5 PSYCHOLOGICAL EXPERIMENTS THAT SHOW OUR DARK SIDE We present you the most notorious and most popular

experiments of all-time. Some of the most fascinating and deplorable experiments ever conducted that proove t hat we do have a dark side 1. CONFORMITY ASCH EXPERIMENTS (1953) An example of Asch s experimental procedure in 1955. There are six confederates an d one real participant (second to last person sitting to the right of the table) . During the 1950s, Solomon Asch conducted and published a series of laboratory ex periments that demonstrated the degree to which an individual s own opinions are i nfluenced by those of a majority group. Male college students participated in a simple perceptual task. In reality, all bu t one of the participants were confederates (i.e., actors), and the true focus of the study was about how the remaining student (i.e., the real participant) would react to the confederates behavior. Only one participant was actually a genuine subject for the experiment, the rest being confederates, carefully tutored to give certain pre-selected responses. C areful experimental construction placed a varying amount of peer pressure on the individual test subject. The experiment was simple in its construction; each participant, in turn, was as ked to answer a series of questions, such as which line was longest or which mat ched the reference line. (Fig 1) The participants gave a variety of answers, at first correct, to avoid arousing suspicion in the subject, but then with some incorrect responses added. The Asch Experiment results were interesting and showed that peer pressure could have a measurable influence on the answers given. The control group, those not exposed to peer pressure where everybody gave corre ct answers, threw up only one incorrect response out of 35; this could probably be explained by experimental error. The results for the other groups were interesting; when surrounded by people giv ing an incorrect answer, over one third of the subjects also voiced an incorrect opinion. At least 75% of the subjects gave the wrong answer to at least one question, alt hough experimental error may have had some influence on this figure. There was n o doubt, however, that peer pressure can cause conformity. It was debated whether this is because people disbelieve the evidence of their o wn eyes or if it was just compliance, that people hide their opinions.

2. HELPING - THE GOOD SAMARITAN EXPERIMENT (1973) The Biblical story of the Good Samaritan, if you hadn t heard, is about a passing Samaritan helping an injured man in need, while other, self-righteous types walk right on by. Psychologists John Darley and C. Daniel Batson wanted to test if r eligion has any effect on helpful behavior.

The researchers had three hypotheses: 1. People thinking religious, helping thoughts would still be no more likely than others to offer assistance. 2. People in a hurry will be less likely to offer aid than others. 3. People who are religions in a Samaritan fashion will be more likely to help t han those of a priest or Levite fashion. In other words, people who are religiou s for what it will gain them will be less likely than those who value religion f or it s own value or are searching for meaning in life. The recruited seminary students for a study on religious education. First they c ompleted personality questionnaires about their religion (to help evaluate hypot hesis #3). Later they began experimental procedures in one building and then tol d to go to another building to continue. On the way they encountered a man slump ed in an alleyway (the victims condition is unknown hurt, or drunk?). They varied the amount of urgency they told the other building, and the task they would to prepare a talk about seminary jobs, and d Samaritan. In one condition they told the task, in the other they said they had a few anyway. the subjects before sending them to do when they got there. One task was the other about the story of the Goo subject they were late for the next minutes but they should head on over

In an alleyway they passed a man sitting slumped in doorway, who moaned and coug hed twice as they walked by. They set up a scale of helping: 0=failed to notice victim as in need 1=perceived need but did not offer aid 2=did not stop but helped indirectly (told the aide on their arrival) 3=stopped and asked if victim needed help 4=after stopping, insisted on taking victim inside and then left him. 5=refused to leave victim, or insisted on taking him somewhere After arrival at the 2nd research site, they had the subject give the talk and t hen answer a helping behavior questionnaire. The amount of hurriness induced in the subject had a major effect on helping behav ior, but the task variable did not (even when the talk was about the Good Samari tan). Overall 40% offered some help to the victim. In low hurry situations, 63% helped , medium hurry 45% and high hurry 10%. For helping-relevant message 53%, task re levant message 29%. There was no correlation between religious types and helping b ehavior. The only variable that showed some effect was relgion as a quest . Of the people who helped, those who saw religion as a quest were less likely to offer s ubstantial help than those who scored low on this statement. But later analysis revealed this may not be caused be real religious differences. Ironically, a person in a hurry is less likely to help people, even if he is goi ng to speak on the parable of the Good Samaritan. (Some literally stepped over t he victim on their way to the next building!). The results seem to show that thi nking about norms does not imply that one will act on them. Maybe that ethics bec ome a luxury as the speed of our daily lives increases . Or maybe peoples cognitio n was narrowed by the hurriedness and they failed to make the immediate connecti on of an emergency. Many subjects who did not stop did appear aroused and anxious when the arrived a t the second site. They were in a conflict between helping the victim and meetin g the needs of the experimenter. Conflict rather than callousness can explain th e failure to stop.

3. DIFFUSION OF RESPONSIBILITY - BYSTANDER APATHY EXPERIMENT (1968). The bystander effect was first demonstrated in the laboratory by John Darley and Bibb Latan in 1968 after they became interested in the topic following the murde r of Kitty Genovese in 1964. These researchers launched a series of experiments that resulted in one of the strongest and most replicable effects in social psyc hology. In a typical experiment, the participant is either alone or among a grou p of other participants or confederates. An emergency situation is then staged. The researchers then measure how long it takes the participants to act, and whet her or not they intervene at all. These experiments have often found that the pr esence of others inhibits helping, often by a large margin. For example, Bibb La tan and Judith Rodin staged an experiment around a woman in distress in 1969. 70 percent of the people alone called out or went to help the woman after they beli eved she had fallen and gotten hurt, but when there were other people in the roo m only 40 percent offered help.

4. THE STANFORD PRISON EXPERIMENT (1971). The Stanford prison experiment was a study of the psychological effects of becom ing a prisoner or prison guard. The experiment was conducted at Stanford Univers ity from August 14 to August 20 of 1971 by a team of researchers led by psycholo gy professor Philip Zimbardo. It was funded by the US Office of Naval Research a nd was of interest to both the US Navy and Marine Corps as an investigation into the causes of conflict between military guards and prisoners. Twenty-four male students out of 75 were selected to take on randomly assigned r oles of prisoners and guards in a mock prison situated in the basement of the St anford psychology building. The participants adapted to their roles well beyond Zimbardo s expectations, as the guards enforced authoritarian measures and ultimat ely subjected some of the prisoners to psychological torture. Many of the prison ers passively accepted psychological abuse and, at the request of the guards, re adily harassed other prisoners who attempted to prevent it. The experiment even affected Zimbardo himself, who, in his role as the superintendent, permitted the abuse to continue. Two of the prisoners quit the experiment early and the entir e experiment was abruptly stopped after only six days. Certain portions of the e xperiment were filmed and excerpts of footage are publicly available. On August 20, 1971, Zimbardo announced the end of the experiment to the particip ants. The results of the experiment have been argued to demonstrate the impressi onability and obedience of people when provided with a legitimizing ideology and social and institutional support. The experiment has also been used to illustra te cognitive dissonance theory and the power of authority. The results of the experiment favor situational attribution of behavior rather t han dispositional attribution. In other words, it seemed that the situation, rat her than their individualpersonalities, caused the participants behavior. Under t his interpretation, the results are compatible with the results of the Milgram e xperiment, in which ordinary people fulfilled orders to administer what appeared to be agonizing and dangerous electric shocks to a confederate of the experimen ter. Shortly after the study had been completed, there were bloody revolts at both th e San Quentin and Attica prison facilities, and Zimbardo reported his findings o

n the experiment to the U.S. House Committee on the Judiciary.

5. AUTHORITY - THE MILGRAM EXPERIMENT (1961) The Milgram experiment on obedience to authority figures was a series of notable social psychology experiments conducted by Yale University psychologist Stanley Milgram, which measured the willingness of study participants to obey an author ity figure who instructed them to perform acts that conflicted with their person al conscience. The experiments began in July 1961, three months after the start of the trial of German Nazi war criminal Adolf Eichmann in Jerusalem. Milgram devised his psych ological study to answer the question: Was it that Eichmann and his accomplices i n the Holocaust had mutual intent, in at least with regard to the goals of the H olocaust? In other words, Was there a mutual sense of morality among those involve d? Milgram s testing suggested that it could have been that the millions of accompl ices were merely following orders, despite violating their deepest moral beliefs . The experiments have been repeated many times, with consistent results within societies, but different percentages across the globe. The experiments were also controversial, and considered by some scientists to be unethical and physically or psychologically abusive. Psychologist Diana Baumrind considered the experime nt, harmful because it may cause permanent psychological damage and cause people to be less trusting in the future. The participants in the Milgram experiment were 40 men recruited using newspaper ads. In exchange for their participation, each person was paid $4.50. Milgram developed an intimidating shock generator, with shock levels starting at 30 volts and increasing in 15-volt increments all the way up to 450 volts. The many switches were labeled with terms including slight shock, moderate shock and er: severe shock. The final two switches were labeled simply with an ominous XXX. Each participant took the role of a teacher who would then deliver a shock to the tudent every time an incorrect answer was produced. While the participant believe d that he was delivering real shocks to the student, the student was actually a confederate in the experiment who was simply pretending to be shocked. As the experiment progressed, the participant would hear the learner plead to be released or even complain about a heart condition. Once the 300-volt level had been reached, the learner banged on the wall and demanded to be released. Beyond this point, the learner became completely silent and refused to answer any more questions. The experimenter then instructed the participant to treat this silen ce as an incorrect response and deliver a further shock. Most participants asked the experimenter whether they should continue. The exper imenter issued a series of commands to prod the participant along: Please continue. The experiment requires that you continue. It is absolutely essential that you continue. You have no other choice, you must go on. The level of shock that the participant was willing to deliver was used as the m easure of obedience. How far do you think that most participants were willing to go? When Milgram posed this question to a group of Yale University students, it was predicted that no more than 3 out of 100 participants would deliver the max imum shock. In reality, 65% of the participants in Milgram s study delivered the m aximum shocks.

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Of the 40 participants in the study, 26 delivered the maximum shocks while 14 st opped before reaching the highest levels. It is important to note that many of t he subjects became extremely agitated, distraught and angry at the experimenter. Yet they continued to follow orders all the way to the end. Because of concerns about the amount of anxiety experienced by many of the parti cipants, all subjects were debriefed at the end of the experiment to explain the procedures and the use of deception. However, many critics of the study have ar gued that many of the participants were still confused about the exact nature of the experiment. Milgram later surveyed the participants and found that 84% were glad to have participated, while only 1% regretted their involvement.