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by
Adam David Breindel
B.A., University of Chicago, 1996
Thesis
MAY 1999
ii
way. Sharing a world with natural creatures, they imitate that natural order
while somehow standing outside it. As part of the mimicry, they take on human
and animal behaviors such as eating, yet they defy normal roles of hunter,
predator, and prey. In the Aeneid, the essence of what it is to be a monster seems
not unconnected with appetite and food. This essay is an inquiry into the
monstrosity.
The sort of monsters I mean are those creatures which are unnatural
enough to fall clearly outside of the animal kingdom, but which reside on earth,
in the human world of the text.1 The creatures I will examine are not men nor
animals nor gods nor beings of the underworld. Thus, nymphs, gods, ghosts, and
furies are all excluded (although they certainly deserve study on their own
terms).
This paper will focus on the serpents which attack Laocoon, the Harpies
which are confronted by the Trojans, Polyphemus, from whom the Trojans
1They do not, though, always exist at the time of the poem‟s action. Cacus, for example, is destroyed before
the action of the Aeneid takes place.
Breindel 2
rescue a Greek refugee, and Cacus, whose death is celebrated by Evander.2 The
beasts will be examined with the goal of discerning the motifs and imagery
which connect the monsters to their food, their victims, and each other.
representative not only of what is alien to nature, but also of what is culturally
writes:
conclusions about the culture‟s worldview (or at least the one presented in the
2 While other monsters are alluded to in the text, these four alone receive extended treatment. For example,
although Scylla certainly fits the proper genus of beast, Aeneas avoids facing her and Vergil summarily
describes this lack of an encounter: Helenus warns Aeneas to avoid Scylla at 3.420-32. Aeneas follows these
instructions and successfully avoids her at 3.684-6.
3 Cohen 1996, p.14.
Breindel 3
particular, these Romans held a set of beliefs by which the cosmos, the state, and
the body were held to be interrelated and reflective of one another.5 For example,
a link between the universe and the state is made clear by texts such as Cicero‟s
de re publica and the “origins of society” in Plato‟s Protagoras. Plato uses the other
arguments: in the Republic, body is state and state is body. In Timaeus, the
deformities of any one of the terms (e.g., natural creature or body) can be seen to
reflect some deviation in one or both of the other two terms (universe or state).
This perspective on cosmos, state, and body, is codified in the practice of augury.
observation of their behavior) results in knowledge about the state of the cosmos.
Further, this knowledge about the cosmos must inform the military actions and
Such an explicit link between cosmos, body, and state, provides, on one
4See Hogle 1998, Schmitt 1997 pp. 135-55, Cohen 1996, Haraway 1991 esp. pp. 7-20, Levi-Strauss 1969,
Douglas 1966.
Breindel 4
level, a sort of Rosetta stone for interpreting the appearance of a malformed and
the monster‟s unnatural presence itself that must be read, because we must look
past a surface symbology in order to ask Why this monster? Why here? Why
now?6
landscape, where the marked dietal poles seem not only to be starvation and
gluttony (with some sort of “moderation” in between), but also savage, over-
refined, austere, and what we might call idealized. Further, different sorts of people
seem to travel different directions through the landscape of food to arrive at one
or another diet. Thus, a story of food is not only a story of How much? and of
What kind? but, equally, a story of Who does the eating and How far is the eater
from Rome?
of their culture, viz. by reference to its food.7 The food could in turn be
5 “The idea that the state is analogous to, or even in some way identical with, the natural universe is
widespread in ancient thought…” Hardie 1986 p.2; “[The Greeks] conceived the citizen, the city, and the
cosmos to be built according to the same principles.” Haraway 1991 p.7.
6 “The monstrous body is pure culture. A construct and a projection, the monster exists only to be read...”
Cohen 1996, p. 4.
7 The Romans were not alone in this regard. For example, we can see a similar Greek critique by looking at
the foods consumed in Plato‟s model city, and comparing them to those consumed in his “feverish,”
“luxurious” city, Rep. 372be, 373a, 373c.
Breindel 5
activities with a Roman army in Asia (39.6.3; 187 BC) to remark on the Asiatic
source of luxuries undermining the city of Rome. At this time, says Livy, cooks
and elaborate food achieve respect in Rome which they had not had before:
For the beginnings of foreign luxury were introduced into the City
by the army from Asia. ... the banquets themselves ... began to be
planned with both greater care and greater expense. At that time
the cook, to the ancient Romans the most worthless of slaves, both
in their judgment of values and in what use they made of him,
began to have value, and what had been merely a necessary service
came to be regarded as an art. Yet those things which were then
looked upon as remarkable were hardly even the germs of the
luxury to come.
Livy does not here explicitly describe the fancy banquets as consisting of foreign
food. But his silence, perhaps, makes the point clearer: the items of eastern
luxury (e.g. bronze couches and tapestries 39.6.7) are, together with the female
lute players (39.6.8), the elaborate banquets, and cooks, grouped together and
juxtaposed implicitly with the habiliments of the Roman antiquis. The point here
is not whether 187 was really a seminal year in Roman moral degeneration9 nor
even whether the Romans‟ golden age of culinary simplicity was exaggeration or
Livy also shows how, in the next year (186), the tripartite analogy of
heavens, body, and state come together to create anxiety about impending
9 Livy goes on to describe the importation of, and hysteria occasioned by, eastern Bacchanals in this same
year, 39.8ff.
10 Plutarch, in his Life of Marcus Cato, expresses in an admiring tone Cato‟s culinary simplicity and
frugality in many places (including 1.7, 3.2, 4.1, 4.3, 6.1, 9.4-5). And yet even Cato the Elder hearks back to
more remote days of yore, visiting (2.1-2) the hut which had once belonged to Manius Curius, a hero of
three triumphs whom a Samnite embassy found at his hearth cooking turnips.
Breindel 7
Natural prodigies are here juxtaposed directly with a deformed body and with a
foreign invasion of northern Italy. All are seen as threatening, but not each on its
lightning, and the sudden “discovery” of a hermaphrodite are all read as signs of
political danger.
In the following pages I will attempt to outline the imagery which binds
Vergil‟s monsters to one another through their physical characteristics and their
meaning that lies in their uncertain yet threatening presence – for the narrator‟s
skeletal outline of the threat which monsters pose to humans. The snakes attack
Laocoon, devour his children, and then slither off. This encounter scene provides
a base case upon which later scenes will elaborate. However, even though it is
Breindel 8
brief, we can readily examine the subtler elements of the scene through two acts
find that the blood which will have been shed in the attack is not mentioned
there; instead, sanguis is used repeatedly to describe the snakes as they approach
and to describe the frightening effect they have on the Trojans. Second, the attack
seems verbally to repress the children‟s explicit dismemberment, despite the fact
that the core of the scene consists in two beasts consuming humans. Instead of a
similarity in sound between anguis (204) and sanguis. This sonic affinity is
exploited so that blood becomes the descriptive attribute of the snakes even
before they attack Laocoon and before they do anyone any harm. The serpents‟
crests and eyes are red (respectively sanguineae 207 and sanguine 210) like the
blood they will spill from their victims. At the sight of them, the Trojans scatter
exsangues 212.12 At the least, then, the Trojans go pale at the frightening sight. But
also exsangues are the umbrae in the underworld (6.401), where “bloodless”
11When citing the Aeneid, I will omit book numbers when they are clear from the context. Where more than
one book is invoked, or the citation is otherwise unclear, I will revert to providing book and line numbers.
Breindel 9
victims.
have actually started attacking, and the assault involves the necessarily bloody
act of chewing the limbs (morsu depascitur artus 215) of living humans, the
description of the assault itself is strange in light of its verbal bloodlessness. The
principal verbal figure in the attack is that of wrapping, seizing, and binding (as I
will discuss below), rather than bloody injury. The only apparent reference to
blood in the attack itself is at 221, where Laocoon is described as perfusus sanie
vittas atroque veneno. Observing Aeneas‟ diction precisely, Laocoon‟s chaplets are
not so much soaked with blood as with corrupted gore or bloody effluence
(sanie). The bands are soaked with black poison (atro... veneno) rather than black
blood, even though cruore would have fit the metrical position.13 The story, as
accompanied the attack, onto the serpents themselves. As a result, the serpents
have eyes filled with blood but the attack, if not literally bloodless, avoids direct
reference to blood.
While the bleeding incurred by the snakes‟ attack seems to be shifted onto
12Perhaps we are also to hear in the line “ex sangues,” i.e., ex sangue, so that we see the Trojans flee from the
blood.
Breindel 10
the description of the snakes‟ advent, the attack is nevertheless vividly described.
This description is filled with images of wrapping, binding, and seizing: amplexus
214, implicat 215, corripiunt ... ligant 217, amplexi ... circum ... dati 218-9, nodos 220.
The injury (miseros morsu despascitur artus 215) is restricted to a single line.
Although this single line is thereby rendered striking, the verbal emphasis in the
scene is on the binding and subduing of the victim, on the impending injury.
Fear seems here to affect the way in which the attack is described. The
Trojans‟ fear, mentioned before the attack (diffugimus visu exsangues 212), is again
explicit upon the conclusion of the attack. The Trojans‟ breasts were set to
trembling (tremefacta 228). A new fear insinuat (229) into them, just as the snake
sinuat (208) on its way into shore, and thus the earlier fear is verbally connected
with that afterward. The Trojans‟ fear is likely strongest when they see the snakes
approaching and the attack beginning. Hence the poem emphasizes the horror in
their arrival, giving an extended description to the moment before they are
actually striking anyone, and in their subduing a victim, when the bite is still
impending. Fear will naturally figure in other monster encounters in the Aeneid,
and it will be useful to see how this fear – a sort of shadow cast in the text by a
In interpreting the snakes‟ presence, we can note that the serpents follow a
simple political association of the monstrous and the foreign. When the serpents
attack, Troy still stands and the Greeks are the enemy who will sack it. The
13 Cf., e.g., 5.333: concidit immundoque fimo sacroque cruore. Forms of cruor occur 24 times in Aeneid; of these,
Breindel 11
serpents are aligned with the Greek force through their number (two, like the
Atreidai who command the Greek forces) and their direction of origin (the island
representative of the Trojans, is attacked, his sons consumed, by the enemy who
When we inquire, however, just what about the snakes makes them
the serpents is not, alone, what is horrifying. Even their behavior may not seem
shocking or disturbing, inasmuch as the snakes seem like brute beasts which
might attack a person the way that a bear does. The snakes‟ near-animal nature
make them different from, e.g., the quasi-civilized Polyphemus, who seems by
that very status the more barbaric when he eats the Greek men. The most
frightening thing about the snakes is just that they appear at a crucial moment.
Their appearance just when Laocoon might have saved Troy from the horse
suggests that they were “sent” in accordance with some divine will. Or, looked at
pronounced on the Trojans. Thus, while the Trojans in Aeneid 2 see the snakes‟
readers of these monsters can see them as omens of a different sort. They signify
that there is a link between cosmos, body, and state even if it is illegible, i.e.,
subversive unease when we bring to mind the glorious fate for Rome suggested
Aeneas makes explicit the status of the Harpies: no monstrum, pestis, or ira
worse than these ever drew itself out of the Stygian waves (214-5). These beasts
are immediately associated with food (Celaeno and the others colunt [212] the
Strophades the way a farmer cultivates land; they took up residence after leaving
the mensas [213] at Phineas‟ house). Although this association of Harpies and
food is not itself the work of Vergil‟s text (Vergil seems to take up where Ap. Rh.
Arg. 2.223-300 leaves off), Vergil‟s scene reduplicates within the Aeneid itself that
link between eating and fear which was evident in the episode of Laocoon. The
Vergil‟s Harpies are not mere snatchers of food. They are set forth as
thoroughly controlling food on their island, and their ability to give or take food
– extended even into the future by their use of prophecy – enables them
We can see some of the aspects in which the Harpies control food by
Breindel 13
creatures by Aeneas (216-18). Before narrating the Trojans‟ arrival in port (219),
The Harpies have virgin faces (216) – so far, so good. The three subsequent
details help us bring together the monstrous essence of these creatures as well as
First, the Harpies have a foedissima proluvies (216-17) from their bellies,
which is likely fluid from the digestive or reproductive tract of the beasts.15
capacity for contamination: contactu ... omnia foedant 227. The efflux physically
carries the Harpies‟ foul internal nature to the outside world, so that it can be
across the boundary between the body‟s internal and external environment. As a
14 We should bear in mind that although this description is set as a preface to the scene, it is partly
composed of the information and opinions which Aeneas will only have gleaned by the end of the episode.
15 In light of the Harpies‟ pollution of food, I would speculate that the proluvies is a kind of excreta from the
birds‟ digestion. However, unlike normal fecal matter which is the remainder from proper digestion, the
proluvies of the Harpies is unnatural and foul because it results from incomplete or improper digestion,
whereby they remain perpetually hungry (they bear pallida semper / ora fame 217-18).
Breindel 14
result, the externally presented aspect of these creatures (that is, independent of
Second, the Harpies‟ hands are hooked or curved (uncaeque manus 217).
with the Harpies‟ eponymous role as “snatchers.” While the Harpies will not
attempt to eat the Trojans, or even to take their food away physically, they seize
Third, the Harpies‟ faces are perpetually pale with hunger: pallida semper
ora fame 217-18. In contrast to the serpents in book two, which were described as
bloody and which carried out the act of eating, these monsters show a bloodless
mien precisely because they either do not eat, or else eat without deriving lasting
alignment of food with blood. There is no blood shed in the Trojans‟ battle with
associated with the Harpies‟ foodlessness (fame) and fear (the Harpies fled metu
Trojans, who do not eat but do get scared after hearing Celaeno‟s prophecy, are
described in a way that conforms to this image: sociis … gelidus formidine sanguis
deriguit 259-60. The Trojans do not exhibit pallor, but their blood runs cold. Or,
flowing blood.
of food and hunger. But Vergil takes their control beyond the physical and the
Aeneas and his men to future hunger. Celaeno has been privileged to receive
word from Zeus (pater omnipotens 251) that the Trojans are fated to starve before
founding their walls. Celaeno has not only the power of speech but also
knowledge of the gods‟ speech; she is able to invoke the word of the gods in
retaliation for the Trojans‟ attack: bellumne inferre paratis ... ? accipite ergo ... dicta,
quae ... mihi Phoebus Apollo praedixit (248-52). At this revelation, terror strikes the
Trojans. As mentioned above, the Trojans‟ blood freezes stiff with fear, the only
mention of blood in the Harpy episode. Their spirits collapse and they exchange
arms for prayers (260-1). Anchises‟ cries to the gods are clearly an act of hysteria,
since, if Anchises believes the prophecy is truly Zeus‟ word, then he knows there
through her ability to pronounce on the future, Celaeno imposes upon the
Celaeno‟s prophecy speaks to events far from the Harpies‟ island. But
Breindel 16
what we might call the “affective content” of the prophecy is soon countered by
Helenus‟ reassurances.19 Helenus says explicitly that Aeneas should not worry
about the gnawing of the tables (394-5), though he does not dispute that the
event will come to pass. That is, Helenus and Celaeno prophesy more or less the
same information, with the same authority, but with differing affective content.
The difference between the two versions is not obscure, but it will be useful to
Celaeno chooses how to present the information in order to accomplish her goal,
we see that she chooses to exert her control over the Trojans‟ view of their
situation.
what may be the essential perversion of nature that is being expressed in the
how can one take auspices or read the birds if they have access to Apollo and are
be a passive substrate upon which the state of the heavens or an indication about
an event is impressed, as on a wax tablet. The bird is then read as a passive object
of examination, and meaning is drawn from reading this body. The Harpies
represent a multiple inversion of their “natural” role – for they are active, they
are speaking the prophecy, they are doing the interpreting of Apollo. And, rather
19By “affective content,” I mean the prophecy as it is understood by the listener, with emphasis on whether
the listener thinks the prophecy is good or bad. Since prophecies are famous both for literal accuracy and
for inspiring misinterpretation in a hearer, it seems useful to establish a term to represent what the listener
Breindel 17
sense to indicate a deformation in the heavenly state, they leak a fluid with the
the underworld, etc.) along with (2) legitimate omens which are bound to be
misinterpreted at the critical juncture (as in the serpent attack) and (3) perverse,
encounter), then we can begin to perceive the real fear and anxiety behind the
guidance of the state could end up – like Aeneas‟ men themselves when he is
telling the present part of his story – severely off course. Anxieties of this sort in
In addition, the poet‟s language suggests that it is not trivial that the
Harpies‟ control of food is localized to the island – their patrio regno (249), in
Celaeno‟s words. The control of food and the political control of the island are
bound together. For, in explicit terms, he presents the Trojan quest for a meal as
war, even before the Harpies first appear. Upon seeing that the herds are without
guard (nullo custode 221), Aeneas‟ men attack (inruimus ferro 222). The animals are
spoils (praeda 223, 244) and serve as dapibus opimis (224), perhaps humorously
thinks the prophecy means, and how he or she feels about it.
Breindel 18
alluding to spoliis opimis (which appear in the Aeneid at 6.855 and 10.449). After
the Harpies‟ first attack and the Trojans‟ first retreat, the meal is reconstituted
like a battle line (instruimus mensas 231).20 At this point, Aeneas “declares” war as
though on the local (human) population (edico ... bellum cum gente gerendum 235),
and the battle vocabulary continues: sociis 234, scuta condunt 237 (which hints,
behind its sense of hiding shields, at building fortifications), dat signum 239,
invadunt socii ... proelia temptant 240. After the second Harpy victory, when
Celaeno addresses the Trojans, she suggests both that the Trojans‟ made war on
account of the slaughtered herd21 (pro caede boum 247) and that the Trojan attack
is tantamount to an expulsion from her native land (patrio ... pellere regno 249).
The conjunction (by Vergil as by Celaeno) of war against the herd with war
against the Harpies establishes the political role of the Harpies as island-rulers
and food-deniers. That is, it makes clear that the Harpies‟ perpetual hunger is a
political status, and the island a sort of regime of starvation. On this account,
Aeneas‟ desire for food brings on war and represents a military-political threat.
political interests are at stake. For the Trojans (denominated thus by reference to
their ancestral king Laomedon [3.248], despite Troy‟s destruction) are presently
Aeneas‟ band of men. The status which will replace Trojan, namely future-
Roman, is alive for the reader, but Aeneas does not even know what “Roman”
will come to mean until his descent into the underworld. For their part, the
Harpies control the island, but bear some curious similarities to the Trojans. R.
Rabel writes:
Though force … [in the Trojans‟ war against the Harpies] proves
futile and the Trojans are overmatched, the listener cannot escape
the impression that like is confronting like. Aeneas and his men
represent a threat to sojourners in exile. Whereas attempts at
renewal of the Trojan past in Thrace and Crete brought pollution
upon Aeneas and his crew … now the Trojan attack upon the
Harpies involves an attempt to “befoul” with iron (ferro foedare,
3.241) the wings of their foes: pollution confronts pollution.
Further, the remains of the sacrifice at the brief war‟s end are
described as semesam praedam (3.244), a phrase nicely ambiguous of
the results of piracy transformed by war into the plunder of winged
scavengers.22
particular, they are confronting that appetitive element in the Romans‟ own
culture that will bring on what later writers (such as Livy, in the passages from
book 39 quoted above) view as the decline of the ancient, noble, and austere.
One point of comparison, which does not establish the point but does
Horace treats the virtue of simple living. In doing so, he brings together (1) a
21 Unless she means that she provided the slaughtered animals so that the war was pro caede boum, with pro
meaning “in exchange for.” This sense serves my argument equally well, since it means that the Harpies not
only take away food, but provide it too – thus, their domain of control over food extends beyond just taking
it.
22 Rabel 1985, p. 319.
23 “The Harpies externalize the monster within us. They objectify grabbers who make us grab, living in a
landscape that turns us around or away from some more steadfast pattern of living.” Putnam 1980, p. 5
Breindel 20
contrast of Roman versus Greek habits24, (2) a contrast of small, simple food
versus excessive food25, and (3) a contrast of an appetite that enjoys modest fare26
versus an appetite worthy of the rapacious Harpies (Harpyiis gula digna rapacibus
2.2.40) that ruins decent food by its very gluttony and satiety (2.2.41-4). Horace‟s
contrasts, though not parallel (except by ironic implication), tempt us to the see
the Harpy-like appetite as opposed to the “real” (which is exactly the imaginary)
simple Roman diet.27 What Horace‟s work does establish is that the Harpies
“work” as an image for a contemporary critique of the Roman diet. That is, the
Harpies are at least compatible with the symbolic role assignment that I have
suggested.
On this view, although Aeneas‟ men do not leave victorious over the
beast, they do make two perverse gains from the encounter. First, they leave in
that fatigued, hungry condition that Horace suggests makes them ready to eat
cibum vilem (2.2.15). They need not slaughter a herd of cattle and fix dapibus
opimis for themselves, if their hunger makes them appreciate not only the pomis
agrestibus (Aen. 7.111)28 but even the exiguam Cererem (7.113) when they fulfill the
tables prophecy. That prophecy of the tables, then, is the second curious gain
24 ... vel, si Romana fatigat militia adsuetum graecari, seu pila velox molliter austerum studio fallente laborem (2.2.10-
12). Chasing a hare and riding an unbroken horse are likened to the Roman exercises. Practicing Greek
ways includes playing with a ball, where the deceptive effort softly covers the work.
25 ... cum labor extuderit fastidia ... sperne cibum vilem; nisi Hymettia mella Falerno ne biberis diluta (2.2.14-16).
26 ... laudas, insane, trilibrem mullum (2.2.33-4) only because it is rare, as that fish is by nature smaller. But only
merriment. Rancidum aprum antiqui laudabant ... Hos utinam inter heroas natum tellus me prima tulisset (2.2.89-
93).
28 In their taste for wild fruit, they resemble Tacitus‟ Germans, on whom Gowers comments (p. 18, quoted
above).
Breindel 21
which the Trojans make in the Harpy scene: on the surface, it is a terrifying
prophecy because it says the Trojans will be hungry; but, if hunger is aligned
with the meager meals of the Rome‟s noble fathers (as against the “luxury” of the
Asian identity now left behind), the tables prophecy appears almost a
benediction. For it pronounces that Aeneas‟ men will have one of the
complex than the encounter with the Harpies. Earlier motifs are reworked and
behavior.
For the names applied to Polyphemus we need only note line 658, where
he is monstrum horrendum, informe, ingens, while his race is infandi (644), gentem
nefandam (653), and concilium horrendum (679). For the subtleties behind the
epithets, I would like to delineate three themes which Vergil follows in the
with eating reappears, augmented by some variation from its earlier use;
depicted and elaborated with two features important for the Aeneid; and
Breindel 22
Polyphemus‟ speech – or lack of speech – gives us further hints about his proper
location in the taxonomy of monsters. I will also examine the role of fear, prayer,
and supplication in the encounter between Aeneas and the Greek refugee. The
escapee‟s speech. For we learn first that the Cyclops‟ cave is one giant, dark den
of gore and bloody meals (domus sanie dapibusque cruentis, intus opaca, ingens 618-
19), the language still hesitant about the concomitant eating and bloodying. The
Greek tells Aeneas that the Cyclops is rough and hard, and reaches the stars (619-
20), but before pronouncing the precise details of the Cyclops attack, the narrator
is apparently overcome with horror at the more specific details of the scene. He
cries out a prayer, asking di talem avertite … pestem (620), a cry to keep the man-
eater away. We can note that the Greek‟s prayer here is similar to Anchises‟ own
prayer after Celaeno pronounces the tables prophecy. Anchises, praying talem
avertite casum (265), asks that the gods keep off Celaeno‟s threat that he would not
eat (in contrast to the Greek, who is worried about being eaten). After the refugee‟s
Glenn 1972 discusses the extent to which Vergil accepts the various poetic exploitations of Polyphemus
29
In these lines, we have a description more severe than earlier ones. It includes
vocabulary (sanguine … atro 622, sanie 625, atro 626) from the serpent attack scene,
(visceribus); he breaks his victims‟ bodies on rocks; the threshold swims with gore
and black putrid matter (atro … tabo 626). The blood, the eating, and the dark
color, like the darkness (opaca 619) of the cave itself, are all identified with
Lines 621 and 627, however, strengthen the description in a way that mere
adding of detail and of explicitness could not. Line 621 adds pathos and line 627
provides an allusion to the attack on Laocoon. Though line 621 may be taken to
say that Polyphemus was hard to look at and impossible to talk to, it may as
easily, in the present context, indicate that he did not soften at the sight of
anyone‟s face nor could he be reached by their cry, when he was about to eat the
individual. Such pathos extends the description beyond physical attack. Line 627
the Cyclops‟ action is nearly the same as the snakes‟ had been in 2.215 – chewing
(manderet) on limbs versus biting (morsu) them – but the description at 3.627 is
Breindel 24
Polyphemus chews limbs (membra) and the limbs themselves (artus) quiver
beneath his teeth. Both we and Aeneas‟ Trojans must recall the attack on
Laocoon‟s children, whose limbs will have quivered beneath the serpents‟ fangs,
gluttony. For it was the Cyclops‟ willingness to eat (expletus dapibus 630) and
drink himself into a stupor (vinoque sepultus 630, somnum 633) that allowed
Ulysses and his men to attack (634-6). So much is part of the Polyphemus story
from Homer (Od. 9.371-400). The refugee, however, adds two elements which
distinguish his story and let it reach out to other passages and themes in the
Aeneid. First, Polyphemus eats the bloody viscera of people and drinks wine, but
when the Greek escapes he eats only the unhappy fare of berries, cornel-cherries,
and roots. His diet is provided by the roots (radicibus 650) and branches (rami
650) of plants. The Greek‟s diet is not animal, and features no blood. But
concomitant with the meat-free, bloodless diet is a sheer paucity of food: when
Aeneas‟ men first spy the refugee, his body is macie confecta (590). This
that has associated blood with eating and food, bloodlessness with hunger and
pallor.
The text almost seems caught between the extremes of starvation and
fulfillment of the tables prophecy, with its feast of fruits and grains, may be an
the same time, we are reminded not only of Roman political readings of food
the grain dole could make political fortunes, while soldiers on campaign – who
often subsisted on a diet close to the Roman austere ideal – might return with
victory paradoxically embodied by the luxuries of the east (as in Livy 39,
discussed above). Alternatively, as had occurred during the civil wars, the army
The second special feature of the Cyclops‟ gluttony is his vomiting out of
gore, chunks of food, and wine (saniem eructans et frusta cruento … commixta mero
Polyphemus with Aetna. Aeneas had described Aetna in eruption, when the
Trojans arrived at the land of the Cyclopes, as avulsaque viscera montis … eructans
(575-6). Thus the volcano too vomits up torn off entrails. In this way, a sympathy
is suggested between the landscape and the monster it houses. In the Cacus
episode a similar and perhaps stronger sympathy will be exhibited. The vomiting
the reversal or undoing of his act of eating them. But, of course, vomiting saniem
30 For an analysis of what was eaten, how much was eaten, where it came from and who controlled it, see
Breindel 26
in no way undoes the crime, so it cannot substitute for the men‟s revenge; it only
supplements it. Haud impune quidem (628) is Polyphemus‟ eating of men and,
even if the Cyclops vomits out their gore before Ulysses acts, the Greeks still
gladly take revenge: laeti sociorum ulciscimur umbras (638). We will observe that a
The last theme I would like to discuss in connection with the Cyclops‟
characterization as a monster is his lack of speech. Vergil‟s text does not make
explicit that his Polyphemus cannot speak. But we can observe that he does not
speak; that he is not spoken to; and that the Greek refugee says he cannot be
addressed (nec dictu adfabilis ulli 621). In addition, although infandi and nefandam
are passive in form and meaning (these words are attributed to the Cyclopes at
644 and 653 respectively), they echo the sounds of active forms such as infans,
“unable to speak.” In any case, the Cyclops‟ lack of speech is one obvious point
Polyphemus doesn‟t speak and that the Greek refugee says he cannot be spoken
to place an additional level of remove between man and Cyclops. Unlike even
the Harpies, who are dreadful but intelligent in their own accursed way, Vergil‟s
Cyclops does not communicate with man and offers only a yell (clamorem … tollit
672).
position for the Cyclops in subtler ways. Because his name no longer makes
sense, Polyphemus has, in a way, fallen farther out of the natural taxonomic
at the same time it seeks to describe it. Where the Cyclops was already a literary
monster, Vergil has ejected him even farther so that he no longer even belongs in
with Odysseus, and removing his speech (i.e., deforming the beast), Vergil has
done in a meta-literary way to the Cyclops what Jupiter does to Ovid‟s Lycaon
Reading Polyphemus in this way, we see that Vergil has further deformed him in
order that he indicate what he has done that may not be done. The lack of speech
in the Aeneid, it will be useful to consider the actions of the refugee and of
Aeneas. Their actions will let us examine the role of fear, prayer, and
the line immediately prior (658). Such a mixed description is reasonable precisely
because of the difference between the Greek‟s narrative position and Aeneas‟
narrative position relative to the monster. The Harpy episode serves well for
comparison because, there, Aeneas experiences the horror of the Harpies first-
horror at the Cyclops. He prays that the Trojans take him away per sidera ... per
superos atque hoc ... lumen (599-600), asking only to die at the hands of humans
(hominum manibus periisse 606). He interrupts his own speech about Polyphemus
before beginning the most explicitly grotesque passage (line 621-7, discussed
above) to pray to the gods that they turn away such a plague (talem avertite ...
pestem! 620). In making these prayers, the refugee is in the same position as
Anchises when he prays that the gods turn away the event predicted by Celaeno
(talem avertite casum 3.265). That is, he has just seen the power of the monster and,
The refugee says that he trembles (presumably, in fear) at the sound of the
Cyclopes‟ feet and at their voice (648). He concludes his speech with the word
leto (654), having declared that he wants only to escape the Cyclopes‟ nefandam
(653) race and that the Trojans should destroy him however they will. He acts
fear and desperation to his host. On his first appearance he is literally supplex
(592) as he makes his way on the shore. Imploring the Trojans at least to let him
die among men, he wraps himself around and attaches himself to Aeneas:
have not been at the mercy of Polyphemus, can take on the refugee and are not
threatened by him or by his monster. That is, the monster constructed in speech
by the refugee is not necessarily the same monster whom Aeneas sees.39 Aeneas
has a perspective which allows more objectivity and some compromise in his
attitudes toward the refugee and Polyphemus. The refugee certainly receives the
38 See Plautus Rudens 560, 648, 690 for amplexus used of a suppliant wrapped around an altar.
Breindel 30
greater part of the Trojans‟ sympathy, with his body described as a forma ...
miseranda (591) even before he tells his story. And, after the Greek discloses his
identity but before he reveals the horror of Polyphemus, Anchises dextram ... dat
... atque animum ... pignore firmat (610-11). However, despite calling Polyphemus
monstrum horrendum, Aeneas seems to have some sympathy for him as well.
Aeneas describes how the Cyclops steadies his step (vestigia firmat 659) with his
walking stick and how his flock is his sola voluptas solamenque mali (660-1).40
Recognizing the troubles of another individual, let alone that individual‟s need
for comfort, are clear indicators of sympathy. I suggest that such sympathy is
present here, while absent from the refugee‟s speech and from Aeneas‟
description of the Harpies, precisely because these latter speakers are too
ego maxima 252) and Aeneas‟ own implicit recognition of the Harpies as a quasi-
We have seen that Aeneas takes a more removed view of the refugee‟s
encounter, while receiving the Greek himself as a suppliant and saving him. In
39 We should bear in mind that Aeneas‟ monsters are also monsters in speech (and not just the poet‟s
speech) because Aeneas is telling this tale to the Carthaginians. (This point is generally made with more
immediate relevance regarding Homer‟s Odysseus, because he is more suspect as narrator than Aeneas.)
40 Some may feel the need to enter the lists of textual criticism and insist upon the presence or absence of the
putative line-ending (661) “de collo fistula pendet.” According to R. Mynors‟ apparatus criticus, this ending
appears in the second hand of the Palatinus manuscript and in most of the ninth-century manuscripts
which he evaluated. He does not, however, include these words in his text. Glenn 1972 discusses the textual
likelihood of this line-ending and its implications for pastoral readings of the scene (pp. 55-9) . For my own
part, however, Aeneas seems to speak with pathos regardless of the status of this line.
Breindel 31
the Aeneid‟s context of Rome‟s future ascendance, this behavior may be informed
by a Roman mindset (or perhaps pretext) about military and political expansion.
the Aegean and Near East. On this view, the Greek states needed Roman
protection from the destruction they were on the brink of bringing on themselves
Greek from the monster and bringing him along in his own company, is
discussed above, may support this romanticized reconstruction of the rescue: The
refugee‟s diet of berries, cornels, and roots seems exemplary of the kind which
state.41 The Greek, then, is not only what must be saved from the monster‟s
threat, lest it be destroyed, but is also an image of the innocent and uncorrupted.
order to catch another glimpse of the anxiety underlying the monster‟s presence.
The unanswered question is Who will protect and rescue Rome from its own
monstrous politicians and civil wars? Will Caesar, like Aeneas, sail the ship of
state directly away from the island? Or will he, like Odysseus in the story that
41 E.g., when Socrates discusses food for the men in the ideal city, he suggests to Glaucon that “[F]or dessert
we will serve them figs and chickpeas and beans, and they will toast myrtle-berries and acorns before the
fire ...” (Rep. 372cd).
Breindel 32
Vergil‟s text represses, taunt and stir up the monster, get blown back toward
shore and earn the articulate beast‟s imprecation. Vergil‟s Aeneas tells us that
raise their heads skyward (caelo capita alta ferentis 678). But Homer‟s Odysseus
reports that the monster prays to Poseidon, “May he find woes in his house,”
The Cacus episode is the last and, I suggest, most complex of the monster
encounters in the Aeneid. It brings together verbal themes from other monster
middle ground where he is both monster and anti-monster; and its conclusion
for the scene‟s pivotal position between mythology and history by pointing out
guided tour of the site of Rome” and the Shield of Aeneas. As a symbol of
Gigantomachy (archetypal renditions of war between the gods and Titans), the
42 Od. 9.535-6.
Breindel 33
The Cacus story is the first in this series of historical interludes, but
it is, strictly, out of chronological sequence, since the events it
describes post-date Evander‟s account of the early history of
Latium. But its priority is guaranteed if we regard it as a
recapitulation of the primitive battles of the gods against the Titans
and Giants, an emblem of what might be called a Roman
cosmogony, functioning as a grand and universalizing prelude to
the themes of human history that ensue…44
Thus Cacus stands at many thresholds – some geographical (he lives in a cave
where earth and underworld seem to meet), others chronological (he separates
two classes of stories about the Roman foundation). If Vergil positions Cacus
overtly at these several crossroads, acknowledging his mixed and liminal nature,
then it will fall to us to uncover the other, hidden or suppressed boundaries, the
There are many passages in the Cacus episode which resonate verbally
with earlier monster scenes. Some will be referred to subsequently, in the context
of a particular argument. But it is worth seeing, at the start, how the earlier
episodes are woven into the present one. K. Galinsky argues that
43 Hardie 1986, in comparing the encounter to other descriptions in the literary tradition of Gigantomachic
confrontations, comments that “[a]nalysis of Gigantomachic allusion in the Cacus-story is complicated by
the fact that a number of other models are present; the density and compression of these models is in itself a
further indication of the nodal function of the episode within the Aeneid,” p. 115.
44 Hardie 1986, p. 117.
Breindel 34
The feast recalls the fulfillment of the tables prophecy (7.107-134) and the meal
on the island of the Harpies (especially since pocula which were sublata are put
back, 8.175ff). These dapes (8.175) recall the spoiled dapibus opimis (3.224); this
couch (toro 8.177) in the grass (gramineo ... sedili 8.176) recalls the earlier couches
(toros 3.224), the flock the Trojans find among the grass (per herbas 3.221), and the
ruin of the meal, whereupon they must hide weapons in the same grass (per
herbam 3.236). In the present feast, Aeneas and the Trojan youth eat entrails
([Aeneas] vescitur extis 8.182-3), while Polyphemus has also eaten entrails
(visceribus ... vescitur 3.622), and the similarity of the words highlights the
landscape where Cacus had lived, he includes elements from the Harpy and
Cyclops episodes. Cacus‟ house (domus 8.192) was deserta (8.191) in a cliff (rupem
8.190) with overhanging rocks. Compare the Greek refugee from Polyphemus,
who had lived in the homes (domos 3.647) and deserta lustra (3.646-7) of beasts,
watching the giant Cyclopes from a cliff (ab rupe 3.647). Cacus‟ cave itself is in a
large hollow (vasto ... recessu 8.193) beneath the cliff. On the Harpies‟ island, the
Trojans try to arrange their meal the second time in a similar cliff: in secessu longo
sub rupe cavata (3.229). Moreover, the cliff above Cacus‟ cave provides a home to
nests of dirarum volucrum (8.235), which suggests the original ill-omened birds
dira Celaeno Harpyiaeque ... aliae (3.211-12). Lastly, Hercules tears out the cliff (silex
8.233) over Cacus‟ house by its roots (avulsam soluit radicibus 8.238). In the
Cyclops episode, Aetna spews torn-up entrails (avulsa viscera 575) and the Greek
refugee subsists on torn-out roots (vulsis radicibus 650).46 The point in the
Cacus episode and the earlier ones. But the examples should suggest that the
established terms of the earlier monster scenes are present and combined in this
later one.
Of the two combatants who will appear in this episode, Cacus and
savior (servati 189; ultor 201) who fights against the monster – acquires some of
Like Polyphemus, Cacus lives in a dark (solis inaccessam radiis 8.195) cave
soaked with blood (caede tepebat humus 196). This blood, we may assume, has
come from his human (virum 197) victims. Their pale faces (ora ... pallida 197: they
are now drained of blood) hang in bloodless but putrid gore (tabo 197) on Cacus‟
doors.47 This vocabulary of blood aligns Cacus with earlier monsters, for whom
blood was associated with ingestion, pallor with the draining of blood and with
46 Hardie 1986 discusses further verbal parallels and subtler genealogical connections between Aetna,
Cacus, and Polyphemus, p. 116.
47 Hardie 1986, p. 115.
Breindel 36
dark,” “blood-pallor.” For example, here the blood (eating) is dark and the pallor
(being eaten, hungry, or dead) is light. Cacus‟ cave, like the underworld to which
underworld is dis invisa 245). But it is also pale, because marked by the dead ora
pallida, just as the underworld consists in kingdoms of the dead, called regna
pallida (244-5). Thus I do not suggest that Vergil has bound himself to a code of
contrasts. Rather, he has exploited contrasts in some places, but has chosen here
to complicate them with the near paradox of assimilating the dark and the light.
Another dark element employed by Cacus is the rock (saxo opaco 211) which he
uses to hide the cattle that he has stolen from Hercules. The similarity between
Cacus‟ theft of Hercules‟ cattle and Hermes‟ theft of Apollo‟s cattle (h. ad Herm.
73-8) has been noted.48 While darkness, blood, and monstrous eating are
associated within the Aeneid, we might see here an extension of the motif in
allusion to Hermes‟ erotic desire for flesh (laying down his lyre, Hermes is kreiôn
Cacus is also explicitly called both half-man (semihominis 194) and half-
suggest something about humans which complicates the scene. For we know
that, in addition to Cacus‟ being half-man and half-beast, Vulcan is Cacus‟ father
(198), so Cacus is also half-god. We might understand from these facts only that
Cacus is part god, part man, and part beast. Viewed more literally, though, we
are compelled to recognize that his divine half cannot be the same as his beast
half nor the same as his human half. Further, in the literal view, Cacus cannot
consist out of three halves. Hence, the beast and human “halves” actually refer to
the same (viz. mortal) part of Cacus‟ makeup. In this way, Cacus suggests a
collapsing of the human and the beastly in the face of the divine. Such a
scene, including the paradoxical associations of dark and light mentioned above.
distinction between hero and monster in Hercules and that between criminal
eating and expiatory vomiting, when Hercules squeezes the blood from Cacus‟
throat and rips open the cave revealing the cattle, alive and metaphorically
undigested.
Hence, he ought to be the unambiguous ultor (201) and victor (203) on the side of
the people, against the beast. In spite of this, though, Evander‟s speech in several
ways suggests that Hercules inhabits an ambiguous role: part victor and avenger
local people from Cacus‟ terror (the Arcadians have been servati 189), Hercules
Breindel 38
only incidentally confronts Cacus. That is, between Hercules‟ explicit arrival
(aderat 203) and departure (abitum 214, discessu 215) he intends no confrontation
with nor harm to Cacus. It is only when he discovers the theft of cattle that he
becomes angry and pursues Cacus. Because Hercules seeks only to avenge his
own loss, he is not the avenger on behalf of the local people insofar as being
Hercules becomes angry because Cacus has pilfered cattle from his herd. But
Hercules stole those same cattle from Geryon (the cattle are Geryonae spoliis 202).
also arouse just so much hostility. Third, we have seen that fear, unsurprisingly,
and the Cyclopes. According to a model derived from those scenes, in the
present scene Cacus should be doing the scaring and his victims ought to be
afraid. But the Arcadians‟ ancestors saw Cacus afraid (timentem 222) of Hercules.
aggressor, then Hercules is the monster and Cacus his victim. Moreover, Cacus‟
fear is aroused when Hercules‟ indignation bursts out in flame with black bile
(exarserat atro felle 219-20). Hercules‟ flare-up recalls Cacus himself, who throws
up black fires (atros ... vomens ignis 199), further confusing who the monster is.
Finally, we can note two verbal alignments of Hercules with other monsters.
First, in his frustrated anger, Hercules gnashes his teeth (dentibus infrendens 230),
just as Polyphemus is dentibus infrendens (664) as the Trojans sail away from his
Breindel 39
island. Second, when Hercules seizes Cacus, he corripit in nodum complexus (260).
We recall the snakes, who corripiunt ... amplexi (2.217-18) around Laocoon and
who are called nodos (2.220) when Laocoon tries to escape them.50
The trouble is not that Hercules is a monster simpliciter, for this is clearly absurd.
Rather, the distinction between monster and victim is blurred. On the one hand,
Evander, like the Greek refugee from Polyphemus, appears to be unaware of the
for example, that Evander goes beyond the physically evident facts about Cacus
to attribute tricky and criminal motives (205-6) to Cacus‟ mind (mens 205), even
though Evander doesn‟t suggest the Arcadians were conversant enough with
Cacus to understand his perspective and motives. Aeneas, on the other hand, is a
third party to the monster‟s threat in Arcadia. Though he will enjoy the feast of
Hercules-Cacus confrontation.
We have seen that both the status of Cacus and that of Hercules have
suggests the similarity of the human and the bestial. Hercules‟ description marks
him as hero but not without some reservations. The confrontation turns out to be
contingent on the interaction between Cacus and Hercules, and the Arcadians‟
with an eye to the theme of vomiting, revenge, and reversal of crime, we can see
how the issue of monsters is resolved and Cacus‟ crime symbolically and literally
undone.
way, Cacus is said to cough up (vomens 199) black fires as a matter of course (the
finite verb in the sentence, se ... ferebat 199, is imperfect). When Hercules subdues
him, however, he only vomits forth smoke and empty fire: faucibus ... fumum ...
evomit (252-3), incendia vana vomentem (259). By these details, Cacus seems to be
compared to his own victims, whose pallid faces hung covered with gore (tabo).
The humans‟ faces had once held dark blood, just as Cacus used to vomit (real,
not empty) black fire. The pallor and tabo are the emptiness and effluence which
appear in humans when they are undone, just as the smoke and empty fire pour
out of Cacus. The present depleted state of Cacus is reinforced when Hercules
throttles him. The result is that the throat (faucibus 252) which had been belching
out smoke is now explicitly a throat dry of blood (siccum sanguine guttur 261).
Thus Hercules, though not intentionally avenging Cacus‟ crimes against humans,
enforces the result of Cacus‟ own crimes on Cacus himself. Cacus‟ vomiting of
empty flame is representative of the reversal of his crime, while another element
of Hercules‟ victory corresponds to this reversal and adds the stronger notion of
undoing: Hercules tears open the cave to get to Cacus. By doing so, he removes
what separates Cacus‟ dark house of terror from the outside world. In both this
episode and that of Polyphemus, the cave is (for humans) virtually the gullet of
Breindel 41
the beast, and entrance to the one is associated with entrance to the other. Thus
tearing open the cave is equivalent to tearing open Cacus‟ throat, opening the
vessel which closed around the swallowed victims. As confirmation for this idea,
we can look to what is revealed when the smoke clears. The doors to the cave are
torn away and abstractae ... boves abiurataeque rapinae caelo ostenduntur (263-4). The
cattle – which we may reasonably assume would have become Cacus‟ meal in a
short time – are released and revealed. Cacus‟ cave is thus associated with his
throat, down which the food would have gone. To open the cave and reveal a
swallowed. In this way, the vomiting theme is pursued (the cave vomits forth the
cattle) as a theme of reversal of eating and reversal of crime. But insofar as the
cattle are still alive, it is also an undoing. The cattle can rejoin Hercules‟ flock and
resolution to an attack differently from earlier monster scenes. In the serpent and
Harpy scenes, attempts to fight off the monsters‟ attacks or to avenge them are
unsuccessful; in the Cyclops episode, the Greek storytelling refugee escapes and
his band succeed in “avenging” their eaten comrades; in this last monster
encounter, Hercules takes vengeance but also succeeds in undoing the crime and
receiving back his cattle. Such a progression suggests that we see in this last
51The text does not make it explicit that the cattle are still alive. However, I conclude that they are alive
because one bellows (217-18), prompting Hercules to hunt down Cacus. Hence, unless Cacus kills them out
of spite while he is besieged in his cave, and Evander omits this detail, we should assume the oxen continue
Breindel 42
sense. Generally, it a is celebratory feast for a hero, so the hero‟s actions and
opponent are remotely the “causes” for the feast. More precisely, though, the
particular other eating acts. First, Hercules brings his cattle to graze. It is time to
leave the valley when the herd is fully fed (cum iam ... saturata moveret ... armenta
abitumque pararet 213-14). Thus, the occasion of grazing the cattle is the
opportunity for Cacus‟ crime against Hercules and is one of the necessary
antecedents of the confrontation. The second eating act is that implied by Cacus‟
appetite, a virtual feast which includes both his earlier consumption of victims
and the meal he surely plans with Hercules‟ oxen. From the conjunction of these
two food-directed desires52, comes the confrontation, the death of Cacus, and,
The monster story is framed within the context of a happy feast, and
elements which we have seen in the monster stories are drawn outward into the
to live at the end of Hercules‟ attack. If, on the other hand, the cattle are dead, we might expect some
indication of it. Instead, they are called only abstractae (263).
Breindel 43
benign context of Evander‟s meal. Entrails (viscera 180) reappear, but they are
used for sacrifice (araeque sacerdos ... ferunt 179-80) or feeding humans (vescitur
Aeneas ... extis 182-3) and they come from animals (taurorum 180, bovis 183), not
people (cf. Polyphemus, who eats visceribus miserorum [=hominum] 3.622). The
bous eaten by Aeneas is a pleasant reflection of Cacus‟ abstractae boves (263) and
the boum armenta (3.220) which are fouled by the Harpies. Further, the entrails of
the sacrificial bull are cooked (tosta 180), whereas there is no mention of the
Trojans cooking on the Harpies‟ island, and the other monsters (snakes,
Polyphemus, Cacus) certainly do not cook their prey before eating. At Evander‟s
feast, the hunger is satiated (exempta fames et amor compressus edendi 184) and
Polyphemus eats and drinks to the point of vomiting and stupor. After Evander‟s
speech, at the close of the meal, everyone pours libations, prays to the gods, and
is glad (laeti 279). This conclusive, happy prayer replaces the terrified prayers of
Like the eating habits of other monsters, Cacus‟ diet deserves scrutiny.
The Arcadians‟ feast may be placed beside Cacus‟ diet to provide a civilized-
savage contrast. The Arcadians are eating beef; Cacus ate people. The Arcadians
cook; Cacus did not cook. There is another aspect, though, to Cacus‟ diet which
52Admittedly, not only from these desires. For Evander suggests Cacus‟ was plotting crime (sceleris 206) for
crime‟s sake.
Breindel 44
relates to the scene‟s conflation theme (light and dark, human and beast, hero
and monster). Cacus ate people and he seemed prepared to eat the cattle which
Hercules was grazing. At first this might appear not to deserve comment. But I
suggest that the operating monstrous element here is Cacus‟ lack of distinction in
his diet. Along with other contrasts, he conflates the eating of people with the
eating of cattle. It is this lack of seeing a boundary (like Cacus‟ disregard for the
boundary between his human victims and the semi-divine Hercules) which
forms one of the underlying elements of his monstrosity. This point is not
qua consumption of people but rather qua disregard for dietal or behavioral
concern that one might have exhausted the alternatives of diet (and perhaps, by
but the primitive diet, while glorified, may be fictional, may not be robust
enough (recall the anemic Greek refugee who ate roots and berries), or may itself
ground.
53 No prayer is attributed to Laocoon in direct quotation. But, as priest (sacerdos 2.201), he is in the process of
Breindel 45
heart of Italy, at the site of Rome. The death of Cacus and the removal of the
the territory. Nevertheless, renewed warfare breaks out after the Arcadian feast,
continuing at least until Turnus‟ death. For Galinsky, the two deaths are
analogous and both are necessary to the founding of Rome on its proper site:
inconceivable that the city could have been founded with the Cacus monster
living at its site.”54 Taking Galinsky‟s comparison of Cacus and Turnus further,
one of the frightening attributes of Cacus is that paradoxically his death does not
solve one of the problems his presence creates; the monster lives in Turnus.55
suggests and questions the achievement of stability, and which will serve to
introduce the final social questions of this paper. In considering the Greek
refugee‟s story of Polyphemus, it was noted that Aeneas‟ future Romans save a
Greek man from a Greek monster.56 It was then questioned who might serve in a
similar role for the Romans. In the Cacus episode, we have a rough mirror image
sacrificing (sollemnis ... mactabat ad aras 202) when he is attacked. Presumably, the sacrifice includes prayer.
54 Galinsky 1966, p. 42.
55 For Cohen, this pattern is “Thesis II: The Monster Always Escapes,” p. 4.
56 Polyphemus is Greek in the sense that his origin lies in the Greek literary and cultural tradition, though I
do not mean to preclude the possibility of his importation from older sources, near-eastern or otherwise.
Breindel 46
Italians, then, are saved from their own monster by a Greek.58 But then, it is too
rescue points toward the future unity of the peoples. The Arcadians, fighting
alongside Aeneas, can be seen as an embryonic image of the Italian socii who will
The Trojans, the past inhabitants of Italy, fuse with her present
inhabitants into a future people, the Italians. The fact that Evander
anticipates this development and thus speaks of “we Italians” (VIII,
331f.) is not one of Vergil‟s “inconsistencies,” but serves to
underscore this theme explicitly. A last example of this interplay of
the various time levels may be taken from the Hercules-Cacus
episode itself. Evander speaks of Hercules‟ adventure as if he and
his men had been present (200-1) ... It would seem, then, that
Evander, Hercules, and Aeneas were contemporaries.59
The feast, set in the present and recalling a past conflict, evokes a false sense of
stability (i.e., one which will prove short-lived). The monster reawakens as
its character transformed in the very act of entering the protected space of Italy,
terra citerior, from the distant world of the other – the world which had to stop
57 Fordyce 1977, ll. 184-279 n.; also Small 1982, pp. 4-5 and passim.
58 Additional parallels may be drawn between Aeneas and Hercules. See Galinsky 1966, pp. 26 ff.
59 Galinsky 1966, p. 22.
Breindel 47
known to be false and bears a consciously broken relation to the state of the
universe and of the city. As such, the Cacus-augury is a ritual not of prediction
but of fantasy and desire, two more attributes bound into the body of the
monster. The Aeneid‟s story of the feast, featuring its own story of the monster, is
an evocation of this fantasy. Cohen describes the social function of such an outer
narrative:
What Bakhtin calls “official culture” can transfer all that is viewed
as undesirable in itself into the body of the monster, performing a
wish-fulfillment drama of its own; the scapegoated monster is
perhaps ritually destroyed in the course of some official narrative,
purging the community by eliminating its sins. The monster‟s
eradication functions as an exorcism and, when retold and
promulgated, as a catechism.60
The tale recounted at the feast is, in this sense, the account given by Cacus‟
presence in the Aeneid itself, and not entirely different from the account we
produce when we assert the vitality of the text. Vitality is, in part, in the desire
still unfulfilled.
As the subsequent books of the Aeneid bear out, moving a monstrous story
into the past and reliving it in a convivial, civilized setting does little to produce
semideus – hints, the human and the beastly are not so far apart as we might like.
Nonetheless, we may suppose that the Cacus episode brings to Vergil‟s desired
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Breindel 50
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