 556, 632.
346, 349, 353, 355–356, See also New Text/Old Text
394–395, 412, 414, 450, 495, (chin-wen/ku-wen)
517, 552, 596, 627, 640, 662, Tu-ku Chi, 632
675, 693, 721. See also New Tu Li t’ung-k’ao, 94, 261, 633, 670,
Text/Old Text (chin-wen/ku- 695
wen) and san chuan T’ung-chien. See Tzu-chih t’ung-
Tsou Ch’ien-chih. See Tsou Shou-i chien
Tsou Shou-i, 64, 76, 392, 627–628, T’ung-chien chi-shih pen-mo, 633,
667. See also kuo-tzu chien and 641
yü (desire) T’ung-chien kang-mu. See Tzu-
Tsou Tung-k’uo. See Tsou Shou-i chih t’ung-chien kang-mu
tsu. See ancestors (tsu) T’ung chih (Comprehensive Record).
tsui. See guilt (tsui) See Tzu-chih t’ung-chien
Ts’ui Shu, 327, 628. See also ching T’ung chih (General Treatises), 496,
(classic) and eight trigrams 633, 638, 677. See also li (pro-
Ts’ui Tung-pi. See Ts’ui Shu priety or rites)
Tsui-weng. See Ou-yang Hsiu T’ung-chih Hall’s Exegeses of the
Ts’ui Wu-ch’eng. See Ts’ui Shu Classics. See T’ung-chih t’ang
Ts’u-lai hsien-sheng. See Shih Chieh ching-chieh
tsu-miao (ancestral shrine), 4, 61, T’ung-chih t’ang ching-chieh, 261,
495, 628–629, 631. See also 633–634. See also Nine Classics
agnosticism; miao (temple or tung/ching, 634. See also ching
shrine); sacred/profane (quietude) and t’i/yung (sub-
ts’un ch’i hsin (preserving the stance/function)
heart-mind), 3, 81, 254, 348, Tung Chung-shu, 8, 52, 57, 84, 88,
406, 426, 629–630, 632, 702. See 99, 109, 124, 144, 152, 172,
also chin ch’i hsin (fully realize 199–200, 207, 214, 237, 240,
859
275, 299, 312, 314, 318–319, Tzu-chang, 155, 641, 738. See also
325, 355, 366, 393–394, 417, Confucius’ disciples and schol-
430, 450, 456, 495, 526, 535, 542, ar class (shih)
549–550, 554, 556, 598–599, Tzu-chien, 641
607, 634–637, 657, 672, 676, Tzu-chih t’ung-chien, 22, 97, 181,
694, 721–722, 728. See also 212, 472, 505, 542, 633, 640,
chin-wen chia (New Text 641, 642
School); hsing (nature); New Tzu-chih t’ung-chien kang-mu,
Text/Old Text (chin-wen/ku- 641, 642
wen); wu hsing Tzu-hsia, 88, 98, 154–155, 214, 355,
t’ung-hsüeh. See Cheng-hsüeh 544, 642, 648. See also T’ien
Tung-lin Academy, 70, 88–89, 327, (Heaven)
345, 413, 434, 534, 637. See also tzu-jan, 28, 50, 536, 643, 712
shu-yüan academy tzu-jen yü Tao, 643
Tung-lin Party, 282, 327, 396, 434, Tzu-kao, 643
554, 637–638 Tzu-kung, 154, 527, 621, 643–644,
Tung-lin School, 70, 283, 327, 696. See also Confucius’ disciples
345–346, 559, 637, 638. See also Tzu-lu, 2, 47, 144, 154, 624, 643,
Tung-lin Academy and Tung-lin 644–645
Party Tzu-shu I, 645–646
Tung-lin shu-yüan. See Tung-lin Tzu-ssu, 122, 130, 196, 239, 327,
Academy 351, 424, 467, 592, 646
Tung-lin tang. See Tung-lin Party tz’u-t’ang, 631, 646
T’ung-shu (Penetrating the Book of tzu-te, 49, 110, 268, 646–648, 673
Changes), 245, 380, 404, 638, Tzu-yu, 154–155, 648, 738. See also
698. See also hsing (nature) and li (propriety or rites)
sheng or sheng-jen (sage)
T’ung tien (General Institutions), U
496, 633, 638–639, 677. See also Übelhör, Monika, 221, 624
li (propriety or rites) Ultimateless. See wu-chi (Non-
tu-shu jen, 257, 639–640. See also Ultimate)
scholar class (shih) Ultimate of Nonbeing. See See wu-
Tu Shu-kao. See Tu Yu chi (Non-Ultimate)
Tu T’ung-chien lun, 112, 640, 658 Ultimate of Nothing. See See wu-
Tu Wei-ming, 35, 127, 130–131, chi (Non-Ultimate)
134, 142, 290, 319, 397, 449, 457, ultimate reality. See t’ai-chi (Great
481, 489, 714 Ultimate) and wu-chi (Non-
Tu Yu, 496, 633, 638, 640, 677, 693 Ultimate)
Twelve Classics, 82, 105, 124, 225, unadorned learning. See p’u-hsüeh
304, 322, 346, 356, 378, 552, 600, unconditioned heart-mind. See
640 wei-fa
Twice Yearly Confucian Ceremony. Understanding of History. See Shih
See shih-tien ceremony (Twice t’ung (Understanding of History)
Yearly Confucian Ceremony) underworld. See hell
860
unicorn. See kylin-unicorn utensils. See ch’i (utensils)
unified Principle and diverse par- utopia. See ta-t’ung
ticularizations. See li-i fen-shu
unity, experience of. See wu V
(enlightenment) vacuity. See hsü (vacuity)
unity, state of, 649 Various Subjects Examinations. See
unity of knowledge and action. See chu-k’o examinations
chih hsing ho-i via negativa, 6, 651, 696. See also
unity of the three religions. See san apophatic/kataphatic discourse
chiao ho-i vigilance in solitude. See shen-tu
unity of the three teachings. See virtue. See te (virtue)
san chiao ho-i virtue of Heaven. See T’ien-te
universal, 384–385, 612, 649, 665 virtuous nature. See te-hsing (virtu-
universal law. See Tao (Way); T’ien- ous nature)
li (Principle of Heaven) vitality. See ch’i (vitality)
universal love. See chien-ai
universal mind. See hsin (heart- W
mind) and liang-chih wai-hsüeh (Outer School), 446,
universal order. See Principle (li) and 651. See also ch’en-shu (prog-
T’ien-li (Principle of Heaven) nostication text) and ching-
universe, 7, 21, 25–26, 31, 33, hsüeh (study of classics)
35–36, 38–39, 41, 45, 49, 56, Wai-shu (Ch’eng brothers). See
58–59, 69, 81, 85, 92, 101, 107, Honan Ch’eng-shih wai-shu
113–114, 120, 127, 130–131, Waiting for the Dawn: A Plan for the
142–143, 158, 161, 169–171, Prince. See Ming-i tai-fang lu
178, 210, 212, 220, 233, 235, 237, Waley, Arthur, 48, 596
248, 256, 262, 277, 280, 282, 290, Wan Chang, 12, 351, 652–653
292–293, 298, 300–302, 304, Wan Chi-yeh. See Wan Ssu-t’ung
320, 344–345, 359, 367, 373, Wan Ch’ung-tsung. See Wan Ssu-ta
379–380, 384, 401, 406, 417, wang (king) title for Confucius, 653
442, 444, 447, 456, 462, 471, Wang An-shih, 38, 43, 66, 104, 175,
478–479, 505, 507, 512–513, 181, 247, 283, 379, 458, 542, 555,
527, 536, 538, 544, 549, 555, 563, 561, 563, 600, 616, 653–655,
570–572, 587–589, 598, 602–603, 670, 705. See also han-lin yüan
608, 612, 615, 621, 636, 638, 643, (Academy of Assembled
6 5 0, 670, 681, 683–684, 688, Brushes); kuei/shen; sheng or
6 9 1–692, 701, 720–722 sheng-jen (sage), t’i/yung (sub-
unmanifest heart-mind. See wei-fa stance/function)
unmoved heart-mind. See pu tung Wang Chi, 31, 46, 71, 104, 249, 392,
hsin 400, 445, 526, 540, 548, 586, 607,
unperturbed heart-mind. See pu 655, 661, 665–667, 696, 729. See
tung hsin also sheng or sheng-jen (sage)
upright. See chih (upright) Wang Chiang-chai. See Wang Fu-
urmonotheism, 439, 599, 650 chih
861
Wang Chieh-fu. See Wang An-shih 661, 667, 712, 736–737. See also
Wang Ch’iu-chien. See Wang Yün sacre d / p rofane and sheng or
Wang Ch’uan-shan. See Wang Fu- sheng-jen (sage)
chih Wang K’un-sheng. See Wang Yüan
Wang Chung, 656 Wang Li-t’ang. See Wang Ming-
Wang Ch’ung, 57, 240, 250, 275, sheng
284, 409, 432, 611, 656–657. See Wang Lu-chai. See Wang Po
also chin-wen chia (New Text Wang Man-ch’ing. See Wang Yin-
School); hsing (nature); ku-wen chih
chia (Old Text School); New Wang Ming-sheng, 570, 660. See
Text/Old Text (chin-wen/ku- also han-lin yüan (Academy of
wen); supernaturalism Assembled Brushes)
Wang Chung-mou. See Wang Yün Wang Nien-sun, 570, 656,
Wang Erh-nung. See Wang Fu-chih 660–661, 667, 739. See also
Wang Feng-chieh. See Wang Ming- han-lin yüan (Academy of
sheng Assembled Brushes)
Wang Fu-chih, 2, 26, 47, 56, 58, 67, Wang Pan-shan. See Wang An-shih
76, 100, 112, 116, 178, 237, 241, Wang Pi, 199, 257–258, 376, 435,
243, 256, 316, 371, 376, 396, 478, 536, 575, 616, 660, 661,
433–434, 477, 480, 532, 546, 693. See also hsin (heart-mind)
588–589, 595, 608, 612, 617, and hsing (nature)
634, 640, 657–658, 691, 724 Wang Po, 97, 213, 259, 661. See also
Wang Hsi-chih. See Wang Ming- hsing (nature)
sheng Wang Po-an. See Wang Yang-ming
Wang Hsi-chuang. See Wang Ming- Wang Po-hou. See Wang Ying-lin
sheng Wang Po-shen. See Wang Yin-chih
Wang Hsin-chai. See Wang Ken Wang Shen-ning. See Wang Ying-lin
Wang Hsin-chai hsien-sheng i-chi. Wang Shih-ch’ü. See Wang Nien-sun
See Ming-ju Wang Hsin-chai Wang Shih-ch’ü. See Wang Shu
hsien-sheng i-chi Wang Shou-jen. See Wang Yang-ming
Wang Huai-tsu. See Wang Nien-sun Wang Shu, 497, 661–662. See also
Wang Huang, 659. See also chin- han-lin yüan (Academy of
wen chia (New Text School); Assembled Brushes); hsin
ku-wen chia (Old Text School); (heart-mind); hsing (nature); yü
New Text/Old Text (chin- (desire)
wen/ku-wen) Wang Su, 43, 351, 353, 578,
Wang, Hui, 55, 295, 477, 498, 712 6 62–6 6 3. See also chin-wen chia
Wang Hui-chi. See Wang Po (New Text School); ku-wen chia
Wang Huo-an. See Wang Yüan ( Old Text School); New Text/Old
Wang Ju-chih. See Wang Ken Text (chin-wen/ku-wen)
Wang Ju-chung. See Wang Chi Wang Tsung-kuan. See Wang Shu
Wang Jung-fu. See Wang Chung Wang Tsung-shun. See Wang Pi
Wang Ken, 104, 135, 213, 237, 276, Wang T’ung, 50, 549, 554, 663
376, 400, 435, 575, 655, 6 59–6 6 0, Wang Tung-ya. See Wang Pi
862
Wang Wen-ch’eng Kung ch’üan-shu, wan-shih shih-piao, 348, 669
110, 569, 663, 666 Wan Ssu-ta, 180, 669–670
Wang Yang-ming, 16, 20–21, 23, 28, Wan Ssu-t’ung, 31, 326, 633, 669,
31–32, 39, 42, 46, 50, 62, 64, 670. See also Chekiang Schools
7 1–72, 76, 82, 84, 88, 92, 93, 99, wan-wu, 5, 315, 363, 399, 401, 456,
102, 104, 110, 117, 121–122, 135, 557, 586, 588, 665, 670, 714
143, 167, 173, 195–197, 201, 210, ”Wan yen shu,” 653, 670. See also
215, 237–328, 241, 244, 247–249, hundred schools of thought
253, 255–256, 265, 267–269, 276, Wan Yin. See Wang Ken
280, 282–283, 298, 306, 313, 315, Warring States period. See Chou
317, 324, 326, 339, 341, 345–346, dynasty
348, 371–373, 376–378, 380, 382, watchful over oneself when alone.
392, 396, 398–400, 403, 406, 408, See shen-tu
414, 416, 418, 433, 435, 441, 443, water, 20, 142, 144, 167, 216, 305,
445, 448, 452–453, 460, 462, 465, 329, 425, 574, 670–671, 694,
469, 479, 509, 511–512, 514, 540, 721. See also hsing (nature)
545, 548, 554–556, 560, 568–569, Way. See Tao (Way)
571, 575–576, 585–587, 590, Way of Heaven. See T’ien-tao
6 0 7–608, 613, 623, 627–628, 632, Way of humanity. See jen-tao
634, 655, 657–659, 661, 6 63–666, way of the sage-kings. See sheng-
668, 674–675, 682, 696, 698–699, wang chih Tao
714, 724, 729, 736. See also ko- wedding, 671
wu (investigation of things); wei (apocrypha), 42, 52, 60, 143,
Mencius; sheng or sheng-jen 200, 216, 250, 257, 275, 284, 319,
(sage); yü (desire) 357, 401, 409, 437, 446, 474, 556,
Wang Yang-ming School, 117, 123, 651, 671–672. See also chin-
244, 268, 282, 284, 286, 306, 392, wen chia (New Text School);
408, 426, 435, 445, 540, 549, 576, civil service examinations;
585, 607, 637–638, 666–667. See esoteric/exoteric; ku-wen chia
also Che-chung Wang School; (Old Text School); New Text/Old
Chiang-yu Wang School; Ch’u- Text (chin-wen/ku-wen)
chung Wang School; Nan-chung wei (artificial action), 273–274,
Wang School; No rt h e rnWang 672, 696
School; sheng or sheng-jen Wei Chen-an. See Wei I-chieh
(sage); Yüeh-Min Wang School wei chi, 306, 672–673. See also
Wang Yin-chih, 660, 667, 739. See hsing (nature)
also han-lin yüan (Academy of wei chi chih hsüeh, 673
Assembled Brushes) “Wei Chung-kuo wen-hua ching-
Wang Ying-lin, 496, 667–668 kao shih-chieh jen-shih hsüan-
Wang Yüan, 668, 717 yen.” See “A Manifesto for a
Wang Yün, 668–669. See also han- Re-appraisal of Sinology and
lin yüan (Academy of Reconstruction of Chinese
Assembled Brushes) Culture”
Wan Po-weng. See Wan Ssu-ta wei-fa, 91, 115, 127, 276, 302, 360,
863
393, 409, 413, 452, 631, 678–679
673–674. See also li-hsüeh Wen Li-shan. See Wen T’ien-hsiang
(School of Principle or learning wen miao (Temple of Culture), 148,
of Principle) 267, 350, 352, 355, 465, 524, 533,
wei-hsüeh, 118, 205, 238, 288, 469, 549, 652, 679, 732
621, 643, 655, 674 Wen-shih t’ung-i, 22, 679
Wei Hua-fu. See Wei Liao-weng Wen T’ien-hsiang, 66, 679, 681. See
Wei I-chieh, 674. See also Eight also Cheng Ssu-hsiao and
Steps; han-lin yüan (Academy Hsieh Fang-te
of Assembled Brushes); t’i/yung Wen Wen-shan. See Wen T’ien-
(substance/function) hsiang
Wei Liao-weng, 53, 674–675. See wen-wu. See Civil Dance (wen-wu)
also Nine Classics “Wen-yen” commentary, 69, 89,
Wei Mo-shen. See Wei Yüan 302, 359, 521, 681–682
Wei Shih-sheng. See Wei I-chieh “Western Inscription.” See “Hsi-
Wei Yüan, 353, 356, 675. See also ming”
New Text/Old Text (chin- what fills up Heaven and earth
wen/ku-wen) and sheng or becomes my body. See T’ien-ti
sheng-jen (sage) chih se wu ch’i t’i
Wei Yüan-ta. See Wei Yüan White Deer Grotto Academy, 67,
well-field system, 34, 103, 387, 424, 118, 122, 135, 265, 267, 285, 310,
434, 468, 662, 676 442, 533, 682, 736. See also shu-
wen (culture), 20, 138, 201, 235, 261, yüan academy
477, 502, 511, 600, 648, 6 76–6 7 7, White Tiger Discussions. See Po-hu
679. See also hsüeh (learning) t’ung (White Tiger Discussions)
and li (propriety or rites) whole substance and great func-
Weng Cheng-san. See Weng Fang- tioning. See ch’üan-t’i ta-yung
kang wild Ch’anist. See k’uang Ch’an
Weng Fang-kang, 6 7 7. See also han- Wilhelm, Richard, 5, 512, 521
lin yüan (Academy of Assembled Wilson, John F., 438
Brushes) and New Text/Old Text wisdom. See chih (wisdom)
(chin-wen/ku-wen) without desire. See wu-yü (no desire)
Weng T’an-hsi. See Weng Fang-kang without good and evil. See wu-
Wen-hsien t’ung-k’ao, 420–421, shan wu-eh
496, 633, 638, 677–678 wo (self ), 298, 337, 371, 440, 683,
Wen-hsüan Wang (Comprehensive 701. See also i (righteousness or
King), 78, 232, 583, 653, 678 rightness) and k’o-chi fu-li
Wen-hsüan Wang miao (Temple of women in Confucianism, 68, 77,
the Comprehensive King), 148, 84, 227, 683–686. See also
678, 679. See also wen miao Ch’eng Hao; Ch’eng I; hsin-
(Temple of Culture) hsüeh (School of Heart-Mind);
Wen-hua ta-ko-ming. See Cultural li-hsüeh (School of Principle or
Revolution learning of Principle)
Wen-hua yü jen-sheng, 215, 320, Woodbridge, Samuel I., 112
864
worship, 4, 103, 136, 388, 430, 492, 292, 353, 404, 421, 429, 442, 525,
495, 517, 549, 631, 686, 719 561, 572, 607, 612, 654, 672, 689,
writing. See calligraphy and ching 694–695, 696, 712, 721. See also
(classic) eight trigrams and sixty-four
wu (cloisters), 149, 219, 230, 232, hexagrams
686–687 Wu Hung, 430, 443
wu (enlightenment), 77, 91, 166, Wu k’ang-chai. See Wu Yü-pi
170, 199, 256, 285, 295, 327, 348, Wu-li t’ung-k’ao, 94, 633, 695
359, 444, 456, 615, 687–689. See Wu Lu Lian. See Wu-lu-tzu
also hsin (heart-mind); hsin- wu lun, 68, 320, 689, 695. See also
hsüeh (School of Heart-Mind); hsin (faithfulness); i (righteous-
li-hsüeh (School of Principle or ness or rightness); sheng or
learning of Principle) sheng-jen (sage)
wu ch’ang, 107, 172, 328, 409, 495, Wu-lu-tzu, 695–696
588, 689, 695. See also san kang Wu-ma Ch’i, 696. See also Confucius
Wu Ch’eng, 47, 49, 269, 474, 595, Wu-ma Shih. See Wu-ma Ch’i
689–691, 731. See also ch’eng-i Wu, Pei-yi, 214
(sincerity of will); han-lin yüan wu-shan wu-eh, 238, 269, 345, 540,
(Academy of Assembled 548, 655, 666, 696. See also
Brushes); ts’un ch’i hsin (pre- apophatic/kataphatic discourse
serving the heart-mind); Tsun and hsin (heart-mind)
te-hsing erh Tao wen-hsüeh wu te ( Fi ve Vi rtues), 328, 6 9 6. See
wu-chi (Non-Ultimate), 1, 6, 25, also hundred schools of thought
107, 571–572, 574–575, 651, Wu Tzu-fu. See Wu Yü-pi
691–692. See also hsin-hsüeh wu-wei (non-action), 258, 292, 611,
(School of Heart-Mind) 696–698
wu-chi erh t’ai-chi, 404, 575, 692. w u - w u. See Martial Dance (wu-wu)
See also hsin (heart-mind) wu-yü (no desire), 50, 341, 400,
wu ching. See Five Classics 638, 675, 698, 724. See also
Wu-ching cheng-i (Standard Mencius; Principle (li); sheng or
Expositions of the Five Classics), sheng-jen (sage); Tao-t’ung
88, 357, 538, 583, 692–693 Wu Yu-ch’ing. See Wu Ch’eng
Wu-ching i-shu. See Wu-ching Wu Yü-pi, 49, 128, 285, 324, 403,
cheng-i (Standard Expositions 698–700, 731. See also han-lin
of the Five Classics) yüan (Academy of Assembled
wu-ching po-shih (Erudites of the Brushes) and sheng or sheng-
Five Classics), 199, 207, 476, 551, jen (sage)
578, 6 93–6 9 4. See also chin-wen
chia (New Text School); Five Y
Classics; Han Wu Ti; ku-wen chia yang. See yin/yang
(Old Text School); New Text/Old Yang Chien, 701–7 0 2, 707. See also
Text (chin-wen/ku-wen) Tsun te-hsing erh Tao wen-hsüeh
Wu-ching ta-ch’üan, 546, 694 yang ch’i hsing (nourishing the
wu hsing, 8, 25, 107, 125, 200, 279, nature), 3, 81–82, 254, 348, 426,
865
441, 630, 7 02–703. See also hsin- Yeh-lü Chan-jan. See Yeh-lü Ch’u-
hsüeh (School of Heart-Mind); ts’ai
li-hsüeh (School of Principle or Yeh-lü Chin-ch’ing. See Yeh-lü
l e a rning of Principle); ssu-tuan Ch’u-ts’ai
(FourBe g i n n i n g s ) Yeh-lü Ch’u-ts’ai, 709–711, 727. See
Yang Ching-chung. See Yang Chien also syncretism
Yang Chung-li. See Yang Shih Yeh Shih, 31–32, 264, 366, 556, 572,
yang hsing. See yang ch’i hsing 711–712, 737. See also li (profit);
(nourishing the nature) yin/yang; yü (desire)
Yang Hsiung, 113, 181–182, 240, Yellow Emperor. See Huang Ti
274–275, 362, 544, 554, 576–577, Yen Ch’ien-ch’iu. See Yen Jo-ch’ü
703– 7 0 5. See also hsing (nature) Yen Chi-tao. See Yen Fu
and New Te x t / Old Text (chin- Yen Chün, 213, 400, 575, 712. See
wen/ku-wen) also hsin (heart-mind); hsing
Yang-ming ch’üan-shu. See Wang (nature); jen (humaneness); i
Wen-ch’eng Kung ch’üan-shu (righteousness or rightness)
Yang’s Commentary on the Book of Yen Fu, 59, 295, 366, 371, 421, 429,
Changes. See Yang-shih i-chuan 477, 712–713. See also Hundred
Yang Shih, 38, 43–44, 170, 187, 229, Days of Reform and li (profit)
283, 286–287, 296, 301, 413, 437, Yen Hsi-chai. See Yen Yüan (Hsi-
530, 637, 661, 7 0 5, 707, 738. Se e chai)
also nei-sheng wai-wang (sage Yen Hui. See Yen Yüan (Hui)
within, king without) Yen Hun-jan. See Yen Yüan (Hsi-
Yang-shih i-chuan, 701, 707 chai)
Yao, 112–113, 121, 208, 230, 238, Yen I-chih. See Yen Yüan (Hsi-chai)
248, 509, 511–512, 522, 530, Yen Jo-ch’ü, 18, 63, 202, 296, 316,
591, 601–602, 604, 652–653, 326, 418, 503, 520, 546, 658,
655, 676, 701, 707–708, 728, 713–714
730. See also hsin-hsüeh Yen-Li School, 387, 714, 717. See
(School of Heart-Mind); Wang also Eight Steps; hsing (nature);
Yang-ming; Yü (king) hsing (punishment or criminal
Yao-chiang School. See Wang Yang- law)
ming School Yen Pai-shih. See Yen Jo-ch’ü
Yao Chi-ch’uan. See Yao Nai Yen Shan-nung. See Yen Chün
Yao Meng-ku. See Yao Nai Yen-shih chia-hsün, 59, 68, 718
Yao Nai, 180, 349, 708–709. See Yen Ti. See Shen Nung
also han-lin yüan (Academy of Yen-t’ieh lun (Discourses on Salt
Assembled Brushes), shu-yüan and Iron), 718–719. See also
academy chin-wen chia (New Text
Yao Shu, 29, 269, 572, 668, 709. See School) and New Text/Old Text
also han-lin yüan (Academy of (chin-wen/ku-wen)
Assembled Brushes) Yen To. See Yen Chün
Yeh Cheng-tse. See Yeh Shih Yen Yen. See Tzu-yu
866
Yen Yüan (Hsi-chai), 87, 387–388, 355, 362, 380, 382, 396, 409, 420,
480, 520, 657, 668, 714–716, 433, 459, 472, 508, 533, 546, 549,
717. See also ching (classic) and 555, 557, 559, 566, 572, 591, 595,
hsing (nature) 611, 623, 637, 667–668, 677, 679,
Yen Yüan (Hui), 112–113, 129, 144, 689, 709, 727–729, 731
149, 152, 232–233, 311, 337, Yüan Hsien. See Yüan Ssu
447, 467, 682, 716–717, 728. See Yüan Huang, 343, 350, 365, 493–494,
also T’ien (Heaven) 545-546, 729
Yen Yu-ling. See Yen Fu Yüan ju, 253, 388, 729–730. See
yin. See yin/yang also chih hsing ho-i and ching
ying-t’ang (image hall), 719. See (classic)
also hsiang (portrait or statue) Yüan K’un-i. See Yüan Huang
Yin-hsüeh wu-shu, 363, 719 Yüan Liao-fan. See Yüan Huang
yin/yang, 5, 8, 25, 57–58, 69, 78, 84, Yüan Ssu, 730
103, 107, 120, 125, 164, 167, “Yüan Tao,” 22, 208, 591, 730–731
187–188, 200, 204, 220, Yü Chi, 472, 731–732. See also han-
240–241, 243, 252, 275, lin yüan (Academy of
277–279, 292, 294, 301, 318, Assembled Brushes); po-shih
344–345, 351, 353, 357, 359, Yu Chien-shan. See Yu Tso
377, 394, 404, 407, 429, 440, 444, Yü Chung-lin. See Yü Hsiao-k’o
450, 452, 454, 479, 495, 507, Yü Ch’ü-yüan. See Yü Yüeh
525–526, 561, 563, 571–572, yüeh. See music
574, 577, 589, 607, 612, 621, yüeh-chang (liturgical verse), 136,
634–636, 654, 657, 662, 524, 7 3 2. See also sacred/profane
683–685, 694-696, 719–722 Yüeh-cheng-tzu, 732–733. See also
Yi Yin, 333, 474, 618, 643, 722–724. hsin (faithfulness); kuei/shen;
See also tree symbolism sheng or sheng-jen (sage); ssu-
yü (desire), 41, 42, 52, 83, 120, 337, tuan (Four Beginnings)
341, 399, 406, 413, 500, 570, 608, “Yüeh chi,” 213, 376, 444, 733–734
658, 689, 698, 724, 726, 730. See Yüeh ching, 86, 376, 535, 733, 734
also hsing (human nature); yüeh-flute, 735. See also Civil Dance
sheng or sheng-jen (sage) (w e n - w u); music; sacri f i c e
Yü (king), 52, 121, 164, 185, 208, Yüeh-lu Academy. See Yüeh-lu shu-
218–219, 238, 248, 522, 591, yüan
601–602, 655, 707, 7 2 6, 730. See Yüeh-lu shu-yüan, 735–736. See
also Yao also hsiang (image)
yü (tiger instrument). See tiger Yüeh-Min Wang School, 267, 736
instrument (yü) yü-fu yü-fu, 77, 659, 736. See also
yüan-ch’iu t’an (Circular Mound yü (desire)
Altar), 611, 726–727 Yü Hsiao-k’o, 61, 736. See also
Yüan dynasty, 29, 36, 47, 49, 91, 96, ching (classic)
122, 138, 157, 220, 229, 259, 263, Yu Jo. See Yu-tzu
268–269, 285, 289, 305, 319, 321, Yü Ku-nung. See Yü Hsiao-k’o
867
yü-lu, 18, 70, 586, 736–737
yung (function). See t’i/yung (sub-
stance/function)
Yung-chia School, 31, 33, 52, 264,
414, 711, 737. See also ching
(classic) and li (propriety or
rites)
Yung-k’ang School, 50-51, 737–738
Yü Po-sheng. See Yü Chi
Yü Shao-an. See Yü Chi
Yu Ting-fu. See Yu Tso
Yu Tso, 38, 43, 187, 229, 283, 413,
705, 738. See also hsin (heart-
mind)
Yu-tzu, 155, 368, 738. See also
Confucius’ disciples and
Mencius
Yü Yin-fu. See Yü Yüeh
Yu Ying-shih, 29–30, 211, 295, 449
Yü Yüeh, 23, 342, 739. See also
han-lin yüan (Academy of
Assembled Brushes) and shu-
yüan academy
Z
zazen. See tso-ch’an
868
Photo Credits
Cover, pp. 7, 11, 17, 24, 27, 37, 40, 44, 51, 54, 79, 100, 106, 119, 147, 151, 158,
160, 165, 168, 176, 179, 189, 194, 206, 209, 217, 222, 231, 234, 251, 260, 266,
277, 279, 281, 323, 332, 335, 336, 354, 358, 364, 381, 383, 390, 402, 405, 415,
422, 427, 431, 436, 451, 459, 464, 473, 475, 506, 510, 515, 537, 541, 543, 558,
562, 577, 582, 584, 592, 619, 620, 622, 625, 629, 635, 639, 645, 647, 664, 680,
688, 690, 697, 699, 704, 706, 708, 710, 715, 723, 725, 727, 728, 731 from San-
ts’ai t’u-hui by Wang Ch’i; Cover (characters), p. 69 by Rosen Publishing;
ii (Volumes I and II) courtesy of the General Libraries, University of Texas at
Austin, edited 2005 by The Rosen Publishing Group; p. 4 from Chia-ku-wen
tzu-tien by Hsü Chung-shu; pp. 14, 95, 96, 137, 139, 156, 162, 200, 225, 248,
259, 271, 386, 420, 466, 470, 472, 488, 491, 501, 516, 523, 535, 551, 566, 567,
576, 579, 580, 581, 614, 669, 735 Photos by Spencer Palmer, from The Way of
Heaven by Rodney L. Taylor, Ph.D., published by E.J. Brill in 1986. Courtesy of
Shirley Palmer; pp. 145, 155, 203 from K’ung-tzu sheng-chi, Courtesy of
Rodney L. Taylor; p. 573 from A History of Chinese philosophy, by Fung Yu-lan,
Translated by Derk Bodde.