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THE FACTS
Why do people open their door to a stranger, or spend a half hour with an unknown person on the telephone? Research suggests that there are three main reasons: altruism, an interest in the survey, and egoistic reasons (Porst, 1995). Over the summer, we travelled to Ghana and conducted a technical study in two slums within Accra city. Our major aim was to understand our potential consumers purchasing behavior with a goal of determining the target groups readiness for rice-bran fortified porridge flour. The product was a baby porridge dish intended for children older than 6 months to be consumed for breakfast on a daily basis. While in Accra, we encountered a typical phenomenon that most researchers doing fieldwork encounter: the question of whether or not to give incentives to attract, retain and compensate key contacts. In most situations, we found that the women we were interested in speaking to typically lived under $2 a day. Most of them had no jobs or income generating activities and typically depended solely on their husbands for financial support. As a result the women were able to dedicate more time to us. In return they expected compensation for time and efforts spent with us.
As a casual laborer in the garment industry in Accras Industrial Area was prone to the fluctuations that came with the blue collar jobs in the manufacturing industry. During our summer visit, she was in between jobs. Uwezo recognized that she was an invaluable resource and we specifically requested her to avail 4 days a week to acquaint us with the operating environment. We pondered the question of whether our ethical concerns were misplaced when incentives were used to attract and retain participants who were faced with such severe economic obstacles (A. Banerjee, 2011). For instance, another of our participants had just been left jobless after the school she was teaching in was abruptly closed by the local administration due to subpar standards. We wondered what impacts our decision would have given the multiple players involved in our venture project.
ALTERNATIVE ACTIONS
We had the following as alternative courses of actions: we could choose to reimburse expenses the participants had incurred in transport and meals to attend our meeting sessions. We could choose to fully compensate the participants for their time and effort at reasonable daily wages. Failure to the above, we could also chose to express our gratitude without any form of monetary consideration being exchanged.
LONG TERM
The long term consequences of our actions included exacerbating social inequalities within the Okulu slum and forming an unsustainable precedent for other organizations conducting studies in these communities. Due to the implicit coercive nature of incentives in a situation of economic lack, our actions could also result in the exploitation of vulnerable populations who would otherwise not voluntarily participate in such studies.
SHORT TERM
In the short-term, we were also concerned that incentives may undermine the autonomy of participant choice and ultimately hinder the disclosure of accurate information.
PERCEIVED DOWNSIDE
From a utilitarian standpoint, public health issues such as alleviation of child malnutrition provide critically important benefits to society. Therefore impediments that make it unlikely for fieldwork to be a success for instance, a shortage of participants, carry an ethical burden. Incentives can effectively turn an inconvenient task for a participant into a worthwhile activity, thus reversing this downside.
We considered a creative solution of providing a benefit after the decision to participate had been made by the participant. This gift or token of appreciation would not be an incentive as it would not serve as a motivator to participate. However, we were anxious as to the effectiveness of this approach as it fell down to our credibility. As we were new comers in the slum community, which was a very relationship-based community we had not formed the necessary links and ties that would enable them to trust our word.
WORKS CITED A. Banerjee, E. D. (2011). Poor Economics: A Radical Rethinking of the Way to Fight Global Poverty. Boston: Perseus Books Group. Grant RW, S. J. (2001). Ethics in human subjects research: do incentives matter? Journal of Political Science, 22. Porst, V. B. (1995). ie vielleicht bereit, sich gegebenenfalls noch einmal befragen zu lassen? . Grnde fr die Teilnahme an Panelbefragungen, 95/04.