MASS AGENCY FOR THE MOBILIZATION OF SOCIAL AND ECONOMIC REFORM:

A LOOK AT ITS OBJECTIVES, STRATEGIES, ACHIEVEMENTS AND FAILURES.

BY

ADOKURU CHRISTOPHER AMASOR

M.TECH/2006/SET/1570
DEPARTMENT OF ARCHITECTURE FEDERAL UNIVERSITY OF TECHNOLOGY MINNA, NIGER STATE.

ABSTRACT In 1986, the then military government established by decree the Mass Agency for the Mobilization of Social and Economic Reform (MAMSER) as an arm of the Presidency. MAMSER was set up to fulfil the political role of sensitizing the population to their civic duties. The Agency exploited all media and communication channels for this purpose. Among its activities were social mobilizations for EFA, as well as the development of the citizenship education curriculum for primary schools. When the Agency embarked on the organization of literacy classes, it came into direct conflict with the Federal Ministry of Education Youth Development (FMEYD) and the Commission for Mass Literacy, Adult and Non-Formal Education (NMEC). With criticisms about unhealthy rivalry and duplication of functions, MAMSER as a mass communication organ of the government was dissolved in 1992 and reconstituted under the name of National Orientation committee in the Federal Ministry of Information and Culture (FMIC). This paper tends to examine the duties and responsibilities of the Agency, how they strived to meet them and some constraints encountered.

1.0 INTRODUCTION
Social mobilisation is not a new phenomenon in Nigeria. Indeed, it has always been uppermost in most development programmes of the country with varying

degrees of success and names. In August 1975, for example, all the Commissioners for Information and Cultural Affairs met for five days in Lagos discussing 'Dynamic Publicity for Mass Mobilisation' in Nigeria. In the past ten years, there has been the Jaji Declaration, Operation Feed the Nation, Green Revolution, National Orientation Movement, Reconstruction, Reconciliation and Rehabilitation programmes of Nigeria's postcivil war. Other examples of mass mobilisation of Nigerians for specific social programmes include the currency change-over (1971), traffic change (1973), National Census (1973), and metrification (1973) and later Mass Agency for the Mobilization of Social and Economic Reform (1987). According to Adamolekun (1989), social mobilisation clearly has ancestry and, with the benefit of hindsight, the factors that made our current economic, disciplinary and moral problems possible made the latest attempt at social mobilisation via MAMSER inevitable. The previous programmes were fundamentally flawed because each addressed just one part of a multifaceted problem. Operation Feed the Nation and Green Revolution were concerned with the country's economic problems in relation to food production. It properly saw the abandonment of agriculture as the cause of the problem but failed to see it as merely symptomatic of a much larger national problem. The Jaji Declaration, Ethical Revolution and War Against Indiscipline fell into the same temptation of mistaking the part for a whole. Tough talking and koboko discipline were seen as the panacea for societal ills. Unfortunately, as soon as the coercive measures were removed, people relapsed into their old habits.
2.0 BRIEF HISTORICAL BACKGROUND OF MAMSER

When the Political Bureau submitted its report to the Nigerian Federal Military Government on March 27, 1987, after spending fourteen and a half months sponsoring, collecting, analysing, synthesizing, and compiling comments made by Nigerians on the kind of political system they want for their country and making

its own recommendations, the Bureau noted with misgivings that 'the behaviour of Nigerians in the political process has been largely negative,' adding that the negativism was easily exemplified in 'a culture of helplessness, apathy, and indifference to the political process.' It, therefore, called for 'urgent and concerted efforts toward the creation of the right political culture in Nigeria which should be executed through a coherent programme of social mobilization and political education . . .' Onyia and Iyida (1987 quoted in Edeani 1988, p.67) as a means of changing this negative political behaviour. Nearly four months after receiving the Political Bureau's report, President Ibrahim Babangida launched the programme of Mass Mobilization for Self-Reliance, Social Justice, and Economic Recovery (MAMSER) on July 25, 1987, and the National Directorate for Social Mobilization charged with the responsibility for executing the programme was inaugurated on September 2, 1987, at Abuja. Equipped with the necessary resources in money, manpower, and materials, the MAMSER Directorate has firmly established itself in all the 21 states and Abuja, and is using the mass media and other channels of communication to spread the message for national mobilization.

3.0 OVERVIEW OF MAMSER

MAMSER was an acronym for Mass Mobilization for Self Reliance, Social Justice, and Economic Recovery. It was an exercise in political orientation undertaking by President Babangida as one of the recommendations of the Political Bureau headed by Samuel Cookey. The bureau's task was to consult with thousands of Nigerians and recommend to the Armed Forces Ruling Council, a respectable and methodical transition program. The ruling council also wanted a national orientation to enunciate the abstract ideas in its economic policy and promote value orientation. MAMSER was inaugurated on July 25, 1987.

3.1 MISSION OF THE DIRECTORATE

A central goal of MAMSER was to cultivate support for the transitional program of the Government. It was also an avenue to educate the citizens about the political process, mobilize them to participate in up-coming elections and political debates, and also inculcate dependence towards locally made goods and Nigerian products. Some of MAMSER's official policies were as follows, to re-orientate Nigerians to shun waste and vanity and to shed all pretenses of affluence in their lifestyle, to propagate the need to eschew all vices in public life, including corruption, dishonesty, electoral and census malpractices, ethnic and religious bigotry.... (Wikipedia, 2008) The responsibilities of MAMSER were placed under a directorate, with Jerry Gana as chairman and Ken Saro Wiwa was asked to head it as the first National Director but he left MAMSER after eight months on discovery that MAMSER was created as a government megaphone instead of serving for the mobilization of the people. The directorate however has produced a few notable Nigerians, including Tunde Adeniran, who became the head of the National Orientation Agency, Molara Ogundipe-Leslie, and Jonathan Zwingina, a senator of the Federal Republic of Nigeria.
4.0 AIMS AND OBJECTIVES OF MAMSER

The machinery set up for achieving its aims and objectives is both a learning process and activity programme. As a learning process, MAMSER has, through workshops, seminars and the establishment of resource panels, sought to tap the immense intellectual resources of the academic and various professional groups. As an activity programme, the 12-point mandate of the directorate has been encapsulated into three closely-related programmes via Mass Mobilisation for Self-Reliance, Social Justice and Economic Recovery (MAMSER) concerned with physical act of mobilisation, mass education under which a literate society by

1992 is the goal, political education on which platform a politically aware, conscious and enlightened third republic rests and its special programmes for mobilising the military and the family. The goals of mass mobilisation for self-reliance, social justice and economic recovery is informed and guided by Nigeria's development objectives of building: (1) a united, strong and self-reliant nation; (2) a great and dynamic economy; (3) a just and egalitarian society; (4) a land of bright and full opportunities for all citizens; and (5) a free, democratic society.
5.0 STRATEGIES AND PROGRAMMES OF MAMSER

In trying to actualise these five directive principles of state, the Directorate came up with some programmes namely: Political Education, Mass Mobilisation (Selfreliance, Social Justice, Economic Recovery and promotion of leadership by example), Mass Literacy and Armed Forces MAMSER programmes. A brief description of these programmes follow, especially as it affects the teeming grassroots people who have benefited from the Directorate: (A) MASS MOBILISATION The Mass Mobilisation For Social Justice, Self-Reliance and Economic Recovery programme is popularly known as MAMSER. The Mass Mobilisation Department pursues a programme of multi-dimensional mass awareness campaigns. It has, through seminars, workshops, exhibitions, community theatre, youth programmes, mass rallies and self-reliance programme, like the 'Operation Food First' programme, the promotion of excellence in the public service, the renewed War Against Indiscipline and Promoting Leadership by example, endeavoured to relate to the directorate's different target groups.

On social justice, MAMSER is to serve as the voice of the voiceless and assist those that may not have had easy access to justice on account of poverty or other disabilities. In the past two years MAMSER has been able to fight social injustice side by side with the masses in cases such as wrongful detention and unjustifiable treatment of innocent people. The programme has proved popular with the people at the grassroots and MAMSER has succeeded in bringing hope to many Nigerians who ordinarily would have continued to languish in jail. Through these programmes, the directorate has evolved a grassroots-oriented mobilisation strategy and conscientised the masses at the grassroots level to stand up firmly in support of social justice. Its campaign for self-reliance, a vital ingredient in our drive towards economic recovery, has painstakingly organised the rural women into viable economic groups. The mobilisation campaign has also seen the re-emergence of co-operative societies where they were extinct, rejuvenation where they were moribund and fresh establishment where such groups were non-existent. The existence of trade groups/co-operative societies will provide the pivot upon which the success of such programmes as the Directorate of Food, Roads and Rural Infrastructures (DFFRI), National Directorate of Employment (NDE), Better Life for Rural Dwellers (BLFD) and the newlyestablished People's Bank of Nigeria (PBN) will revolve.

(B) MASS EDUCATION The Political Bureau had, in its report, identified illiteracy and ignorance as the major impediments to the greatness of our society and as such recommended the establishment of the Directorate For Social Mobilisation. Concomitantly, it is pertinent that mass literacy should be the cornerstone of its existence. Thus, the Directorate For Social Mobilisation set for itself, a target of making about 25

million Nigerians literate by 1992. The results from the states after the first phase of the programme which ran between July and December 1988 showed that only about half a million people benefited from the phase. The whole programme which has run through the stages of research, analysis and programme formulation to actual activity will continue as soon as funds are available. This is a giant leap in its determined march to the realisation of a dream to substantially reduce illiteracy, in our society by 1992. The programme is, however, being hampered by the lack of funds to acquire the needed teaching aids and pay for the services of the teaching personnel. The directorate is determined to continue this popular grassroots programme as much as the finances at its disposal can permit.

(C) ECONOMIC RECOVERY Also important is the directorate's economic recovery programmes such as popularising the National Economic Reconstruction Fund (NERFUND), a programme in which the government has invested about 4.1 Billion for small-scale industries to thrive in the country. Through the mobilisation efforts of MAMSER, awareness was created and the NERFUND programme was geared into immediate action to the extent that the co-ordinators felt we over-mobilised the public. Also, the National Conference on Structural Transformation for Self-reliance and Social Justice held in Lagos between 10 and 13 October 1989 is a clear manifestation of the conviction of MAMSER that Nigeria has all it takes to achieve greatness. The conference sought, among other objectives, to make the much-dreaded Structural Adjustment Programme (SAP), a way of life for the masses of this nation by moving from successful adjustment to sustained transformation which will ultimately give the people hope. In this light, some of the fundamental objectives of structural transformation of the Nigerian economy and society can be recast as follows:

(A) Creating a conducive social and technological basis for sustainable

development;
(B) Transformation of production structures through agricultural and industrial

development;
(C) Facilitating the greatest possible development of agriculture-fed industries

so as to ensure massive production of food and industrial raw materials;

(D) Minimising the phenomenon of external dependence and reliance on

foreign aid;
(E) Ensuring the fullest possible utilisation of our human and material

resources;
(F) Transformation of the consumption pattern to reflect a self-reliant

productive structure;
(G) Elimination of mass poverty; (H) Creating opportunities for useful employment on a scale that will harness

the potential of the unemployed.

(D) POLITICAL EDUCATION The political education programme assumed a systematically phased character from inception because it was recognised that raising the political consciousness of the masses is the most critical function of MAMSER. Awareness is a positive resource for development. On the other hand, ignorance is a serious constraint to development and orderly progress. Hence, the conceptualisation of the set objectives for political education through intellectual contacts with renowned academicians and intensive media and grassroots campaigns. The programme has moved to organising important fora such as people's parleys, village square meetings for grassroots reach, conferences, symposia and seminars for the urban elites.

In order to achieve these lofty goals, the directorate designed a three-phased programme. The first phase, the mobilisation phase, focused on mass rallies nation-wide with the sole aim of mobilising Nigerians to decisively reject the sectional, divisive, corrupt, selfish, dishonest and directionless politics of the past for mature, peaceful, orderly, issue and development-oriented politics. During the first phase, a nation-wide political awareness tour was undertaken round the country. About 54 Local Government Areas were visited and more than 74mass rallies were held over a period of 78 days. The basic message of MAMSER during the period can be summarised thus: The nation-wide political awareness tour sought to make Nigerians decisively reject the massively corrupt politics of the past characterised by rigging, money, tribalism, regionalism and religion. The directorate appealed to all Nigerians to use their votes wisely to elect good leaders of honour, integrity and great vision for progress and real development. Nigerians were urged to reject corruption in favour of honour and transparent honesty; to eschew confusion and stagnation of the past for peaceful progress; to reject slavish dependence and poverty in favour of self-reliance and greater productivity. Currently, the second phase which places significant emphasis on teaching people practical skills of translating their domestic rights into real political power, by voting for good candidates with good programmes, is progressing. The directorate has recently published a political education manual, intended to highlight the basic rights and responsibilities of citizens. Part of this phase actively involved MAMSER in co-operation with the National Electoral Commission (NEC) in the verification of voters list and claims by political parties. During the period of politicking by the defunct political associations seeking registration as political parties, MAMSER persistently called on them to involve the grassroots people in the formation of their associations but the politicians characteristically chose to ignore the warnings by the government, NEC and MAMSER, and played the game as it was done in the past. The political associations underrated the level of

consciousness among the rural people until NEC's result showed that they have not actually interacted with the grassroots enough to elicit their support. MAMSER, through its political education programmes, promises to ensure unity, peace, social justice and progress in the country. MAMSER is optimistic that political apathy and the culture of silence in the face of brazen oppression by a few will be a thing of the past particularly with the creation of two new political parties: Social Democratic Party (SDP) and National Republican Convention (NRC) which are grassroots-oriented. MAMSER also believes that these negative traits will give way to the politics of ideas, development, unity and peaceful progress in the third republic.

6.0 FAILURES AND CONSTRIANTS OF MAMSER

Like any other programme Adamolekun (1989) stressed, MAMSER is faced with certain problems some of which were particularly serious and glaring at its inception. The directorate considered these problems as great challenges of mobilisation. In tackling some of the problems it did not lay exclusive claim to wisdom; instead, it has continued to identify and utilize patriotic and hardworking Nigerians of different professional callings as resource persons for specific programmes of the directorate at national, state and local government levels. The MAMSER was established with the best of intentions. It was supposed to mobilize Nigerians out of a culture of political apathy into a new orientation that involves mass participation in the electoral process. In the end, MAMSER was a propaganda machinery of the ruling Armed Forces Council. The Armed Forces Ruling Council also established the Center for Democratic Studies (CDS). The CDS undertook the training of the elected politicians in the principles and practices of democracy. Both agencies were transition instruments of the ruling Armed Forces Council and did just what the military expected them to do. MAMSER was criticized as another subterfuge for draining millions of Naira from

the national coffers. According to Ijomah (2000), MAMSER had no "organic link with the people's aspirations and ideals", MAMSER succeeded in galvanizing the masses without offering any specific orientation. Since its inception, MAMSER has identified some problems in the course of the mobilisation crusade. These include:
(a) Apathy, cynicism and even opposition by the elite. Since the objective of

MAMSER is to establish a new social order that will ensure a free, just and democratic society, it is obvious that those who gain from the existing order will naturally remain determined to maintain the status quo. Any attempt, therefore, to raise the consciousness of the people, particularly as it relates to their constitutional rights, is easily seen as a threat which must be met with stiff resistance.
(b) MAMSER is fighting against a multitude of negative attitudes which have

become institutionalised. Corruption, electoral and census malpractices, laziness, lack of patriotism, etc., have taken over and eaten deep into the fabric of our national life. It will take time before these negative attitudes can be adequately tackled.
(c) Serious lack of patience by most Nigerians. There is a strong tendency to

look for quick results; and if such quick results are not forthcoming within a few months, people tend to write off such programmes, however laudable. Yet it takes time for any programme of social change to bear fruits.
(d) The vast and diverse nature of Nigeria created serious logistic problems for

MAMSER.
(e) The rather difficult economic challenges facing the nation has made

mobilisation much more difficult, although highly relevant and necessary.

(f) There are also difficulties with adequate funding in view of several

competing programmes and projects.

7.0 ANALYSIS OF FINDINGS

From the above study, the following findings were established:

1. It can be observed that MAMSER was designed to fail by the government.

2. Most respondents were aware of the existence of MAMSER as a government organ; 3. Most respondents did not understand the content and objectives of MAMSERs political education programme; 4. The delivery strategies used for the propagating/disseminating the political education 5. Programme by MAMSER were not effective; 6. Most of the personnel of MAMSER were not trained adult educators with expertise of mobilising adults;
7. There was no specified curriculum for the political education programme and

8. There was no effective monitoring of the programme.

CONCLUSION
MAMSER was set up to specifically obstructing our development process the vital tasks of social mobilisation that regards. The mass media are national development. Nigeria in its needs a virile and vibrant However, one gets worried with the on in all the media organs in the special breed of people that are things. This is, indeed, unfortunate for all the potentialities of becoming one the future. solve fundamental problems and has resolved to struggle on with and political education, but it failed in powerful and potent instruments for present depressed economic state development-oriented press. amount of negative reporting that goes country as if to say Nigerians are a irredeemable and doomed to fail in all Nigeria is certainly a country that has of the front runners in world affairs in

REFERENCES
Adamolekun, Wole. (1989). 'Social Mobilisation: Tool for Effective Grassroots Communication for National Transformation', Paper presented at the Annual Conference of African Council on Education Communication (ACCE) held at the Conference Centre, University of Ibadan. October 23rd - 27th, 1989. All For Education, Education For All: The role of Media and Mass Communication, (http:www.education.nic.in). Accessed on 06:29 pm, Friday 11th April, 2008. Edeani, David O. (1988). 'The Value Orientations in Press Coverage of a National Mobilization Campaign'. Africa Media Review Vol. 2 No. 2. (http://archive.lib.msu.edu/DMC/African%20Journals/pdfs/africa%20media
%20review/vol2no2/jamr002002006.pdf).

Ijomah, B. I. (2000), Nigeria's transition from military to civilian rule: An overview, Journal of Political and Military Sociology, winter 2000, page 7 (http.www.findarticle.com/p/article). Accessed on 06:16 pm, Friday 11th April, 2008. MAMSER: (http:www.wikipedia.com). Accessed on 04:48 pm, Friday 11th April, 2008. Onyia, Eddy and Iyida, Onoima (eds.) (undated). The White Paper 1987-1992: The Third Republic, p. 20.