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During the nineteenth century, the entities we refer to as 'science' and 'religion' both
underwent dramatic changes. It would consequently be naïve to expect to be able to
find one simple and unchanging relationship between the two. The relationship has
varied across time and geography, and from one individual to another. In addition to
the historical interest of the nineteenth century debates between science and religion,
there is a great historiographical significance. The way in which science and religion
have been perceived in the twentieth century was heavily influenced by the writings of
late nineteenthcentury historians of science and religion, whose influence we have
only recently begun to move beyond.
At the beginning of the nineteenth century in Britain, religious faith and the sciences
were generally seen to be in beautiful accordance. The study of God's Word, in
the Bible, and His Works, in nature, were assumed to be twin facets of the same
truth. One version of this belief had been manifested in William Paley's Natural
Theology (1802), which repeated the argument that natural objects show
evidences of design, thus showing the existence of a designing God. Paley's
work was enormously influential for its emphasis on nature as God's creation,
even though, by the 1830s, few Christians saw a need to prove God's existence,
preferring to take this as an act of faith. The Bridgewater Treatises (183336)
showed how natural theology could be reconfigured in various ways to meet
new discoveries. Their sales figures also showed that there was a substantial
market for nontechnical works of science.
This harmony between science and faith, mediated by some form of theology of
nature, continued to be the mainstream position for most men of science, and
most interested individuals, right up to the 1860s, at least. But it did come under
threat. In the 1820s and 1830s, some workingclass radicals saw a chance of
using certain versions of the sciences for political ends. Some forms of the
sciences, especially those emanating from France, seemed to suggest a
restricted (or even nonexistent) role for God in the universe, and thus to
undermine the Anglican politicoreligious establishment. Such materialist forms
of science were as abhorred by most respectable men of science, as they were
championed by workingclass radicals.
By the middle of the century, there were increasingly two different arenas in which
science and religion might be expected to interact: one was the preserve of the
expert men of science; the other was society at large, whose members were
benefiting from the increasing numbers of popular science publications
appearing on the market. These two arenas did overlap, but it is worth
considering them separately.
In the expert arena, wouldbe professionalisers such as Thomas H Huxley and John
Tyndall, were beginning to make their marks. Although neither of these men
were opposed to faith per se, both were opposed to the authoritarianism of
organised Christian religion. Both objected to the involvement of clergymen in
the sciences, and argued that science should be carried out by specialist experts
clergymen should focus on being experts in their own, separate, fields of
theology and pastoral care. The rhetoric of this group of professionalisers, and
their growing prominence within the sciences meant that by the 1870s and
1880s, 'the sciences' and 'religion' were increasingly seen as utterly separate and
distinct.
This view was exacerbated by the publication (originally in America) of two books
claiming to show how theology and/or religion had repeatedly constricted the
sciences throughout history: John Draper's History of the Conflict between
Religion and Science (1875) and Andrew White's The Warfare of Science with
Theology in Christendom (1876, expanded as The History of the Warfare… in
1896). Although the myth of the conflict of science and religion was by now
well established, and few clergy attempted to maintain a reputation as scientific
experts, it should be noted that plenty of individuals continued to have a
Christian faith and to participate in the sciences. James Clerk Maxwell is one of
the most obvious examples.
Meanwhile, in the popular arena, there was far more variety in the relationship
between science and religion. Although some writers and publishers did present
the sciences in a secular manner, as Huxley and Tyndall would have liked, they
did not have a monopoly. Publishers with explicit religious credentials
continued to publish popular works on the sciences right up till the end of the
century, and their works competed in the marketplace with the secular versions.
Although much has been made of a midVictorian crisis of faith, perhaps
triggered by the sciences, this seems to have been a feature of a certain class of
intellectuals, and not an accurate description of the majority of society
(especially middleclass society), which retained a religious faith long after
most expert men of science.