POLITICAL DYNASTY: A PARADOX

Proem

The 1986 Philippines Constitution provides in Article II, Sec. 26, The State shall guarantee equal access to opportunities for public service, and prohibits political dynasties as may be defined by law. A paradox is defined in the dictionary as a statement seemingly absurd or contradictory, yet in fact true. The dictionary definition of dynasty is a line or succession of sovereigns from the same family. A political dynasty is defined as a political group or party whose member or members occupies the same elective position for many successive elections. The COMELEC defines political dynasty as a situation where persons related to each other within the third civil degree of consanguinity or affinity hold elective office simultaneously or some offices successively in a region, legislative district, province, city or municipality.
Constitutional Paradox

Art. II, Sec. 26, guarantee equal access to opportunities for public service This means that anyone who satisfies the needed qualifications can run for a particular elective office. The accident of birth or marriage that makes people relatives is not a prohibition. The provision continues, and prohibits political dynasties If it is taken as a continuation to the previous statement, the political dynasty should mean the grouping or political party because it is not a person. Any person, according to the preceding statement is guaranteed equal access. However, the last phrase says, as may be defined by law. The Constitution allows itself to be contradicted in its statement if the law will define political dynasty that does not guarantee equal access to opportunities for public service. Maybe it is the reason why until the present, after 26 years, Congress could not yet define what is Political Dynasty.
Political Dominance

The definition of COMELEC is not Political Dynasty in accordance to Standard English dictionaries. At best, the COMELEC definition can be classified within Political Dominance and it is not prohibited by the Constitution. There are really people who know how to win an election. They could be individuals, relatives, or members of a party or groups. Shall these kinds of people be punished for their ability to win elections? How about if one brother will run for Mayor in one town and another brother in another town and the father runs for Governor, will they be deprived by law for presenting themselves as candidates? Will the accident of birth govern even if the relatives are already very different in principles and outlooks in life?

In my opinion, let them run, and let the voters decide. The definition of Political Dynasty must not contradict the proviso of guaranteed equal access for the opportunity of public service. The essence of democracy should prevail.
Voting Paradox

I have just finished a Poll Survey for a town in Bohol. When I ask the method of campaigning Mohatag og inangayan. = Will give money as a method of campaigning, the response was only 7.6%. In other words, 92.4% does not want that money should be a consideration in the campaign. However, when asked Kun hatagan ka og kuwarta aron pabotaron sa usa ka kandidato, unsa ang imong buhaton? = If you will be given money to vote for a candidate, what will you do? Answer: Modawat og mobotar. = Will accept and vote has 71% positive response. The paradox is, the voters do not want money to be given (92.4%) but yet will vote for the candidate when given a certain amount of money (71%). For me it is a paradox, but maybe to the voters it is not a paradox because the same behavior was also observed during the 2010 election. The queer things is that there is a satisfaction amount. Below the satisfaction amount the voters will not vote and above the amount the voters will not also vote. I am still in a quandary how to explain this queer behavior.

Noynoy and political dynasties

President Aquino, now leader of a dynastic political family, had promised to introduce a new kind of politics that has turned out to be an eminently bad idea, after two years in office. WHEN President Noynoy Aquino came to office, he promised to deliver a new kind of politics in our politically divided country. He did indeed, his own unilateral governance. It has turned out to be an eminently bad idea! During his first two years in Malacaang, we all saw how Aquino granted himself unprecedented powers, violated with impunity the Constitution on the rule of law, due process, the checks and balance, and co-equal three branches of government clause in going after the hides of his perceived political enemies, particularly his predecessor Gloria Macapagal Arroyo and Chief Justice Renato C. Corona. Aquinos promised changes have not come about, although he has been bragging about ridding the country of corruption, the growing economy, the swarming of investors all over the country under his watch. Alas, the reality is that corruption persists, poverty and hunger levels are rising, prices of food, fuel and oil are skyrocketing, the economy is sagging, and direct foreign investments are in fact really paltry. All this may be an uncomfortable truth to Aquino, but he has simply shrugged it all off because hes well-entrenched in power and has practically full control of Congress. So any idea of his being impeached by those who want him thrown out of the Palace bothers him not a whit. Noynoy seems confident of support from his political cronies and allies. And he expects some of the candidates for the Senate and other elective positions, affiliated or allied, with his Liberal Party, to win in next years mid-term elections and support him and his

administration in the four remaining years of his six-year term in 2016. Most of them belong to political families, or the so-called political dynasties. (The term is, as I used to tell my university political science students, the equivalent of an oligarchy, that is, a government by a few, especially by a faction of persons or families.) Aquino himself, as we all very well know, comes from the Aquino and Cojuangco dynastic families. His mother Cory was president for six tumultuous years and his father Ninoy was a political firebrand as a senator, whose bte noire in his time was then President Ferdinand E. Marcos. Senator Ferdinand Bongbong Marcos Jr. belongs to a political dynasty, too. And, when and if he runs for the presidency in 2016 and wins, hell be the third presidential child to assume the highest position of the land, like then President Arroyo and now President Aquino. Well, as we have seen in many, many decades past, politics in this country has been under the control of notable political families, such Roxases, Osmeas, Lopezes, Aquinos, Cojuangcos, Marcoses, and over seventy others in the catalogue of political dynasties from Aparri to Jolo. These dynastic families are known to have spawned elitist 500 public officials in high government levels, including presidents and vice presidents, senators and congressmen, and in local governments. As shown by a recent survey by the Philippine Center for Investigative Journalism, about two-thirds of members of both the Senate and the House of Representatives come from political dynasties. And it said that the members of political families will tend to legislative in favor of their own interests to the detriment of the majority. Indeed, they all have taken root not only in national but in local governments, occupying such positions as governors, vice governors, mayors and vice mayors and councilors, and even down to the level of barangays all over the nation. The power and influence of these political families have been growing ever since we regained our independence as a nation in 1946. Political dynasties, in the view of former Senator Aquilino Pimentel Jr., are a terrible indictment of the kind of politics we have. He was not the only one severely critical of the ascendancy of those dynastic political families. Dr. Encarnacion Teresa Tadem, director of the Third World Studies Center at the University of the Philippines, noted that the continued flourishing of political dynasties is a reflection of the socio-economic inequalities in the country. And these dynastic families, she said, are inherently wrong because they give a head start in politics to members of the same family. The framers of the 1987 Constitution were seriously concerned about those political dynasties, too. So they included a provision in the Charter which mandated that the State shall guarantee equal access to opportunities for public service and prohibit political dynasties as may be defined by law. Since then, many concerned persons have urged Congress to enact an Anti-Dynasty Law, but they all failed. There was strong resistance to the legislative proposals by

politicians who, obviously, belonged to dynastic political families. Thats why the antipolitical dynasty bills never reached even first base. Indeed, the issue of political dynasties is a very, very serious concern for our country and people. It is a major issue that should be discussed in depth even before the 2013 mid-term national elections. And, unless this unhealthy political practice is not stopped, it could very well lead us to an oligarchy, and not to true democracy, in the Philippines! *** Quote of the Day: Give the people issues, and you will not have to sell your souls for campaign funds. William E. Borah Thought of the Day: A statesman thinks he belongs to the State, and a politician thinks the State belongs to him. Anon. - See more at: http://www.malaya.com.ph/index.php/opinion/8643-noynoy-and-politicaldynasties#sthash.svqFMCmP.dpuf

Political dynasties
HE RESULTS of the latest senatorial surveys indicate that the antipolitical dynasty movement/s havent shown themselves to be effective so far -- or at the very least, the results are mixed: while some members of political dynasties have moved down (e.g. Ejercito, Enrile, Zubiri) in the rankings, others have moved up (Angara, Aquino, Binay, Villar). In any case, it is clear that seven out of the 12 candidates who are in the winners circle -- as of the beginning of the campaign period, let us make it very clear, because things can change in the 82 days between the end of the survey period (Feb. 17) and election day (May 13) -- are members of political dynasties. So there is still hope for the anti-political dynasty movement/s.
But just exactly what does one mean by "political dynasty?" As we all know, our legislature, which is mandated by the 1987 Constitution to provide a definition, has refused to do its duty for the past 25 years (which, parenthetically, raises the question: if PNoy is ready to charge the Sultan of Sulu with violating the Constitution, shouldnt he charge past and present members of the legislature for the same offense?). There is, however, no dearth of possible definitions. For example, I consider as a member of a political dynasty a candidate for elective office who has the same name (related by blood) as an incumbent elective official. Under this definition, Grace Poe Llamanzares would not be considered a dynasty member, nor would Jun Magsaysay or TingTing Cojuangco. The latest study (circa end-2011) on Philippine political dynasties, entitled "An Empirical

Analysis of Political Dynasties in the 15th Philippine Congress" and authored by Roland U. Mendoza (AIM), Edsel Beja, Jr. (AdMU), Victor Venida (AdMU) and David Yap (AIM Policy Center), provides four alternative definitions, with varying degrees of restrictiveness (note that since the study has to do with the 15th Congress, political dynasties which do not have a family member in the present Congress are not included in the count). Dynasty 1: The share of legislators in the 15th Congress with kinship links to at least one legislator in the 12th, 13th, or 14th Congress. Under this definition, 37% of the members of the 15th Congress would be considered as belonging to political dynasties. Dynasty 2: The share of legislators in the 15th Congress with kinship links to at least one legislator in the 12th, 13th, or 14th Congress, or at least one local government official elected in 2001, 2004 and 2007. Using this definition, 63% of the current congress belong to political dynasties. Dynasty 3: The share of legislators in the 15th Congress with kinship links to at least one legislator in the 12th, 13th,14th, or 15th Congress, or at least one local government official elected in 2001, 2004, 2007 or 2010. Under this definition, which is the least restrictive, 68% of the members of Congress would be part of dynasties. Dynasty 0: The share of legislators in the 15th Congress with kinship links to at least one legislator in the 12th, 13th, and 14th congress and at least one other legislator in the 15th Congress as well as at least one local government official elected in 2001, 2004, 2007, and 2010. Using this definition, 4% (10 members), which requires that to qualify, there must be at least two members of a family sitting at the same time in Congress, plus one other member who served as an elected local executive in four consecutive elections. The results of this study, by the way, bear repeating, again and again, if necessary, until the public finally absorbs the message and can appreciate why anti-dynasty movement/s have been formed, and why they (the public) should seriously consider being part of such a movement, to counteract Congress intransigence in the matter. The researchers found, for example, that dynasties, however defined, are gender neutral (same proportion of males as females). They also found that of the four largest political parties in the current congress, the Nacionalista Party had the greatest percentage of dynastic legislators for Dynasty 3, followed by Lakas Kampi (76%), NPC (74%) and finally the Liberal Party (57%). Note, Reader, that all the major parties are predominantly dynastic. It may be some comfort that while 84% of legislators age 70 and above are dynastic (under Dynasty 3), "only" 77% of those between 26-40 are considered so. But it is obvious that the younger generation of dynastic families are continuing the trend. But the kicker, as far as dynasties are concerned, is the relationship between dynasties (Dynasty 3 definition) in the 15th Congress (and this has been found in earlier studies

as well) and the socioeconomic outcomes in their areas of responsibility. First, the per capita incomes in dynasty-controlled districts are significantly lower (by 3,600) than those in non-dynastic ones. And second, the poverty incidence (24% vs. 19%), poverty gap (6.18 vs. 4.93), and poverty severity (2.31 vs 1.86), are significantly higher in dynastic districts than non-dynastic ones. Moreover, there is an inverse relationship, at the provincial level, between average income and the proportion of dynastic representatives; a positive relationship between poverty incidence and the proportion of dynastic representatives; a negative relationship between a measure of human development and the proportion of dynastic representatives. No one is saying that dynasties cause poverty (in all its dimensions), or vice versa. But why take the chance?

Latest Senatorial Magic 12 Survey: Political Dynasties Very Much Alive!

The names of the 2013 senatorial candidates reads like a who's who of political dynasties in the Philippines. And, not surprisingly, the members of such political dynasties have reached the 'Magic 12' senators based on the latest survey conducted by Pulse Asia. Still topping the list of possible senatorial winners are Senators Loren Legarda and Chiz Escudero. But coming in third is 'dynasty senator' Alan Peter Cayetano. He is followed by a new entry into the political dynasty arena - Nancy Binay. What? Can someone please enlighten me on her qualifications aside from being the daughter of Vice President Jejomar Binay, the daughter former Makati City mayor Elenita Binay, the sister of Makati Congresswoman Abigail Binay and the sister of current Makati Mayor Jejomar Erwin Binay Jr.? (Pwedeng cast ng Ina, Kapatid, Anak the reality version!) Did I miss any more Binays in 'public service'? With the news that Jejomar Binay Sr. running for president in 2016, the Binay dynasty may well swell to unprecedented proportions in the next elections. Who knows, the Binay maid may also run for a barangay post in her hometown! More names in the Magic 12 complete the reunion of the 'dynasty brotherhood' Ejercito Estrada, Pimentel, Enrile, Villar, Zubiri (is his family still active in politics in Bukidnon?) and Angara. The list goes on after the top 12 positions. The elections are three months away. But this survey shows us the likely outcome in the

senatorial race. There will be more jostling for places in the Magic 12, especially for the last four slots, but it will be more or less the same political clans fighting it out.

Political dynasties: cause or consequence?

The approach of next years elections has refocused public attention on everyones bete noire political dynasties. In both the popular press and the academic literature, dynasties are blamed as the root cause of the problems plaguing the Philippine politics. This conventional wisdom has become so established that a provision (Article II, Sec. 26) was included in the 1987 Constitution to prohibit political dynasties. Public discussion now appears to suppose that the most important hindrance to political progress is lawmakers failure to pass a statute to implement the constitutional prohibition of dynasties. But are things really so simple? Political dynasties are merely symptoms, not the disease itself-like pustules in a body politic afflicted with the plague. Lancing them will do little good. To begin with, political dynasties are by no means unique to the Philippines, and examples in other countries are not hard to find. Well-known US examples are the Kennedys and the Bushes, but also the Tafts, the Rockefellers, and a whole Wikipedia list of others. (Indeed, the number of U.S. dynasties would have been bigger if the US had electoral term limits and left their relatives more room to run after all some US senators and representatives have been in power for more almost 60 years!) In Japan, previous prime ministers Koizumi, Abe, and Fukuda as well many other less prominent names are associated with political dynasties. India has the Nehru-Gandhis, Pakistan the Bhuttos and Sharifs. And as a clincher, observed the well-entrenched tradition of princelings (offspring of early revolutionary leaders) in China. The recently disgraced Bo Xilai was a prime example (being the son of Bo Yibo, one of the eight immortals of Chinese politics). The incoming Chinese president, Xi Jinping, is himself a princeling, son of the first-generation revolutionary and politician, Xi Zhongxun. In short, dynasties also exist in other countries, where their presence is regarded as a sometimes curious, sometimes annoying, feature of their politics. But rarely are they regarded as the primary obstacle to political development, as the primordial cause of political immaturity. Wherein lies the difference? In most of these and other examples, political families and dynasties are not prohibited, but they are not the principal vehicles for politics. Rather, dynasties are embedded in and subject to the larger discipline of impersonal organizations, namely political parties or movements. While members of a dynasty may gain some advantage, the fact itself seldom suffices to determine their successful election. They must still compete for and answer to larger impersonal bodies and constituencies that at least ostensibly subsume family ties, personal alliances, and ambitions to larger, overarching, problems. Many countries have been lucky to have history itself lay down overarching issues as a natural basis for inclusive mass-based parties: an independence struggle created Indias Congress party; wars of national liberation forged the communist parties of China and Vietnam; serious ethnic grievances formed Malaysias UMNO; and Japans defeat and drive for economic recovery provided a focus for the Liberal Democratic Party. In each case mass loyalties could be forged for causes that were larger, more urgent, more compelling than an individual clans ambition. It made more sense, therefore, for clans, sects, and tribes to join the larger movement as a means to gain power rather than to go it alone. Not so for the Philippines, where historical conditions (too long to examine but relating mostly to peculiar US-Philippine relations) made it unnecessary for the elite to form mass parties. In a sense, Philippine elites have had it too easy. Their access to power depended not on the mobilization of masses for an epic struggle but on idiosyncratic, often personalistic, accommodation with the occupier. Beyond the

defeated Revolution, history did not providea need for elites to organize far beyond their family spheres and personal cliques. As a result the parties they formed to this day have invariably been as transient, superficial, and fickle as the individual egos around which they revolve. The exception that tests the rule is the only impersonal mass party in Philippine history that has been mildly successful the communist party in its various incarnations. Communist longevity is supported by the fact they have a long-term cause whose realization entails significant difficulty and therefore demands organization. The MILF and Moro identity are another example. The tragedy, of course, is that neither of these organizations has thus far shown any interest in participating fully and openly in the current political system. Philippine politics, in short, is not broken because dynasties are strong; rather, dynasties are strong because politics is broken. Douglass Norths distinction between organizations and institutions comes to mind. Prohibiting dynasties merely prevents some organizations from playing. What we really need is a change in the rules of the game, i.e., institutional change. What then is to be done? The answer may seem paradoxical. It is perhaps time to make things difficult, not for political dynasties but for political parties. What is urgently needed is not the prohibition of dynasties but the tightening of rules in order to ensure commitment, enlarge the scope, and establish the longevity of political parties. The problem, after all, is not in putting up political parties; it is putting up parties of an adequate quality. For starters, a higher minimum number of registered members numbering, say, in the hundreds of thousands might be required before parties are allowed to field candidates. Significant evidence of party activity and organization in off-election years, large funds deposited and held in government escrow, and a host of other conditions can be imposed to screen out the frivolous, weed out the transient, and establish long-term commitment. A lesson from industrial organization is important: difficult entry implies difficult exit, and it is the latter we desire. At the very least, that should help ferret out the clowns and opportunists now exploiting the lax rules of the party-list system. Ultimately, it may affect the behavior of the national parties as well. The facial-feedback hypothesis in psychology (actually anticipated by Darwin) suggests that externally moving the facial muscles associated with an emotion can enhance or even engender that emotion itself. Stimulating your smile-muscles, for example, might actually make you happy. If history has been stingy in providing us the material for genuine mass parties, then perhaps we might at least encourage their form, in the hope that by doing so we might stimulate their substance.

Philippines and Political Dynasty

Political Dynasty is common in Asian Countries, especially in countries like Philippines. A lot of Filipinos are doing their best to totally abolish political dynasty in the country, but there are politicians who see nothing wrong with it. What is political dynasty? It is defined as succession of government leadership from the same family. It may sound the same as the monarch government, but political dynasty has a totally different meaning. Is there something wrong with political dynasty? If you are going to study article II section 26 1987 Philippine Constitution, it states that the state should have equal access to public service opportunities and it should prohibit the practice of political dynasty. Hence, political dynasty goes against the state policy. However, a lot of government officials are not abiding with the law. As a matter of fact, in the Philippine senate you will find siblings as well as father (outgoing senator) and son (running for senatorial position). Local government in the Philippines also appoints their relatives to different government positions. These are basically the symbols of Philippine Dynasty in the Philippines. Political clans in the Philippines indeed belong to a traditional group. The Philippines is stratified to social status and power. The family where you belong also determines your place in the community. As mentioned above, the campaign for prohibiting political dynasty is still on. But will it be successful? The answer to this question remains a mystery up until now. On the positive side, political dynasty has a positive effect in some places in the Philippines. Davao City is ruled by the same clan and this has actually a positive effect on the city. Davao City is one of the livable cities not only in the Philippines, but as well as the world. Political dynasty is a very powerful political trend and it has both negative and positive implications.

The War on Political Dynasties

The hate on political dynasties is palpable. The question is always asked of politicians, many of whom are scion of political families. Im sure Bam Aquino and Nancy Binay will continue to have to answer their for or against, or try to spin the political dynasty question. The question has popped up in the last few election. The 1987 Constitution of course, ban, political dynasties. The caveat of course Congress should pass a law activating it. Since 1987, dynasties have risen. President Benigno S. Aquino III is the son of the first President Aquino. And his father was a Senator of the Republic. The Aquinos have

been prominent in the last 30 years of our Nations history, and the prominence has brought them to politics. The Aquinos arent the only ones. The Estradas, the Binays, the Cayaetanos, the Rectos, the Villars, the Macapagal-Arroyos have thrived in the last 20 years or so. Joseph Estrada was President. His son, Jingoy is a Senator. His wife, was for a time, also Senator. His other children are in prominent positions in local government. Then there are the Binays who have virtually ruled Makati since 1987. The Cayaetano siblings are both in the Senate, and remain strong. The Marcoses too have survived their post-1987 exile and now enjoy political power. And new generations of families are on the rise. the Pacquiaos, for example are thriving politically. There are many more such names, and families thriving in the local level. I should know. I know one or two of them. The point of course is not to vilify or make these names, and scion, heroes, but to point out that many prominent names have risen in the past 30 years since the 1987 Constitution, supposedly, intended not for this to happen. The hate against political families come in two dynamics. The first is knowing Power is concentrated in a few hands. Which obviously, it has in the past half a century or so. The second is the increasing frustration on the political bench. That the game is about name recall, and political branding. If this were a basketball game, the sports commentator would call it, a shallow bench. And it is. Just look at the current line up of Senators. Many of them household names even the ones who are in the bottom of the barrel. Macedas, Cojuancos, Magsaysays fill up the list. So our elections is like electing peerage. Peerage for those of you who are unfamiliar with the term is the system of hereditary or honorary titles. For example, the Duke of blah blah. the Baroness of so on, and so forth. The titles are created, and awarded by the ruling monarch, and given to people. The thinking goes on like this. We the People, being sovereign in the Philippines have elected these people into their own peerages. So you have a virtual aristocracy.

Now, I find the hate against political dynasties to be, misplaced. Bam Aquino, for example, isnt the President, or former Senator Aquino, nor former President Cory Aquino. Nancy Binay isnt the Vice President. Jack Enrile isnt Juan Ponce Enrile. They should be judged by the merits of their campaign, their brains, their messaging or lack thereof in any case just as any candidate should. They are scion of the families. If they didnt have their last name are they still qualified to be Senator? Just because they have their last name, does it mean, they have no right to run for public office? What if they, are, the best qualified? Does this mean we dont get to hire them, just because they are scion? Do you chop off your good hand, just because it touched manure? My point is this. Blind hate to the idea of political dynasties is wrong. Now, this isnt to say that those against political dynasties have no point. They do. They do, a lot. In fact, the whole idea of power not being concentrated on a few families isnt a wholly bad idea. The problem of course, no one wants to break the cycle, or no one is interested to break it, or no one has the entire picture in his or her head as to how to break it. Dont even bother asking the political families themselves to break the spell. Hey, would you? In their place? Would you lift a finger to break the status quo? I thought so. Now, this whole idea of breaking political dynasties require foresight, and planning. It would take years. The ingredients the potential of course are already in place. You have the party-list system, which is, greatly imperfect, but could be the step in the right direction. It would take someone with patience, and the determination to change the political landscape. It would also mean having to win the hearts and minds of people through different campaigns, and different races. Someone just needs to try and win races. And after winning, govern properly to win again, and again, until pretty soon, we do have a dynamic system in place. So many variables to the equation. It is a tall, and nearly impossible order.

The alternative of course is blind hate against political parties. Hate, in the words of Master Yoda, leads to suffering. That, never ends well.

DYNASTIES
1 The Art of Interviewing Cheche Lazaro-Style This was one of the many lectures I was dying to learn from. When I applied for the internship, I recall telling Maam Hera that I wanted to learn how Maam Cheche would interview people so well without the need for cue cards. She interviewed so many people during her career, and oftentimes I wondered how she managed to formulate enough questions to suit a specific person without panicking or fearing for possible backlash on her part. In fact, this was one of the many reasons why I had that desire to become a journalist. To quote how my mom would call it, I wanted to learn how to badger people, or coerce them into giving out information. Currently, Im still going through the phase of relying on the basic 5Ws and 1H to formulate my questions, plus occasionally extending some of the questions (albeit timidly, compared to how Maam Cheche would do it) in order to extend the time, but somehow, I know these arent enough. I know one has to delve deeper into asking his or her interviewee(s) in order to know that person so well, but I didnt know the right methods to do them. This is where Maam Boomas lecture the art of interviewing comes in handy. The basics of interviewing werent the only things that were tackled; there were various factors that we had to take into consideration, particularly handling interviews that involved either highly controversial topics or extremely sensitive issues. What if you had to interview, say for example, a politician who was accused of allegedly raping someone, and you would want to press him (or her it can happen) on the details of the issue? Or what if you had to interview a victim of a calamity (which would further be explained in the next chapter) or a witness of a crime? Protecting your sources is also important. Of course, if you want to get more information out of people, you have to establish a good relationship with your contacts. Or, if not, you have to find some way to reach them. It all comes down to keeping a persons trust in you, lest you risk your credibility as a journalist as well. In the end, we learned it all comes down to one thing: checking the validity of your information is the most crucial things to the career of a journalist. Anything we receive (be it from a piece of document or from an interviewees word of mouth, which can happen if he or she is hiding something) may not always be reliable, and it is up to the journalists to double and triple check whether every single piece of information we receive is correct. *** 2 The Interview Note: Most parts of this chapter come from the journal I wrote detailing our experiences in the matter, albeit edited, for the benefit of this entry.

Needless to say, after a few small misunderstandings (which, when I come to think of it, can also happen in real life if Im not careful enough), all of my plans for the interview exercise went down the drain. Both the interns and the production assistants had to go through the interview exercise, which involved having to interview certain people in what I would call risky situations. Each of us had to pick a sheet of paper at random, which contained information on our subjects, most of which were pretty controversial or sensitive. In my case, I had to interview a 43-year old mother who lost both her house and her child from a storm, so this meant going with a sensitive approach in my part. The challenge here was how in the world would we get information from our subjects, who we have barely known or researched about. I ended up going second, with Maam Macky acting as Aling Nene the 43-year old mother who lost her child. Since I barely knew my subject, I asked for her name and tried to think of ways to get information from her as nicely as I could. For starters, I asked how her husband dealt with the matter. She replied she didnt have a husband. I automatically asked if Aling Nene only had one child, since it really was about her child. It turned out she had two children instead of one, which complicated matters (not to mention the questions I had in mind), since I automatically assumed that she had only one child who died, as what was written in my paper. So I tried to go through a different tactic, which was asking what happened to the other child. It turned out both of her children died, and she lost everything since then. Then she proceeded to ask for help while the camera was rolling, which brought even more confusion and anxiety in my part, since I knew journalists have to remain neutral in everything that we do and by then, I didnt know how else to reply anymore. The bell rang, indicating that my time was up. Apart from the mix-up with the one child detail, I suppose the lesson I would learn from this is that even the information given to you might not also be reliable, so even then, one has to be ready for that and think on the spot. I shouldnt have blacked out as well and made it obvious that I was clueless about my subject. I also learned later on that subjects who do ask for help while the camera is rolling can be answered by letting them explain more what happened, so that they can receive better help from the proper authorities who may have listened to their story. Then again, this activity made me aware of the difficulties that can happen in an actual interview, and this exercise was a good start for us to know how we should prepare ourselves, in the event that it happens to us as well. *** 3 Political Dynasties: A Bigger Picture Our trip to the forum in Ateneo de Manila University was a good adventure in itself, not having walked around the campus itself, not including a few adventures with my Ateneo friends. Nonetheless, what was really important here was the shoot itself. The topic of the forum was relevant to the Maguindanao background weve been looking up for quite a while, and the forum itself is something we needed for next weeks activity. Plus, UPI was joined by other media aggregates like ABS-CBN, GMA and Rappler, who were also there to cover the event. This was the first time I got to experience this kind of shoot.

With Camarines Sur Congressional Candidate Atty. Leni Robredo, Comelec Commissioner Rene Sarmiento, Masbate Gubernatorial Candidate Fr. Leo Casas and Abra Mayoralty Candidate Bernadine Joson, the forum tackled the political system that continues to persist in the Philippines. Using the Biblical characters David and Goliath to compare todays political setting, the forum talked about how the Goliaths (the political dynasties) continue to run for the sake of extending their power, and because of that, the Davids (the neophyte candidates) barely stand a chance against them. And with that, there must be a way for candidates to run for the sake of public service, instead of doing so in order to protect their own personal interests. Much of this forum was interesting in my point of view, given that I have relatives who come from political dynasties. From where I come from, political dynasties also continue to persist, and sadly, new candidates who try to run for the sake of making a change are unable to do so without being overpowered by those in power. *** Overall, the entire week was pretty interesting for me. Everything went fine, and after all that has happened lately, I cant wait for next weeks activity. Well, probably except for the part where we have to view what weve done for the interview exercise (oops), but other than that, everything went well for the week.

Political Dynasties: The Bane of Democracy

By Editor

Political dynasties are here to stay whether you like it or not, unless, of course, if YOU make a choice. Article II, Section 26 of the 1987 Philippine Constitution prohibits the existence of political dynasties but because majority of the lawmakers are either scions or kingpins of a political clan, no one has the guts to step up and perform a rare case of political suicide. Now, we are just left with two choices: stand up for democracy and let corrupt political dynasties wither on their own or be lost forever in a bandwagon mentality that will only lead to an utter sociopolitical decadence. How did all these political dynasties in the Philippines developed its almost undefeated political juggernaut status today? Back in 2004, a study made by Philippine Center for Investigative Journalism (PCIJ) traced the emergence of dynasties in the Philippines to the introduction by the Americans of electoral politics in the early 20th century, when voting was initially limited to property owners and the wealthy, who monopolized public office. Since then, the ubiquity of these political dynasties was made even more concrete by the influential factors of money, machine, movies/media, alliances and other dirty tactics to stay in the ecstatic world of political power. The influence of political dynasties has slowly changed its image and eventually changed the shape and culture of the House of Representatives and even the Senate, where creating political dynasties of considerable quantity has become more of a business strategy than of a public service. A certain study, being prepared by the Asian Institute of Management Policy Center (AIMPC), said seven out of every 15 legislators are members of families that are considered political dynasties. Just to make a brief breakdown, 115 legislators (68 percent of Congress) belong to the Dynasty 3 category or those with relatives who were legislators since the 12th Congress until the 15th Congress or local

officials elected in 2001 or currently occupying elective posts. We all know who are these people so dropping names will be a waste of our precious time. But just to give a face to political dynasties, lets take two of our most recent presidents as strong examples. President Benigno Aquino, son of former President Corazon Aquino, took over last year from Gloria Macapagal-Arroyo, daughter of former President Diosdado Macapagal. Can we technically proclaim that the whole nation is under the rule of a political dynasty? Sure. It has been part of our culture because as a family-oriented Asian nation, we always have the penchant to put our families first above anything else; no wonder political families are existent. But if our politics has political dynasties as its own bread and butter, then why dont we just let it that way and be complacent with the democratic powers bestowed upon the people?Well, the problem here is not the political dynasty per se but the principles that has fueled these political families over the years. And because of rotten principles, they have transformed themselves into a social monster that uses democracy to destroy democracy itself. They have secretly robbed the innocent Filipino people the power to choose the right public servant and the ability to create significant changes in our society. Yes, we can tolerate political dynasties if they themselves can tolerate doing righteous and honest public service to the Filipino people, of whom they owe their positions in the first place. However, its not the case in reality. Legislators belonging to political dynasties tend to represent areas with lower per capita incomes, and higher and more intense poverty levels, the AIMPC said. Current members of Congress, it said, tend to belong to richer families but have poorer constituents compared with legislators that are not members of dynasties. The Ampatuans of Maguindanao, which is one of the poorest provinces in the Philippines, must be a quintessential political clan under this category after being involved in a political massacre last November 2009 that only intensifies certain claims that political dynasties are nothing but a bane of our democracy. Certainly, there are few exceptions to this political-dynasties-gone-bad phenomenon but they are not sufficient to debunk the longstanding reality that political dynasties have been established for ones own ambition to have economic, political, and financial stability. Its ironic that we live in a democratic country yet have been ruled by a select few who have changed our country from a nation with a big potential for economic progress to a parasite republic that it is today. No one in the Congress will ever dare to put the limelight to the Constitutional provision that clearly supports the notion that political dynasty is against the law, unless, if they all admit that they are guilty to the crime. Doing so is like performing euthanasia to a political set-up that has long been a source of survival for all of them. But as a democratic country, we still have the voice , a voice that must not be overwhelmed by political influences adept in vote-buying and creating false publicity. 2013 Elections is on its way; its going to be either a time to change or a time to be stuck in a social coma. Political dynasties are here to say, but we still have the choice. Choose democracy. Choose freedom.

Political dynasties in the Philippines (1)

By NESTOR MATA MALAYA Dynastic political families, numbering over 90, existed since the Spanish colonial times, flourished during the American and Japanese occupation up to the present as an independent democratic republic. I have dwelt in five successive columns about political dynasties, which flourished in our country since the Spanish colonial days, through the American and Japanese occupation years, and up to the present time as an independent democratic republic. And, just like other political observers and savants in academe, I have defined the meaning of the term political dynasty and enumerated those political families all over the Philippines from Aparri to Jolo. This time I have selected the names of some prominent members of over 90 dynastic political families, with the same surname, who are elected and repeatedly re-elected from fathers and mothers to their sons and daughters, grandsons and granddaughters, great-grand and great-great grandchildren children, uncles and aunts, cousins and even in-laws. Here then is the first of four lists of those dynasts, arranged alphabetically, sans their political party affiliations: Abalos Family (Mandaluyong City): Benjamin Abalos, Sr., served as mayor, chairman of the Metro Manila Development Administration (MMDA) and chairman of the Commission on Elections (COMELEC). He was succeeded by his son Benjamin Abalos as city mayor, while another son Jonathan Abalos was city councilor, and brother Arsenio Abalos was barangay captain and later city councilor. Alonto-Adiong Family (Lanao del Sur and del Norte):Sultan Alauya Adiong Alonto, first Muslim Senator and signatory to the 1935 Constitution; brother Datu Birua Alonto, mayor of Marawi City in 1938; son Domocao Alangadi Alonto, governor, congressmen, and senator from 1958 to 1961; son Abdul Ghaffur Alonto, governor of Lanao del Sur for two terms from 1960 to 1967; daughter Princess Tarhata Alonto-Lucman, governor, Lanao del Sur from 1970 to 1988; brother-in-law Rashid Lucman, congressman; nephew Mamintal Adiong, congressman and governor, Lanao del Sur; grandson AbulKhayr Alonto, Speaker, ARMM; great-grandson Ansaruddin Alonto Adiong, Assembly and Regional Governor, ARMM; great-grandson Mamintal Alonto Adiong Jr., governor, Lanao del Sur up the present; and other great-grandsons and nephews were congressmen, mayors, and members of ARMM. Angara Family (Aurora): Senator Edgardo Angara, since 1987 to the present, and cabinet Secretary from 1999 to 2001; and son Juan Edgardo Angara, congressman from 2004 to the present, and running this time for the senate in 2013. Arroyo Family (Negros Occidental): Jose Ma. Arroyo, former senator, grandfather of Jose Miguel Arroyo, former First Gentleman and husband of former President Gloria

Macapagal Arroyo, now incumbent congresswoman of the 2nd District of Pampanga; their sons Party-list Congressman Juan Miguel Macapagal Arroyo, Congressman Diosdado Macapagal Arroyo of Camarines Sur; Congressman Ignacio Arroyo, Jr.of the 5th district of Negros Occidental, brother of Jose Miguel Arroyo; Party-list Congresswoman Maria Lourdes Arroyo congresswoman), sister of Jose Miguel Arroyo. Binay Family (Makati City): Vice President of the Philippines Jejomar Binay, former mayor of Makati from 1986 to 2010; wife Elinita Binay, mayor from 1998 to 2001; son Jejomar Erwin Binay, mayor of Makati since June 30, 2010; daughter Abby Binay, congresswoman of Makati city, and now running for the Senate in 2013. Cayetano Family (Taguig): former Senator Rene Cayetano, his son Senator Alan Peter Cayetano, whos running for reelection next year, and daughter Senator Pia Cayetano; daughter-in-law Ma. Laarni L. Cayetano,Taguig City Mayor; another son Lino Cayetano, barangay captain of Fort Bonifacio Taguig, and still another son Ren Ren Cayetano, former councilor of Muntinlupa City. Cojuangco Family (Tarlac): Melecio Cojuangco, former representative, 1st Philippine Assembly; Eduardo Cojuangco Sr., former provincial governor; Eduardo Cojuangco Jr., former congressman; Carlos Cojuangco, congressman and former town mayor); Congressman Marcos Cojuangco; Jose Pepe Cojuangco Sr., former Representative of the 10th Philippine Assembly, father of former President Corazon C. Aquino; Jose Peping Cojuangco, Jr., former congressman; Ting-Ting Cojuangco, Undersecretary for Interior and Local Government, former provincial governor, and wife of Jose Jr.; former President Corazon Cojuangco; President Benigno Simeon Aquino III, 15th President of the Philippines; Mercedes Cojuangco-Teodoro, former assemblywoman of the Batasang Pambansa; Gilberto Teodoro, former congressman, former Secretary of Department of National Defense, and son of Mercedes Cojuangco-Teodoro; Congresswoman Monica Louise P. Teodoro, wife of Gilbert Teodoro; and Mayor Miguel Cojuangco Rivilla. Dy Family (Isabela): Faustino Dy, Sr., former governor of Isabela, 19721992; Benjamin Dy, former governor of Isabela, 19922001, Mayor of Cauayan, Isabela, 2010 to the present ; Faustino Dy, Jr., former governor of Isabela, 20012004; Faustino Dy, III, former mayor of Cauayan, Isabela, 19922001, congressman of Isabella, 20012010, and governor of Isabela, 2010 to the present; Cesar Dy, former mayor, Cauayan City; Victor Dy, barangay chairman of San Fermin Cauayan City; Faustino Michael Carlos Dy III, mayor of San Manuel, Isabela; Krystyna Louise C. Dy, SK chairwomen of San Fermin, Cauayan City; and Napoleon S. Dy, member of the provincial board of Isabela 3rd District. Enrile Family (Cagayan):Alfonso Ponce Enrile, politician from Gonzaga, Cagayan; Juan Ponce Enrile, son of Alfonso Ponce Enrile, whos Senate President and senator (19871992, 1995-2001, 2004-present, congressman from 1992-1995, assemblyman from

1978-1986, cabinet minister from 1970-1986, and cabinet secretary from 1966-1970; Congressman Juan Jack Castaer Ponce Enrile, Jr., 2007-2010, and running for the senate next year. Escudero Family (Sorsogon): Manuel Escudero, former member of the Philippine Assembly; Salvador Escudero Sr., former provincial governor, provincial legislative member, town mayor and councilor; Salvador Escudero Jr., former town mayor and provincial legislative member; Ramon Escudero, town councilor; Antonio Escudero Jr., provincial vice governor; Salvador H. Escudero III, former secretary of agriculture, former assemblyman of the Batasang Pambansa, former deputy minister of Agriculture and Food, and former congressman; Senator Francis Chiz Escudero; and Mayor Oscar Escudero. Estrada Family (San Juan City): Joseph E.Estrada, 13th President of the Philippines; former Senator Luisa Pimintel Estrada, wife of Joseph; Senator Jinggoy Estrada, son of Joseph and Luisa; Congressman Joseph Victor Ejercito, son of former President Joseph Ejercito Estrada, whos running for the senate next year; Mayor Guia Gomez of San Juan City, mother of Joseph Victor Ejercito; Emilio Ramon Ejercito III, former mayor of Pagsanjan, Laguna, Governor of Laguna, nephew of Joseph; Gary Estrada, provincial board member, Quezon Province, nephew of Joseph.

For 2nd time, SC junks petition to abolish political dynasties in PHL

The Supreme Court (SC) on Tuesday dismissed for the second time a petition seeking to abolish political dynasties in the Philippines. The junked petition was filed last January 28 by first-time senatorial candidate and lawyer Ricardo Penson, who asked the high tribunal to compel Congress to pass an enabling law defining a "political dynasty," as stipulated under Section 26 of the 1987 Philippine Constitution. Section 26 states: "The state shall guarantee equal access to opportunities for public service and prohibit political dynasties as may be defined by law." Penson is president and CEO of Ausphil Tollways Corporation who formed a movement against political dynasty called, Krusada Kontra Dynasty (Crusade Against Dynasty). In his petition, Penson said that the "political and economic life" of the country's 90 million Filipinos "continue to be controlled and/or dictated upon by four political clan alliances," namely the Lakas Families, the National People's Coalition Family, the Laban ng Demokratikong Pilipino (LDP) Family, and the Liberal Party Family. He also cited a study by the Asian Institute of Management and Konrad Adenauer Stiftung Foundation on political dynasties showing that 70 percent of jurisdiction-based members of

Congress belong to political dynasties. Earlier petition Earlier the high court had dismissed a similar petition filed by Louis "Barok" Biraogo in October last year. Biraogo's motion for reconsideration was likewise junked in January for lack of merit. Like Penson, Biraogo, in his 26-page petition for mandamus, also cited Section 26, Article II of the 1987 Constitution as basis for prohibiting political dynasties from running in elections. Penson said the Supreme Court had previously ruled (Tatad vs. Sandiganbayan, et. al.) that "failure to perform a duty for a long period of time is both a violation of the right to procedural and substantive due process." Penson noted several bills on political dynasties have been filed but none has been enacted so far. "The introduction has thus become illusory and merely promotive of false hopes," he said. He added that the non-passage of an enabling law against political dynasties has resulted in "an abrogation of their sacred duty, which unless remedied, the constitutional provision will continue to remain pure rhetoric and the noble objectives behind its institution merely illusory." Another pending petition With the dismissal of Biraogo and Penson's respective petitions, the last petition against political dynasties that is pending with the high court is the one filed by a group led by former Vice President Teofisto Guingona Jr. He was joined in the petition by Dante Jimenez of the Volunteers Against Crime and Corruption, Leonard De Vera, Eduardo Bringas, Vicente Velasquez, and Raymundo Jarque. The petitioners cited a bill against political dynasty introduced by then-Sen. Guingona in 1987. The bill passed the Senate with 16 votes in favor, three opposition, and one abstention. "Congress [then] took no action on the bill passed by the Senate. The bill died in the House of Representatives," the petitioners said. The petitioners added it was "appalled by Congress' inaction... Every bill in Congress against political dynasties was stifled by congressional inaction." A bill against political dynasty, filed by Senator Miriam Defensor-Santiago, is pending before the Senate.

A counterpart bill was filed by Rep. Teddy Casio at the House of Representatives. - VVP, GMA News

Dynasties in democracies: The political side of inequality

Ronald U Mendoza , 11 March 2012

Inequality in the worlds poorest countries is considered one of the main barriers to development. But this column points out that the inequality is about much more than the ber-rich and the destitute it is about access to political power. This column looks at political dynasties, where leadership is passed down through family ties, to see if these are a cause of the persistent social and economic divides.
For those who care about such things, rising income inequality is considered an obstacle for development. Indeed, numerous articles and studies have helped elevate our understanding of this social issue as well as identify and sharpen various policies to bridge the growing income and development divides between the ber-rich and the destitute (eg Atkinson et al 2011, Fernholz and Fernholz 2012, Galbraith 2011, Milanovic 2007, and Rajan 2010). Nevertheless, far less attention has been given to the mirror image of income inequality in the political sphere: political dynasties. The rise of elected officials with extensive familial links to present and previous politicians in power signals a growing inequality in access to power and political influence. That, in turn, could also affect the persistence and prevalence of social and economic divides. Numerous politicians have since taken over the reins of power from their family members (notably fathers and husbands) so that a few families dominate the top echelons of power in many democracies. A brief list includes: President Cristina Fernndez de Kirchner (wife of former President Nestor Kirchner) in Argentina, Prime Minister Yingluck Shinawatra (sister of former Prime Minister Thaksin Shinawatra) in Thailand, former President George W Bush (son of former President George HW Bush) in the United

States, Prime Minister Najib Razak (son of former Prime Minister Abdul Razak) in Malaysia, and former President (now Congresswoman) Gloria Macapagal-Arroyo (daughter of former President Diosdado Macapagal ) in the Philippines. The President of the Philippines, Benigno Noynoy Aquino, III, is the scion of the Aquino clan. His mother is the very popular former President Corazon Aquino and his father is former Senator Benigno Ninoy Aquino, Jr.

Dynastic leaders in line to the throne

Many other leaders appear to be pipelined for the top leadership positions in their respective countries. These include Rajiv Gandhi, the son of former Indian Prime Minister Indira Gandhi, who in turn was the daughter of Indias first Prime Minister, Jawaharlal Nehru. Another is Aung San Suu Kyi, the Nobel laureate who is now running for Parliament in Myanmar. She is the daughter of Aung San, whom many consider to be the founding father of the Union of Burma. In varying degrees, political dynasties can exist in any democracy regardless of its structure, history, or the level of economic development of the country. Legislators and parliamentarians with dynastic links range from 6% in the United States to as high as 3740% in the Philippines and Mexico. In the case of the Philippines, if we also consider familial links to local government units, the figure reaches an amazing 70%. Roughly 80% of the youngest legislators in the Philippines also hail from dynastic political families. Dynasties across democracies nevertheless differ in important ways. During the period between 1996 and 2007, over 90% of Japanese politicians were male and some 30% of the Japanese parliament was from political dynasties. Daughters are unlikely to form part of political dynasties in that country, as power is often passed on to sons. A recent study noted that of over 120 Japanese politicians described as dynastic, only 3 are women (Asako et al 2010). On the other hand, one study of political dynasties in the US Congress showed how dynasties helped to improve the gender balance in the US Congress, by allowing more female legislators to get in via their familial ties (Dal Bo et al 2009).

The longer runway and the stationary bandit

Former Prime Minister Lee Kuan Yew of Singapore served for over three decades and remains the worlds longest serving Prime Minister. Most were not surprised when his eldest son, Lee Hsien Loong, eventually followed in his fathers footsteps and took over the reins of power in 2004. Many credit the Lee dynasty for the sustained and stable reform and development process that have enabled Singapore to reach first world status today. Indeed some analysts concede that the performance of a government official is a function of the security and longevity of his or her tenure in office. A famous theory by Mancur Olson suggests that even less benign leaders with a secure hold on power may behave like a stationary bandits, benefiting from their position yet ensuring that growth and development nevertheless takes place in order to continue to secure their hold. A darker view suggests that the less-benevolent and less-scrupled would turn to wide-scale and more destructive pillaging if given a short window of power. There is really very little evidence to disprove either view. While Lee Kuan Yew and his family presided over the rapid development and industrialisation of Singapore, other leaders with similar long stints in power were not as benign. Examples include Ferdinand Marcos, who served as President of the Philippines and presided over a more than 20-year period which saw poverty almost double; and the Duvalliers in Haiti (Papa Doc the father who was President from 195771 and Baby Doc the son who was President from 197186), whose widely known regimes of plunder and excess left the country as the most indebted and least developed in Latin America.

Political inequality and poverty

Patterns of political dynasties in the Philippines offer a very sobering view of what political inequality looks like. Our recent study of political dynasties in the 15th Philippine House of Representatives during the 200307 period (see Mendoza et al 2012) suggests that about 80% of dynastic legislators experienced an increase in their net worth. About half of the sample did so well that their asset growth beat the returns from investing in the Philippines Stock Exchange. Political dynasties in the Philippine Congress also tend to dominate the major political parties, comprising anywhere from 6080% of each of the major parties (see Figure 1). Figure 1. Political dynasties dominate the key Philippine political parties

Source: Mendoza et al (2012).

Dynastic legislators are also richer, correcting for one non-dynastic outlier, Congressman Manny Pacquiao, the world champion Filipino boxer who was elected to the Congress in 2010. Political dynasties win in elections by much larger margins of victory, and in recent years increased as a share of the total legislators (see Figure 2). Figure 2. Share of dynastic politicians in the Philippine Congress over time: Preliminary snapshot

Source: Mendoza et al (2012).

Most troubling and this is the main link to the income inequality side political dynasties in the Philippines are located in regions with relatively higher poverty levels (about five percentage points higher poverty incidence compared to districts with non-dynastic legislator incumbents). While these findings do not allow us to conclude causality, two competing explanations paint a worrying picture. Either poor people continue to vote for political dynasties, or dynasties continue to frustrate poverty-reduction efforts. Neither of these explanations is palatable for most of us who long to see development accompany democracy.

Theres nothing wrong with political dynasties, says Alan Cayetano

By Norman Bordadora
Philippine Daily Inquirer
1:56 am | Saturday, November 3rd, 2012

Its wrong, unfair to rail against political dynasties without identifying those who are corrupt and who arent, reelectionist Sen. Alan Peter Cayetano told antidynasty advocates. Cayetano has served in the same Senate with elder sister Pia since 2010, and could do so again in the next three years should he win a second six-year term in 2013. My advice to antidynasty advocates is to start identifying [corrupt political families]. Its wrong, unfair and it doesnt help when you say youre against all dynasties but when you are asked away from the cameras, youd identify which families are OK and which are not, Cayetano said in a recent interview with reporters. If you have relatives in government and all of you are clean, isnt that better than being the only one in government from your family but youre quite corrupt? he added. Equal opportunity Cayetano said the bottom line issue on political dynasties was equal opportunity in winning elections between those who have money and influence, and those who dont. So how do you create a system like that in the US where one Barack Obama became president of the United States? Number one, theres the question of fund raising in elections. Number two, the real issue is whos corrupt and whos not? the senator said. Sen. Aquilino Koko Pimentel III, himself the son and namesake of a former senator, and who chairs the Senate committee on electoral reforms, has said that his committee will conduct hearings on the pending bill against political dynasties to define what a political dynasty is. The necessary prohibitions called for in the Constitution would logically follow once a political dynasty has been defined, Pimentel said, adding that while the bill filed by Sen. Miriam Defensor-Santiago has no chance of passing in time for the 2013 election, it could still be refiled in the next Congress. Massive cheating Pimentel himself would have shared the same Senate with his father, Aquilino Jr., had he been proclaimed senator immediately after the 2007 elections. But it was only in 2011 when Pimentel took his seat in the Senate after Juan Miguel Zubiri resigned following reports of massive electoral cheating in Mindanao. Zubiri has denied any participation in the fraud that supposedly benefited his candidacy. The 2013 election is shaping up to be a free-for-all among the countrys political families. President Aquinos cousin, Bam, is running for the Senate with the Liberal Party-led ruling coalition. The Presidents aunt by affinity, Tingting Cojuangco, is running with the United Nationalist Alliance (UNA).

UNAs senatorial slate also includes Vice President Jejomar Binays daughter, Nancy; Senate President Juan Ponce Enriles son, Jackie; and Sen. Jinggoy Estradas halfbrother, JV.

Senatorial bet files fresh plea vs political dynasties

MARK MERUEAS, GMA NewsJanuary 28, 2013 2:55pm A first-time senatorial candidate in the coming May elections has joined earlier petitioners seeking to abolish political dynasties in the Philippines. In a 21-page petition for mandamus, lawyer Ricardo Penson asked the Supreme Court to compel Congress to pass an enabling law defining what a "political dynasty" is, as stipulated under Section 26 of the 1987 Philippine Constitution. Section 26 states: "The state shall guarantee equak access to opportunities for public service and prohibit political dynasties as may be defined by law." Penson is president and CEO of Ausphil Tollways Corporation who formed a movement against political dymasty called, Krusada Kontra Dynasty (Crusade Against Dynasty). In his petition, Penson said that the "political and economic life" of the country's 90 million Filipinos "continue to be controlled and/or dictated upon by four political clan alliances," namely the Lakas Families, the National People's Coaltion Family, the Laban ng Demokratikong Pilipino (LDP) Family, and the Liberal Party Family. He also cited a study by the Asian Institute of Management and Konrad Adenauer Stiftung Foundation on political dynasties showing that 70 percent of jurisdiction-based members of Congress belong to political dynasties. Penson said the Supreme Court had previously ruled (Tatad vs. Sandiganbayan, et. al.) that "failure to perform a duty for a long period of time is both a violation of the right to procedural andbsubstantuve due process." Penson noted several bills on political dynasties have been filed but none has been enacted so far. "The introduction has thus become illusory and merely promotive of false hopes," he said. He added that the non-passage of an enabling law against political dynasties has resulted in "an abrogation of their sacred duty, which unless remedied, the constitutional provision will cobtinue to remain pure rhetoric and the noble objectives behind its institution merely illusory." Politicians who belong to prominent political clans, such as Representatives Juan Edgardo Angara and Joseph Victor Ejercito, have earlier defended the existence of "political dynasties" in the Philippines.

Ejercito, son of former President Joseph Estrada, said that Filipinos are already used to the practice of children following the footsteps of their parents. On the other hand, Angara, son of Sen. Edgardo Angara, said that having politicians of the same blood brought gains to the country in some instances. Both Angara and Ejercito are also seeking Senate seats in the May elections. Consolidate petitions vs political dynasties In a separate motion, Penson also asked the high court to consolidate his petition against political dynasties with a similar petition earlier filed by a group led by former Vice President Teofisto Guingona on October 25 last year. Earlier this month, the Supreme Court junked a similar petition filed by Louis "Barok" Biraogo in October last year. Biraogo, in his 26-page petition for mandamus, also cited Section 26, Article II of the 1987 Constitution as basis for prohibiting political dynasties from running in elections. Biraogo said the list of candidates for national and local government posts in the upcoming May elections "is the best testament to the mockery Section 26, Article II of the 1987 Constitution has been subjected to in the hands of political dynasties." Among the so-called political dynasties he cited in his petition was the clan of President Benigno Aquino III, whose cousin, Paolo Benigno "Bam" Aquino IV, and aunt, former Tarlac Gov. Margarita Cojuangco, are both running for senator. Biraogo also cited the clan of Vice President Jejomar Binay, whose son, incumbent Makati Mayor Jejomar Erwin Binay, is running for reelection. Binay's daughters, Abigail and Nancy, are running for congresswoman and senator, respectively. RSJ, GMA News