Koninklijke Brill NV, Leiden, :o1o DOI: 10.

1163/001972410X12686674794772
Indo-Iranian Journal ,, (:v1v) 1:11, brill.nl/iij
A Manual on N aropas Six Yogas
by sPyan snga Nyer gnyis pa ():
Tucci Tibetan Collection
Marta Sernesi
Ludwig-Maximilians-Universitt Mnchen
Abstract
Text 1, of the Tucci Tibetan Collection (IsIAO) is a manual on the Six Yogas of
N aropa titled dPal na roi chos drug gi khrid yig bde chen gsal bai od zer stong ldan,
authored by the abbot of gDan sa mthil, sPyan snga bSod nams rgyal mtshan dpal
bzang po (18o1). It is a blockprint of 1o8 folios decorated by 8o beautiful
illustrations on the margins, which oers a picture of a unique moment in the
political and religious history of Central Tibet. Tis paper situates the work within
the authors oeuvre, and attempts a reconstruction of the context of production
of the blockprint. It argues that the latter was prepared in the rst half of the
1th century, as part of a wider production of texts and art objects, under the
auspices of the Phag mo gru ruling family, the lHa gzigs Rlangs, to which the
author belonged.
Koninklijke Brill NV, Leiden, :o1o.
Keywords
Phag mo gru pa, lHa gzigs Rlangs, bSod nams rgyal mtshan dpal bzang po, Tibetan
blockprints, Tibetan histories, Six Yogas
Introduction
Among the texts collected by G. Tucci in what is now the Tucci Tibetan
Collection at the Instituto Italiano per lAfrica e lOriente (IsIAO), are
found rare copies, unique editions and also single copies of otherwise lost
works.
1
Terefore, the study of chosen exemplars of the collection often
1)
Several surveys and studies of texts from the Collection have appeared so far: see for
example De Rossi Filibeck 1,,o, :oo1, :oo:, Sernesi :oo, Clemente :oo;.
1:: Marta Sernesi / Indo-Iranian Journal ,, (:v1v) 1:11,
reveals more than antiquaries curiosities, but may contribute instead to
the reconstruction of a fuller picture of the history of Tibetan books. Tis
is my wish in presenting these notes on a work on the so-called Six Doc-
trines or Yogas of N aropa (N a roi chos drug) recorded in a beautifully illu-
minated dbu chen blockprint of 1o8 folios. Tis text oers a picture of
a unique moment in the political and religious history of Central Tibet,
and I will therefore attempt a reconstruction of its context of produc-
tion.
Te text is no. 1, of the collection (see De Rossi Filibeck :oo: 8);
it lacks a title page, but the title is given in the colophon (fol. 1o;a, see
Appendix II) as dPal na roi chos drug gi khrid yig bde chen gsal bai od zer
stong ldan, which may be roughly translated as Explanatory Text on the Six
Doctrines of the Glorious N aropa, the Tousand Rays Clarifying the Great Bliss.
Te author signs himself (fol. 1o8a) bTsun pa bSod nams rgyal mtshan dpal
bzang po. As will be shown, he may be safely identied as sPyan snga Nyer
gnyis pa, alias Drung chos rje ba (18o1), the 1:th abbot of gDan sa
mthil monastery (see Table 1). He is also known as sPyan snga lha gzigs ras
pa.
2
Te blockprint consists of 1o8 folios of thick Tibetan paper, printed on
both sides starting with folio 1b (cf. Fig. 1). Te rst two folios are smaller
and darker in color (cm. 8,:8,; 8,:, respectively), and are a little
damaged on the margins. Te rst folio has been reinforced by pasting
on it two fragments of paper, on which dbu med script is still visible. Te
following folios are of irregular size, ca. ,/ocm. wide and ,/,,o high.
Each folio has seven lines of script (ca. ,/;8cm.), framed within
a vertical line on each side but without horizontal lines at the top and
bottom. Te ductus is irregular, with the letters proportions varying. Te
treatment of the tsheg before a shad is inconsistent, even after particular
letters such as nga and sa (cf. Fig. :). Seven folios of the text have been
replaced by handwritten ones, namely fols. o, 1, 1, 11:, 11, 1,, 1o;
fols. 1o and 1oo are damaged, with one line missing. Te rst :o folios
bear illustrations on the left and right margins, both recto and verso, and
there is an illustration in the middle of the rst (fol. 1b) and last (fol. 1o8a)
2)
Cf. for example MHTL 11:o, sPyan snga lha gzigs ras pai phyag chen lhan cig skyes sbyor
gyi khrid yig ma rig mun sel, and sPyan snga lha gzigs kyi mgur bum rin chen bang mdzod (see
Table :). It is therefore most probably to himthat dPa bo gTsug lag phreng ba (1o1oo)
is referring, in his mKhas pai dga ston, when he quotes one sPyan snga lha gzigs ras pa. Cf.
Chos byung mkhas pai dga ston, Beijing, Mi rigs dpe skrun khang, 1,8o, vol. 1, p. ;1.
Marta Sernesi / Indo-Iranian Journal ,, (:v1v) 1:11, 1:
folios, for an impressive total of 8o images (ca. ,cm. +o, caption).
Tese illustrated folios have only o lines of script (ca. ,;cm.) instead
of seven, and often lack the page number.
Tucci thoroughly studied the work, as is evident by the numerous marks
and notes in blue and red pencil. However, I could not identify any explicit
reference to it in his writings. Unfortunately, we dont know where Tucci
acquired the copy, as is the case for the most part of the IsIAO Collec-
tion.
3
Unfortunately the text lacks a printing colophon, and therefore at the
moment the print may not be exactly dated. I will suggest that it was
printed from woodblocks prepared during the authors lifetime or shortly
afterwards. It would thus belong to the rst half of the 1th century, the
earliest period of woodblock bookprinting in Central Tibet. Indeed, prints
were starting to be executed in the 1th century, and they are not extremely
rare: however, only few belong to the rst part of the century, or have been
surveyed, published and described extensively. Tis means that we still lack
a full picture of these early prints, nor sucient examples for evaluation
and comparison. A methodology for the codicological study of Tibetan
xylographies has not been established yet, nor has an extensive typological
survey been achieved.
4
Terefore, I will try to put the text into context and
support its early dating, mostly on historical grounds, but this remains to
be veried in the future as more evidence becomes available.
5
3)
On this issue, and what we do know about the gathering of the collection, see De Rossi
Filibeck :oo. Tucci visited central Tibet in 1,;, 1,, and 1,8. Te itinerary of his
second trip included the printing houses of sNar thang and bKra shis lhun po, as is briey
described in Tucci 1,o. For a description of the monastery of gDan sa mthil, which Tucci
visited on his expedition of 1,8, see Tucci 1,o: 1o,11o, but there is no mention of texts
in this account.
4)
On the methodology for the study of early Tibetan manuscripts, see Scherrer-Schaub
1,,,, Scherrer-Schaub and Bonani :oo:. On the beginnings of xylographic bookprinting
in Tibet, see below, and references in notes 1, : and .
5)
At least one other copy of the text exists, as images from the rst and last folios are
included in the on-line HimalayanArt catalogue of Tibetan art (pictures no. 81:;:,
81:;, 81:;, from a private collection). Te text seems to be printed on lighter paper than
the IsIAOcopy and is slightly damaged, and its illustrations are not coloured. Unfortunately,
I was not able to contact the owners of this exemplar, to obtain information about its
provenance and to determine whether it is complete or fragmentary.
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1:o Marta Sernesi / Indo-Iranian Journal ,, (:v1v) 1:11,
Table . Te Succession of the Abbots of gDan sa mthil until bSod nams
rgyal mtshan dpal bzang po. In square brackets the year of ascension to the
throne. Cf. Mig byed od stong, fols. :,b1b; LRCB: oo; BA: ,
18 (Roerich: o,,).
[1.] spyan snga rin po che Grags pa byung gnas (11;1:) [1:o8 sa pho brug]
[:.] rgyal ba rin po che Grags pa brtson grus (1:o1:o;) [1: shing mo lug]
[.] bCu gnyis pa Rin chen rdo rje (1:181:8o) [1:o; me mo yos]
[.] Grags pa ye shes (1:o1:88) [1:81 lcags mo sbrul]
[.] gNyis mchod pa Grags pa rin chen (1:o11o) [1:8, sa mo glang]
[o.] Tshes bzhi rnying ma pa Grags pa rgyal mtshan (1:,1oo) [11o lcags pho khyi]
[;.] bCu gnyis gsar ma pa Grags pa shes rab (11o1;o) [1oo lcags pho byi]
[8.] Tshes bzhi gsar ma pa Grags pa byang chub (1o18o) [1;1 lcags mo phag]
[,.] bSod nams grags pa (1,1o8) [18o me pho stag]
[1o.] dPal ldan bzang po (181o;) [1o shing mo bya]
[11.] sGo sel ba bSod nams bzang po (18o11o) [1o8 sa pho byi]
[1:.] Nyer gnyis pa bSod nams rgyal mtshan dpal bzang po (18o1) [11; me mo
bya]
Table . Te Works by bSod nams rgyal mtshan dpal bzang po. Te titles are
listed as in the Bri gung chos mdzod, volumes Zhi and Zi (cf. also Srensen
:oo;: 8, 8;).
Zhi. Phag grui spyan snga bsod rgyan gyi bka bum ka pa //
1. bKa brgyud rin po chei chos byung mig byed od stong // (fols. 118o) [Composed
at rTses thang in 118] [Srensen :oo;: Text A] [= TBRC W 18o:o = MHTL 1o8:
sPyan snga bsod nams rgyal mtshan gyi chos byung mig byed od stong] [Martin and
Bentor 1,,;: ooo;, no. 11o] [Ocean Annals of Amdo (fol. 8): rJe la n a ro chos drug
zhu mkhan spyan snga nyer gnyis pa bsod nams rgyal mtshan kyi chos byung mig
byed od stong]
:. Chos kyi rje spyan snga bsod nams rgyal mtshan dpal bzang poi rnam par thar pa
mthong ba don ldan // (fols. 181) [NT = Srensen :oo;: Text B]
. sPyan snga lha gzigs kyi mgur bumrin chen bang mdzod // (fols. o) [n.p., n.d.]
Zi. Phag grui spyan snga bsod rgyan gyi bka bum kha pa //
1. Sems khrid yid bzhin nor bui khrid yig nor bui char bebs // (fols. 1,:) [Composed
at rTses thang in 11,]
:. bKa brgyud kyi dgongs pai log rtogs sel bar byed pa bai du ryai phreng ba // (fols. ,:
18o) [Composed at Yang dgon rgyal bai pho brang in 1:] [= TBRCWooKGo,,]
. dPal n a roi chos drug gi khrid yig bde chen gsal bai od zer stong ldan // (fols. 18;:;)
[Composed at Yang dgon rgyal bai pho brang in 11,] [= IsIAO Collection n. 1,]
. Phyag chen lhan cig skyes sbyor gyi khrid yig gsal bai me long // (fols. :,o1)
[Composed at rTses thang in 11o] [= TBRC W1;:8: = MHTL 11:o sPyan snga
lha gzigs ras pai phyag chen lhan cig skyes sbyor gyi khrid yig ma rig mun sel]
Marta Sernesi / Indo-Iranian Journal ,, (:v1v) 1:11, 1:;
e Author
Te text was authored by a high hierarch of the Phag mo gru pa bKa brgyud
school. sPyan snga bSod nams rgyal mtshan dpal bzang po was the fth of
six sons of Sh akya Rin chen (1;-?1:o), the nephew of Tai si tu Byang
chub rgyal mtshan (1o:1o). He therefore belonged to the powerful
lHa gzigs Rlangs clan, which de facto ruled Central Tibet for about a century
from the secular seat of sNe gdong and the abbatial seat of gDan sa mthil,
to which we may add the seat of rTses[/d] thang, the monastery founded
by Tai si tu in 11opened in 1:. His older brother Grags pa rgyal
mtshan (1;1:) ruled from the seat of sNe gdong from 18 to 1:,
and two of his elder brothers, namely sPyan snga dPal ldan bzang po (18
1o;) and sGo sel ba bSod nams bzang po (18o11o), were at the head
of gDan sa mthil before him (see Table 1 and ).
6
He took the seat of the
monastery in 11;, as the 1:th abbot (spyan snga),
7
and resided and gave
teachings also at rTses thang: indeed, the seat of the latter monastery was
also held by his relatives. He was regarded as the reincarnation of one of his
powerful cousins, one of the most important hierarchs of his family, Grags
pa byang chub dpal bzang po, alias Tshes bzhi gsar ma pa (1o18o),
who died in the same year of our authors birth. Tis master was the son of
Sh akya Rin chens step-brother dpon Rin chen rdo rje (or Drung rin rdor
ba) and his wife Zi na bKra shis skyid (see Table ). He succeeded on the
seat of gDan sa mthil to bCu gnyis gsar ma pa (11o1;o)the brother
6)
Tables 1 and combine and summarize information found in the Mig byed od stong
(Srensen :oo;: text A), the lHo rong chos byung (LRCB: oo), the Blue Annals
(BA: ,18; cf. Roerich 1,,: o,,), van der Kuijp 1,81 and :oo1, Tucci 1,, and
1,;1 (New Red Annals), Macdonald 1,o: 1oo1o. Te historical notes that follow are
also drawn from these sources. Te generations of Tai si tus clan were already schematised
in van der Kuijp 1,81: Appendix; Tucci 1,,: Table VI.
7)
spyan snga is the title of the holder of the abbatial see at gDan sa mthil (but also at other
Tibetan monasteries). It means literally the one in the presence of , which stands before
the eyes of another, thus also attendant or audience. According to Gyalbo, Hazod and
Srensen (:ooo: :, n. :) Te term [spyan snga] itself goes back to the early bKa gdams
pa. Grags pa byung gnas (11;1:), who held the seat of gDan sa mthil from 1:o8 to
1:, became known as spyan snga ba while acting as the attendant of Jig rten gsum mgon
(111:1;) (Roerich 1,,: ;). bSod nams rgyal mtshan dpal bzang po is thus counted
as the twelfth abbot of the monastery counting from this rst spyan snga: all of the abbots
in the succession belonged to the same Rlangs lHa gzigs clan. Afterwards, Grags pa byung
gnas held the seat of Bri gung monastery for :: years, succeeding dbon bSod nams grags pa
(118;1:). At Phag mo gru he was followed by rGyal ba rin po che Grags pa brtson grus
(1:o1:o;), who took the seat in 1:, followed at his death by his brother bCu gnyis pa
Rin chen rdo rje (1:181:8o) (see Table 1).
1:8 Marta Sernesi / Indo-Iranian Journal ,, (:v1v) 1:11,
Table . Te family lineage of bSod nams rgyal mtshan dpal bzang po.
His name and his previous incarnation are underlined. [DT] indicates the
succession at gDan sa mthil, [TT] the succession at rTses thang, and [R] the
reigning years at sNe gdong. Rulers are in bold. In each rectangle brothers
are gured, whose father is the last listed in the preceding rectangle, with
the wives indicated in round parenthesis preceded by a plus sign (+).
Marta Sernesi / Indo-Iranian Journal ,, (:v1v) 1:11, 1:,
of his grandfatherat the age of 1, in 1;1. He was a disciple of the great
Sa skya pa Bla ma dam pa bSod nams rgyal mtshan (11:1;), who had
a key role in his unwilling succession to the throne of sNe gdong as the
rd Gong ma, at the death of Jam dbyangs Gu shri Sh akya rgyal mtshan
(1o1;).
8
bSod nams rgyal mtshan dpal bzang pos work was unknown until very
recently, when it was printed within an extensive collection of bKa brgyud
writings of the Bri gung school, the Bri gung chos mdzod (BGCZ). Te
masters Collected Works covers two volumes (Zhi and Zi) of the collection
and is constituted by seven texts. Te rst two of them, which concern
us the most, are the Chos byung mig byed od stonga religious history
written by the author on which more will be said laterand the authors
biography.
9
Te latter work is titled Chos kyi rje spyan snga bsod nams rgyal mtshan
dpal bzang poi rnam par thar pa mthong ba don ldan (NT), and was written
by one dPal rTses thang btsun pa Kun dga rgyal mtshan dpal bzang po at
the order of the Gong ma Grags pa byung gnas (11-?1/).
10
It was
thus written at an unspecied date during the latters reign (1:1/),
at rTses thang, most probably shortly after the masters demise. Te author
of the biography may be identied as Kun dga rgyal mtshan dpal bzang
po (d. 1o), one of the main teachers of Khrims khang Lo ts a ba (or Lo
8)
On the complex events related to the succession at sNe gdong, see van der Kuijp :oo1.
Tshes bzhi gsar ma pa was ordained by Bla ma dam pa in 1;, and was invited by his
master to take the throne, which he reluctantly kept until 181. Bla ma dam pa composed
several works related to Jam dbyangs gu shri, some at the time of a great religious gathering
presided over by the ruler in 1;. He also wrote a death eulogy for bCu gnyis gsar ma pa
titled gDan sa phag mo grui spyan snga rin po che grags pa shes rab pai gshegs rdzong kyi bul
yig (van der Kuijp :oo1: ;:, n. :8).
9)
Excerpts of the Bri gung chos mdzod, including these two works, have been published
in Srensen :oo;. Te publication consists of an dbu chen re-typing of the seven selected
works, an introduction to each of them, and a preliminary title-list of the whole collection.
Unfortunately, no information is provided on the location and format of the original texts.
Note that in the very useful title-list provided by Srensen (pp. 1,o), the volumes are
not given in the correct order: they are listed from Ka to A, then Ki, Ku, Ke, Ko, Khi, Khu,
Khe etc, while they should be ordered from Ka to A, then from Ki, Khi, etc. to I, then
Ku, Khu etc. to U, followed by the consonants in e (Ke, Khe, etc.) and in o (Ko, Kho),
nishing with volumes Ho, O and Hung. Indeed, volumes Zhi and Zi, constituting bSod
nams rgyal mtshan dpal bzang pos Collected Works, are two consecutive volumes. Te texts
included therein are listed in Table :.
10)
Te date of death of the ruler is given in the lHo rong chos byung (LRCB: o:) as a shing
pho byi year (1), and in the New Red Annals (fol. 8a) as a shing glang year (1); cf.
Tucci 1,;1.
1o Marta Sernesi / Indo-Iranian Journal ,, (:v1v) 1:11,
chen) bSod nams rgya mtsho (1:18:).
11
Our authors life-story is also
briey narrated in the lHo rong chos byung (LRCB: ,o:) and in the
Blue Annals (Roerich 1,;,: 8,,), which both seemto summarize from
the longer biography or a common source; nally, information about his
training under dierent masters is provided by the spyan snga himself in a
short section of his Vaiduryai phreng ba (fols. 1o11o;).
12
As may be expected for someone of his rank, he was trained in religion
already in childhood, studying with the foremost masters of his time.
He received his rst ordination at age seven, and took monastic vows at
eighteen. During his studies, the biographies unsurprisingly inform us,
he showed himself versed in all the major branches of knowledge, and
was repeatedly praised by his elders. Indeed, he received instruction from
many dierent teachers of the time, but three he considered to be his
extraordinary root-masters:
khyad par thun mong ma yin pai rtsa bai bla ma mchog tu gyur pa ni/ slob
dpon rin po che sher don pas rig pai gnad rnams khong du chud par mdzad
cing man ngag kyang du ma gnang ba dang/ mtshungs pa med pai thugs rjei
mnga ba bla ma rin po che rin gzhon pas sems nyid sangs rgyas su ngo sprad
11)
I thank Prof. Franz-Karl Ehrhard for this identication (personal communication,
April th, :oo,). Te biography of bSod nams rgya mtsho, authored by the Fourth Zhwa
dmar pa Chos kyi grags pa ye shes (11:), is studied in Ehrhard :oo:; cf. also Ehrhard
:oo:b. Te Great Translator met Kun dga rgyal mtshan dpal bzang po for the rst time in
1 at rTses thang, and received from him the Fivefold Mah amudr a (phyag rgya chen po
lnga ldan) (Ehrhard :oo:: ,). He further studied with this master, mainly at rTses thang
and sNe gdong, on several occasions: among the teachings received gure the Six Yogas
(Ehrhard :oo:: , ). At the masters death, which occurred in 1o at sMan
rgyal, he headed the monks during the funeral rituals, as ordered by the Phag mo gru sde
srid (Ehrhard :oo:: 8).
12)
van der Kuijp :oo1, written before the publication of the biography, already noted that
the wordings of the accounts of the two histories are suciently close to posit a common
source. Te Vaiduryai phreng ba is found in bSod nams rgyal mtshan dpal bzang pos gSung
bum (BGCZ, Zi, fols. ,:18o); cf. Table :. It was also digitized in :oo1 by the TBRC
from a rare dbu med manuscript discovered in the PRC, made of folios (see TBRC:
WooKGo,,). It was composed in the year 1: in response to eleven questions of one
Yon tan blo gros. In fact, two-thirds of the text are devoted to answering the rst question,
concerning Sa skya Pa

ditas polemic use of the denition dkar po chig thub for the bKa
brgyud Great Seal teachings (on which see for example Jackson 1,,). Te second question
concerns instead the tenets of Tsong kha pa. Te colophon reads: /ces pa di ni rtse gcig gis
sgrub pa la gzhol bai rnal byor pa mdo stod pa yon tan blo gros kyis dris pai lan du/ mdzes byed
kyi lo smin drug zla bai dkar phyogs la bka brgyud bla ma dam pa rnams kyi zhabs bring pa
btsun pa bsod nams rgyal mtshan dpal bzang pos yang dgon rgyal bai pho brang nas springs pa
dge legs su gyur cig/ (fol. 18o). On the place of writing, the Yang dgon rgyal bai pho brang,
the same as our text, see below.
Marta Sernesi / Indo-Iranian Journal ,, (:v1v) 1:11, 11
gro ba la mi jigs pai spobs pa byin pa dang/ thams cad mkhyen pa blo bzang
grags pai dpal gyi bka mdo rgyud ma lus pai don khong du chud par nus
pai blo gros byin pas di gsum la gtso bor byed pa yin/ (Vaiduryai phreng ba,
fols. 1o1oo; quoted verbatim in LRCB: ,,o).
Te rst one, Slob dpon rin po che Sher don pa, was responsible for the
young boys formal training, especially in logic, reasoning and scriptures.
In the incipit of the Manual on the Six Yogas, he is listed as a disciple of
the :nd Zhwa dmar mKha spyod dbang po (1o1o) (cf. Appendix I,
fol. b).
13
Rin chen gzhon nu (b. 1) transmitted to bSod nams rgyal
mtshan dpal bzang po the instructions of the sems khrid, and is indeed
mentioned as the source of the teachings in the abbots two manuals on the
Great Seal practice, the Sems khrid yid bzhin nor bui khrid yig nor bui char
bebs, and the Phyag chen lhan cig skyes sbyor gyi khrid yig gsal bai me long.
14
13)
He is probably the same Chos dpal shes rab who acted as dus sgo ba at bSod nams rgyal
mtshans rst ordination. Sher don pa taught the young boy, ten years old, logical arguments
(rig), and the main texts for the study of tshad ma (Vaiduryai phreng ba, fol. 1o:).
14)
Tese two texts are found in the second volume of the authors gSung bum (BGCZ, Zi,
fols. 1,: and :,o1 respectively); cf. Table :. Te rst transmission of the Great Seal
teachings from Rin chen gzhon nu occurred when the disciple was sixteen: bcu bdun la bla
ma rin po che mtshungs med rin chen gzhon nui drung du phyag rgya chen po lhan cig skyes sbyor
bka brgyud gyi chos rnams zhus shing/ de dus gnyug ma lhan cig skyes pai ngo sprod la rtsad gcod
bag rtsam mdzad dgos pa byung (Vaiduryai phreng ba, fols. 1o:1o; LRCB: ,). Te sems
khrid is a gter ma hidden by sGam po pa at Ma

dala Nag po, and discovered by Dung tsho

ras pa. Tis master then resided at rTsa ri and taught many disciples, including sNau pa,
who in turn instructed Rin chen gzhon nu. Tis is recounted at the beginning of the Sems
khrid yid bzhin nor bui khrid yig nor bui char bebs (fols. o), where also alternative lineages
received by Rin chen gzhon nu are accounted for. Cf. also the Blue Annals section on the
sems khrid (BA: o:;o:; Roerich 1,,: ;1;;:), where the date of the discovery is given
as 11o (me pho brug). Gos lo ts a ba also recounts the life-story of Rin chen gzhon nu. He
spent twenty-two years in meditation at Ti se and Chu dbar practising the Great Seal, and
his main teacher was sPyan snga Tshes bzhi rnying ma pa (1:,1oo), also of the Phag
mo gru lineage and Rlangs clan (see Table 1 and ). He taught bSod nams rgyal mtshan
dpal bzang po and also the ruler Grags pa rgyal mtshan. Te Blue Annals mentions that the
former wrote a manual on the sems khrid, which must be the Sems khrid yid bzhin nor bui
khrid yig nor bui char bebs. Tis was composed (sbyar ba) in 11, at rTses thang, based
on the teachings of Rin chen gzhon nu, and at the request of sGo mo Rin po che bzang
po dpal ba. Tis may be the mKhan chen pa Rin chen dpal bzang po, mentioned by the
Blue Annals (BA: o:; Roerich 1,,: ;:) as one who received the sems khrid instructions
from the sPyan snga Nyer nyis pa and from the master Blo gros bzang po (1oo1:). Te
latter was a disciple of Ba ra ba rgyal mtshan dpal bzang (11o1,1), and received the
sems khrid teachings from one Chos dbyings pa, who held the transmission from sNau pa.
Blo gros bzang po was also a teacher of rGod phrug ras pa (1o1;), one of the main
masters of the Phag mo gru Gong ma Grags pa byung gnas; see below, note and Ehrhard
:oo.
1: Marta Sernesi / Indo-Iranian Journal ,, (:v1v) 1:11,
Tese texts and doctrines were later received, together with the Explanatory
Text on the Six Yogas, by dBus smyon Kun dga bzang po (181:) at
Zab mo brag, an hermitage near gDan sa mthil, indicating that they were
transmitted among the monasterys ri pas.
15
Te third root-master is Tsong
kha pa Blo bzang grags pa (1;11,), who is portrayed as a key-gure in
the religious training of bSod nams rgyal mtshan dpal bzang po, especially
in the transmission of the Six Yogas.
16
e Work
Te dPal na roi chos drug gi khrid yig bde chen gsal bai od zer stong ldan,
17
as we learn from its colophon (see Appendix II), was written in a Earth-
Feminine-Pig year (= 11,) on the basis of teachings received from Tsong
kha pa Blo bzang grags pa, combined with the authors own knowledge
of previous bKa brgyud treaties on the Six Yogas. In the list of lineages
received found at the beginning of the text (see Appendix I), Tsong kha pa
gures indeed as one of the authors teachers, in a lineage passing through
Bu ston Rin po che (1:,o1o), Bla ma dampa [bSod nams rgyal mtshan]
(11:1;), and sPyan snga grags [pa] byang [chub] (1o18o), our
authors previous incarnation, who was abbot of gDan sa mthil from 1;1
and instructed Tsong kha pa himself.
18
15)
On the life of the madman of dBus, including the transmission of sPyan snga Nyer gnyis
pas teachings, see Ehrhard forthcoming. Te masters instructing dBus smyon were Rin po
che brag lcog pa Rin chen bzang po and Bang rim pa, both mentioned in the Blue Annals as
the holders of sPyan snga Nyer gnyis pas teachings in Gos lo ts a bas time (BA: 1,; Roerich
1,,: ,o). Te former is called mKhan chen Rin chen bzang po by Gos lo ts a ba, so he
must be the same mentioned also in BA: o:; see above, n. 1. At the same hermitage of
Zab mo brag, dBus smyon received the O rgyan bsnyen sgrub from a disciple of rGod phrug
ras pa. Cf. rJe btsun kun dga bzang poi rnam par thar pa ris med dad pai spu long g.yo byed,
in Khams sprul don brgyud nyi ma (ed.), bKa brgyud pa Hagiographies, Tashijong, 1,;:,
vol. :, pp. 8oo: o811.
16)
Te transmission from Tsong kha pa of esoteric instructions and tantric teachings,
including the Guhyasam aja and instructions by N aropa, occurred in 11:: nyi shu rtsa bdun
la/ thams cad mkhyen pa blo bzang grags pai gsang sngags kyi gnad mang po dang/ bye brag du
gsang ba dus pai man ngag rnams mthong bas/ spyir gsang sngags dang khyad par rje btsun n a
ro pa yab sras kyi gdams pa la/ thun mong ma yin pai gnad du ma rnyed/ rdo rje chang dang
gnyis su ma mchis pai mos pa drag po skyes/ (Vaiduryai phreng ba, fol. 1o; LRCB: ,; NT:
o). Te next meeting between the two masters, and transmission of the Six Yogas, occurred
in 11; see below.
17)
Note that a text with the same title but made of , folios has been lmed by the NGMPP,
Reel n. L /1:. It is not, however, a copy of the sPyan sngas text.
18)
Tsong kha pa studied with this master in gDan sa mthil after his ordination in 181,
Marta Sernesi / Indo-Iranian Journal ,, (:v1v) 1:11, 1
Indeed, the Rlangs clan had close ties with Tsong kha pa. Te ruler Grags
pa rgyal mtshan (1;1:) is known, among other things, as patron of
both bKa brgyud and Sa skya masters, but most of all as the main protector
and sponsor of Tsong kha pa. Under his rule, the great sMon lam chen mo
festival in Lhasa was held, and Tsong kha pas disciples were able to build the
monasteries of dGa ldan, Bras spungs, and Se ra, with generous patronage
of ocials (rdzong dpon) appointed by the ruler.
19
Tsong kha pa not only
had studied at gDan sa mthil, as already mentioned, but kept close ties with
the Phag mo gru hierarchs, writing for example the sNgags rim chen mo in
1o at the request of sGo sel ba, our authors brother and former abbot of
the familys monastery.
According to bSod nams rgyal mtshan dpal bzang pos biography (fol.
oab), the transmission of the Six Yogas occurred in 11, when Tsong
kha pa was invited together with ;oo monks by the ruler Grags pa rgyal
mtshan to On bKra shis rDo kha. Tis explains why the bKa brgyud
author is sometimes called, in later sources, rje la n a ro chos drug zhu mkhan
(the one who demanded the Six Yogas [instructions] of the Venerable
[Tsong kha pa]).
20
Indeed, the treatise on N aropas Six Doctrines was remembered as one
of the masters main achievements, and it is referred to in several later
sources. For example, van der Kuijp refers to the bKa gdams gsar rnying
and wrote for him a death eulogy known by the shortened title rTogs brjod lhun po, which
was composed at Kun tu bzang poi nags khrod at the request of Grags pa rgyal mtshan. Cf.
Martin :oo8: :;; van der Kuijp :oo1: ooo1.
19)
Tsong kha pa was a charismatic teacher, trained within the Sa skya school, who acted
in a context of inter-sectarianism, and at the time was not perceived yet as the founder of
a new religious order. However, his activity to build monasteries and attract disciples was
intense. His main patron, besides Grags pa rgyal mtshan, was the governor/ocial (rdzong
dpon) Nam mkha bzang po, who governed the sNeu rdzong near Lhasa. In 1o, the sMon
lam chen mo annual festival was inaugurated under the latters patronage. In the same year
(1o,) the construction of Ri bo Dga ldan rnam par rgyal bai gling monastery began,
patronized by the rdzong dpon of Ol kha stag rtse, Brak dkar ba Rin chen dpal. Tis was
followed in 11o by the erection of Bras spungs, at the initiative of Jam dbyang Chos rje
bKra shis dpal ldan, and under the patronage of the sNeu dpon. In 118, mKhas grub rje
founded the monastery of Dpal khor chos sde in rGyal mkhar rtse, and in 11, the Se ra
Teg chen gling was erected north of Lhasa (Wylie 1,8o).
20)
Cf. the Ocean Annals of Amdo, New Delhi, 1,;;, p. 8: rje la n a ro chos drug zhu mkhan
spyan snga nyer gnyis pa bsod nams rgyal mtshan kyi chos byung mig byed od stong. Te Deb
ther rgya mtsho, or mDo smad Chos byung was written by Brag dgon Zhabs drung dKon
mchog bstan pa rab rgyas of lHa brang bkra shis khyil, in the mid-18oos (Vostrikov 1,;o:
1, 1o;1;o; Martin and Bentor 1,,;: 1o, no. ,1). On the Chos byung mig byed od
stong, see below.
1 Marta Sernesi / Indo-Iranian Journal ,, (:v1v) 1:11,
gi chos byung yid kyi mdzes rgyan, written in 1, by Pan chen bSod nams
grags pa (1;81): Te Pan chen makes there no mention of him [i.e.
the spyan snga] having written a chronicle, although he does note by name
a large study of the Naro chos drug and the Dris lan bai duryai phreng ba
among his writings that quite captivate the mind of the scholar (mkhas
pai yid rab tu phrog).
21
Te Explanatory Text on the Six Doctrines of the Glorious N aropa was
composed at the request of hermits (ri khrod pa) and spiritual friends of the
author, led by rGya ma Rin po che gZhon nu od (1,o1), abbot of the
monastery of Rin chen sgang, and member of the local ruling house of rGya
ma also supportive of Tsong kha pa.
22
Te place of composition of the text is
the Palace of the Jina, the hermitage/supplementary monastery (yang dgon)
[which is] in the [midst of the] Forest of the Glorious Kun tu bzang po
(dpal kun tu bzang poi nags khrod kyi yang dgon rgyal bai pho brang). Tis
should refer to a dwelling within the monastic complex of gDan sa mthil,
as indicated by the reference to the Grove of Samantabhadra, indicating
the familys main monastery, where a number of works of the community
were composed.
23
21)
van der Kuijp :oo1: ;1, n. 1. Cf. bKa gdams gsar rnying gi chos byung yid kyi mdzes
rgyan. Two histories of the Bka gdams pa Tradition, Gangtok, 1,;;, p. 18.
22)
Cf. Srensen and Hazod :oo;: Table V.1o; Roerich 1,,: 11. Indeed, this master
met sPyan snga Nyer gnyis pa and received instructions on the Six Yogas; see bKa gdams
chos byung gsal bai sgron me by Kun dga rgyal mtshan, New Delhi, 1,;:, vol. 1, fol. 8.
Te other two masters mentioned in this context are sGom pa Grags pa legs grub, whom I
am unable to identify, and Bya ra gZhon nu blo gros, who can possibly be identied with
sPyang lung chos sdings pa gZhon nu blo gros (1;:1;), the Sa skya pa master from
1o at the head of sPyan lung Chos sdings. Indeed, in the latters biography, written in
1o by Sh akya mchog ldan (1:81o;), it is mentioned that he received the teachings
of N aropas Six Yogas from the spyan snga. Cf. fol. , of dPal ldan bla ma dam pa ku m a
ra ma tii zhal snga nas kyi rnam par thar pa mdo tsam du bya ba ngo mtshar bkod pai sprin
gyi rnga sgra, in Te complete works (gsung bum) of Gser-mdog Pa

n-chen

S akya-mchog-ldan,
Timphu: Kunzang Tobgey, 1,;-, vol. 1o, fols. ;,o:.
23)
See above notes 1: and 18. Te Blue Annals, according to its colophon, was compiled in
the chos rdzong of Mngon par dga ba, near the Kun tu bzang po grove (van der Kuijp :ooo:
1o1;). Te trope of the Grove of Samantabhadra seems to be a standard way of referring to
the setting of the monastic complex of gDan sa mthil. Te lion throne of the monastery
is styled for example kun tu bzang por gdan seng gei khrid and kun tu bzang poi nags khrod
du seng gei khri in the Mig byed od stong (fols. 8b, 1a; cf. also LRCB: ,:, ,;), and
dpal kun tu bzang poi nags khrod du gro bai mgon po dpal ldan phag mo gru pai gdan sa chen
po khams gsum chos kyi rgyal po spyan sngai khri in bSod nams rgyal mtshan dpal bzang pos
biography (fol. o). Te catalogue of the works kept in the Bras spungs monastery library
lists a dkar chag titled Kun tu bzang poi nags khrod dpal gdan sa mthil gyi gtsug lag khang chen
poi dkar chag, by chos sgo ba Rin chen chos rgyal; cf. dPal brtsegs bod yig dpe rnying zhib
Marta Sernesi / Indo-Iranian Journal ,, (:v1v) 1:11, 1
According to the colophon of our work, the teachings received from
Tsong kha pa were supplemented by the authors own knowledge of the Six
Yogas and training with other masters.
24
In particular, three more masters
are mentioned in this context: (1) Praj a, standing for slob dpon chen
po Shes rab don pa, severed the doubts about what he had heard; (:)
Ratnakum ara, a sanskritization of Rin chen gZhon nu, transmitted the
profound instructions; () Jam pai dbyangs bestowed explanations on the
inner meaning of the instructions.
25
Te introductory section of the text
gives more interesting information on the religious background of the Phag
mo gru hierarch (cf. Appendix I), providing also a list of lineages received
(thob pai rgyud). Apart from the already mentioned transmission by Tsong
kha pa of a lineage descending fromKhro phu Lo tstsh a ba through Bu ston,
Bla ma dam pa and Tshes bzhi gsar ma pa,
26
he received instructions of the
Phag mo gru lineage from his cousin, and former abbot of gDan sa mthil,
bSod nams grags pa (1,1o8), and from the already mentioned yogin
Rin chen gZhon nu. He moreover received transmission of the Karma pa
lineage from three dierent sources: the th Karma pa De bzhin gshegs
pa (1811) himself, the already mentioned master Sher don pa, and
Chos rje Rin po che lHo rin pa (1;11), another master of the Rlangs
jug khang, Bras spungs dgon du bzhugs su gsol bai dpe rnying dkar chag, Mi rigs dpe skrun
khang, Beijing :oo, entry o1;oo,. According to Bri gung dKon mchog rgya mtsho, Rin
chen chos rgyal wrote a summary of an homonymous work written by one lHa gzigs ras
pa, which is another name of bSod nams rgyal mtshan dpal bzang po; cf. Bri gung dKon
mchog rgya mtsho, dPal phag grui gdan sa thel dgon gyi lo rgyus gnad bsdus, Bod ljongs mi
dmangs dpe skrun khang, :oo, p. :.
24)
bSod nams rgyal mtshan dpal bzang pos works are replete with quotes from earlier texts
of the dierent bKa brgyud lineages, and show in particular a familiarity with the writings
attributed to the forefathers of the school, dealing with yoga and Great Seal practice. Cf.
Appendix II.
25)
Te rts two are the authors root-masters (see above). Jam pai dbyangs is unidentied.
Possibly he is Jam dbyangs bkra shis dpal ldan (1;,1,), disciple of Tsong kha pa and
founder of Bras spungs monastery, of which he is recorded as the rst abbot. bSod nams
rgyal mtshan dpal bzang po places his rst understanding and accurate study of the scriptures
related to the practice of the Six Yogas at the time when he was nineteen and twenty, guided
by Sher don pa and lHo rin po che (on which see below, n. :8): nyi shu la slob dpon sher
don pa la gtum mo zhag bdun ma dang chos drug gi khrid lkog du zhus te lo shas kyi bar du ras
rkyang gyis/ nyer gcig la bla ma rin po che lho rin po laang chos drug khrid bskyar nan du zhus/
de dus phyii thos pai skor la rtogs pa cher ma bcug par sgrub pa ba zhig la nan tan byas naang
mdo rgyud bstan bcos che ba rnams laang rang rang gi myong ba dang bstun pai nges shes cher
rnyed pa byung/ (Vaiduryai phreng ba, fol. 1o).
26)
On Khro phu lo ts a ba and his lineage, see Jackson 1,,ob and van der Kuijp 1,,.
1o Marta Sernesi / Indo-Iranian Journal ,, (:v1v) 1:11,
Table . Illuminations of the print: the masters
folio
number left illumination right illumination
1b
27
bCom ldan das rDo rje chang Bla ma rin po che Rin bzhon[=
gzhon] pa
:a rJe btsun Te lo pa rJe btsun Na[= N a] ro pa
:b sGra gyur [= bsgyur] Mar pa lo tsha rJe btsun Mid la
a dGam po ba[= sGam po pa] Gro mgo[n] [Phag mo gru pa
(111o11;o)]
b Bri khung chos rje [Jig rten mgon
po (111:1;)]
Dus gsum [m]khyen pa [1st Karma
pa (111o11,)]
a rJe spyan mnga [Grags pa byung
gnas (11;1:)]
Ras chen [Sangs rgyas ras chen dpal
grags (1181:18)]
b rGyal ba [Rin po che Grags pa brtson
grus (1:o1:o;)]
Pom brag pa [bSod nams rdo rje
(11;o1:,)]
a bCu gnyis pa [Rin chen rdo rje
(1:181:8o)]
dKar ma spags shi [:nd Karma pa
(1:o1:8)]
b [illegible] [gNyis mchod pa Grags pa
rin chen (1:o11o)]
sNyan ras pa
oa Tshes bzhi pa [Grags pa rgyal mtshan
(1:,1oo)]
Rang byung rdo rje [rd Karma pa
(1:81,)]
ob bCu gnyis pa [gsar ma pa Grags pa
shes rab (11o1;o)]
mGom rgyal ba [La stod rtogs ldan
mGon rgyal ba]
;a Tshes bzhi gsar ma pa [Grags pa
byang chub (1o18o)]
Rol pai rdo rje [th Karma pa
(1o18)]
;b bCo brgyad pa [bSod nams grags pa
(1,1o8)]
mKha[] spyod pa [:nd Zhwa dmar
(1o1o)]
8a Chos rje thams cad mkhyen pa shar
gTsong kha pa (1;11,)]
Chos rje de bzhin gshegs pa [th
Karma pa (1811)]
8b [Slob] dpon sher don lHo rim pa [lHo rin po che Grags
gsal yon tan (1;11)]
27)
At the center of this rst folio, as noted above, is a third illumination portraying the
author.
Marta Sernesi / Indo-Iranian Journal ,, (:v1v) 1:11, 1;
Table . Illuminations of the print: the Buddhas
folio
number left illumination right illumination
,a bCom ldan Khor lo bde mchog bCom ldan das Kye rdo rje
,b Mi spyod pa Jam rdor
1oa gDan bzhi Ye shes mkha gro ma
1ob Dus khor rDo rje jigs byed
11a Ma ha ma ya Sangs rgyas thod pa
11b rDo rje rnal byor ma Yum chen mo bdag med ma
1:a Sangs rgyas Sha kya thub pa Sangs rgyas rDo rje snying po
1:b Klu [ill.] rgyal po Sangs rgyas Rin chen od phro
1a Sangs rgyas dpa boi sde [illegible]
1b [illegible] Sangs rgyas Rin chen zla od
1a Sangs rgyas mthong ba don yod Sangs rgyas Rin chen zla ba
1b Sangs rgyas Dri ma med pa Sangs rgyas dPal sbyin
1a Sangs rgyas Tshangs ma Sangs rgyas Tshangs pas sbyin[= byin]
1b Sangs rgyas Chu lha Sangs rgyas Chu lhai lha
1oa Sangs rgyas dPal bzang Sangs rgyas Tsan dan dpal
1ob Sangs rgyas gZi brjid mtha yas Sangs rgyas Od dpal
1;a Sangs rgyas Mya ngan med pai dpal Sangs rgyas Sred med kyi bu
1;b Sangs rgyas Me tog dpal Sangs rgyas Tshangs pai od zer
18a Sangs rgyas Pad mai od zer Sangs rgyas Nor dpal
18b Sangs rgyas Dran pai dpal Sangs rgyas mTshan dpal shin tu
yongs grags
1,a Sangs rgyas dBang po rtog gyi rgyal
po
Sangs rgyas Shin tu rnam par snom
pa
1,b Sangs rgyas g.Yu las shin tu rnam par
rgyal ba
Sangs rgyas rNam par snom pa
:oa Sangs rgyas Ri dbang gi rgyal po sMan gyi bla ma Bai durya od kyi
rgyal po
:ob [ill ] nas snang ba bkod pai dpal Sangs rgyas Rin chen pad mas rnam
par gnon ba
1o8a [center illustration] [no caption]
18 Marta Sernesi / Indo-Iranian Journal ,, (:v1v) 1:11,
clan.
28
Tese two main lineages of transmission of the Six Yogasthe Phag
mo gru, also through the mediation of Tsong kha pa, and the Karma pa
are represented, as we will see, in the illustrations of the print (see Table )
and testify to the status of the hierarch among the greatest masters of his
time.
e preamble of the Text and the Chos byung mig byed od stong
Before turning to the print, a passage of the texts incipit, preceding the
thob pai rgyud, deserves our attention (fol. a, see Appendix I):
Tis explanation is two-fold: (1) the explanation of the great qualities of the
instructions, to generate the aspiration towards the profound path, and (:)
the explanation of the actual instructions, to easily proceed through the fast
path of the fortunate [ones]. Te rst is two-fold, [its rst subsection (1.1)
being] the history of the doctrine and [its] lineage [of transmission], in order
to [establish their] foundation and the faith [in them]: in its extended form, it
is the bKa brgyud kyi chos byung mig byed od stong, and in its condensed form,
the sKyes sbyor gyi khrid yig ma rig mun sel. As for the very extensive form, it
is extremely necessary to know it from [the work] that will be written in the
future.
Terefore, his explanation of the actual instructions (gdams pa dngos
bshad), that is to say the manual on the Six Yogas itself, is preceded by
the instructions intended to produce the aspiration or inclination towards
the profound path, which should be introduced by a history of the doctrine
28)
A life-sketch of lHo rin po che, also known as Grags gsal yon tan, is found in the Mig
byed od stong (Srensen :oo;: text A, fol. o:), in the section devoted to the Karma bKa
brgyud, within the disciples of the th Karma pa Rol pai rdo rje (1o18). It is repeated
verbatim in the lHo rong chos byung (LRCB: o:o), at the end of the section on the
Phag mo gru. lHo rin po che was thus named as he went [to teach] within the lHo lineage
of Khams, and was also known as Dang rkyal. He was the son of Tshes bzhi rnying pas
brother, rGyal mtshan bzang po, and was born in a re-female-pig (me mo phag) year (=
1;). Having learned to read and write and so on, he was ordained with the name Grags
gsal yon tan. Having received completely the religious instructions from Tshes bzhi pa, he
practised the Perfection of Wisdom and the other [teachings] received. Later, he went to
mDo Khams and when he taught the Aspiration to Awakening (sems bskyed) and other
[instructions], a copious rain of owers fell [from the sky]. Having received the Six Yogas
from the Dharma Lord [the Karma pa] Rol pai rDo rje, he had the vision of many worlds
of existence, and having fullled the practice, he claried the teachings of the Six Yogas.
At the age of sixty-eight, in a wood-male-horse (shing pho rta) year (= 11) he showed
the means of transcending worldly existence (= he passed away). Cf. also Roerich 1,,:
,.
Marta Sernesi / Indo-Iranian Journal ,, (:v1v) 1:11, 1,
and the bKa brgyud lineage. In this regard, the author mentions two of his
writings: (1) Te extensive history of the doctrine and its lineage, for the
sake of arousing faith by means of establishing their genuine foundation or
origin, which is Te Religious History of the bKa brgyud, [called] One Tou-
sand Rays Opening the Eyes; (:) its condensed form, called Te Explanatory
Text on the Practice of Generation, the already mentioned text on the bKa
brgyud Great Seal practice called phyag chen lhan gcig skyes sbyor (Practice
of Co-emergent Generation of the Great Seal).
29
He also adds that the very
extensive version of the history of the lineage is still lacking, and he wishes
it to be composed in the near future.
Tis last line points to the relationship between the Mig byed od stong
and two other well-known historical works of the 1th century. Indeed,
before its very recent publication, bSod nams rgyal mtshan dpal bzang
pos historical work was known indirectly to scholars as a source of the
lHo rong chos byung, the chronicle completed in 1; by the spyan sngas
disciple Tshe dbang rgyal. Tis latter work, as stated in its colophon, was
written to fulll the request by the Phag mo gru master to compose a very
extensive history of the bKa brgyud school: chos rje spyan sngas/ chos byung
mig byed od stong mdzad nas ma ongs pa ni bka brgyud kyi rnam thar rgyas
pa byon par gyur zhes gsungs (LRCB: 8o). Tis statement is not found
in the Mig byed od stong itself, but only in the Explanatory Text on the
Six Doctrines, in the nal phrase of the passage quoted above. Tshe dbang
rgyal, closely related to the Stag lung pa Ri bo che monastery in Khams,
studied in Central Tibet under bSod nams rgyal mtshan dpal bzang po
and other inuential teachers of the time, such as Tsong kha pa and the
sTag lung Ya thang throne holder Byang chub rgya mtsho (1o18).
30
29)
See text of the second volume (Zi) of the masters Collected Works (pp. :,o1),
as listed in Table :. Tis text is structured itself in two sections, lam la spro ba bskyed pa
dang lam dngos po, the rst (fols. ::), being indeed a summary of the Bka brgyud
transmission lineages, but with no life-stories recounted.
30)
Cf. van der Kuijp :oo1: o;o8, based on LRCB: 888: () Tshe dbang rgyal was
a nobleman who was the intermediate (bring tshang) local ruler of the Rta tshag estate of
Lho A Rin in Mdo khams. When a young man, Rin chen dpal bzang po (1o,1) alias
Mi g.yo mgon po had given him his laymans vows in Ri bo che. () Tshe dbang rgyal went
some two times to Central Tibet during which time he studied with Tsong kha pa, Spyan
snga Bsod nams rgyal mtshan, and Stag lung pa Byang chub rgya mtsho (1o18),
the tenth abbot of Stag lung monastery. He was therefore probably born around 1oo. In
Rta tshag sgang, in Lho rong, he built a temple together with sanctuary pertaining to the
Karma, Stag lung, and Phag mo gru sects. His other religious works included having the
Kanjur part of the Tibetan Buddhist canon copied out in silver and golden letters as well
as scores of hundreds of writings belonging to masters of all the sects and schools, with the
1o Marta Sernesi / Indo-Iranian Journal ,, (:v1v) 1:11,
His important and very extensive history of the bKa brgyud lineages was
compiled between 1o and 11, and survives only in manuscript form.
31
From its colophon we learn that the author wrote the work after meeting
bSod nams rgyal mtshan dpal bzang po and accepting the latters request,
and based his work, for the chronological order, on the Mig byed od stong.
Indeed, he made ample use of the former history, quoting it verbatim
or slightly abridged in dierent portions of his work, and of course for
the section concerning the Rlangs family and the gDan sa mthil abbots.
32
Tis is also the case for the Blue Annals, whose author Gos lo ts a ba was
another disciple of the Phag mo gru abbot: he does not acknowledge the
previous work, but clearly also summarizes from it the section regarding
the genealogy of the Phag mo gru, and by some later scholars it is held that
also his extensive religious history was compiled following bSod nams rgyal
mtshan dpal bzang pos prediction.
33
possible exception of the Rnying ma pa. He hosted the sixth Karma pa Mthong ba don
ldan (11o1) on two occasions, once in 1o and once in an unrecorded year. Aside
from his ecclesiastic history, he also wrote ornate poetry for a catalogue of the Kanjur he
had caused to be copied out and for the biography of Bsod nams seng nge, a scholar of Ri
bo che. He was connected by marriage to the ruling house of Ri bo che, and transferred
much of his wealth to the monastery.
31)
On the extant copies of the work, see van der Kuijp :oo1. Te history was published
1 years ago and has not been fully studied yet. It is of great interest for the study of the
bKa brgyud school, as the author gathered the bKa brgyud lineage histories (gser phreng)
and biographies (rnam thar) available to him at the time, summarized them (retaining and
at times clarifying the historical information), and re-ordered their contents to construct a
full overview of the dierent branches of the school. A comparative analysis of the lHo rong
chos byung and the Blue Annals, and the identication of the sources and reconstruction of
the library of their two authors, is yet to be carried out. At the moment, we know that the
Mig byed od stong was a common source. LRCB: 1111 relies on a gser phreng titled Bde
mchog snyan brgyud biographies (Darjeeling: Kargyud Sungrab Nyamso Khang, 1,8), on
which see Sernesi forthcoming. On the composition of the Blue Annals see van der Kuijp
:ooo. Schaeer :ooo has shown that the version in the Blue Annals of Vairocanavajras
hagiography is based on a work by Zhang g.yu brag pa (11:11,).
32)
It is interesting to note the cut and paste technique at work in this section of the
lHo rong chos byung, mostly constructed by verbatim quotations of the Mig byed od stong,
with few elisions and explanatory notes, but changing the order of the model: indeed Tshe
dbang rgyal inserts the biographies of the Phag mo gru rulers within the discussion of the
gDan sa mthil abbots, while they constitute separate sections in the Mig byed od stong. He
also treats the six sons of Sh akya ye shes one after the other (unlike the previous history),
however inverting sGo sel ba and dPal ldan bzang po to follow the order of ascension to the
abbatial throne.
33)
van der Kuijp (:oo1: ;o, n. 1): Stag lung pa also suggests, in RTA [= LRCB] 8o
(), that Gos lo tsa bas Deb ther sngon po was written in response to the sPyan sngas
remark, but, though he is counted among his students, the former is silent on this score.
Marta Sernesi / Indo-Iranian Journal ,, (:v1v) 1:11, 11
Te history of the Doctrine called Mig byed od stong was written by
bSod nams rgyal mtshan dpal bzang po at rTses thang in 118, at the
request of the ruler, his elder brother Grags pa rgyal mtshan.
34
Tis history
is divided into three main sections: (1) A gser phreng of the lineage of the
abbots of gDan sa mthil, from Vajradhara and Tilopa, passing through
Mar pa and his disciples, down to the authors predecessor (and brother)
bSod nams bzang po (18o11o); (:) Te family lineage history of the
lHa gzigs Rlangs clan, including a sketch of the life of Tai si tu Byang
chub rgyal mtshan (1o:1o) and his successors; () A brief summary
of dierent bKa brgyud lineages. Te history therefore narrates the brief
life-stories of the abbots family lineage and main teachers, the same that
appear in his lineages-received (thob pai rgyud) section of the Six Yogas
text, and that are represented in the blockprints illustrations (see Tables 1
and ). Te history and the illustrations represent the abbatial genealogy
(gdan [sai] rabs) of gDan sa mthil, which partially coincides with the
clans genealogy (gdung rabs) of the Rlangs, in a uncle-nephew type of
succession.
35
Te Mig byed od stong is not an isolated work, but is inscribed
within a constellation of related writings which deal more properly with the
Te same holds for his 11; biography by the fourth Zhwa dmar Chos grags ye shes (). It
is remarkable that neither Gos Lo tsa ba nor the fourth Zhwa dmar refer to the Tshe dbang
rgyals chronicle. Indeed, it is clear that Gos lo ts a ba, in the section concerning the gDan
sa mthil abbots, quotes from the Mig byed od stong.
34)
Te colophon states that the ruler and his ocial (bka lung lhur dzin) Grags gseng
ge considered benecial the work, comprehensive of the genealogy (gdung rabs) of the lHa
gzigs clan, since many religious histories of other lineages already existed, such as that by Yar
klungs Jo bo (cf. Srensen: text A, fol. 8,b). On the Yar lung chos byung, composed in 1;o
by Yar lung Jo bo Sh akya Rin chen sde, see Martin and Bentor 1,,;: no. ,o and references
quoted there. Te intent of Grags pa rgyal mtshan was therefore to have a genealogy of the
family which could reect and sustain the status of the ruling clan of Central Tibet, within
a network of related texts.
35)
On these two genealogies, see Seyfort Ruegg (1,88: 1:,1:o): Such lineages may be
articulated into princely and royal genealogies (gdung rabs, jo rabs, rgyal rabs), belonging to
clans or races, into abbatial (gdan [sai] rabs) or magisterial (mkhan rabs) ones connected
with monastic seats, and into genealogies of hierophanies (sku phreng, sku rabs kyi phreng ba)
in lines (khrungs rabs) of rebirths (yang srid). () Historically as well as ethnographically the
various kinds of lineage mentioned above undoubtedly have dierent origins and belong to
distinct systems. But in eect they appear to have merged together in a single representation
in which they reinforce each other, being held together by the common theme of ancestry,
biological or spiritual. Tere is no need here to stress the strong bond between institutions
(monasteries and networks of monasteries) and clans/families, which controlled the religious
seats and the connected estates by appointing to the sees abbots from their own blood
descent: as mentioned, all the gDan sa mthil abbots down to our author belong to the
lHa gzigs Rlangs clan.
1: Marta Sernesi / Indo-Iranian Journal ,, (:v1v) 1:11,
secular accomplishments and biological identity of the clan. Together, these
texts accomplish the project of representing both the secular (mi chos) and
spiritual (lha chos) heritage of the family.
36
Te Rlangs kyi gdung rgyud po
ti bse ru is the family genealogy proper, which narrates the mythical origin
of the clan, the illustrious predecessors, and the prophecy announcing the
rst ruler Tai si tu;
37
also the so-called testament of Tai si tu is part of this
network of texts.
38
Tis group of texts is supplemented by small appendixes
redacted in the 1th century,
39
and completed by the Mig byed od stong.
Te latter history, written in 118 following an exhortation by the ruler,
was thus conceived in the context of a wider network of texts which record
the deeds of the ruling family, found mythically its power and exceptional
status, and establish the indissoluble link between the religious and the
36)
On the opposition and complementarity of these two types of rule, see Seyfort Ruegg
1,,1 and 1,,, and in particular: Dun autre ct, ce systme classicatoire deux niveaux
dans les domaines tant du religieux que du religio-politique trouve un rexe () dans
lopposition complmentaire entre le mi chos Norme des hommescoutume et morale
laque, etc.et le lha chos Norme Clestequi nest autre que le Buddhadharma. Cest
ains que le Rla ns kyi po ti bse ru voque le lha chos reprsent par un bla ma et le mi chos
contrl par un chef temporel (mi dpon) immdiatement aprs avoir fait allusion la relation
yon mchod ayant exist entre le religieux Bya n chub dre bkol et le roi Ge sar. (Seyfort Ruegg
1,,: :o).
37)
On the Rlangs Po ti bse ru, see Stein 1,o:, van der Kuijp 1,81: :;8:;,, n. :. Te second
part of the Mig byed od stong heavily relies on this work. It starts with the cosmogony and
legends on the origin of the clan, summarized from the Rlangs Po ti bse ru, including a
version of the prophecy uttered by Byang chub Dre khol predicting the reign of Tai si tu:
/nga nas mi rabs bcu gsum na/ /bod khams yongs kyi bdag po byung/ (fol. b). It continues
(fols. oa;a) with a very condensed discussion of the deeds of the heroes, representing
the mi chos, and the deeds of the saints, representing the lha chos of the Rlangs clan, which
is found in extensive form in the Po ti bse ru. Te biography of bSod nams rgyal mtshan
dpal bzang po also stresses the connection among these sources, and between lha chos and
mi chos: Te lHa rigs Rlangs is the perfect lineage of descent (rigs rgyud). It has both great
secular rule (mi chos) and spiritual rule (lha chos). Te great tradition of the succession of
man (mi lugs) is known extensively from the Po ti bse ru and the Chos byung mig byed od
stong, [the latter] composed by the Precious One [the sPyan snga] himself. (NT: a).
38)
Tough usually known and cited as the testamental treatise (bka chems deb ther) or
simply testamentthis is how for instance Dalai Lama V (1o1;1o8:) refers to it in
his chronicle of 1o ()Tai-si-tu himself(?) styles it in his afterword as an ocial
instruction (bka yig), the full title of which is bKa yig yid bzhin nor bui bang mdzod ().
In fact, it is an instruction to his favorite nephew Jam dbyangs

S akya rgyal mtshan (1o
1;) whom Tai-si-tu anointed as his successor. (van der Kuijp 1,81: :;8, n. :).
39)
Te Rlang lha gzigs kyi gdung rabs dri lan nyer gcig pai skor is a session of questions and
answers (dri lan) about the text, its lineage and discovery. It is quoted and discussed by Stein
1,o:, who dates it around 1o. Te lHa rigs rlangs kyi rnam thar chig rgyud ma nor was
written by Grags pa rgyal mtshan himself at sNe gdong at an unspecied date (cf. Srensen
:oo;: 1o, n. 1o).
Marta Sernesi / Indo-Iranian Journal ,, (:v1v) 1:11, 1
secular authority. Te Explanatory Text on the Six Doctrines, written in the
following year, at its beginning refers the reader to the Religious History and
to its function of founding the faith in the lineage. A last line in the same
paragraph announces a longer history of the bKa brgyud lineage to appear
shortly, a prophecy fullled by the abbots disciple Tshe dbang rgyal with
his voluminous lHo rong chos byung. Te illustrations of the print of the
manual, as well, portray in full the lineage succession of the abbot, another,
this time visual, reference to the Religious History and the role of bSod nams
rgyal mtshan as the main representative of the lha chos.
e Print
To conclude this survey of IsIAO text n. 1,, I will venture a few con-
siderations to support an early date (i.e. rst half of the 1th century) for
the xylographic print of this exemplar. Unfortunatelyand quite surpris-
ingly given the great amount of work necessary for the production of such
an extensively illustrated printour text lacks an independent printing
colophon.
40
In its absence, and that of any external reference to the enter-
prise, every attempt at exactly dating the print is speculative.
Prints from early woodblocks are not uncommon in contemporary li-
brary collections, and we are starting to get documentation, typological
descriptions and studies of a number of early Tibetan exemplars.
41
As is well
known, printing projects were being conceived and sponsored in Central
40)
At the end of the authors colophon, the name of the scribe is given as one lung rigs
smra ba Nam mkha ye shes, otherwise unknown to me. He was the master who wrote the
manuscript recording the abbots instructions, and which was later the model for the carvers,
but was not responsible for the carving of the text or of the images, as in this case he would
have been dierently qualied. Note that the same scribe is mentioned in the colophon of
the Sems khrid yid bzhin nor bu i khrid yig nor bui char bebs (fol. ,:), which bSod nams
rgyal mtshan dpal bzang po composed in the same year of the manual on the Six Yogas
(11,), but at rTses thang.
41)
As Jackson (1,8) remarked : years ago Early xylographic editions, however, are
probably much more common than is usually thought. I have found old (i.e., 1th-century)
editions in most of the Tibetan libraries that I have visited in India. In particular, the
Tucci collection is a treasure trove, as it conserves a number of texts coming from specic
recognizable workshops; cf. Clemente :oo; for a study of 1oth century Brag dkar rta so
prints conserved at the IsIAO. Te texts collected by the NGMPP have greatly contributed
to our knowledge of the inception and history of printing in Tibet; see especially Ehrhard
:ooo. For a study of early printing projects see also Jackson 1,8, 1,8,, 1,,o; Fushimi
1,,,.
1 Marta Sernesi / Indo-Iranian Journal ,, (:v1v) 1:11,
Tibet at the beginning of the 1th century.
42
Te most obvious source of
inspiration for the fostering of this technology must have been the Yongle
edition of the bKa gyur, printed by order of the Ming Emperor Chengzu
and completed in 11o.
43
At least two copies of it were brought to Tibet
soon afterwards by Tibetan masters invited to the Chinese court: one was
donated by the Emperor in 11 to the Sa skya pa master Chos rje Kun
dga bkra shis (1,1:), the other in 11o to Tsong kha pas disciple
Byams chen chos rje Sh akya ye shes (1:/1), who stored it in the
monastery of Se ra which he founded in 11,.
44
It is no surprise that among
the oldest sets of prints produced in Central Tibet in the 1:o1o are the
so-called Old dGa ldan prints (dGa ldan par rnying), of works by Tsong
kha pa, and some volumes of Sa skya pa works. Tese prints were sponsored
by high ocials under the Phag mo gru. Also the ruler of rGyal mkhar rtse,
Rab brtan Kun bzang phags pa (18,1:), and the ruler of Mang yul
42)
Tibetan texts were already printed earlier in other regions. van der Kuijp (forthcoming)
provides evidence that Tibetan texts were printed in Khams, by Tibetan craftsmen, already
at the beginning of the 1th century (!), at the monasteries of Dpal gyi sho and Tsom mdo
gnas gsar. Unfortunately, exemplars of these very early Tibetan woodblock prints have not
surfaced yet. On the other hand, we have exemplars produced in China and Mongolia under
the sponsorship of the Yuan dynasty. On these so-called hor par ma, cf. Jackson 1,8, van
der Kuijp 1,, and forthcoming, and Ehrhard 1,,;: :o:, n. :. See also Karmay 1,;.
Note also a neglected early example found in Khara Khoto and preserved at the Institute
of Oriental Studies, Russian Academy of Sciences, St. Petersburg. It is published as no. 8;
in Piotrovsky 1,,: :;8. It is a fragmentary xylograph in buttery format of two texts in
Tibetan, the rst devoted to U

savijay a, the second not identied. Te catalogue states

that : pages are extant, of 11;cm. (open), and the text is contained within a single
frame of 1.8,.cm. Te pages are marked by Chinese numbers and the paper is white
with a greyish tinge, of Tangut manufacture. Tis text, catalogued XT-o;, is described in
detail in Shi :oo;. Tis latter article discusses a number of other Tibetan prints fromXixia as
well, demonstrating the widespread use of the technology at the time for prints in dierent
scripts and types of binding. I thank Prof. van der Kuijp for this reference.
43)
On this edition, printed in red ink, and the surviving copies and reprints, see Imaeda
1,;;, Eimer :ooo, Silk 1,,o and references quoted therein.
44)
On the invitations to the Chinese court of these two masters, and the early Ming-
Tibetan relationship, see Sperling 1,8o, 1,8:; Wylie 1,8ob. Te other King of the Doctrine
(fawang) awarded this title by the Ming Emperors is the th Karma pa De bzhin gshegs pa,
but he was at court from February 1st 1o; to May 1;th 1o8 (Sperling 1,8o; 1,8:),
thus before the completion of the Canon. He may have received a copy afterwards, but to
my knowledge this is not attested. Shastri (:oo;: :) maintains that Te emperor oered
complimentary copies to the Karma pa and Tsong kha pa, but refers specically to Sh akya
ye shes for the latter copy, not mentioning his sources with regards to the Karma pa. Sperling
1,8: mentions a letter dated March 11, 11 addressed to the bKa brgyud hierarch by the
Ming Emperor, but without revealing its contents.
Marta Sernesi / Indo-Iranian Journal ,, (:v1v) 1:11, 1
Gung thang Kri lHa dbang rgyal mtshan (1o1o) fostered a number
of printing projects.
45
Unfortunately, only a few of the illuminations from these early prints
have been published, and the mise en page proper to the dierent printing
workshops have not been compared. Te systematic study of the illumi-
nations of Tibetan texts is still at its inception.
46
Tus, to propose a date
on the basis of stylistic grounds is hazardous, and only a brief note will be
provided here.
Te blockprint has 8o illustrations (see Tables and ). Te rst eight
folios, both recto and verso, bear portraits of the masters of the lineage
down to the author. From folio ,a to 11b are images of deities of the
supreme class (bla na med pa) of tantric scriptures, to whom are linked
the religious instructions delivered in the text. In the folios following,
until :ob, a succession of Buddhas are depicted, starting with

S akyamuni.
47
45)
Te so-called Old dGa ldan editions (dga ldan par rnying) were mostly executed under
the supervision of the minister I nag bzhi dzom of Gong dkar already in the 1:os and
1os, following the death of Tsong kha pa, for the wish of the ruler. Another sponsor
guring in the colophons is Nammkha bzang po of Sneu, which was, as already mentioned,
one of the greatest protectors of Tsong kha pa. Te nephew of I nag bzhi dzom was Gong
dkar rdo rje gdan pa Kun dga rnam rgyal (1:1,o) who sponsored the so-called Gong
dkar ba prints of Sa skya pa works in the second half of the 1th century. Also other patrons
and dierent places of printing are mentioned in the colophons of these works; see Jackson
1,8, 1,8,, 1,,o. Te prince of rGyal mkhar rtse, well known for the construction of
the sKu bum, ordered the carving of printing blocks in the years 1, to 11 for the
manuscript of a collection of dh ara

ns (gzungs bum), compiled by Bu ston Rin chen grub

(1:,o1o) himself, which had been damaged and was now transferred to the medium
of printed text; at the same time new dh ara

ns were added to the collection. Tis seems to

be the rst instance that some of the scholarly output of Bu ston Rin chen grub, a teacher
of great inuence in Southern and Central Tibet in the 1th century, was published in the
form of xylographs. Te carving of printing blocks for his Collected Writings (bka bum)
was started in Zhva lu only in the ear 1o8 at the instigation of mKhan chen Tshul khrims
rgyal mtshan (1,,1;). (Ehrhard :ooo: 111:); cf. also Lo Bue 1,,:. On 1th cent.
printing projects in Mang yul Gung thang, see Ehrhard :ooo.
46)
On this topic, see Pal and Meech-Pekarik 1,88; De Rossi Filibeck :oo:; Jackson 1,,o:
1::11.
47)
Teir names and succession are almost identical to those of the illustrations which
decorate the rst page (1b, left and right) of the volumes of the Derge Canon: cf. vols.
o:, section mdo, of the bKa gyur correspondent with vols. 18:oo, sections shes phyug
and dbu ma, of the bsTan gyur, as reproduced in Kolmas 1,;8. I do not know the origin of
this list, and it is not possible to know at present if it was reected also in the illustrations
of the Yongle bKa gyur, which in that case could have been a source of inspiration for our
text. Illuminations from section rgyud of the Yongle Kanjur were rst published by Pander
188, and Grnwedel 1,oo. Tey amount to :; illustrations. A list of them, reproduction,
and comparison with the Kangxi 1o8/,: re-edition, has been published by Imaeda 1,;;.
1o Marta Sernesi / Indo-Iranian Journal ,, (:v1v) 1:11,
Te illuminations of our text show a dependence from models proper
to the earlier period of painting in Central Tibet (11th1th cent.).
48
In
particular, the portraits of the masters show a close stylistic relationship
with thangkas of the 1th cent. Te masters are seated on thrones of
lotus petals, turned in three-quarter prole; the details of the gures, such
as the treatment of the robes, are sometimes quite elaborate, showing
attention and care for such details, and demonstrating a high degree of
craftsmanship.
49
Signicantly, the illuminations lack any trace of landscape,
foliage or clouds, in contrast with many later blockprints illustrations. Te
gures ll up almost completely the rectangular space; sometimes a simply
drawn single or trilobate arch is found, and the corners are often lled with
mantra syllables.
50
In brief, it seems that the stylistic features of the prints
illustrations accord generally with the dating of the author of the text, or
at least there are no evident signs pointing towards a later date.
Te author is depicted at the center of the rst folio (verso) as a monk in
red robes, seated on a throne, with the caption bCom ldan das Khor lo bde
Some are reproduced also in Karmay 1,;, Jackson (1,,o: 11) and Waddell (18,: o1,
8o).
48)
It is commonly accepted that in the mid 1th cent. a new period of Tibetan painting
began, marked by distinctive Tibetan schools (bod ris). On the preceding periods painting
styles in Central Tibet, and the issues of its documentation, inuences and denition,
see Casey Singer 1,,; Stoddard 1,,o; Klimburg-Salter and Allinger 1,,8 (especially
Klimburg-Salters introductory contribution therein). Cf. also Vitali 1,,o; Jackson 1,,o:
o,88, and especially p. ;o and p. 8, n. 1, where he mentions that Shes rab byung gnas
(118;1:) depicted mural paintings with events of Jig rten mgon pos life.
49)
Such depictions of the masters are common in portrait and lineage thangkas of the 1th
and 1th century, and were of course common also in later thangkas marked by conservative
composition and style. For a very nice parallel, compare the portraits of the hierarchs, and
in particular of Karma pakshi, as depicted in the 1th century painting Footprints of the
rd Karma pa Rang byung rdo rje, published in Selig Brown :oo:: Fig. ;.
50)
Jackson (1,,o: 1::11) attempts a comparison between the illuminations of prints
produced in dBus during the 1:o/o and others produced from the following decades
to 18o/,o. Te IsIAO text nds no direct parallel among the published images, but is
certainly closer to the earlier examples. Te key distinctive stylistic element among the two
types of illuminations is the introduction, in later prints, of Chinese landscape elements.
Tis trend is said to have been introduced mainly by sMan bla don grub (sMan thag chen
po, or sMan thang pa) and continued by the so-called sMan ri school into the 1oth century.
Indeed, clear examples of this style may be detected in the block-carvings of Mang yul Gung
thang belonging to the rst half of the 1oth century (for such examples, see Ehrhard :ooo;
De Rossi Filibeck :oo:; Clemente :oo;: plates , o). Later examples of illuminations with
landscape or foliage are widespread and well known: see for comparison those dating from
the 18th cent. reproduced in Jackson 1,,o: ;o, Fig. 1o1. Jackson maintains that these
features were probably initially inspired by the carvings of the Yongle Canon of 11o. On
sMan bla don grub see also Denwood 1,,o and Jackson 1,,;.
Marta Sernesi / Indo-Iranian Journal ,, (:v1v) 1:11, 1;
mchog la na mo, since he was regarded as a manifestation of Cakrasa

mvara
(see Fig. ).
51
He is anked by Vajradhara on the leftthe deity held as
the source of the lineageand his root-master Rin chen gzhon nu on the
right. In the following pages are depicted Tilopa, N aropa, Mar pa and Mi
la ras pa (until here the illustrations have been coloured), sGam po pa and
Phag mo gru pa (fols. :a:ba; cf. Figs. 1, :). Afterwards the lineage splits
into two dierent branches, which are represented each on one side of the
folios, as to have on each folio the portraits of contemporary masters: on
the left the succession of abbots of gDan sa mthil (the Phag mo gru pas),
on the right the lineage of the Ka

m tshang/Karma bKa brgyud pas (see

Table ). Te two lineages are listed at the beginning of the text among
the lineages received (thob pai rgyud) section of the incipit (fols. ab, see
Appendix I).
It is evident howthese images convey the status of the author as the main
clerical representative of the ruling family, at the center of the religious and
political life of Central Tibet at the time.
52
Indeed, the overall iconographic
construction is closely connected to his history of Tibet (the Mig byed
od stong) evoked in the opening section of the text as the preliminary
instructions to awaken the faith in the lineage (see above and Appendix I).
Tis function of memory, legitimation and support of faith is proper to
specic texts but also to art objects of the time, in particular the so-called
lineage-thangkas. Te illustrations of the IsIAO text form a composition
which mirrors in theme, construction and function these cloth-paintings
of masters successions.
53
Fromthis perspective we may notice howthe latest
51)
rGya ma rin po che gzhon od pa worshipped him as an image of a true Sa

mvara
(rgya ma rin po che gzhon od pas ni bde mchog dngos kyi du shes kyis zhabs la gus pas bsten
par mdzad); cf. BA: 1;, Roerich 1,,: ,. Interestingly enough, this is the master who
requested the abbot to write the text. See above and Appendix II.
52)
On the growing political role of the Karma bKa brgyud in the 1th cent., and the gure
of Karma Rol pai rdo rje (1o18), see Sperling :oo. On his successor De bzhin gshegs
pa (1811) see Sperling 1,8o.
53)
It is very unfortunate that a parallel thangka proper of the powerful lineage has not yet
been located or identied, and very sad that the coeval treasures of gDan sa mthil monastery
are for the great part lost or scattered. Our authors biography lists a number of statues
and objects he commissioned, the foremost being a sgo mangs shrine with exquisite images
(Roerich 1,,: ,; Srensen :oo;: :;). A statue of Mah ak ala whose countenance was
not stained by any dust which was erected upon his order is found in the mGon khang of
Khra brug monastery (Srensen and Hazod :oo: 8o). For a description of gDan sa mthil
before his destruction see Tucci 1,o: 1o,11o.
Marta Sernesi / Indo-Iranian Journal ()
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Marta Sernesi / Indo-Iranian Journal ,, (:v1v) 1:11, 1,
gures depicted are the author and his root-masters, which would indicate
a manufacture during the authors life or shortly afterwards by the wish of
one of his disciples.
54
In particular, on page 8a, the portrait of Tsong kha pa is on the left, and
that of the th Karma pa De bzhin gshegs pa is on the right side (see Fig. ).
Tis is the picture of a very specic moment in the history of Central Tibet,
when the two masters were the most inuential and celebrated. It is the
time-span of the reign of Grags pa rgyal mtshan, who patronized both and
protected the growth of Tsong kha pas community next to the bKa brgyud
institutions. Te Phag mo gru ruler died in 1:, and his younger brother
Che sa Sangs rgyas rgyal mtshan (18,1) aspired to the throne, but
bSod nams rgyal mtshan dpal bzang po, at the time at the head of gDan
sa mthil and thus the most authoritative family representative, preferred
to enthrone his brothers son. Tus Grags pa byung gnas (11?1/)
was enthroned at the age of nineteen. However, two years later, in 1,
the powerful uncle (our author) died, and again the rulers father tried to
ascend the throne: Tis period is known as the great anarchy of the year of
the tiger, and as the year of the internal collapse of the Phag mo grus (Tucci
1,;1, p. :1,). Te son succeeded in keeping the position, but already in
1 the Rin spungs family began to make their power and inuence felt in
the province of gTsang. Soon afterwards, the ght for control over Central
Tibet exploded. Te Rin spungs family, supporting the Karma pa hierarchs
and in particular the th Zhwa dmar Chos grags ye shes (11:),
moved hostility towards the Dge lugs pas, and during the 18os and 1,os
it degenerated into a civil war. Only fty years after the death of our author,
the successors of the masters depicted together on fol. 8a of the IsIAO text
were strongly ghting each other. We may thus posit that a print of this kind
would not have found a good receptionand even less likely a sponsor
towards the end of the 1th century.
54)
On lineage-thangkas, the deciphering of their hierophantic choreography, and the
method of dating the paintings on the basis of the lineages depicted, see Jackson 1,8o,
1,,oc and :oo. Case-studies of exemplary paintings of the kind are also found in Casey
Singer 1,,; and Allinger :oo:. Among our texts illustrations, the patron/sponsors gure,
which would generally be represented in the lower left corner of a lineage thangka, is missing.
Speculations about his identity are found below.
1o Marta Sernesi / Indo-Iranian Journal ()
Fig. . Folio 8a: the portrait of Tsong kha pa and of the
th
Karma pa De bzhin gshegs pa.
A powerful Hierarch and a Wealthy Patron
In view of the political events of the time and the evidence gathered, I
believe that IsIAO text 1, is a print produced in Central Tibet under the
reign of the Phag mo gru pas, after 11, (the year of the death of Tsong
kha pa and of the composition of the text) and not later than the 1;os,
but most probably during the rst half of the 1th century, under the ruler
Grags pa rgyal mtshan (1;1:) or his successor Grags pa byung gnas
(11-?1/).
Indeed, the printing blocks may have been carved towards the end of
the life of sPyan snga bSod nams rgyal mtshan (d. 1), i.e. during the
1:o/os, as part of the printing activity fostered by the Phag mo gru ruler
(and authors brother) Grags pa rgyal mtshan, which was intended to full
the last wishes of rJe Tsong kha pa and was mostly dedicated to the latters
oeuvre (Jackson 1,8,, 1,,o). Tis would not only t in the picture of the
political and patronages context of the time, but also account for the lack
Marta Sernesi / Indo-Iranian Journal () 11
Fig. . Continued
of any colophon celebrating the author or stating the print to have been
made in his memory.
If the text was not printed under Grags pa rgyal mtshan, it must have
been executed at the order of his successor Grags pa byung gnas, possibly
shortly after the masters death, in the 1os/os. Indeed, the ruler was a
protg of the gDan sa mthil abbot, who had a key role in his enthrone-
ment. Te powerful uncle is also recorded among the main teachers of the
ruler, together with rGya ma gZhon od pa, who as already noted is men-
tioned in the colophon of the Six Yogas manual as its chief requester.
55
At
the death of bSod nams rgyal mtshan dpal bzang po, the ruler performed
55)
Te New Red Annals lists four preceptors of Gong ma Grags pa byung gnas (fol. 8b,
in Tucci 1,;1: pa

n chen nags kyi rin chen pa/ rgya ma spyan snga gzhon od pa/ sgrod phrug
ras pa grags pa byung gnas/ spyan snga nyer gnyis rin po che sogs brten nas gsung chos mang po
gsan pas mkhyen pa rgya che bar byed/ ). Te other two masters mentioned in the passage are
rGod phrug ras pa and Vanaratna. On the relationship of Grags pa byung gnas with these
religious teachers, and in particular with Vanaratna, see Ehrhard :oo.
1: Marta Sernesi / Indo-Iranian Journal ,, (:v1v) 1:11,
the funeral rites and ordered the erection of a bkra shis sgo mangs st upa
in his memory. Afterwards, the abbots chair remained empty, but it was
Grags pa byung gnas himself, though apparently not enthroned as such,
who acted as spyan snga and gave religious instructions at gDan sa mthil.
56
Moreover, Grags pa byung gnas ordered the writing of the hierarchs biog-
raphypossibly in the context of the funeral oerings. It may be at this
point that the print was made.
57
Indeed, we know that texts were printed
at rTses thang under this ruler.
58
Terefore, a strong bond existed between our author bSod nams rgyal
mtshan dpal bzang po and his nephew, the Gong ma Grags pa byung
gnas, a bond of such a nature to constitute a very plausible motivation for
the print of the IsIAO text. Indeed, the print is extraordinary as it is very
extensively illustrated, an unusual feature for Tibetan texts, which normally
56)
Cf. Roerich 1,,: ,,; Tucci 1,;1: ::o::1. See also Ehrhard :oo: :;:,,
who species that Grags pa byung gnas instructed anchorites in gDan sa mthil in the
teachings of O rgyan rin chen dpal (1:o1o,), received from rGod phrug ras pa (1o
1;). In this context, it is interesting to note the inscription behind an old thangka of Bla
ma Zhang g.yu brag pa (11:11,), ritually in use at the monastery of Tshal pa, in which
the ruler Grags pa byung gnas expressed the wish for Enlightenment: In the presence of
this precious image, the woven portrait of the Venerable [Bla ma Zhang] g.Yu brag pa, the
protector of beings, who is the essence of all the Buddhas of the three worlds, may the
Lord of the world, Gu shri Grags pa byung gnas rgyal mtshan dpal bzang po, by virtue
of the oerings, obtain buddhahood! May he be able to hold the whole pure doctrine of
the Victorious Ones, the intent of the Jina, just as it is! May auspiciousness and happiness
spread! (dus gsum sangs rgyas thams cad ngo bo gro bai mgon po dpal ldan g.yu brag pai sku
dra brtags sku rin po chei drung du// dzam gling sai bdag po gu shri grags pa byung gnas rgyal
mtshan dpal bzang pos phul pai dge bas sangs rgyas thob par shog/ rgyal ba rnams kyi dam pai
chos ma lus pa rgyal bai dgongs pa ji lta ba bzhin dzin nus par gyur cig/ bkra shis dang bde
legs phel bar gyur cig/ ). Tis not only points to the ritual use of images believed to convey
a particular blessing, possibly even in rituals of enthronement, it also suggests an aspiration
of the ruler to identify himself with the powerful warrior-monk of the twelfth century, who
held both temporal and spiritual power, and by means of his political and military skills,
combined with his religious charisma, controlled much of the Lhasa zone. Cf. Srensen and
Hazod :oo;: o;:.
57)
Srensen (:oo;: 1o) states that the gSung bum of the spyan snga was never blockprinted
but existed only in manuscript form, but now we know that at least one work exists as a
xylographic print. However, this volume was probably not part of a wider collection, as no
volume number is given.
58)
van der Kuijp (1,,: :8,:,o) reports one xylographic edition of Dign agas Pram a

na-
samuccaya which was prepared by one bSod nams bkra shis in rTses thang monastery for
the fulllment of [his] preceptors nal wishes and the longevity of the ruler Grags pa byung
gnas (dpal ldan bla mai thugs dgongs rdzogs pai phyir dang/ rgyal bai sras grags pa byung gnas
kyi// sku tshe brtan cing chab srid brgyas bai phyir/ chos gra chen po dpal gyi rtses thang du/
bsod nams bkra shis bdag gis par du bsgrubs// ). Te text was found in the Tibetan library of
the Cultural Palace of Nationalities in Beijing.
Marta Sernesi / Indo-Iranian Journal ,, (:v1v) 1:11, 1
have only the rst and last few folios bearing images. It was more common
in Tibetan manuscripts (and this could point to a model), but I am not
aware of block-printed texts with such a proliferation of images. Tis could
testify to a very wealthy patron, and a specic intent of legitimation and
attestation of power in the production of the object.
As has been shown, for both its contents and material aspect, the IsIAO
text 1, is a gate to a specic political and institutional context, which
corresponds to the years 1:o/. Tis is therefore the most plausible
timespan for the production of the print, with its beautiful illustrations, as
part of a wider production of both texts and art objects, which represent,
celebrate and symbolically reinforce the religious and secular power of the
authors family, the lHa gzigs Rlangs, which ruled over Central Tibet the
span of a century, and had its height under the tenure of sPyan snga Nyer
gnyis pa and the rule of his elder brother Grags pa rgyal mtshan. However,
this dating is tentative, and should be veried when more research on early
blockprints from central Tibet will be available, and against the growing
data regarding bSod nams rgyal mtshan dpal bzang pos life and works.
Acknowledgements
Tis paper was written in winter :oo8:oo,, during my stay at the Inter-
national Institute for Asian Studies, Leiden, sponsored by the J. Gonda
Foundation, which I thank for their generous support. I owe to the kind-
ness of Prof. Elena De Rossi Filibeck, Dr. Michela Clemente and the IsIAO
Librarys director Dr. Francesco DArelli the precious opportunity to con-
sult and study some of the texts of the Tucci Tibetan Collection: to them I
express my gratitude. Moreover, I wish to thank Prof. Franz-Karl Ehrhard
for his advice on several points discussed here, Prof. Leonard van der Kuijp
for comments on a draft of this paper, and both for kindly granting me
access to their forthcoming works. I also wish to thank Prof. Jonathan Silk
for the painstaking editorial revision. A French version of this paper was
presented at the rst conference of the Socit Europenne pour lEtude
des Civilisations de lHimalaya et de lAsie Centrale, which was held in
Paris, Collge de France, :;:8 April :oo,; I thank the participants for
their interest and comments.
1 Marta Sernesi / Indo-Iranian Journal ,, (:v1v) 1:11,
Appendix I: Incipit (Tibetan Text)
[1b] [mchod par brjod pa] /na mo gu ru man

tra de wa/ bla ma dang yi dam

lha la phyag tshal lo/ /mkhyen pai khyon yangs brtse bai go byed dpag
yas yon tan rgyu skar can/ /bde stong pad gnyen bdud rtsii od bcas gyur
med yintra ni lai mdangs/ /stong nyid kun khyab chos skui ngang du sna
tshogs sprul pai go skabs chang/ /dbus nas gsal mtshungs yan lag bdun
ldan khyab bdag rdo rje chang la dud/ /gang dei sku gsung thugs dang
gnyis med grub pai dbang phyug kun gyi gtso/ /phags pai yul swo ma lus
zhing du bla med theg pa gsal mdzad pa/ /te lo na ro mar pa mid la sgam
po pa dang bde gshegs swo [= sogs]/ /gran zla med pai bka rgyud mchog
di gsungs sp[y]i bor kun tu brten/ dpe med dge tshogs yon tan kun chang
gro la phan bdei gzhir gy[u]r pa/ /rab b[y]am [:a] /rgyud sdei chu gter
dbus na mkhyen brtsei lo thog dang bcas te/ /chos dbyings kun gro khyon
kun gengs byed rnam dag sgyu mai rnam rol can/ /dpal ldan bla ma rgya
mtshoi gos can gang des bdag rgyud byin gyis rlobs/
/slar yang mi zad bka drin phul byung ba/ /sku gsum mngon gyur blo
bzang grags pai dpal/ /dmigs med chos skui bdag nyid rad nai zhabs/
mkhas grub pradznyai mtshan gsum gus par dud/
/bde chen lha yi lam las rgyu/ /rnam dag dbang poi gzhu lta bu/ /sna
tshogs sprul pai gar bsgyur bas/ /skal ldan dbang po tshim mdzad pa/ /dpal
ldan dus pa bde bai mchog/ /sgyu ma chen mo kyei rdo rje/ /rnal byor
nam mkha la swo[= sogs] pa/ /yi dam mchog la gus phyag tshal/
[rtsompar dambca ba] /bde ba chen po myur du rtsol mdzad rnamdag sgyu
mai dpal ster zhing; gnyis med thabs shes rgyud don phul phyin snying
poi snying po mchog gyur pa/ /rab byam zhing du bad bas bsgrubs kyang
rnyed par dka ba zab moi [:b] lam; zla bral na roi chos drug gang di gus
par dud cing bri bar bya/ /shugs drag brtse bas skyong mdzad cing/ /mthu
chen bdud dpung joms byed bai/ /mkha gro chos skyong tshogs la dud/
/dgyes bzhin gnang nas grogs mdzod cig//
//de yang dir grangs med pai skal par phul du byung bai tshogs gnyis
bskrun te/ mchog tu mi gyur ba bde ba chen poi ye shes kyis srid pai rtsa
ba drungs phyung nas/ mtha yas pai sems can phan bdei lam la god pai
tshul ni/ dman pa la mos pa rnams la/ skyob pa sh akyai rgyal poi skur
bstan nas/ gzhi spong bai lam bstan te rang rang gi byang chub la bkod/
rgya che ba la mos pai sems dpa rnams la/ gong du smos pai sku de nyid
dang/ longs skui tshul gyis byang chub sems dpai sde snod rnams dang/
lam myur du bgrod par dod pa rnams la/ rgyud sde og ma gsum dang/ bye
Marta Sernesi / Indo-Iranian Journal ,, (:v1v) 1:11, 1
brag du dod yon ma spangs par tshe [a] /di nyid du sangs rgyas thob par
dod pai dbang po yang rab la/ gnyis su med pai rgyud sde pha ma rnams
gsungs shing/ dei rdzogs rim mthar thug pa ni/ dpal na ro pai chos drug
yin te/
di chad pa la gnyis/ zab moi lam la spro ba bskyed pai phyir gdams
pai che ba bshad pa dang; skal ldan bde blag tu myur lam bgrod pai phyir
gdams pa dngos bshad pao/ /dang po la gnyis las/ khungs btsun pa dang
yid ches pai phyir chos dang brgyud pai lo rgyus rgyas pa/ bka rgyud kyi
chos byung mis[= mig] byed od stong dang/ mdor bsdus pa/ skyes sbyor
gyi khrid yig ma rig mun sel/ shin tu rgyas pa/ ma ongs pa na rtsom par
gyur ba las rtogs par bya zhing/ nye bar kho ba/
[a] [thob pai rgyud] rang gis thob pai rgyud pa ni/ rdo rje chang; te lo
pa/ na ro pa/ mar pa/ mid la/ sgam po pa/ bde gshegs/ bri khung chos rje
spyan snga/ rgyal ba/ bcu gnyis pa/ gnyis mchod pa/ [b] tshes bzhi pa/ bcu
gnyis gsar ma pa/ chos rje rin po che bsod nams grags pa/ des bdag lao/
/yang; rje spyan snga/ bla ma te se ba; tshes bzhi rnying ma ba/ bla ma
rin po che rin gzhon pa/ des bdag lao/
/yang; bde gshegs; gling ras/ rgya ras; rgod tshang ba; de dang gong gi rje
spyan snga gnyis ka la yang dgon pa/ de la spyan snga rin ldan/ bya btang
dbang rin/ mkhas grub chos rje/ khra ston rin po che/ sman lung pa shag
gzhon/ bla ma rin po che rin gzhon pa/ des bdag lao/
/yang rje sgam po pa/ dus gsum mkhyen pa/ gro mgon ras chen/ spom
brag pa/ karm a dpag shi/ gnyan ras/ rang byung rdo rje/ rtogs ldan mgon
rgyal/ rol pai rdo rje/ rtogs ldan ye shes dpal ba/ chos rje de bzhin gshegs
pa/ des bdag lao/
/yang; rol pai rdo rje la chos rje rin po che lho rin pa/ des bdag lao/
/yang; [a] /rtogs ldan ye shes dpal ba la slob dpon chen po sher don pa/
des bdag lao/
/yang; gro mgon rin po che/ rgyal tsha rin mgon; kun ldan gtsang pa ras
chung/ khro phu lo tstsha ba/ bla chen bsod dbang/ khro phu rin po che/
yangs rste ba rin chen seng ge /bu ston rin po che/ chos rje bla ma dam pa/
spyan snga grags byang pa/ thams cad mkhyen pa blo bzang grags pa/ des
bdag lao/
/yang; nye rgyud byed na/ gro mgon rin po che la/ rgyal tsha; kun ldan
gnyis kas thug cing/ de gnyis ka la khro phu lo tstsha bas thug; brgyud tshul
di la/ gro mgon rin po che nas bcu gnyis gsar ma pa yan laang brgyud tshul
gcig byed/
1o Marta Sernesi / Indo-Iranian Journal ,, (:v1v) 1:11,
Appendix II: Colophon (Tibetan Text and Translation)
[1o;a] /dpal na roi chos drug gi khrid yig bde chen gsal bai od zer stong
ldan ces pa di ni/ mngon mtho nges legs kyi rgyu phun sum tshogs pa du
mai bdag nyid rgya ma rin po che gzhon nu od dang/ dpal ldan bla ma
dam pa rnams mnyes pa gsum gyis mnyes par byed pa sgom pa grags pa
legs grub dang/ rgyal bai bstan pa la mi phyed pai dad pa brtan po dang
ldan pa bya ra gzhon nu blo gros dang/ gzhan yang mang du thos pai dge
bai bshes gnyen du ma dang/ de kho na nyid la rtse cig tu mnyam par jog
pai ri khrod pa du mas yang nas yang du bskul bai ngor/
ye shes kyi mkha gros rje btsun te lo pa la gsungs pai ka dpe snga ma
dang/ rje btsun te lo pas na ro pa la gsungs pai ka dpe phyi ma dang/ des
mar pa la gsungs pai rdo rjei mgur dang/ rje btsun mar pa nyid kyi tshigs
su bcad pa brgyad pa dang/ de dang/ rje btsun mid lai mgur ma rnams
kyi dgongs pa gnad du phyin na khrid yig nyid du dug pas/ de dag gi don
dang/ ka dpei grel pa mar pas mdzad zer naang/ rje btsun gyi gsung du
mi dug te/ legs cha mang po dug pas de rnams dang/ mes rngog tshur
gsum dang/ rje bstun ras chung pa dang/ mnyam med sgam po pa dang/
bri sgom ras pai slob ma mal yer pa ba rnams kyi man [1o;b] ngag dang;
[ill. = gro bai] mgon po dpal ldan phag mo gru pa dang/ jig rten mgon po
dang/ rje spyan snga yab sras dang/ dus gsum mkhyen pa karm a pa la man
ngag rnams dang/ zhang tshal pa dang/ stag lung pa dang/ gling ras yab
sras rnams dang/ khyad par du yang rgyal ba yang dgon pa dang/ u rgyan
pa sogs bka brgyud pai gdams pa rnams kyi dgongs pa ma lus par khong
du chud par byas shing/
gzhan yang de ngag gi byung khungs dampar gyur pa dpal gsang ba dus
pa dang/ bde mchog khor lo/ dgyes pa rdo rje/ ma h a ma ya/ dpal gdan
gzhi la sogs pa rnams kyi rtsa bshad kyi rgyud dang/ dpal bde bai mgon
po sogs kyis mdzad pai grub pa sde bdun dang/ bram ze chen poi dho ha
skor gsum/ nag po spyod pai dpyid thig /phags pa klu sgrub yab sras kyi
rgya gzhung rnams la dris par byas shing/
rgyal bai dgongs pa ma lus pai don mthar phyin pa rje btsun dam pa
blo bzang grags pai zhal snga nas kyi gdam ngag gi snying po rnams dang/
rang gi myong ba thad ldan lung rigs dang mi gal ba mtha dag gis spras
te/ dpal ldan bla ma dam pa rnams kyi zhabs rdul spyi bos blangs shing/
khyad par du ang mkhas grub pradznyai mtshan can gyi drin las thos pai
sgro dogs bcad de/ rdo rje chang dang gnyis su med pa drin can rad na
ku ma rai gsung gi bdud rtsi las zab moi gdams pa mtha dag la nges pa
rnyed pa/ slar yang phyi ltar tha mal pai tshul gyis rgyal bai bstan pa yongs
Marta Sernesi / Indo-Iranian Journal ,, (:v1v) 1:11, 1;
rdzogs su dzin cing/ nang [1o8] /gi don la rje btsun jam pai dbyangs kyis
dngos su gsung gi bdud rtsi gnang te/ gsang ba ltar [ill = bde] chen mchog
gi sku brnyes pa shar tsong kha pa blo bzang grags pai dpal gyi bka drin
gyis ches cher gsal bar byas pa btsun pa bsod nams rgyal mtshan dpal bzang
pos/ gangs rii khrod kyi sgrub gnas du mai gtso bor gyur pa dpal kun tu
bzang poi nags khrod kyi yang dgon rgyal bai pho brang du/ sa mo phag
gi lo ming gzhan bsgyur byed ces pai loi chu shel gyi dbang po mgos nya
bai dkar phyogs la sbyar bai yi ge pa ni lung rigs smra ba nam mkha ye
shes kyis bgyis pao/
/dis kyang gsang ba bla na med pai bstan pa phyogs bcur rgyas shing
yun ring du gnas par byed nus par gyur cig/ //di ni nyams khrid rdzogs par
ma thob pai rigs la mi bstan zhing shin tu dam par byao/ /chos dii bka
bsrungs dpal mgon bya rog gdong gis mdzod cig shubham//
Tis Explanatory Text on the Six Doctrines of the Glorious N aropa, the Tou-
sand Rays Clarifying the Great Bliss, was repeatedly requested by bdag gnyid
rGya ma rin po che gzhon nu od, who has the many accumulations causing
higher rebirths and ultimate deliverance, and sgom pa Grags pa legs grub,
who served the Illustrious True Masters with the three services, and bya ra
gZhon nu blo gros, who has a rm unwavering faith in the Teaching of the
Jina, and moreover by many learned spiritual friends, and many hermits
one-pointedly absorbed into the Ultimate.
Te Ka dpe snga ma spoken by J ana

d akin to the Venerable Tilopa; the

Ka dpe phyi ma spoken by the Venerable Tilopa to N aropa; the rDo rjei
mgur spoken by the latter to Mar pa; the Tshigs su bcad pa brgyad by the
Venerable Mar pa himself: if [someone wishes] to reach the main points of
the intention of these [texts] and of the songs (mgur ma) of the Venerable
Mid la [ras pa], these are in this Khrid yig of mine; and although it is said
that Mar pa made a commentary on the Ka dpe, and on the meaning of
[all] these other [texts], these are not the words by the Venerable [Mid
la]. Many benecial sections [of the teachings] exist: the [preceding texts],
and the instructions by the three [disciples of Mar pa], Mes [tshon po],
rNgog [chos rdor], [and] Tshur [dbang nge], by the Venerable Ras chung
pa and the Incomparable sGam po pa, and by Bri sgom ras pas disciple
Mal yer pa; the instructions by the Illustrious Lord Phag mo gru pa, by Jig
rten mgon po (111:1;), by the Venerable sPyan snga father [Grags pa
byung gnas (11;1:)] and son [Grags pa brtson grus (1:o1:o;)],
and by the [1st] Karma pa Dus gsum mkhyen pa (111o11,); and [the
instructions] by Zhang tshal pa [brtson grus grags pa (11:11,)], Stag
18 Marta Sernesi / Indo-Iranian Journal ,, (:v1v) 1:11,
lung [thang pa bkra shis dpal (11:1:o,/1:1o)], Gling ras pa [padma rdo
rje (11:81188)] father and son [gTsang pa rgya ras ye shes rdo rje (11o1
1:11)] and in particular also by rGyal ba Yang dgon pa (1:11:8) and
U rgyan pa [rin chen dpal (1:o1o,)], etc.;
Having understood without exception the intention of these instructions
of the bKa brgyud pa, and moreover, being familiar with the supreme
source of these words: the root and explanatory tantras of [the cycles of ]
Guhyasam aja, Cakrasa

mvara, Hevajra, Mah amay a, Catu

hpi

tha, etc.; the

Seven sections of Accomplishment, made by the Glorious Sukhan atha and the
other [mah asiddas]; the Tree Cycles of Doh a by the Great Brahmin [Saraha];
the dPyid thig by Kr

n ac arya; the Indian scriptures by

Arya N ag arjuna
father and son;
Te essential instructions fromthe mouth of Te One who perfected the
complete meaning of the intention of the Jina, Te Venerable [Tsong kha
pa] Dam pa Blo bzang grags pa, [I have] adorned by all which is in accor-
dance with my experience and does not contradict reasoning and scriptures,
which I received [bowing] the top of the head at the feet of the Illustrious
True Masters. In particular, by the kindness of the scholar named Praj a I
had severed the doubts about what I have heard, [and] by the ambrosia of
the speech of the kind Ratnakum ara, who is indivisible from Vajradhara, I
could gain certainty about all the profound instructions; furthermore, for
the external aspect, I completely apprehended the Teaching of the Jina by
ordinary means, [and] as for the internal meaning, the Venerable Jam pai
dbyangs bestowed [on me] directly the ambrosia of his speech, [and] as for
the secret aspect, it was greatly claried by the glorious kindness of Shar
Tsong kha pa Blo bzang grags pa, who attained the supreme body of Great
Bliss.
bTsun pa bSod nams rgyal mtshan dpal bzang po composed [this trea-
tise] at the the Palace of the Jina, the supplementary monastery [which
is] in the [midst of the] Forest of the Glorious Samantabhadra, [and has]
become the foremost of the many realization places of the snowy moun-
tain hermitages, in a Earth-Feminine-Pig year [= 11,], the year also called
sgyur byed, during the waxing moon of the 11th month.
As for the writing, it was accomplished by the preacher of reasoning and
scriptures Nam mkha ye shes.
By this [text] may these secret and unsurpassable instructions spread in
the ten directions, and endure for a long time! Tese [instructions] are very
sacred, not being taught to lineages which have not perfectly obtained the
experiential explanations. May dPal mgon Bya rog gdong act as protector
of these teachings. Happiness and goodness!
Marta Sernesi / Indo-Iranian Journal ,, (:v1v) 1:11, 1,
Abbreviations
[BA] Gos Lo ts a ba gZhon nu dpal, Deb ther sngon po [Te
Blue Annals]. Reproduced by Lokesh Chandra. New Delhi:
International Academy of Indian Culture, 1,;o.
[BGCZ] Bri gung chos mdzod.
[LRCB] rTa tshag tshe dbang rgyal, lHo rong chos byung, Bod ljongs
bod yig dpe rnying dpe skrun khang, 1,,.
[MHTL] Materials for the History of Tibetan Literature, ed. by L.
Chandra. New Delhi, 1,o.
[NT] Chos kyi rje spyan snga bsod nams rgyal mtshan dpal bzang
poi rnam par thar pa mthong ba don ldan. Srensen :oo;,
text B.
[TBRC] Tibetan Buddhist Resource Center. www.tbrc.org
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