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SECOND DRAFT
COMMENTS WELCOME

FROM GEOGRAPHICAL GRIDLOCK

TO

ECONOMIC IMPASSE

THE CHRONICLE OF KUTTANADU;

A REGION DERANGED.

SANTHOSH T VARGHESE
SUBSTITUE LECTURER
DEPARTMENT OF ECONOMICS
ST. BERCHMANS’ COLLEGE, CHANGANACHERRY,
KERALA STATE, INDIA.
http://www.santhoshtv.in
http://www.alwayseconomics.blogspot.com
http://www.facts-unmasked.blogspot.com

Keynote paper presented in the Workshop on “Development Problems of Kuttanadu” organised by

St. Berchmans’ College, Changanacherry, Kerala, India, in participation with
IVO, Tilburg University, The Netherlands ,on January 23-24, 2002.
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CONTENTS

CONTENTS ............................................................................................................................... 2
1 CONTOURS OF KUTTANADU .................................................................... 6
1.1 MYTHOLOGICAL ROOTS AND HISTORICAL FACTS ............................................. 6
1.2 DIFFERENT CONJECTURES AND THE TERM KUTTANADU................................ 6
1.3 ANTIQUITY AND PROMINENCE OF KUTTANADU .................................................. 6
1.4 GEOGRAPHICAL BOUDARIES AND DEFINITION OF KUTTANADU ................... 7
1.5 LOCATION .......................................................................................................................... 8
1.6 FORMATION OF KUTTANADU THALUK.................................................................... 8
1.7 CLIMATE ............................................................................................................................. 8
1.8 GEOLOGY OF KUTTANADU........................................................................................... 9
1.9 SOILS OF KUTTANADU.................................................................................................... 9
1.10 GEOGRAPHICAL FEATURES OF KUTTANADU ....................................................... 9
1.10.1 THE PAMBA RIVER SYSTEM ...................................................................................... 9
1.10.2 THE VEMBANADU LAKE ........................................................................................... 10

2 PIGEONHOLE OF LAND IN KUTTANADU................................. 11

2.1 TAXOLOGY OF WETLANDS OF KUTTANADU ........................................................ 14
2.1.1 KAYAL PADSEKHARAMS........................................................................................... 14
2.1.2 PADASEKHARAM IN BUND AREAS.......................................................................... 15
2.1.3 THE KARI LANDS........................................................................................................ 15
2.1.4 KARAPADOMS ............................................................................................................ 15
2.1.5 KOLAPPALA LANDS................................................................................................... 15

3 A WEE HISTORY OF PADDY CULTIVATION: A

DETOUR................................................................................................................................. 18
3.1 THE CULTIVATION PRACTICES ................................................................................ 18

4 GENESIS OF LAND RECLAMATION: A TANGENT ......... 19

4.1 TYPES OF LAND RECLAMATION ............................................................................... 19
4.1.1 NATURAL RECLAMATION......................................................................................... 20
4.1.2 PASSIVE RECLAMATIONS ......................................................................................... 20
4.1.3 DELIBERATE RECLAMATIONS................................................................................. 20
4.2 PROSPECT OF KAYAL RECLAMATION.................................................................... 21
4.3 RESPITE IN RECLAMATION ........................................................................................ 21
4.4 KUTTANADU INCANDESCENT: THE ERA OF PROGRRESSIVE
RECLAMATIONS ................................................................................................................. 22
4.5 THE PROCESS OF KAYAL RECLAMATION ............................................................. 22
4.6 GILT-EDGED VISION AND GRIT –EDGED MISSION: ANECDOTES OF
KUTTANADAN CHAEBOLS............................................................................................... 23
4.7 ECONOMIC FEATURES OF KAYAL RECLAMATION AND CULTIVATION ..... 24
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4.8 MEIER’S “DOUBLE DUALISM” AND THEORECTICAL UNDERPINNINGS OF

KAYAL CULTIVATION ...................................................................................................... 26
4.9 THE R-BLOCK RECLAMATION OR “THE HOLLAND SCHEME" ...................... 27

5 FREAKS OF NATURE AND THE EXTENT OF DAMAGE

...................................................................................................................................................... 28
5.1 FLOODS.............................................................................................................................. 28
5.2 SALINITY ........................................................................................................................... 30
5.3 ACIDITY ............................................................................................................................. 30
5.4 PESTS AND DISEASES .................................................................................................... 31
5.5 PROBLEM OF WEEDS .................................................................................................... 31
5.6 THE PROBLEM OF TRANSPORTATION.................................................................... 32

6 ATTEMPTS TO UNLOCK THE GRID LOCK OF

NATURE ..................................................................................................................................... 32
6.1 THE BACKDROP .............................................................................................................. 32
6.2 KUTTANADU DEVELOPMENT SCHEME .................................................................. 34
6.3 FIRST STAGE OF KDS..................................................................................................... 34
6.3.1 THOTTAPPALLY SPILL WAY ..................................................................................... 34
6.3.2 THANNEERMUKKOM SALT WATER BARRAGE ..................................................... 35
6.3.3 A-C ROAD .................................................................................................................... 36
6.4 EXPECTED BENEFITS FROM THE SCHEMES ......................................................... 37
6.5 A BROADSIDE ON THE BENEFITS ............................................................................. 37

7 FROM PERMANENT BUNDS TO SEMI-SUBMERSIBLE

PERMANENT BUNDS .............................................................................................. 38
7.1 NATURE OF TEMPORARY BUNDS AND THE IDEA OF PERMANENT BUNDS ....
.............................................................................................................................................. 38
7.2 THE IDEA OF SEMI-SUBMERSIBLE BUNDS AND THE KLDC
PROJECT ......................................................................................................................... 39
7.2.1 THE NECESSITY OF SEMI-SUBMERSIBLE PERMANENT BUNDS ........................ 39
7.2.2 OBJECTIVES OF THE PROJECT............................................................................... 39
7.2.3 THE CROPPING SEASON .......................................................................................... 40
7.2.4 THE ASSUMPTION OF KUTTANADU DEVELOPMENT PROJECT........................ 42
7.2.5 THE PROJECT IN A NUTSHELL................................................................................ 42

8 KUTTANADU PADDY CULTIVATION

DEVELOPMENTPROJECT ........................................................................... 43
9 SECOND THOUGHTS ON SCHEMES IMPLEMENTED
IN KUTTANADU ....................................................................................................... 43
9.1 DENSITY OF KUTTANADU............................................................................................ 43
9.2 INTERFACE OF HIGH DENSITY, DEARTH OF CULTIVABLE LAND AND
NATURE’ FURY .................................................................................................................... 44
9.3 FOOD SCARCITY AND PADDY DEVELOPMENT PROJECTS ............................... 48
9.4 STABILISING AGRICULTURE OF KUTTANADU: A MISSION
UNACCOMPLISHED ........................................................................................................... 48
9.5 NEGATIVE NEIGHBOURHOOD EFFECTS AND THE FAILURE OF THE
BARRAGE .............................................................................................................................. 49
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9.6 INCREASING CROPPING INTENSITY IN KUTTANADU:A STUDY IN

CONTRAST ........................................................................................................................ 51
9.7 REASONS FOR PREMATURE DISCONTINUATION ................................................ 51

10 CRISS – CROSSING THE ECONOMIC CRISIS OF

KUTTANADU............................................................................................................ 53
10.1 PADDY CULTIVATION, EMPLOYMENT AND INCOME GENERATION ............ 53
10.2 SCARCITY IN THE MIDST OF SURFIET: THE CASE OF AGRICULTURAL
LABOURERS ......................................................................................................................... 55
10.3 DEMYSTIFYING THE PADDY PUZZLE: THE CRISIS FORETOLD AND
RETOLD ................................................................................................................................. 56
10.4 FROM SECOND PADDY CROP TO SECOND CROP.................................................. 64
10.5 LOCALISING AND ENHANCING THE RESOURCE BASE: THE PROBABLE
WAY OUT ............................................................................................................................... 65
10.6 BOTTLENECKS AS “BREAKS”: A BLUE PRINT FOR KUTTANADU ................... 65

11 REVISITING THE REGION KUTTANADU .............................. 67

11.1 ALTERNATIVES FOREGONE: A HIND SIGHT ......................................................... 67
11.2 THE DUTCH CONNECTION OF KUTTANADU ......................................................... 67
11.3 FROM “NETHER” LANDS OF KUTTANADU TO LOWLANDS OF THE
NETHERLANDS.................................................................................................................... 68
11.4 RECAPITUALATING REMARKS ................................................................................. 68

12 REFERENCES .......................................................................................................... 69
13 APPENDIX ................................................................................................................... 72
14 INDEX ............................................................................................................................... 73
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LIST OF TABLES

Table 1 Nature of distribution of land in kuttanadu ................................................... 12

Table 2 Category-wise classification of paddy fields in kuttanadu............................ 16
Table 3 Distribution of holdings of kayal lands ........................................................ 25
Table 4 Annual loss of paddy in kuttanadu due to floods .......................................... 29
Table 5 Production,requirement and shortfall of rice in kerala .................................. 33
Table 6 A digest of problems of, causes for and projects implemented in kuttanadu
with its current status .............................................................................................. 41
Table 7 Percapita availablity of cultivable land in kerala and kuttanadu and its
percentage difference – scenario-1 ......................................................................... 45
Table 8 Percapita availability of cultivable land in Kerala and Kuttanadu – scenario-2
................................................................................................................................. 47
Table 9 Area,production and index of punja crop of paddy in Alappuzha dist.......... 50
Table 10 Do........................................................................................................ 53
Table 11 Season-wise area, production and productivity of paddy in Kerala............. 57
Table 12 Index of season-wise area, production and productivity of paddy in
kuttanadu ............................................................................................................... 62
Table 13 Area,production and index of punja crop of paddy in rest of kerala ( non-
alappuzha dists.)...................................................................................................... 64

LIST OF FIGURES

Figure 1 Nature of distribution of land in Kuttanadu ................................................... 13

Figure 2 Category-wise classification of paddy fields in Kuttanadu............................ 17
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1 CONTOURS OF KUTTANADU
1.1 MYTHOLOGICAL ROOTS AND HISTORICAL FACTS

T he origin legend of the state of Kerala assign to Parasurama’s axe, the credit of reclaiming 160
Katam (an old time measure) of land that lay between Gokarnam in the North (near Kasargode)
and Kanyakumari in the South (the present day Cape Comerin). Another puranic (means epochal)
legend, the story of Lord Vishnu’s Vamana incarnation pre-dating Parasurama relate the deporting of
a Kerala King called Vamana whose seat was at Thrikkakkara (neighboring CUSAT, Kochi-22). to
the “nether” world and contradicts the origin legend of Parasurama by implying the existence of
Kerala prior to him. The marine geological studies, soil composition researches, and sediment
analysis have proved it a landmass that emerged on the recession of the sea ( Gurukkal, 2000) , the
puranic contradiction notwithstanding.

Emerged from the sea, the land got forested but submerged again by the sea, a phenomenon that
repeated several times over the travail of millennia as the floral fossils and marine sediments suggest.
The land mass that emerged and reforested eventually got covered by flood silt leading to the gradual
making of an agro-climatic landscape of backwaters, water-logged tracts and grassy marshes covering
roughly 1/3 of the total land area of Kerala.

During the 2nd half of the first millennium AD witnessed the conversion of wetland eco-system of
waterlogged depressions and marshy plains enclosed by small hills into paddy fields. (Gurukkal,
2000). According to him, making of the paddy fields, was a major social action on natural landscape,
involving drastic changes in the eco system and its bio-diversity marked the end of ancient society.
He further argues that the reclamation of wetland tracts into paddy fields required heavy labour,
various organisational and institutional devices of labour mobilisation, knowledge system, structures
of social control.

1.2 DIFFERENT CONJECTURES AND THE TERM KUTTANADU

E arly “Cheras” had their home in Kuttanadu and they were called as “Kuttuvans” named after this
place. Apart from this, there are also certain legends connected with Kuttanadu. It is said that the
“Khandava vana” (vana means forest) mentioned in the epic Mahabaratha was situated in Kuttanadu
and that the remnants of that burnt forest still lie deep under the fields. Logs of burnt and charred
wood are still seen in the Kariniloms (Kari means Black and Nilom means Land) of Thakazhi,
Thuravoor, Vaikom etc. The legend that, after the forest was completely burnt down, mud set in
gradually and gave rise to the fields existing at present. As such, it is said that this place was
originally known as “Chutta nadu” (burnt land), which later on became “Kuttanadu”.

1.3 ANTIQUITY AND PROMINENCE OF KUTTANADU

I n early Tamil Classic literature, written in highly sophisticated artificial language

“Chenthamizhu”, like “Venpai and Tholkappiyom”, Kuttanadu is mentioned as one of the 12
‘Nadus’ (Principalities) where people spoke “Kodumthamil” (which is an earlier form of present
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day modern Malayalam, according to lingusticians). There are reference to Kuttanadu in the great
Tamil work “Thiruvaymozhi” written in the 8th Century AD by the renowned Varshnavite saint
Nammalvar and in “Periyapuranom” of the 11th C AD. All the above citations mark the antiquity
of Kuttanadu.

1.4 GEOGRAPHICAL BOUDARIES AND DEFINITION OF KUTTANADU

“K uttanadu is not delineated by any fixed boundaries” (GOK, 1974:2). It rightly exemplifies
the difficulty to identify the geographical boundary in precise terms. It varies from
publications to publications and from authors to authors as every one outlines it according to their
own objectives and scope of study.

According to Velupillai, 22 “Pakutty” (an old administrative unit) in the Thaluks of Kottayam,
Vaikom, Changanacherry and Ambalapuzha together formed Kuttanadu (Pillai, 1940, volume 4:
699).

The Kuttanadu Development Scheme (GOK, 1954;1) considers 41 “pakuthies”(units) under the then
seven thaluks viz, Vaikom, Kottayam Changanacherry, Thiruvalla, Mavelikkara, Karthikappally and
Ambalappuzha as Kuttanadu.

The note prepared by the Punja special Officer (GOK, 1962:1) treats Kuttanadu as a region covering
7 Thaluks in the Alleppey District ad 3 Thaluks in the Kottayam District.

According to a trade union stalwart of Kuttanadu region (Kamalasanan, 1993;34-35) the 79 villages
spreading over 9 Thaluks viz Kuttanadu, Karthikappally, Mavelikkara Ambalappuzha, Cherthala,
Thiruvalla, Changanacherry, Kottayam, Vaikom forms the “Kuttanadu”.

Another report (GOK, 1971:3) concurs with the demarcations made by the Punja special Officer.

The Kuttanadu Development Project gives a yet another demarcation. To it, Kuttanadu comprises the
areas of 10 revenue Thaluks viz. Kuttanadu and Ambalappuzha and parts of Karthikappally,
Cherthala, Mavelikkara, Chengannur and Thiruvalla Thaluks of Alleppey dist. and parts of
Changanacherry, Kottayam and Vaikom Thaluks of Kottayam district.(GOK, 1974:1).

Menon (1975:177) also concurs with the GOK (1971), although he did not give the villages to be
included in the Kuttanadu from the thaluks of Kottayam Dist.

The recent Kuttanadu Paddy Development Project (KLDC, 2000:30) makes a definite distinction of
Kuttanadu into Upper Kuttanadu, Lower Kuttanadu and Kayal lands comprising of 31 villages
spreading over Kottayam, Pathanamthitta and Alleppey districts.

Pillai and Panikar (1965:26-27) comments that differences between various definitions are more
apparent than real. To them, the geographical area indicated in many publications appears to be
identical and the changes in the number of Thaluks and Pakuthies are largely due to changes in
administrative boundaries, which have been made from time to time. The demarcations made by
different authors, reports and projects however, includes villages and thaluks into the
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“Kuttanadu region” to cater their on objectives and scope of enquiry. Be that as it may, the image of
Kuttanadu as a low-lying water logged region in Northern Travancore, which is transformed into a
vast ‘sheet’ of water of varying depths during the monsoon season is a clear cut one (Pillai and
Panikkar : 1965:27)

In this paper, since the object is to give a detailed profile of Kuttanadu and an exhausting
geographical delineation of Kuttanadu requires expertise, both geological, geographical and socio
economic, which is beyond the pale of the study, the geographical demarcation adopted by the
“Report of the Kuttanadu enquiry commission (GOK, 1971;3-4) is followed

Two maps have been given in the Appendix-1, first one depicts the demarcation of Kuttanadu region
and the second one sketches the region in detail.

1.5 LOCATION

I n ancient days the term “Kuttanadu” referred to a much larger area than what it connotes at present
(GOK 1971). Then the region extending from, Kanneti (Karunagappally, Quilon Dist.) to Alwaye
( in Ernakulam Dist.) was known as Kuttanadu .It is widely understood , albeit, as a region
comprising of low lying lands measuring approximately 25km east-west and 60 km north-south of the
west coast of Kerala. It is separated from the Arabian sea by a narrow strip of land. The National
High way –47 runs along this coastal strip. Alleppey, a minor port town is on its western fringe and
the town of Kottayam and Changanacherry are on its eastern side. More specifically, Kuttanadu lies
between latitude 9o8’ and 9o52’ and longitude 76o19’ and 76o44’.

1.6 FORMATION OF KUTTANADU THALUK

O n the recommendations of “the committee for the re-distribution of villages and thaluks” a new
thaluk by name Kuttanadu was formed in the year 1956 comprising the low-lying villages
transferred from the Changanacherry and Kottayam thaluks of the Kottayam District. and
Ambalappuzha thaluk of the then Quilon Dist.

It is wroth noting that eve though there exist a Thaluk called as Kuttanadu, by the term Kuttanadu, it
is understood as a region rather than the thaluk, having a wider pale encircling many thaluks and
districts, with a clear complexion of predominance of wet lands, rivers, small strips of land, paddy
fields, coconut palms which are inter laced and inter leaved by backwaters and populated by paddy
people, both by the Keralites and by the official authorities.

1.7 CLIMATE

he temperature of Kuttanadu region varies bet. 21oC and 36oC. Humidity is very high in this
T area. The annual rainfall averages 325 cm. The raining seasons are from June to August.(S-W
monsoon) and October-November(N-E Monsoon). There is very little rain in January and February.
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1.8 GEOLOGY OF KUTTANADU

A ccording to the expert geological opinion, Kuttanadu represents a “Recent sedimentary

Formation”. It has been proved that the Arabian sea once extended as far east as the eastern
border of the Kuttanadu region. With the upheaval of the “Warkalay Laterite Formation”, the tract
of the recent formation got elevated forming an extensive bay into which were discharged the waters
of Manimala, Achan Coil, Pamba and Meenachel rivers. The silt carried by these rivers was
deposited at the mouth, of the rivers and thus, gave rise to the present sea coast converting the
shallow bay into an extensive backwater tract. The lagoon thus formed between this sand bank and
the mainland gradually silted up and gave rise to the wet paddy lands that now characterise
Kuttanadu. The deeper portions of the then great lagoon, which are not yet been silted up, are now
seen and called as “Kayals”( means backwaters). (Velupillai, 1940; 88-89). This great lagoon is a
part of the sea-like lake Vembanadu, which stretches from Alappuzha to Kochi.

1.9 SOILS OF KUTTANADU

T he soil in Kuttanadu is a mixture of sand and clay in varying proportions. In some parts, the
presence of decayed organic matter including decayed parts of logs of wood has been observed.
In the Kari lands of Kuttanadu there are a number of occurrences of buried trees locally known as
“Kundamaram”. The trees are found in different sizes, at various depths in the soil and in different
stages of alteration or putrefaction.(Menon,1975:10)

In most of the areas, the soil is highly acidic and contains toxic salts. This toxicity adversely affects
plants life through capillary action when the fields are dry or when the water outside the field rises
high (GOK, 1971:4)

1.10 GEOGRAPHICAL FEATURES OF KUTTANADU

T he region of Kuttanadu is comprised of the deltaic regions of the 4 rivers, the Meenachil, the
Manimala, the Pamba and the Achancoil. The only perennial river of the state, thanks to the
tailrace waters of Idukki hydroelectric project, the Muvattupuzha river, drains itself adjacent to the
Vaikom part of Kuttanadu (North East Portion) and joins with the Vembanadu lake. All these 5 rivers
having a combined discharge of about 5,61,000 Mcft of water annually,

1.10.1 THE PAMBA RIVER SYSTEM

A s said earlier, Kuttanadu is a deltaic region formed by 4 rivers viz, the Manimala, Achancoil,
Pamba and Meenachil. The course and confluence of these rivers together forms the Pamba river
system.

The Manimala river takes its roots at the “Mothavara Hills” in Kottayam district and follows a
Southward direction. It changes its course and confluence with the river Pamba at Valanjavattom.
 10/76

The Achencoil river is formed by the confluence of several small streams originating from the
“Pasukia Metu, Ramakkal Teri and Rishi Malai”. Down the stream, the river splits up into several
smaller branches and the main branch joins the Pamba river at Viyapuram. The river is also called as
Kulakkada river.

The largest of the three, the Pamba river, is formed by several streams having their origin in the
Pulichi Malai, Naga Malai and Sundara malai in the Peermade Plateau of the Southern part of the
Idukki district.. It is considered as a holy river by the Hindus. From Pandanadu the river bifurcates,
one takes South Westerly direction (Neerettupuram branch), the other takes a Westerly course. The
Manimala river joins with the former branch while the Achancoil river joins with the Southern branch
of the latter course. The river eventually drains into the Vembanadu lake through several branches,
the important ones are Palluruthy Aar (river), Nedumudi Aar and the Muttar.

The common geographical feature of all these rivers is that they all take their origin in the Eastern
high lands of the state where rainfall is absolutely and relatively high and drains into the Vembanadu
lake.

1.10.2 THE VEMBANADU LAKE

T he vast expanse of backwater which spans from Alappuzha to Kochi is generally called as
Vembanadu Lake. Southern parts of it are formed due to the “Varkalay Laterite Formation”.
Its length is about 84 Km and its breath is 15 km in some places, the average width is being about 3.2
km. The lake covers an area of about 205 sq. km. The rivers of Pamba system and Muvattupuzha
together drain a catchment area of about 6630 sq.km discharging about 561,000 Mcft of water
annually. The lake borders the Thaluks of Ambalappuzha, and Cherthala of Alappuzha District and
those of Changanacherry, Kottayam and Vaikom of Kottayam District. It lies in the Western part of
Kuttanadu spanning from North to South.

The waters of the Vembanadu lake are a combination of the salt water of the Arabian sea that enters
through the Cochin harbour entrance channel and the fresh waters of the Muvattupuzha river along
with the rivers of Pamba system.

The salinity of the water resulting from these combinations is extremely variable during different
seasons of the year and depends upon the amount of fresh water discharged by the rivers. The more
saline water is found near the Cochin Harbour, the fresh waters at points far inland, remote from the
Cochin cut while in between are found gradations from salt to fresh water.

When the rivers are in flood during the months starting from June to October the lake and the inland
channels are filled with fresh water and there have been some days every year when fresh water is
found even far down the mouth of Cochin cut.

When the flow of rivers dwindle during the dry seasons from about the month of December, the water
in the lake and in the inland channels as far as a radius of 50 miles from the Cochin cut generally
become brine savour and remains so until the first floods of the succeeding South Western monsoon.

In short, as and when the torrent flows of these rivers begin to subside, salinity starts to move
upstream from the Cochin cut through Vembanadu Lake. After the commencement of North Eastern
Monsoon in November, saline water from the sea pervades the entire area due to tidal action and
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density currents. The salinity in the Northern parts of Kuttanadu goes beyond the limits of tolerance
for rice cultivation from January onwards and it spreads rapidly to the Southern parts.

2 PIGEONHOLE OF LAND IN KUTTANADU

L and area in Kuttanadu is divided in to three categories: They are

1. Wet Lands
2. Garden Lands
3. Purampokku Lands

The subjoined table-1 and shows the thaluk wise distribution of different categories of lands in
Kuttanadu arrayed in descending order on the basis of concentration of wetlands in each thaluk to
spotlight the empathy of each thaluk to the region. Figure –1 is given below to get a synoptic idea of
land distribution. Almost half of the region is low-lying wetland suitable only for paddy cultivation.
It is punctuated that this overwhelming concentration of wet lands in Kuttanadu is the threshold of
labyrinthine alleys of problems and prospects of Kuttanadu which lays deep its basement upon the
reclamations made in the formative periods.
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DISTRIBUTION OF LAND IN KUTTANADU: A THALUK-WISE CLASSIFICATION ON

THE BASIS OF WET LANDS

Table 1
1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9
% of
No. of Of wet
Total
Total no. villages which lands
Sl. area Garden Puramboke
Name of Thaluk of included area of to total
No. in lands
villages in wet area in
Sq.Km
Kuttanadu lands each
thaluk
Kuttanadu
1 12 12 303.3 245.5 80.9 23.3 34.4
( ALP Dist )
Karthikappally
2 17 8 119.4 72.3 60.6 32.9 14.2
(ALP. Dist.)
Thiruvalla
3 18 6 84.7 45.1 53.2 31.9 7.7
(PTA,Dist)
Kottayam
4 20 11 280.2 135.8 48.5 95.1 49.5
(KTM,Dist)
Vaikom
5 14 7 178 77.7 43.7 79.5 20.7
(KTM. Dist.)
Cherthala
6 16 7 141.2 58 41.1 59.6 23.6
(ALP,Dist)

Chengannoor
7 14 5 61.4 24.1 39.3 33.7 3.6
(ALP.Dist.)

Ambalappuzha
8 7 5 123 47.1 38.3 50.2 25.6
(ALP. Dist.)

Changanacherr
9 12 7 135.5 45.1 33.3 84.2 6.2
y (KTM,Dist)

Mavelikkara
10 15 11 209.3 57.5 27.5 135.2 16.6
(ALP,Dist)
11 TOTAL 145 79 1636 808.2 49.4 625.6 202.1

ALP = Alappuzha
KTM = Kottayam
PTA = Pathanamthitta

Source: Compiled from GOK (1971:4)

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Figure 1

AREA OF WET LANDS

IN EACH THALUK
Mavelikkara
Changanacherry Kuttanadu
Karthikapally
Amblapuzha Kuttanadu
Thiruvalla
Chengannoor Kottayam
Vaikom
Shertallai
Shertallai
Chengannoor
Amblapuzha
Vaikom
Karthikapally Changanacherry
Mavelikkara
Thiruvalla
Kottayam

Out of the total available land area of 1635.8 sq. km., 808.2 sq. km or 80,820 hectares of land
(199,706.22 acres) are wetlands. It comes around 49.4 % of the total available land. The remaining
area is shared as Garden and Purampokku lands.

Wetlands are areas of land, lying 0.5 to 2 meters below MSL, which are protected by ring bunds and
reclaimed from backwaters. They remain water logged throughout the year and are used for
cultivating paddy.

Garden lands are tracts and strips of lands distributed here and there lying barely above MSL by 1 to
2 meters, generally used for habitation, planting coconut palms and other homestead crops. ‘Garden
lands are also reclamations’ says GOK (1981:6).

Purampokku lands are uncultivable dry land like sandy areas, Kayal areas that are not reclaimed and
other Purampokku lands like rivers, canals, roads etc. (GOK, 1971:4). They are generally understood
as lands that do not have private ownership and hence belong to Government.
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2.1 TAXOLOGY OF WETLANDS OF KUTTANADU

W et lands of Kuttanadu represents paddy fields which are generally called as Padasekharams.
Padasekharam is defined as a contiguous area bounded by canals, rivers and other partitions
whose size spanning from 10 acres to 2400 acres and are exclusively used for cultivating paddy.
Padasekharams literally means a bouquet of paddy fields (padam means small paddy lands) and
shekharam means collection) they are similar to “Polders” of Netherlands which reclaimed from
sea and protected by bunds called as “Dykes”.

Wetlands and Padasekharams are categorised into five: (Menon, 1975: 178). They are:

1. Kayal Padasekharams
2. Padasekharams in bund areas
3. Kari Lands
4. Kara Padams
5. Double Crop Kulappala Lands

2.1.1 KAYAL PADSEKHARAMS

I t consists of recently reclaimed beds from the Vembanadu Lake along with the reclaimed Kayal
areas during the late decades of the 19th Century. It covers an area of about 7891.5 hectares or
19500 acres of reclaimed land.

Each study made on Kuttanadu gives different figures regarding the area under various categories of
wetlands, save the Kayal lands. With respect to it, everyone gives a somewhat near figure of (20000
acres) 8094 hectares. (Pillar and Panicker, 1965; GOK, 1971; GOK, 1974; GOK, 1981) But the
correct figure around 7892 hectares, (19500 acres) which is given in this paper. It is calculated from
the detailed list of all padasekharams with area furnished by GOK (1971) and GOK (1974). Menon
(1975:178) also concurs with it.

Regarding the extent of all other categories figures vary widely from publication to publication.
Hence, in this paper, the area under each category is estimated from the detailed list of
padasekharam given by GOK, (1971) and GOK (1974) and collated with all the above sources. It is,
wherefore believed that a realistic estimate of area under each category has been furnished.

Kayal padasekharams usually lie 10-20 feet below MSL. (Pillai and Panicker, 1965:29) Soils are
more seriously affected by salinity than that of the other areas and crop failure is very common in this
part of the region. Pillai and Panicker (1965:29) say that this area represents “new reclamations”.
The reason for making such a distinction, however, had not been given but should have been given
especially when considering reports like GOK (1971:5), which says that reclamations had been in
vogue as early as 1834. Pillai and Panickar (1965; 16-17) themselves recorded reclamations from
1880s.
 15/76

2.1.2 PADASEKHARAM IN BUND AREAS

T hey are situated in the villages of Ambalappuzha, Purakkadu, Thakazhy and Karuvatta. It
comprises a total area of about 2838.9 hectares (7000 acres) of lands. These are also reclaimed
lands originally left as waste. With the construction of Thottappally spillway, strong bunds have been
put by the Government. But the summer Punja crop in this area had been a partial failure for quite a
period as the cultivators had left the outer bunds in disrepair. The soil is highly acidic in these areas.

2.1.3 THE KARI LANDS

I t extends to an area of 2645.5 Hectares.(6537 acres).They are situated in the Ambalappuzha,

Cherthala and Vaikom taluks. The name “kari” (black) is derived from the intense black colour of
the soil. Most of these lands are at or below MSL and nowhere is the water table more than 3 or 4
feet below the surface of the soil, the water itself being saline. The soil is peaty and marshy in nature
and is over – grown with wild weeds and grass.

About a half of Kari land area lies in Alappuzha district as a contiguous area round about Purakadu.
The fertility of Kari soils is very low and cultivation is very difficult. The salinity, extreme acidity,
poor drainage, presence of toxic substances and low levels of available nutrients are the main causes
of low productivity.

Here the system of cultivation is somewhat different from the other areas of Kuttanadu. (Menon,
1975; 179). As a beginning, sprouted seeds are sown on heaps formed during summer. Sowing is
done in July. These heaps with seedlings are spread out to fill up the gaps later.

2.1.4 KARAPADOMS

T he total area under this category comes to about 41,562.1 Hectares (102,700 acres). They are
generally situated along the waterways and rivers. About a third of Karapadoms are double-
cropped fields and lie in the interior of the villages on the Eastern and Southern periphery of
Kuttanadu. Pillai and Panickar (1965: 30) makes a distinction between Upper Karapadoms and
Lower Karapadoms. The former lies, 1 to 3 feet below the MSL whereas the latter lies 3-7 feet below
MSL.

2.1.5 KOLAPPALA LANDS

L ike Punja Crop, which is almost an exclusive crop reserved for Kuttanadu area, “Kulappala
Cultivation” is also unique and an exclusive one to Kuttanadu . The only possible difference is
that, the latter can only be found in Kuttanadu.

This is a flood season crop cultivated during the heavy showers of South Western Monsoon that
commences from May last to August. Hence, it cannot be cultivated in the Kayal lands and lower
Kara Padoms, Kari lands etc. Only in the upper reaches of Kuttanadu, it can be practised. As it is a
 16/76

flood season crop, which is practised in Kerala only in Kuttanadu , unlike Punja, it has its own
features.

Immediately after Punja harvest in January-February, it has been cultivated. As a result, by the
commencement of Monsoon floods, the plants take 30-40 cm height that helps them to withstand the
onslaught of heavy torrents. The plants gradually grow up side by side with the rising flood level and
eventually take a height of 2-3 meters. Roots and tillers sprout from the upper nodes and the ear
heads float on the surface of water. The harvesting is made by wading through the water and cutting
the ear heads alone. Here the cost of cultivation is relatively lower. Kulappala is cultivated around
2833 Hectares (7000 acres) of land.

Details of Kuttanadu Paddy fields are epitomised in the table-2 given below. Figure –2 is furnished
below to get a glance upon the distribution. Karapadoms dominate while Kayal lands come second in
area and together contributes 85.7 percent of paddy fields in Kuttanadu. The remaining three
categories claim around 5 percent each in area.

CATEGORY WISE AREA AND PERCENTAGE OF

PADDY FIELDS OF KUTTANADU

Table 2

CATEGORY OF LAND AREA IN AREA IN PERCENTAGE

ACRE HECTARE TO TOTAL

Kayal Lands 19,500 7,891.50 13.70

Karappadoms 102,700 41,562.10 72.00

Kari Lands 6,537 2,645.50 4.60

Bund Padasekharams 7,000 2,832.90 4.90

Kulappala Lands 7,000 2,832.90 4.90

Total Area 142,737 57,764.90 100.10

Source: Compiled from: (1) GOK (1975;178-79)

(2) GOK (1971)
(3) GOK (1974)
(4) GOK (1981)
 17/76

Figure 2

CATEGORY OF PADDY FIELDS IN

KUTTANADU
Bund
Padasekarams Kulappala Lands Kayal Lands

Kayal Lands
Karappadams

Kari Lands
Kari Lands

Bund
Padasekharams
Kulappala Lands
Karappadam
 18/76

3 A WEE HISTORY OF PADDY CULTIVATION

A DETOUR

“I n its physical aspects as well as in the conditions that govern the agricultural life of the people,
Kuttanadu is markedly distinct from the rest of the country,” says Velu Pillai* (Pillai, 1940-Vol.
4:699).

Until 1916, the Punja lands of Kuttanadu were cultivated only once in 2 to 3 years. It can be seen
from historical records that “the lands could not be cultivated every year……. as they had to get the
benefit of the silt deposited in them by the freshets from time to time”(GOK, 1971:8).

In the early days, the floodwaters could not be controlled to any considerable level. Even oil engine
to pump out water did not come into existence. Bailing out of water was done with the traditional
water wheels powered by manual effort which took considerable time and labour.

As a result, in Kayal lands the single crop of Punja was sown early in September and harvested in
December to January. This was possible because, the low-lying Kayal lands could contain the floods
to some extent, the embankments were put up high and strong and the flood water itself would spread
out over the vast non-Kayal lands (GOK, 1971:8).

The introduction of the pumping engine in 1912 has changed the entire countenance of Kuttanadu
cultivation. This resulted in marked improvements in the scale and nature of the operations. It
facilitated reclamations of larger blocks and the cultivation thus extended to paddy fields having
larger areas. The change over from oil engine to electric engines gave further fillip to these
developments.

Side by side, an experimental station was established at Kuppappurom, in Kuttanadu to examine the
possibilities and prospects of yearly paddy crop. The erstwhile Travancore government made this. in
1916. It found out that, in Kuttanadu annual cultivation of paddy was possible. The station could not
lead the region by implementing its finding however, as it was abruptly closed down in 1921.These
events notwithstanding, Kuttanadu gradually moved towards the idea of annual cropping of paddy
around this period.

3.1 THE CULTIVATION PRACTICES

A n unique feature regarding cultivation activity is that, unlike elsewhere in the country, in
Kuttanadu, it starts well before the actual cropping season and immediately after the harvest of
the preceding Punja Crop.

The agricultural operations begins with a minimum of two rounds of ploughing along with the
application of powdered burnt lime to neutralise the acidity of the soil. “Padasekharams” are then
consigned to flood waters by raising the sluices of the bunds. Flood waters remains in the paddy
fields throughout the S.W. Monsoon period. This practice of deliberately flooding the field, aims to
suppress the capillary rise of salts from below the soil.
 19/76

By the end of August, torrential monsoon shows signs of subsiding. Level of flood moves southward
and gradually comes to manageable levels.

The ring bunds encircling the blocks of paddy lands as often than not, confronts disintegration in
several parts, thanks to the submergence during monsoon. The first task confronting the cultivators,
wherefore, is to repair and renew the ring bunds that are damaged by the floods.

Then comes the second round of ploughing. It is done in waist-deep water and is known as wet
ploughing. It helps the fresh water to percolate into the soil. What follows is the all-important feature
of, de-watering of paddy fields with the help of electric pumps. The state Govt. subsidises this
activity, by extending free or concessional supply of power. Like the first ploughing, first weeding is
also undertaken before the sowing activity, unlike in other areas, with a view to make the field into a
soft puddle.

Due to the geographic differences of lower Kuttanadu and Kayal lands the beginning of the cropping
season varies. In the former it starts from November on wards immediately after the North Eastern
monsoon where as in the latter, the season starts from September to January in order to overcome the
problem of intrusion of salinity.

4 GENESIS OF LAND RECLAMATION:

A TANGENT

F rom the pristine periods itself, agriculture in Kuttanadu was, intertwined and interlaced with the
reclamation of land from the backwaters and from the riverine areas of Kuttanadu. All most all
paddy fields of Kuttanadu, in one way or other, are reclaimed lands. So they lie below or at MSL.

This reclaimed nature of agricultural lands, which it owes to the region’s low lying existence, in
league with the consequent dominance of paddy cultivation forms the decisive feature of Kuttanadu
which acted as a pivot upon which the whole gamut of problems and solutions identified, suggested
and implemented, are supposed to be revved.

4.1 TYPES OF LAND RECLAMATION

T he distinction between natural and deliberate reclamation has been invoked to disentangle the
intricate process of land reclamations in Kuttanadu.

By natural reclamation, reclamation of land by nature itself has been supposed, where as by artificial
reclamation it is understood that it reflects what is widely perceived as attempts by man to bring
about wasteland or land under water into productive use. On the other hand, passive reclamation, in
loose terms, implies reclamations without an express intention of utilising it exclusively for
agricultural purposes.
 20/76

4.1.1 NATURAL RECLAMATION

I t has been mentioned earlier that the rivers of Kuttanadu with the discharge of waters laden with
sediments, sand and silt gradually gave rise to the wet paddy lands and the coconut gardens.

Suffice to say that, gradually, some islets and even land areas itself emerged out from the waters as a
consequences of discharge of rivers. In the early days, such lands were considered as forlorn areas, in
which the untouchables and lower caste people used to stay, says trade union stalwart and historian,

Kamalasanan (1993:35). The present day Veliyanadu village is such a land area emerged out of
natural reclamations.

It is surmised that the emergence of land in this way and its utilisation might have kindled the wick
of imagination of aspiring Kuttanadan farmers about the possibility and prospect of further
reclamations.

4.1.2 PASSIVE RECLAMATIONS

F urthermore, the practice of erecting of “Pulimuts” in the river banks where it changes its course ,
might have been acted in the same direction. The possibility is corroborated by several
agricultural farmers and activists of Kuttanadu. “Pulimuts” are retaining walls constructed with dry
rubble packages digging their basement inside the course of the river in such a way as to protect the
strands of the river from being washed away.

4.1.3 DELIBERATE RECLAMATIONS

“T hough the reclamation of land from the backwaters of Kuttanadu has a long history behind it,
the reclamation of Vembanadu lake is a comparatively recent development” (Pillai and
Panicker, 1965;16 and GOK, 1971; 5). This concordance notwithstanding there lies some discomfort
as to digest it in toto. As a matter of fact, all water bodies other than that of rivers, are indeed
inextricable parts of Vembanadu lake. Hence, any assertion like this would run counter to the primary
feature of Kuttanadu. All most all lands in Kuttanadu, truth be told, are reclaimed lands from
backwaters regardless of the temporal aspect. The only difference is that some are reclaimed earlier
and some are in the later years.

There is a general consensus that, as early as 1830’s, reclamations were in vogue. Albeit, it is difficult
to ascertain when exactly the reclamations in the backwaters were begun.(GOK,1971:5)

The erstwhile Travancore government extended whole-hearted support, first in the form of
“Ninthoms” (exemption from tax for some years), and later in the form of loans and direct
involvement in the reclamation activity with a view to bringing under cultivation some of the
 21/76

extensive tracts in North Travancore, which are lying uncultivated due to the influx of brine from
adjoining backwaters.

By the dawn of 20th century, about 2226 Hectares (5500 acres) in the Vembanadu lake had been
reclaimed. (GOK, 1971; 5).

According to Pillai and Panicker, (1965; 16-17) the first Kayal that was reclaimed is Attumuttu Kayal
(Attumukhathu Kayal) near the mouth of Chennankari branch of Pamba river by Eravi Kesava
Panikkar of Chalayil family a paddy chaebol of Kuttanadu.

But according to Kamalasanan (1993; 53), the first Kayal that was reclaimed is the small Kayal
named” Thuruthu Manikya Mangalam” which lies East of “Mangalam” Kayal. To him, the attempt
was made by the father of one Mr. Madathil Govinda Pillai of Kavalam Panchayat. Howsoever,
reclamation activity gathered momentum, ever since its initial endeavour.

4.2 PROSPECT OF KAYAL RECLAMATION

I n the words of Mr. A.H. Bostow, Chief Engineer of the erstwhile Government of Travancore,
which is quoted by GOK (1971;6), “the value of reclamation in the Vembanadu lake was so great
that the first crop was often sufficient to pay the whole cost of reclamation”.

In a similar vein, Pillai and Panickar (1965; 17-18) observes that the reclamation of lands from water
turned out to be more economic than the purchase of cultivable paddy fields at high prices. The cost
of reclaiming land in those days of cheap labour was much lower than the going price of rice fields,
which was about Rs. 500 to Rs. 700 per acre.

This prospect of lucrative returns infatuated several ambitious and enterprising Kuttanadu farmers
into this adventurous venture, the degree of risk, uncertainty and quantum of money involved not
withstanding and as often as not they engrossed themselves in these endeavours.

Apart from this , it is conjectured that, the ability of Kayal lands to contain floods as the flood waters
itself would spread out over the vast non-Kayal lands, permitted early cultivation when compared to
that of Karapadoms where flood levels subside very slowly. It helped the Kayal farmers to reap the
harvest well before the onslaught of brine invasion . This facet of Kayal cultivation instilled yet
another motivation for big-ticket Kayal reclamations.

4.3 RESPITE IN RECLAMATION

B y a notification in the Gazette dated 16-12-1903, the erstwhile Government of Travancore

interdicted all further reclamations of land within the Vembanadu lake. The Government of
Travancore under duress from the then Madras Govt. who apprehended that these reclamations would
eventually cause difficulties to the Port of Cochin as it might lessen the ebb and flux at the opening of
the Cochin port.
 22/76

After a series of long lingered correspondence, investigations etc the Madras Government withdraw
its prohibition on Feb. 1912. Consequently, Government of Travancore lifted the interdiction as well.

4.4 KUTTANADU INCANDESCENT

THE ERA OF PROGRESSIVE RECLAMATIONS

D uring the Diwanship of Shri. P Rajagopalachari, a number of Kuttanadu farmers, who were
aspiring and industrious enough, entered into partnership agreements with the wholesale auction
purchasers of Kayal lands, with a view to expand their scale of cultivation.

The first two cultivations of the Kayal lands proved to be disastrous failures on account of breach of
bunds (GOK, 1971:6). It was all a big gamble in land below 6 feet of water and most of the
cultivators who went in for Kayal reclamations had made huge investment. They soon found
themselves in a fix and did not know how to proceed further. But the moneylenders of Kuttanadu,
who were financing them until then not so much as even batted an eyelid, came their rescue with
further advances. Mayhap, they realised that there was no other way to get back the already advanced
funds. (GOK, 1971: 6). Fortuitously, the two cultivations that succeeded the consecutive breaches
were good enough and the owners of earlier reclamations became able to clear up the major portion
of their debts.

These successes fortified brisk reclamation activities without any let or hindrance and there was a
sudden skyrocketing of the auction prices of Kayal lands. The report of the Economic Depression
Enquiry Committee appointed by the Govt. of Travancore in 1931, and is quoted by GOK (1971; 6)
provides some statistics regarding auction prices of Kayal lands. To the report, the Thara Vila (floor
price) on the lands auctioned during the Dewanship of Shri. P. Rajagapalachari ranged between Rs.
15 and Rs. 30 per acre soared to as high as Rs. 220 per acre as a result of zooming paddy prices up to
Rupee 1 Chakram 14 per standard para.

But the reclamation of Kayal lands gathered momentum only after 1931, during which period nearly
5261 Hectares (13000 acres) of land were reclaimed. It comes to around 67% of all Kayal lands
reclaimed.

As mentioned earlier, Travancore Govt. extended stint less and ceaseless support to all reclamation
activities. The acute scarcity of food grains during the period of the Second World War and the
“Grow More Food” campaign gave a fillip to the enterprise.

4.5 THE PROCESS OF KAYAL RECLAMATION

T he waters of the Vembanadu lake are deep, treacherous and dangerous for navigation,
particularly during monsoons. The sweeping and furious winds from the neighbouring Arabian
Sea engenders engulfing waves in the lake which renders navigation in country canoes difficult and
the extreme volatility as often as not ends in capsizing of canoes.
 23/76

Against this awe-inspiring situation, the rustic Kuttanadan farmers and labourers harnessed
unwavering resolution , amassed wit and wisdom and chiseled out perseverance to assail the mighty
Vembanadu lake.

Once the area of reclamation was identified, the first task was to construct bunds for the required
width. For it, first, piles of coconut stems were hammered deep enough into the bed of the lake so
that they could gain strength and solidity to weather the onrush of tidal waters. Two arrays of piles of
coconut stems were erected, maintaining the required breath, enveloping the identified area. Then it
was fenced with bamboo mats on either side.

The groove so created was first filled with sand as it has high compressive strength. It was then filled
with twigs and rubbish interspersed with clay up to the required height. All these items were
transported from distant places like Pathiramanal, Vettackal, Thuruthummel kari etc. by transport
boats called as “Kettuvalloms”. The clay of required quality had to be lifted from the bed of the lake
itself, often by diving up to a depth of about 20-25 feet.

The next task was to de-water the banded area. Before 1912, traditional water wheels were the only
equipment available for it. With the advent of mechanical pump-sets first using steam power then oil
and at last electricity cleaved a new path in the agriculture of Kuttanadu. It profoundly changed the
complexion of Kayal reclamation in which it revolutionized the scope, scale and nature of operations.

The reclamation activity ends with the completion of de-watering exercise, the tasks and difficulties
encountered by the Kayal Cultivators nevertheless, do not recede. Since the reclaimed Kayal lands
were lying inside the Kayal area itself, the water level outside the bund posits renewed threats to the
crop and to the bunds. Blustering and piping winds from the neighbouring Arabian sea coupled with
the tidal action from the sea through the Cochin cut increases the threat of breach of bunds.
Permeation of brine and other problems were secondary when considering this threat perception. The
Kayal farmer thus, had to be perspicaciously eagle-eyed throughout the day for the entire period of
cultivation.

4.6 GILT-EDGED VISION AND GRIT –EDGED MISSION

ANECDOTES OF KUTTANADAN CHAEBOLS

T he scintillating story of Kayal reclamation under the entrepreneurship of adventurous and

industrious Murickummootil Thomman Joseph of Kavalam in Pulincunnu village is imprinted
and embellished in the reminiscences of Kuttanadu with indelible letters. The Kayal bellwether
“Murickan”, as he was often called, cleaved a path of his own in paddy cultivation in Kuttanadu.

He executed an agreement with the erstwhile Travancore Government on 10-12-1116 (July 1941) for
reclaiming three blocks of Kayals, namely Q, S and T having an area of 224.6 Hectares (555 acres),
236.3 hectares (584 acres) and 127.5 hectares (315 acres) respectively which tots up to 588.4 hectares
of land (1454 acres).
 24/76

In deference to the then Maharaja of Travancore Shri. Chithira Thirumal, Block Q was named as
“Chithira Kayal”. The blocks S and T were named as “Marthandom” and “Rani” Kayals
respectively.

Kuttanadu people still keeps exhilarating stories of Kayal cultivation in their minds. One such story
is worth mentioning as it highlights and epitomises the astuteness and rebellious ideas of Kayal
bellwether “Murickan”. During one season of Punja crop, the climatic conditions took a dramatic
volte-face in the Kayal areas. Nature became more and more furious and the piping sea winds and
waves exhibited ominous tendencies. It was almost certain that the breach of bunds were imminent.
As the catastrophe lingers, Murickan displayed exceptional and grudging mental resilience and
tenacity and became determination personified. He hired a large number of country canoes, transport
boats etc from the entire Kuttanadu area and arrayed them in front of his Kayal lands in such a way
that it acted as a shield against the onrush of devastating waves and whirring winds. He, thus,
successfully averted an almost certain disaster with veritable human courage and boldness. It also
displays his prodigious ability to organise swiftly human efforts virtually in an eye-poping manner.

Belated acknowledgement of Kayal Chaebol Murickan’s astuteness in agriculture and enterprising

skills, can been seen in the concurring remarks made in private by none other than C. Achuthamenon,
the former Chief Minister of Kerala State, which is quoted by communist trade union stalwart
Kamalasanan (1993:55)

Pillai and Panickar (1965; 16-17) narrates an another story regarding the reclamation of “Attumuttu
Kayal”. It was a risky and expensive operation as it entailed the diversion of the course of the mighty
Pamba river, which at that point has 30 feet depth. Utilising only local materials and manual labour
he constructed a barrier across the river and the task of reclamation was accomplished amid
acclamation.

4.7 ECONOMIC FEATURES OF KAYAL RECLAMATION

AND CULTIVATION

A ccording to Pillai and Panickar (1965, 21) Kayal reclamation was essentially a private enterprise,
a classic example of entrepreneurial innovation. Even though the Govt. of Travancore was
supportive to such attempts, the quantum of state assistance was always minuscule.

The dominant pattern of land holding in the Kayal lands was peasant proprietorship. The bulk of it
was cultivated by the people who originally reclaimed it or their successors. As Kayal reclamation
was a venture that required large resources and entrepreneurship, the capitalist agriculturalists had no
inducement to part the land to others on lease. (Pillai and Panickar, 1965; 45)

As regards the size of Kayal areas, it was fairly high due to the scale of operation. Unless it was
reclaimed in large scale, it could not have been successful as it involved huge sums of money and
effort. For a detailed list see Appendix-2. The distribution of holdings according to size is given
in the subjoined table-3. More than half of the holdings (26 holdings out of the total 48 ) have an area
more than 25 hectares. Only a mere 9 holdings have an area less than 10 hectares. Consider that in all
other paddy fields the average size of holdings hardly comes around 2 hectares.
 25/76

DISTRIBUTION OF HOLDINGS OF
KAYAL LANDS ACCORDING TO
SIZE IN KUTTANADU: 1974
Table 3
(In hectares)
CLASS
NO. OF CUMULATIVE
INTERVAL HOLDINGS TOTAL
1 - 5 1 1
6 - 10 7 8
11 - 25 5 13
26 - 50 4 17
51 - 100 5 22
101 - 200 13 35
201 - 500 9 44
501 and
Above 4 48
TOTAL 48

Source: Compiled from: GOK (1974;50-74)

The high degree of capital intensity is another discrete feature of Kayal Cultivation. The farmers in
this area have invested substantial amount of capital in lands, embankments, land improvements,
farm equipments, mechanical devices and transport equipments. Pillai and Panickar (1965,50)
calculated the average investment per holding and per acre. It was Rs. 19630 and Rs. 130.29
respectively in 1962. They comment that this is a fairly high rate of investment by Indian standards.

The level of technology is also advanced and at any rate it is far above the national average. De-
watering and irrigation were completely mechanised as early as 1962. All other possible cultivation
practices were almost fully mechanised.

Regarding marketable surplus, given the veritable size of Kayal lands, all farmers produce a sizable
quantity of marketable surplus. Pillai and Panickar (1965:56) estimated the total marketable surplus
from the entire Kayal lands as 20,77,119 paras or 13,127 tons of paddy.

To the question of level of monetisation, when compared against the national situation, Kerala’s
economy was in an enviable position during the 1960’s. At any rate, agricultural operations in the
Kayal areas were highly monetised when compared with even the rest of Kerala (Pillai and Panickkar
, 1965; 56-57). Bunding, dewatering, ploughing, sowing, transplantation and manuaring are the
major agricultural activities.
 26/76

All of them were almost fully carried out on the basis of cash payment. All the above features of
Kayal cultivation bespeak the fact that it was predominantly a commercial one.

The commercial character of the farms was conditioned by the nature of the operations rather than the
nature of the crop. Size of the holdings is the governing factor in this type of farming. Thus Kayal
cultivation became a business in the strict commercial sense rather than a way of life. (Pillai and
Panickkar , 1965; 59).

4.8 MEIER’S “DOUBLE DUALISM” AND THEORECTICAL

UNDERPINNINGS OF KAYAL CULTIVATION

A griculture in Kuttanadu is sui generis in several respects. One such feature that is worth
highlighting is the dual economy feature as understood in development economics, of Kuttanadu
cultivation.

In the literature on “ Dualistic” pattern of development we see that most of the poor countries do
exhibit some elements of modernisation in one sector or in parts of their economies, that is, a modern
money economy exists alongside a traditional indigenous economy, resulting in what is termed as
“dual economy”, a term coined by celebrated Dutch economist Jan Boeke in his trail-blazing studies
on Indonesian development. (Boeke, 1953). Boeke enumerates the characteristics of Eastern
economies as opposed to western economies – backward sloping supply curves of effort and risk
taking, limited wants, absence of profit seeking, aversion to capital, lack of elasticity of supply and
absence of organisation and of discipline. and ascribes these to the existence of dualism.

All of the above mentioned factors and reasons which are responsible for “Dualistic pattern of
development” have been, truth to tell, surprisingly absent in the cultivation of Kayal lands in
Kuttanadu even as they have been existing in all other areas of Kuttanadu. (See the rubric ‘economic
features of Kayal reclamation and cultivation’ and ‘anecdotes of Kayal Chaebol’). Admittedly, less
developed countries do possess the very factors that determine and shape the developmental
trajectory of countries at least in some sectors, and Kayal cultivation waxes eloquent this fact, yet ,
there exist factors attributed to dualism in the majority of sectors. Hence, it is imperative to initiate
soul-searching as to figure out the imponderables and subtle nuances of social and economic
structure of these countries that hinders the permeation of such developmental virtues deep into the
interiors of poverty stricken and development hungry rural areas. To say the least, the exposition of
sociological dualism is of less use to expatiate and interpret the features and characteristics of rural
economies.

As against this, another noted economist Benjamin Higgins parade rebuttal arguments and argued that
it is the limited degree of substitutability of factors of production which resulted in what he calls
“technological dualism” and attributes as the cause for the existence of “dual economy” in less
developed countries.(Higgins, 1999; 299-302).
 27/76

Viewed against this, Kayal cultivation underscores that it is not the limited degree of substitutability
of labour for capital as visualised by Higgins, but the limited degree of flexibility in scale of operation
and the limited degree of substitutability of capital for labour due to institutional dykes that results in
such a dual economy in Kuttanadu.

In essence, these awesome theoretical expositions on “dual economy” thus seems to have only less
dilatory power when juxtaposed against the dualistic pattern of development of Kuttanadu as
exemplified by the “Kayal reclamations” in the sea-like lake Vembanadu on the one hand and the
stylised cultivation which utilises indigenous technology mainly attuned for subsistence on the other
hand.

Due to the fear of prolixity, elaborations further in this line are not attempted. Albeit, it is worth
reflecting that, this dualism as a consequence of Kayal cultivation in Kuttanadu within the generally
backward agricultural sector seems to be quite fit to what noted economist Gerald Meier refers to as
“Double Dualism” in less developed countries (Meier, 1990: 161).

4.9 THE R-BLOCK RECLAMATION OR THE HOLLAND SCHEME

T he farmers of the Kayal land named as “Puthen Pathinalayiram” in Kainakari village of

Allappuzha District under the leadership of Mr. Punnoose Mathew Pattasseriyil (Kuttappan) and
Mr. P.J. Joseph Kandakkudy submitted a scheme to the then Govt. of Kerala to reclaim that Kayal
land by constructing permanent bunds in the model of “dykes of Holland” with a view to cultivate
two crop of paddy and other crops like coconut, banana, tapioca, sugarcane etc round the year
(Kamalasanan, 1993; 235-36). It was truly a co-operative enterprise and the significance of this
development was that it brought together 31 cultivators of diverse types into a common platform for
the improvement of their paddy fields (Pillai and Panickar, 1965:148).

The scheme contemplated the construction of a granite stone –cum-concrete bund round the R-
block Kayal land located at about 9.7 km North-East of Alleppey and about 24.1 km South-West of
Kottayam. This block has an area of about 607 Hectares (1500 acres) and the border bunds of the
block have a total length of a little over 9.7 km. The main idea of the scheme was to reclaim the
entire block by constructing permanent bunds all along the 9.7 km length of its boundaries. The
entire block is sub-divided into 7 sub-blocks of about 80.9 Hectares (200 acres) belonging to several
cultivators (Gregory, 1963; 401-402).
 28/76

An area of 566.6 Hectares (1400) acres of reclaimed land, has been made available which is
permanently protected from the entry of outside water on the model of land protected by the “Dykes”
in Holland. Hence, the project is often called as “Holland Scheme” though no connection had been
there with Holland in its implementation.

An interesting feature of this scheme is that it is not reclamation of new land, but only a
consolidation of earlier reclamations by the erection of permanent bunds (Panikar and Pillai,
1965:147)

Though the scheme was evolved for raising a second crop of paddy in the entire area, it could not be
achieved. The major portion of the block is now cultivated under cash crops like coconut, sugarcane
etc. Moreover, the excessive cost of dewatering the block area of the accumulated rainwater, also
made it unattractive to be replicated in other Kayal blocks.

But, with the passage of time, it generated lucrative returns. The country liquor called as “toddy”
which is tapped from coconut palms, has now became one among the major sources of income. It is
observed that, now , farmers of this Kayal land alone cultivate crops in a remunerative way
(Kamalasanan, 1993:236)

5 FREAKS OF NATURE AND THE EXTENT OF DAMAGE

B roadly speaking, the natural hazards that afflicting Kuttanadu region are five:

1. Floods
2.Salinity and
3.Acidity of soil
4.Pests and disease.
5. Weeds

5.1 FLOODS

T he floodwaters carried by the 4 rivers that drain into Kuttanadu have normally to find their exit
into the sea at Cochin, through the Vembanadu Lake. Another emergency exit exists at the
Kayamkulam bar, which breaks during the monsoons and gives an outlet to the waters, which
overflow into the Kayamkulam Lake, but the discharge is pretty low when compared the former.
Floodwaters from the 4 rivers could find an exit into the sea only at the Cochin sea mouth that is
about 56 km up North. The water surface slope being very gradual, the rate of discharge to the sea
through Cochin is considerably reduced through lake storage and consequently the Kuttanadu area is
subjected to abnormally long submergence during the monsoon period.
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It has been found out that the loss due to the damage by flood in 7 taluks of Kuttanadu would amount
to about 9 lakhs of paras of paddy per year (GOK, 1954:86)*

Tidal action from the Arabian Sea combined with the floodwaters of the rivers causes frequent
breaches of bunds with all their disastrous consequences.

The recurrence of this phenomenon poses serious problems. The incidence of floods is particularly
heavy during the months of November and December, which is the sowing season. The inundation
caused by the North Eastern Monsoon reinforced by the spring tides from the sea produce a mounting
pressure, which the ring bunds are often unable to withstand. A breach anywhere in the ring bund
results in the entire flooding of that Padasekharam.

Put otherwise, all dreams and expectations of Kuttanadan people crumbles down like castles in the
air. In nutshell, the torrential downpour not only washes away the ring bunds but the income of
people for the whole year as well.

The subjoined table-4 gives the extent of loss suffered by Kuttanadu due to floods :

ANNUAL LOSS OF PADDY IN

KUTTANADU
AREA DUE TO FLOODS
Table 4

AREA LOSS OF
YEAR AFFECTED PADDY
(in hectares) (in tonnes)
1961-62 13,355 35,000
1962-63 - -
1965-66 - -
1966-67 16,188 40,000
1967-68 - -
1968-69 13,446 35,000

Source: Compiled from: (GOK,1971:10)

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5.2 SALINITY

S alinity encroachment is the another major problem confronting Kuttanadu. The waters of
Vembanadu lake are a mixture of salt water of the Arabian sea and fresh water discharged by the
rivers.

The tidal basin consists of about 313.39 sq km of which about 37% is in the Kuttanadu region south
of Thanneermukkom near Vaikom. The waters of this area become increasingly brackish during the
summer months as salinity advance due to “tidal diffusion” i.e. the mixing of the saline waters
downstream with the fresher waters upstream.

The evil effects of saline invasion are felt not only by the crops but also by the people because water
in the entire area is rendered unfit for use.

So far as cultivation is concerned, it affects the crops in 2 ways: (1) the saline water seeps through the
protecting bunds into the fields and destroys the crop (2) the crop suffers from lack of fresh water for
irrigation.

In some years, when the salinity encroachment takes place early in the year, say in December, there
will be heavy failure of crops, as irrigation is rendered impossible after the transplantation of paddy.
Panikar and Pillai (1965:137) gives an estimate, in which they say that during 1950s, even as early as
December 15, the salinity content at Vaikom had reached up to 328 ppm. It is estimated that about
10,117.36 hectares (25,000 acres) are affected by salinity invasion. The average annual loss of paddy
on this account is of the order of 9480 tonnes (15 lakh paras) Moreover, the absence of fresh water
during summer months also makes it impossible to have a second crop.

5.3 ACIDITY

F urther, as has already been said, in most of the Kuttanadan areas places the soil is highly acidic
and contains toxic salts. The acidity is due to production of sulphuric acid by microbiological
oxidation of sulphur compound present in the soil. (GOK, 1974: 17). Toxicity becomes severe on the
topsoil by the deleterious salts coming to the surface by capillary action when the fields are dry
during summer months or when the water outside the fields rises high.

In another context it says that the high acidity the soil is due to the presence of large quantities of
organic matter. (GOK, 1974:18). The effluence of organic acids and other toxic substances from the
sub-soil by capillary action take acidity level beyond tolerance limits. Application of soil ameliorants
like lime, dolomite etc, becomes hence necessary. Howsoever, the problem has debilitating effects
upon the agriculture of this region.
 31/76

5.4 PESTS AND DISEASES

C ertain types of pests and diseases are very common in Kuttanadu. The main reason for this is
that the cultivation takes place during the dry months. Leaf Roller, Rice stem Borer, Rice bug,
Paddy Gall Fly, Rodents are the important pests that infest the crop.

5.5 PROBLEM OF WEEDS

T he all-pervading water weeds of Kuttnadu posits another set of impediments to both paddy
cultivation and life in Kuttanadu. Two varieties of waterweeds are found in Kuttanadu.
They are:

1. African Payal (Payal means weed) – ‘Salvinia Auriculate’

2. Water Hyacinth or “Kulavazha” -- ‘Eichromia Crassipes’

The weed problem in Kuttanadu assumed alarming proportions from the decade of 1960’s. It was
“African Payal” that became a problem in Kuttanadu first. The qualifier “African” takes root to the
fact that they are widely found in the waterways of Zambia, Kenya, Zimbabwe etc. It is a non-
flowering small plant with blue-tinted leaves spread on the surface of water, which pervades swiftly
becoming denser and thicker, and engrosses the entire area within a wink of an eye. Fortuitously,
during the 1990’s, the African payal problem has been brought under the leash.

In what could be seen as an attempt to counter poise the retreat of African Payal, by the end of
1980’s, the water-hyacinth, a native of S. America, even though found its way into this region as
early as the early decades of the last century, surfaced on the surface of water ways of Kuttanadu as a
menace. It is a free-floating bulbous plant with deep green leaves. It also proliferates at amazing
speeds and blankets the area quickly.

These waterweeds have been causing enormous headaches to agriculture and life in Kuttanadu.
These weeds will often get an entry into the paddy fields when flooded during the monsoon season.
So it has to be removed before cultivation and it takes a number of man days for it and adds yet
another item to the inventory of expenditures. Its presence along waterways virtually hinders
navigation even by country canoes. Recall that even today many a people depend up on waterways
for transportation.
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5.6 THE PROBLEM OF TRANSPORTATION

T hanks to the reclaimed nature, waterways and canals were the only medium of transportation in
the incipient years of development in Kuttanadu. The nearest main land towns were
Changanacherry in the East and Alappuzha in the West. There was no road link to them.

In the absence of roads, transport of both goods and passengers was done mostly by water. Inland
navigation in the lakes and canals is hindered even now by three factors:

1. the low water level

2. the silt deposited during monsoon floods.
3. the presence of waterweeds which hinders navigation through rivers and
backwaters.

In essence, the discrete topography of Kuttanadu rendered it as a region, of a garland if islets and
narrow strips of-lands, incapable of providing adequate means of transport, upon which the fortunes
of agriculture of Kuttanadu hinges.

6 ATTEMPTS TO UNLOCK THE GRID LOCK OF

NATURE

6.1 THE BACKDROP

R ice is the staple crop and food grain of people of Kerala. But its availability is nowhere near the
requirement of the state at any point of time. The Rice Deal Inquiry Commission Report (GOK,
1959:6) says that Kerala is a “notoriously deficit” state in the matter of rice. It estimated that the
requirement of rice was 120 lakhs while the effective supply was only about 8 lakh of tonnes. There
was thus an annual deficit of 7 lakhs of tonnes that must be got from elsewhere.

It necessitated large-scale movements of rice from other states to Kerala. Add to this the tactics
artfully played by the large-scale rice trades of other states, which often rendered the state govt. in an
awkward situation regarding its procurement from outside the state. The strange coincidence is that,
the major scandal that first erupted in the history of Kerala state was that of the deal related to the
rice import by the state government. The production, requirement and shortfall of rice in Kerala over
the years have been furnished in the table-5 given below.
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Table 5

PRODUCTION,REQUIREMENT AND SHORTFALL

OF RICE IN KERALA FROM 1911-2000
1 2 3 4 5 6 7
GROWTH RATE

REQUIREMENT
PRODUCTION
POPULATION

POPULATION SHORTFALL

PADDY
ADULT
YEAR

AS
SHORTFALL PERCENTAGE
OF
REQUIREMENT

1911 11.70 7,990,099 6,392,079 NA 792,618 NA NA

1921 9.20 8,924,941 7,139,953 NA 885,354 NA NA
1931 21.80 9,746,036 7,796,829 NA 966,807 NA NA
1941 16.00 11,870,672 9,496,538 NA 1,177,571 NA NA
1951 22.80 13,769,980 11,015,984 NA 1,365,982 NA NA
1955
12.40 15,477,458 12,381,966 883,920 1,535,364 651,444 42.4
-56
1961 24.80 16,909,535 13,527,628 1,067,530 1,677,426 609,896 36.4
1971 26.30 21,356,743 14,949,720 1,292,010 1,853,765 561,755 30.3
1981 19.20 25,457,238 17,820,066 1,272,000 2,209,688 937,688 42.4
1991 14.30 18,913,454 18,913,454 1,086,580 2,345,268 1,258,688 53.7
2001 9.42 20,695,102 20,695,102 764,610 2,566,193 1,801,583 70.2

NA= Not Available

* = Provisional.

Sources: Complied from: (1) Growth rate of population

(2) Population figure for 2001 DCOK (2001:63)
(3) Rice production for 1955-56
(4) Rice production for 1961—2001 SPB (2001:80)

Notes: (1) Population figures for 1911-1991, projected by using the decadal growth
and population of 2001.
(2) It is assumed that up to 1961, 80% of the population was adult; for the
year 1971 and 1981 the corresponding percentage assumed is 70 and
for 1991 and 2001, it is 65 %
(3) Rice production figures from 1961-2001, actually refers years
1960-61,1970-71,1980-81and 1999-2000.
(4) Total requirements of rice is on the basis of 0.124 ton per adult per
year, i.e., 340 gm/day/adult.
 34/76

In 1955-56, the state experienced a shortfall of 42% of the total requirement. The consequent rice
scandal that wreaked wreckage on the political landscape of Kerala happened in 1957. This short fall
in food grains production was not a new one, but was a historical one. From the early decades of the
last century itself, the hiatus between domestic production and requirement exerted pressures upon
the economy. The shortfall as a percentage hovered around 50 % of the total requirement up to early
1990’s, but disturbingly, it leap-frogged into 70% of the requirement in 2001

6.2 KUTTANADU DEVELOPMENT SCHEME

A s mentioned above, scarcity of food grains in Kerala is a historical one. It was this fact that
actually motivated erstwhile sate of Travancore to give all support to all endeavours that had any
remote influence or effect upon food grain production. In addition to it, the high density of Kuttanadu
coupled with the fury of nature staged the dress rehearsal of developmental choreography in
Kuttanadu.

However, there is no unanimity regarding the nature and objectives of KDS among different
researchers. Actually the scheme was envisaged and drafted by the Public Works Department of the
erstwhile Travancore-Cochin Government. According to Pillai and Panickar, (1965:138-239) the
scheme was emerged as a project to provide lasting solution for the physical problems of Kuttanadu.
It, then argued that the scheme was not evolved as an integrated plan; it was rather a composite
picture of several measures proposed at different times by different expert to tackle the major
problems of Kuttanadu such as floods, salinity and transport. The Kuttanadu Enquiry Commission
(GOK, 1971) does not make any patent references in this regard, nevertheless, it broadly concurs with
Pillai and Panikar. But, Menon (1975:165) treat KDS as one among the major irrigation works in
Allapuzha district.

According to Kamalasanan, it is the world-renowned agricultural scientist Dr. M.S.Swaminathan

who propounded this scheme.(1993:36)

6.3 FIRST STAGE OF KDS

6.3.1 THOTTAPPALLY SPILL WAY

S ince 1934, the state Government of Travancore had been seriously concerned about a permanent
solution to the flood problem in Kuttanadu. During 1937, two Italian Engineers were
commissioned by the Government to investigate and report the potential water resources of the state.
In their report they had suggested the cutting open of a flood way channel from the Vembanadu lakes,
at Aryad just North of Alleppey to the sea. Quite independent of this recommendation, Shri. I.C.
 35/76

Chacko, the then executive engineer, Irrigation Division and a native of Kuttanadu, had made a
suggestion to cut open a spillway channel into the sea at Thottappally.

The site of Thottappally was selected by taking into account the fact that, it was the extreme south
end of the flood limit in Kuttanadu. The areas south of this, moreover had natural drainage towards
Kayamkulam lake. The site, furthermore, had the advantage of directly letting out the floodwaters
into the sea even at the commencement of the flooding season.

The design of the spillway was prepared after detailed hydro graphic and hydrological studies to
determine the extent of maximum floods, the outflow through the existing waterways and the
anticipated requirements of the spillway channel to be constructed. The maximum monthly dispatch
of floods flowing from the 3 rivers Manimala, Pamba and Achencoil amounts to about 69,000 cusecs
during July and August. Of these, it was estimated that 5000 cusecs of flood discharge would escape
into Kayamkulam lake during normal floods through the existing openings along the Quilon –
Alleppey road. The spillway at Thottappally was therefore designed to discharge the rate of flow of
64,000 cusecs so that all the remaining floodwaters would find an easy outlet into the sea.

The spillway project consists of a spill-way channel 4300 ft long and 1200 feet width with 40
regulator steel shutters of 25’ x 9’ which can be operated both electrically and manually.
During 1950, the state Govt. of Travancore – Cochin accorded sanction for the construction of
Thottappally spill way. The work in the spill way was started in 1951 and was commissioned in 1955.

6.3.2 THANNEERMUKKOM SALT WATER BARRAGE

T he Thanneermukkom barrage was envisaged to mitigate the problem of saline water invasion in
the Kuttanadu area after the subsidence of North Eastern monsoon. It would also avoid the
necessity of controlling the floodwaters of the perennial river Muvattupuzha that joins Vembanadu
further north. Besides, it would leave a sufficiently large area of brackish waters for the coir industry
in and around Vaikom to ret the coir husks.

It was found that Thannermukkam would be the ideal site for the barrage as all the Punja fields of
Kuttanadu lie South of Thannermukkam while most of the nascent fishing industry was concentrated
to the north of it. Moreover, the width of Vembanadu lake is minimum at Thanneermukkom.

The project consists of the construction of a bund having a length of 4500 ft connecting
Thanneermukkom with Vechoor. Two parallel rows of rubble-dumped walls were built and the space
in between was filled up with earth. The bund has a height of 3 ft above the high tide level. Provision
is made for letting off the floodwaters carried by the Meenachil river through gates on the barrage.
There is a 40 ft wide road running over the barrier that bridges Vaikom with Alleppey. The heavy
navigation along the Vembanadu lake will be taken care of by the provision of a twin lock at
Thannermukkam end and a single lock at the Vechoor end.

In addition to the prevention of ingress of brackish water, the bridge over the barrage provided a
direct road link between Alappuzha district and Kottayam District, which was earlier accessible only
through water transport. Although the work was commenced in 1958, it could be completed only by
the mid 1970’s.
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6.3.3 A-C ROAD

T he vibrant and vivacious Kuttanadu economy buttressed by the galvanising Kayal reclamations
generated centrifugal and centripetal forces which eventually culminated in the vociferous
clamour for a road link in Kuttanadu.

Consequently the Government of Travancore sanctioned a scheme in 1941 for the construction of a
road-cum canal connecting Changanacherry and Alleppey. In the next year itself, its work had been
started, nevertheless, it was suspended subsequently. After a long interregnum period, it was again
taken up in 1951 as the first phase of the momentous “Kuttanadu Development Scheme”.

The road project envisaged: (a) the laying of a 40 feet wide road linking the major centers of
Kuttanadu, (b) a 100 feet wide canal running along the Southern side of the road mainly formed due
to the excavations of earth, mud etc for reclaiming the land strip for the road and (c) two broad
embankments on either side of the road intended for house sites. With this road link, the distance
between Alleppey and Changanacherry has been reduced by about 42 kms. The projects detailed
above formed the first stage of the Kuttanadu Development Scheme undertaken by the state
Government.

Reminiscing the above-mentioned discordance regarding the objective of KDS, Menon (1975:166),
considers the A-C Road project as the second stage of KDS and referred Thannermukkam salt-water
barrage as the third stage of it. Be that as it may, Kuttanadu Enquiry commission (GOK, 1971:14)
enumerates a clutch of projects as the second stage of KDS

The proposed schemes under the second stage are the following:

1. Construction of permanent bunds with appurtenant works

2. Improvements to the approach channel leading to Thottappally. Spill way.
3. Protective works to the bunds of fields affected by the operations of the spillway gates.
4. Works connected with the diversion of tailrace waters of Idukki hydroelectric project from the
Muvattupuzha river.

Regarding the second scheme, experience had shown that the spill way became dysfunctional at its
design capacity. The main bottleneck found was the insufficient section of the leading channel.
Hence, it was proposed to widen the leading channel to that of the overall bed width of the spillway
i.e. 365.7m (1200ft).

Regarding the fourth scheme, had implemented would be made possible the availability of 1440
cusecs of water for Mundakan crop (winter crop). The Muvattupuzha river, empties into Vembanadu
lake on the North side of Thannermukkom barrage. The diversion could be achieved by constructing
a regulator on the upstream of Vettikkattu Mukku (near Hindustan Newsprint Factory, Velloor in
Kottayam District) where the river branches into two. From this place, a channel could be harrowed
along the eastern periphery of the Kuttanadu region.
 37/76

6.4 EXPECTED BENEFITS FROM THE SCHEMES

B oth the Thottappally spill way and the Thanneermukkom barrier have regulatory devices to let
out water as desired so that the pressure from the flood waters also can be relieved. The
protection thus afforded to the ring bunds would greatly facilitate Punja cultivation and reduce the
costs of normal bunding operations as well as further reclamations. Had adequate steps been taken to
conserve the water resources, a perennial supply of fresh water could have been assured for
agriculture. This would made irrigation possible at any point of the year and it was expected that
double cropping would be feasible over a large part of Kuttanadu as and when the development
scheme has been completed. It would also have beneficial effects on navigation because it could
solve the problem of a low water level in the navigation routes during the summer months.

It had been estimated that the average annual loss due to floods in Kuttanadu was of the order of 8.8
lakh paras of paddy, while that due to the ingress of salinity was about 15.4 lakh paras of paddy. The
removal of these two scourges would save 24.2 lakh paras or about 15,300 tons of paddy. (Panikar
and Pillai, (1965:145). From the second crop, which would expected be made possible by these
projects, over an area of 36,000 acres, an yield of about 18,000 tons of paddy was expected. Thus the
direct effect of the scheme would be to increase the annual productions of paddy in Kerala by over
33,000 tons or 3.3% of current paddy production.

It was also expected that the construction of Thannermukkom barrier and the Thottappally spillway
would help exclusion of unduly large quantities of Chloride salts in the soils.(Menon,1975:10)

6.5 A BROADSIDE ON THE BENEFITS

I t was feared that the construction of the spill way and the barrage would reduce the tidal volume of
ebb and flow passing through the Cochin harbour and would lead to greater silting of the shipping
channels. The reduction in stream flow due to the diversion of the waters of the Pamba river system
is not considerable because much of that water used to be absorbed by the water spread in the lakes
and the reduction in the flow was estimated to be only 25%.

The other objections raised were that it would adversely affect the fishing industry and the retting of
coconut husks from which coir has been made out.

But majority of active fishing centers were located north of the barrage and had been left unaffected.
As regards, the other issue of coconut husk retting it was argued that the project hardly affects the
activity as brackish water was not indispensable for retting purpose. Further more, retting in
freshwater seldom alters the usability of coir so made out.
 38/76

7 FROM PERMANENT BUNDS TO SEMI-SUBMERSIBLE

PERMANENT BUNDS

I t was observed that big ticket developmental schemes like “Holland Scheme” (R-Block Kayal
reclamation) would benefit only the large scale cultivators in increasing the coconut, areca nut and
banana production. As such, Gregory (1963:399-07), as early as 1963, urged to think about helping
small cultivators in erecting permanent bunds for their paddy fields. He further argued that, on these
bunds, one or two rows of coconuts and a row of areca nut could be planted. The cultivators would
no longer be required to repair and erect temporary bunds every year and could easily pocket a cool
amount hitherto defrayed as bunding expenses. For that venture, he also pointed out the need of
subsidy and government support for constructing such permanent bunds in the form of long-term
loans. He proposed that 25% of the cost might be given as an incentive subsidy and the remaining
75% as loan to be recovered in 10 annual installments from the 10th year after the coconut trees have
begun to give normal yield.

7.1 NATURE OF TEMPORARY BUNDS AND

THE IDEA OF PERMANENT BUNDS

T hanks to the below MSL existence of Kuttanadu Paddy fields (“Padasekharams”), construction
and strengthening of new and existing bunds enveloping paddy fields are essential pre-requisites
for cultivation. Traditionally, ring bunds are constructed using clay dug out from the fields or from
canal beds. At the time of construction, the clay would be very loose in nature. The bund was then
stabilised on either side with a row of stakes. The layers of clay were then fortified with brushwood,
straw or tall grass. Facing the edges of the bund with plaited coconut fronds or bamboo mattings was
done to prevent the erosion of the bunds.

In spite of all these protective measures as often as not breach or complete washing out of bunds
happens with the onset of onslaught of monsoon and onrush of locust waves from the Vembanadu
Lake. Worse still, it inflicts an additional expense upon Kuttanadu farmers in the form of
maintenance and repairing of washed off bunds. Such maintenance works cost on an average Rs. 8
per meter of bund or about Rs. 300 per hectare of rice field. (GOK, 1974: 29).

Furthermore, as is seen from table – 18, the flood level after August is pretty manageable, the
possibility of breach of bunds nevertheless, not recedes, thanks to the medium floods of North
Eastern Monsoon.

It is against this backcloth, the proposal of construction of “semi-submersible permanent bunds” by

Kuttanadu Development Project acquires significance. In the place of traditional earthen bunds,
 39/76

permanent bunds having superior endurance quality and height enough to stay above the Northeastern
flood level were proposed.

Accordingly, the region would be saved from the scourges of nature during September and October.
It was then possible to start paddy cultivation from August – September onwards in Karapadoms as
well.

In the backdrop of suggestions made by Gregory and other persons, the focus drifted from Kayal
lands to other types of paddy fields especially Karapadoms of the deltaic region of Kuttanadu. Since
these are the areas that experience the wrath of floodwaters more often than not, paddy cultivation
could be begun only after the subsidence of N. E. monsoon by the end of October.

The objective of Kuttanadu Development Project, viewed from this angle, was salutary and hence
salubrious to be accomplished.

7.2 THE IDEA OF SEMI-SUBMERSIBLE BUNDS AND

THE KLDC PROJECT

7.2.1 THE NECESSITY OF SEMI-SUBMERSIBLE PERMANENT BUNDS

T he permanent bunds to be constructed were envisaged as “semi-submersible, that is, it would lie
submerged during the period of inundation of South Western monsoon (June-August). During its
period, if a considerable portion of the rice fields in Kuttanadu were zoned off from entry of freshets,
the water level in the region would rise above the bunds, overtopping them and submerging even
garden lands. In order to ward off this threat, the permanent bunds were proposed to be submersible
during the high floods of South-West Monsoon (GOK, 1974:29).

7.2.2 OBJECTIVES OF THE PROJECT

I t is already mentioned that in addition to the existing Punja crop, the possibility of raising an
additional crop had been brainstormed by several quarters during 1960s.The report says that, "With
the end of the Second world war…….increased production of food became an imperative
need….………. ……promotion of food production in the successive five year plans and schemes
intended to contribute to the maximum production of rice in the state were given high priority.
Raising an additional crop in Kuttanadu was one such scheme taken up for active consideration since
1967” (GOK, 1974:ii).

The project principally aims at raising a second crop of rice annually in an area of about 52,000
hectares of rice fields in Kuttanadu and to stabilise the existing rice cultivation in the region.
Adequate protection from floods and other hazards has to be given to the rice fields to enable the
raising of two crops annually (GOK, 1974:4).
 40/76

Needless to mention, it had set a new stage in Kuttanadu affairs for hectic developmental
choreography for several years to be unfolded and finally put forth quite independently an ambitious
project laced with demanding tasks to pitchfork the Kuttanadu economy into its vintage times.

It is christened as “Kuttanadu Development Project” and became the first project to be taken up by
the newly created, “The Kerala Land Development Corporation Ltd.”.

7.2.3 THE CROPPING SEASON

I f a second crop is to be tilled, the first crop would have to be sown during August – September and
harvested by December – January and the second crop would have to be raised during the period
from January to April in order to complete the harvesting well before (GOK, 1974:29) the
commencement of South-West monsoon. The situation is better understood with the help of the
schematic diagram (table-6) specifically worked out below which encapsules developmental
choreography of Kuttanadu and with its impact.
 41/76

A DIGEST OF PROBLEMS OF, CAUSES FOR AND PROJECTS IMPLEMENTED

IN, KUTTANADU WITH THEIR CURRENT STATUS
Table 6
1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9
Sl. Name of the Period of Nature of Cause of the Status of Intensity Remedy to the Status of Status of
No Problem Occurrence Intensity Problem Problem Remedy Agriculture
Monsoon May end to South Western Thottappally Near total
1 High Unmanageable Not Possible
Flood August Monsoon Spillway Failure
(1) In Kayal
lands the
problem is not
Protection up there
to certain (2) In other
October to Medium North Western Strengthening of extent, still, areas
2 Flood Manageable
November to Low Monsoon Ring Bunds prone to agriculture is
breach of possible, albeit
Bunds the threat
lingers

Agriculture is
Tidal
Mid possible but
Brine Diffusion Thannermukkam Accomplished
3 December to High Unmanageable not practiced,
Invasion through Kochi Barrage the Objective
May end due to
Cut
other reasons

Medium flood
Semi-
--as first crop
4 Impossibility Submergible
needs to be
of Second -- -- Permanent
shifted Difficult to Manage
Crop Bunds—by
backwards
KLDC
 42/76

As is evident, paddy cultivation is not possible during June, July and August due to incessant
monsoon. It is also not possible from Mid-February to May end during which the brine invasion
assumes alarming proportions. Barring these locust months, Kuttanadu gets hardly five months
spanning from September to early February during which inclemency varies from medium to low.
As a matter of fact, it is this singularity of calendar of nature that shaped Kuttanadu as a single Punja
crop region.

7.2.4 THE ASSUMPTION OF KUTTANADU DEVELOPMENT PROJECT

S ince its cardinal objective was to realise the much- touted second crop, it had to insulate the crop
from the problem of brine invasion. As the project did not have any plan to address the problem
separately, it simply took refuge in the assumption that the problem would be overcame with the
commissioning of the Thannermukkom barrage by the end of 1974. (GOK, 1974:5). As a
consequence, paddy cultivation would be possible during the period from February to May end. In
the Kayal lands, where cropping is possible from September onwards, turns out to be suitable for
raising second crop immediately after the harvest of first crop without fear of brine ingress.

7.2.5 THE PROJECT IN A NUTSHELL

I t proposed the construction of permanent semi-submersible bunds for the length of 2000 km
enveloping 52,000 hectares of paddy fields. Out of this, 750 km. of bunds would be built with
masonry walls depending upon the degree of turbulence to be experienced. The estimated cost was
about Rs. 200 million. On the bunds, it envisaged planting of 3 lakh coconut seedlings in single row
at an estimated cost of Rs. 11.6 million.

In addition to it, the project made provision for 3 infrastructure works.

1. Improvement to the approach channel of the Thottappally spill way as its actual performance
had fallen short of the design capacity –cost Rs. 26.90 lakhs
2. Special protective works to the bunds of the approach channel- cost Rs. 9.60 lakhs
3. Diversion of Idukki tailrace waters from the Muvattupuzha river basin to Kuttanadu for
irrigation – cost Rs. 6.50 lakhs

The latter was proposed as it was found that, the existing water resources were insufficient for the
second crop when the entire project area comes under double crop.

The finance for the construction was proposed to be raised by loans from the financial institutions. It
would be taken by the project authority on behalf of the cultivators. It would be repaid with interest
over a period ranging from 10 to 15 years.

It was expected that 1 lakh tones of rice having a market value of Rs. 150 million could be produced
from 52,000 hectares of land. It also estimated that, the second crop would generate 5 million man-
days of employment annually.
 43/76

8 KUTTANADU PADDY CULTIVATION

DEVELOPMENT PROJECT

T his is the newest of attempts undertaken by the various agencies for the development of
Kuttanadu. It envisages to:

1. Improve infrastructure facilities

2. Improve the cultivation methods scientifically
3. Increase the cropping area of paddy by extending “Punja Crop” to all the 33,000 hectares of Punja
lands and implementing 2nd crop in at least 12,000 hectares.
4. Increase income by implementing pisciculture in at least 10,000 hectares after the normal Punja
crop (KLDC, 2000:5)

It thus, aims to provide employment to the agricultural labourers through out the year. It would check
the migration of agricultural labourers to other areas outside Kuttanadu for gainful employment. It
would also stabilise income fluctuations as there is no complete dependence upon paddy alone.

By this, all-important developments projects undertook by various agencies hitherto in Kuttanadu

have been dealt and dwelt at detail. The relative merits ,demerits and after effects of each project
have been discussed and evaluated curtly in the next section.

9 SECOND THOUGHTS ON SCHEMES IMPLEMENTED

IN KUTTANADU

A ll main schemes, envisaged and implemented, to grapple with the problems of flood, brine
invasion and difficulty in transportation, needless to mention, were invariably envisioned and
implemented as consummate solutions to the problems addressed.

With hindsight, it is high time to look at this angle askance, unless, dissecting the performances and
segregating bright spots from the much-prejudiced and evaluation – fatigued backdrop of hapless and
helpless Kuttanadu, would once again be fizzled out. Positing the nagging query as to why such an
array of projects and schemes were brainstormed and implemented in this particular region alone,
leaving aside problems of other regions, unfolds new dimensions. This analytical mooring,
admittedly, simplifies the endeavour to appraise developmental schemes of Kuttanadu.

9.1 DENSITY OF KUTTANADU

O ne way of sequestering the factors responsible for initiating such as slew of calibrated
developmental programmes in Kuttanadu is to make an inventory of the facts that gave the
 44/76

region an odd nature. The density of Kuttanadu finds a place in that pack of facts.

But, barring a few sporadic allusive and vague references, (Pillai & Panickar (1965:B, 172-73), GOK
(1971:7) etc) the issue of density of Kuttanadu seldom gravitated notice of researchers.

The table No. 25, given below highlights the midriff between density and effective density in
Kuttanadu and density of Kerala and Alappuzha district. A distinction between density and effective
density has been made to spotlight the peculiar topography of Kuttanadu. Since almost all land in
Kuttanadu is reclaimed land in one way or other, only in those areas, which lie above water level,
habitation is possible. On the other hand, the wet land areas where only paddy cultivation is possible
lie below or at MSL, averages from around 28% to as high as 81% in different thaluks and to the
region as a whole, it comes around a decisive figure of 50% (Table-22). Fortuitously, the concept
“effective density” acrobatically factors in these two aspects within the term and shows the gravity of
the problem in a nutshell.

Effective density is calculated by taking only garden lands with the population figure. Since wetlands
comprise nearly 50% of the total area, habitation is constricted with in the garden lands, which can
claim only nearly 38% of the total area, effective density in Kuttanadu reflects astronomical levels.
In short, the term mirrors the predominance of wetlands and limited availability of garden lands.

Even in as early as 1941 the density of Kuttanadu Thaluk was not only well above the urban average
of the state in 1971 (table 25) but higher than that of even now as well. Effective density of
Kuttanadu Thaluk is, perhaps, the one among the highest in the world for a region in such a rural
setting.

9.2 INTERFACE OF HIGH DENSITY, DEARTH OF

CULTIVABLE LAND AND NATURE’S FURY

A s mentioned earlier, it is this peculiar interface of high effective density and incessant floods and
brine invasion that magnified the intensity of damage and devastation in Kuttanadu. It thus,
engaged the attention of Govt. as early as early decades of 20th century.

Add to this is the pathological dependence of Kuttanadu upon wetlands for paddy cultivation as
almost 50% of the total land in Kuttanadu is wetlands. Furthermore, the percapita availability of
cultivable land in Kuttanadu is notoriously low when compared to the state average.
 45/76

PERCAPITA AVAILABILITY OF CULTIVABLE LAND IN KERALA

AND KUTTANADU AND ITS PERCENTAGE DIFFERENCE:
SCENARIO—1

Table 7
(in Acre)
1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8
PRCAPITA CULTIVABLE

POPULATION of
KUTTANADU
LAND: KERALA

PERCENTAGE
PERCAPITA

DIFFERENCE
PERCENTAGE
PERCAPITA DIFFERENCE availability of
YEAR

rise in
CULTIVABLE between CULTIVABLE
PERCAPITA
LAND KERALA and LAND due to
CULTIVABLE
KUTTANADU KUTTANADU SECOND
LAND
CROP

1961 0.282 1,340,459 0.027 0.255 90.4

1971 0.252 1,693,000 0.021 0.231 91.7 0.019 90.5

1981 0.213 2,018,056 0.018 0.195 91.5

1991 0.190 2,306,638 0.015 0.175 92.1

2001 NA 2,523,923 0.014 NA NA

Source: Compiled from (1) GOK (1971;4,7,78)

(2) SPB (2001:15) for col. 2

Assumption: (1) Since Garden and Puramboke lands are chiefly used for non-agricultural
purposes, it is the wet land areas that comprise land for agriculture, i.e., for paddy cultivation, called
as Punja crop having a duration of 3 months. Hence, effective wetland availability is computed by
dividing the total wetland area with 12 and multiplied by 3.
 46/76

Table-7 (scenario-1) shows that the percapita availability of cultivable land in Kuttanadu is
abysmally low and in percentage terms it is almost 91% below the state average over a long period of
time.
In absolute terms, it comes to a pathetic figure of below 1.5 cents of wetland. Recall that, the
principal source of economic activity, employment, agricultural production and income in Kuttanadu
is the paddy crop cultivated in the wetlands. Garden lands are chiefly utilised for habitation,
homestead cultivation, cattle and poultry rearing, small enterprises etc.

In the event in which we include the garden lands as well to revise the per capita availability of
cultivable land, for discussion sake, (scenario-2) by hiking the claims of habitation and contingent
requirements, the per capita availability soars from barely 2 cents to 9 cents in 1971 (Table – 8),
leaving behind the chasm between state average at 56 percentage.
 47/76

PERCAPITA AVAILABILITY OF CULTIVABLE LAND

IN KERALA AND KUTTANADU:
SCENARIO—2

Table 8
(in Acre)

1 2 3 4 5 6 7
TOTAL DIFFERENCE in
PERCAPITA
PERCAPITA PERCAPITA PERCAPITA PERCAPITA
CULTIVABLE PERCENTAGE
YEAR

CULTIVABLE GARDEN CULTIVABLE CULTIVABLE

LAND: DIFFERENCE
WET LAND LAND LAND: LAND: KERALA
KERALA
KUTTANADU and KUTTANADU
1961 0.027 0.115 0.142 0.282 0.14 49.6
1971 0.021 0.091 0.112 0.252 0.14 55.6
1981 0.018 0.077 0.095 0.213 0.118 55.4
1991 0.015 0.067 0.082 0.19 0.108 56.8
2001 0.014 0.061 0.075 NA NA NA

Source: Compiled from: (1) GOK (1971;4,7,78)

(2) SPB(2001:15)

Note: (1) See assumption of the table:20.

 48/76

It is in this particular geographic and economic setting, the nature unleashes its freaking tendencies.
The ripples created by this pitiable availability of cultivable land were easily noticeable and rendered
the region’s economy highly vulnerable to the vagaries of nature. In this backdrop any loss or damage
to the existing crop would have brought in catastrophic crisis in the economy. Naturally, every effort
would be made to protect the region from that looming threat.

Not surprisingly, it wreaks inexplicable damage and devastation to the whole region. Strangely
enough, unlike in instances of other areas, it shatters income generation and livelihood for the whole
year as only one crop could be cultivated in a calendar year, there by aggravates the agony and misery
of hapless and shiftless ‘Kuttanadands’. As a matter of fact, this specific situation is responsible for
gravitating this much notice and intervention by government from time to time.

9.3 FOOD SCARCITY AND PADDY DEVELOPMENT PROJECTS

R ice is the staple food grain of Kerala state. Domestic production falls way behind the
requirement from 1955-56 for which data is available and as a percentage, the shortfall was
around 42%. (table – 4) up to 1971, the shortfall in grain requirement as a percentage to total
requirement took an ebb to as low as 30%, but after it, it manifested an ominous drift towards nearly
70% (shortage) of the total grain requirement.

The Kuttanadu Development Scheme could also be considered as an attempt to address this problem
of food scarcity. According to Kamalasanan (1993:36), a noted trade union leader of agricultural
labourers, it was with the aim to till Kuttanadan “Padasekharams” for second and third crop, this
scheme was contemplated. This should be kept in mind when appraising the developmental projects
of Kuttanadu.

9.4 STABILISING AGRICULTURE OF KUTTANADU:

A MISSION UNACCOMPLISHED

T he much-touted Kuttanadu development scheme (KDS) comprises of Thottappally spill way and
Thannermukkam saltwater Barrage, had been constructed with enthusiasm in expectation that,
eventually a prophylactic solution to the two major problems of Kuttanadu have had envisaged. As
against their cardinal objective of stabilisation of paddy cultivation, both these projects are still
appealing.

Be that as it may, when pitted against actual performance Thottappally spill way pathetically failed to
deliver the intended results. As regards the latter, the approach followed by this study, singled out
few redeeming elements in an otherwise sullen situation of engrossing criticisms.
 49/76

The cardinal objective of Thannermukkom barrage was to prevent brine invasion from Cochin cut to
paddy fields of Kuttanadu. Notice that, outcry for such a project should not have been completely
emanated from damage of crops per se due to ingress of brackish water unless it had pronounced
after-effect of economic meltdown upon Kuttanadu economy.

Wherefore, any appraisal of the barrage must factor in both the increase in paddy output and its
positive neighbourhood effects upon the Kuttanadu economy in the benefit matrix. To be noted is the
fact that the latter effects are contingent upon the farmer. For a consummate picture, add to this the
negative neighbourhood effects, which are enlisted in the following paragraphs.

9.5 NEGATIVE NEIGHBOURHOOD EFFECTS

AND THE FAILURE OF THE BARRAGE

W hen the barrage has been closed, the natural flesh-out facility of agricultural and other remnants
and wastes into the sea from the backwater vanishes away. It eventually turns Kuttanadu into a
filthy pool full of polluted waters.

The closure brings an end to the tidal action from the sea, resulting in the recession of water from the
upper reaches of Kuttanadu to its lower portions, thus creates water scarcity even for the normal
Punja crop. It is also felt that such lowering of water levels not only affect paddy fields but also the
coconut trees.. (GOK, 1981:54). Whereas, areas in and around Vechoor near to Thannermukkom
require the barrier to be kept closed until the commencement of monsoon floods. Thus, the
requirements of the closure and opening of barrage vary in different parts of Kuttanadu (GOK,
1981:54). Further more, the absence of salinity acts as a boon to the proliferation of malignant
weeds.

It is argued that, though no explanation has been furnished, the construction of the barrage resulted in
the loss of 6,900 hectares of Vembanadu Kayal (may be in the form of further reclamation) as well.
(Balan, 2002:48)

Juxtaposing this negative neighbourhood effects against effective crop protection, shows that the
region as a whole, does not receive net gains. The furious fulminations exuding from every quarter of
Kuttanadu against the closure of barrage underscores this surmise. More importantly, the decibels of
protest increased geometrically over the years after its completion.

All this point to the fact that the economy of Kuttanadu as a whole, from increase in production due
to crop protection does not receive secondary and tertiary waves of income increments having
significant magnitudes which otherwise would have been resulted in bristling non-farm economic
activity. In essence, primary wave of income increment from increased output resulting from crop
protection, could not claim any significant magnitude.

A straightforward conjecture albeit, but a pointer nevertheless to the fact that area under paddy
cultivation in Kuttanadu logged a nosedive over the years (See Table 9/10).
 50/76

AREA, PRODUCTION AND INDEX OF PUNJA CROP

OF PADDY IN ALAPPUZHA DISTRICT

Table 9
ALAPPUZHA DISTRICT
AREA PRODUCTION
YEAR INDEX
(in hectares) INDEX (in tonnes)
1956 - 57 32240 100.0 41944 100.0
1971 36094 112.0 70744 141.1
1997 10140 31.5 21017 182.8
2000 16404 50.9 39718 185.4

Source: Compiled from: Economic Review (various issues)

The table-9 shows that area under Punja crop in Alappuzha district.1 plunged down from around
32,000 hectares in 1956-57 to a mere 16,000 hectares in 2000 while the index plummeted from 100 in
1956-57 to 51 in 2000.Curtly speaking, area under paddy in Kuttanadu dwindled continuously despite
protection from ingress of salinity and ultimately whittled down the magnitude of primary wave of
income increment that would have been available from the increased cultivation.

Having came thus for, the negative neighbourhood effects of Thannermukkom barrage began to
outwit the benefits available from its closure. Had there been no such rapid drop in area of paddy
cultivated, the benefits of closure would have sufficiently compensated whatever be the negative
environmental effects and roared back into black with net benefits to Kuttanadu. Put otherwise,
regardless of negative affects, the barrage is capable to generate net benefits provided that a minimum
area of paddy cultivation is there. This aspect should be kept in mind when posting critical comments
against the barrage.

In the light of this conclusion, the broadside that this barrage is a colossal failure and an engulfing
menace will not lace reality and factuality to the argument. Yet, there is no gainsaying to the fact
that, it has systemic negative effects. What is accentuated is the non-realisation of expected positive
benefits of the project and its power to churn out benefits.

Concomitantly, the fabulous and disconcerting fact that the project had not made any economic
feasibility analysis before its implementation must be revealed, lest, the soul-searching would not be
a definitive one. It might have made some financial analysis but it would not suffice in the place of
the former. Pathetically enough, this might had been the reason for not factoring in the negative
neighbourhood
effects in the feasibility calculus of the project.
 51/76

1. Thaluk and village-wise area and production of paddy are not available. Hence, the data for
Kuttanadu as a region could not be given. As such, data for Alappuzha district has been furnished,
nevertheless, it gives a realistic picture as majority of paddy fields of the district belongs to Kuttanadu

A summary picture of all major schemes and projects implemented in Kuttanadu has been furnished
in the table given above. (See table-6)

9.6 INCREASING CROPPING INTENSITY IN KUTTANADU:

A STUDY IN CONTRAST

S ince the cardinal objective of the “Kuttanadu Development project implemented by KLDC was to
make real the much-fancied second-crop in Kuttanadu Punja fields, it can be rightly judged as a
conscientious programme aimed at increasing cropping intensity in Kuttanadu.

It is the most imaginative development scheme, either implemented or thought of, thus far, in
Kuttanadu. It would be engraved as a watershed in the intellectual musings upon the problems of
Kuttanadu, perversely, at the same time, denominated as the opening salvo in the backfiring of
development schemes in Kuttanadu, riveted with nit-picking and brickbats.

Strangely enough, it gives the impression that it had been crystallised due to the alchemy of an
exhaustive “economic” analysis of problems of Kuttanadu, but the fact is that, it did not embark upon
any such analysis even in its remotest form, nevertheless, a financial analysis of the project had been
made.

Under the rubric of “Interface of high density and nature’s fury” it has been punctuated that the
percapita availability of cultivable land in Kuttanadu is abysmally low when compared to that of the
state. Axiomatically, the novel attempt to construct semi-submersible permanent bunds was an
imaginative and pragmatic endeavour, to address directly and solve this notorious dearth of cultivable
land by increasing cropping intensity. Haplessly, the project had been discontinued in the incipient
phase itself, due to factors related to its implementation, even then, it retains its appeal and bespeaks
that it is worth completing.

9.7 REASONS FOR PREMATURE DISCONTINUATION

T he finance for the construction of permanent bunds was envisaged to be raised as loans from
financial institution by the Project Authority on behalf of cultivators. The loan and its servicing
had to be repaid and made by the farmers themselves over a period spanning from 12 to 15 years.
(GOK, 1974: 40)

Regarding the re-payment, the project expected and argued that, the incremental income out of
second crop was to the tune of Rs. 1000 per hectare as per “conservative estimates”. It presumed that
out of this incremental income, 60 % could be utilised to the repayment and debt servicing of the loan
and the remaining 40 % would be retained by the farmers themselves. (GOK, 1974: 43).
 52/76

Axiomatically, this analysis per se, spells ominous results and categorically forebodes a financial
mess in which re-payment turns out to be an unlikely event. The farm budget computed by the
project, projected all the above said estimates without leaving any provision for cost overrun,

cultivation expenditure escalation, volatility of price of paddy, etc, especially, when considering the
long re-payment schedule. To cap it all, the so-called conservative estimation of net profit computed
by the project was itself an over estimation of income out of second crop.

Add to this, the unforeseen expenditure that had to be defrayed in the form of construction of
additional bunds inside the paddy fields and along the meandering water streams criss-crossing the
paddy fields.

Examining the project from this backdrop, renders it vulnerable enough to find out chinks in the
armour of programmes of the project. It ignited centrifugal and centripetal forces strong enough to
checkmate the progress of the project.

Expenditure escalation due to the above said “unforeseen” cost to the project authority on the one
hand and the soaring cultivation expenditure coupled with the ebb of paddy prices and non realisation
of second crop in the paddy fields where bunds had been already constructed, saddled the farmer on
the other hand, abruptly constricted the construction activity to an end.

Nevertheless, a different set of reasons was there for the non-realisation of the much-touted second
crop of paddy in Kuttanadu. Due to the peculiar soil conditions and geographic features of Kuttanadu,
there is no pari passu relationship between cropping intensity, production and net profit.
Furthermore, the spill over effect of the second crop upon the conventional first crop was in such a
manner that the combined net profit of both crops comes just above the net profit of single crop
alone! As a matter of fact, it is this facet that wrought the obituary of second crop of paddy in
Kuttanadu.

The high decibel protest and vehement opposition to the repayment of loans, in this milieu, and the
mounting debts eventually ruffled the feeling of farmers and gradually turned them to develop an
antipathetic approach to governmental intervention in Kuttanadu hence. It, haplessly, fortified the
historically inveterate perception that a second crop in Kuttanadu is an unfeasible and unviable
proposition as well which has profound implications upon the future developmental activities in
Kuttanadu.

It is disconcerting to note that, a separate chapter on “social benefits” of the project in the report
(GOK, 1974:47) notwithstanding, the absence of application of “theoretic wisdom of economics” is
so glaring that there was not even a so flash of thinking regarding subsidising such a project having
huge potential to generate “Pigouvian” divergence between ‘social marginal net product’ and ‘private
marginal net product’. Add to this, the “defective telescopic faculty” of policy makers as envisioned
by the celebrated British economist Arthur Cesil Pigou
 53/76

10 CRISS – CROSSING THE ECONOMIC CRISIS

OF KUTTANADU

10.1 PADDY CULTIVATION, EMPLOYMENT

AND INCOME GENERATION

T he economy of Kuttanadu is floundering in the quagmire of developmental dilemma and policy

paralysis. The table-9, which is, reproduced below as table-10 give a helicopter –view of the
present status of paddy cultivation in Kuttanadu.

AREA, PRODUCTION AND INDEX OF PUNJA CROP

OF PADDY IN ALAPPUZHA DISTRICT

Table 10
ALAPPUZHA DISTRICT
AREA PRODUCTION
YEAR INDEX
(in hectares) INDEX (in tonnes)
1956 - 57 32240 100.0 41944 100.0
1971 36094 112.0 70744 168.7
1997 10140 31.5 21017 50.1
2000 16404 50.9 39718 94.7

Source: Compiled from: Economic Review (various issues)

It parades that the area of Punja Crop in Alappuzha District, out of it a major chunk belongs to
Kuttanadu, dwindled from 32,240 hectares to 16,404 hectares during the -period from 1956-57 to
2000. It is worth stating that production figures during the period, almost remained unchanged, kudos
to the near doubling of productivity / hectare from 1301 kg to 2491 kgms.

This zooming of productivity and the consequence at quiescence of production figures in Alappuzha
district ispo facto, does not mean that it smoothened out the adverse effect of dip in area. Further
information is needed for it as to whether cost of production increased or not, the state of paddy
prices etc.
 54/76

But the obvious is that, however be the increase in productivity and its effect upon production, given
the highly labour intensive nature of cultivation, plunge in area under paddy crop would immediately
take a toll at the level of employment and income generation. It has its own pronounced implications
in the straight – jacketed economy of Kuttanadu.

The immediate fallout is that unemployment and deprivation, a fortiori, would soar to astronomical
levels. The collateral effect of increasing unemployment among agricultural labourers is that, they
1
would start to demand a hike in their wages. Since, the Kuttanadu economy is a “closed economy” ,
any fall in the employment level, given the collective bargaining power of the agricultural labourers,
would eventually bring about a vehement demand for wage increase as a counterpoise to the fall in
real income. The probability of this course is hardly not likely, yet, to be delved deep to say anything
conclusively.

It is a fact, albeit, that the wages of agricultural labourers have been continuously inscribing a
northward movement. The wage increase not in league with profitability of paddy cultivation further
erodes the attractiveness of paddy cultivation. The spiral gets convoluted further wherein attempts to
decipher it becomes more and more difficult.

Farmers also feel the burnt with fall in area in the form of fall in income under cultivation. As a
countervailing measure, they begin to either reduce or not to give increase in wages to agricultural
labourers. These rival strategies and moves ignite centrifugal forces in the frail economy of
Kuttanadu, which would ultimately crash-land the region into total failure.

Suffice to say that, the cynosure of economic activity in Kuttanadu, the “Punja” crop, gradually lost
its ascendancy, thereby, triggering a scramble for finding out other feasible economic activity in the
fragile and brittle geographic and environmental setting of Kuttanadu. Perversely, this is a blessing,
as we learn that after this crisis of Punja cultivation, people of Kuttanadu and even Government
became increasingly conscious, when brainstorming and implementing developmental activities,
regarding their possible and probable negative neighbourhood effects.

It is argued that, paddy cultivation in Kuttanadu was a profitable venture up to during early 1970s. It
is estimated that the net profit per acre of paddy was Rs. 324 / acre in the Kayal lands, Rs. 214 / acre
in Karappadoms and Rs. 191 / acre in Kari lands, whereas, it was only Rs. 101/acre in “Kole “ lands
of Thrissur district and Rs. 209 / acre in the “granary of Kerala”, the Palakkadu district. (Panikkar,
1971: 35). The soaring of index of area and production in Alappuzha district (Table – 31) in 1971 to
112 and 168.7 respectively trumpets this estimation. The search for reasons for such a dramatic
meltdown 1970s hence nevertheless is beyond the pale of this study and wherefore worth further
probing.

1.The Kuttanadu is a closed economy not because it does not has external trade but due to the
difficulty in trade with other adjoining areas with respect to labour, resources etc, which is in fact a
corollary of its geographical peculiarities.
 55/76

Axiomatically, one thing is clear, to wit, profit from paddy cultivation both relative and absolute has
indeed took a southward course, unless, area under paddy production would have not been
plummeted like this.

10.2 SCARCITY IN THE MIDST OF SURFIET:

THE CASE OF AGRICULTURAL LABOURERS

A n another important facet to be highlighted and dissected, when analysing the economic impasse
of the region, is the distribution of workers both main and marginal, under different categories.
The Kuttanadu Thaluk stands first in the pecking order based on the percentage of agricultural
labourers to the total workers in Kerala state.

Nearly 50 % of the total workers are agricultural labourers in Kuttanadu Thaluk. The hiatus between
the percentage of agricultural labourers to total workers for Kuttanadu Thaluk and the state as a
whole is rather revelatory, yet, hardly surprising.

The preponderance of labour intensive paddy cultivation of the region coupled with the highly
commercialised Kayal cultivation that too in large scale, a fortiori, required a large pool of labourers
to rev the agricultural activity. Add to this, the amazing massive land reclamation’ activities being
accomplished religiously over the years harnessing veritable manpower, wherefore, the plethora of
agricultural labourers in Kuttanadu is hardly surprising.

Nonetheless, it is rather surprising to know that, the shortage of agricultural labourers in the midst of
surfeit, has now became one among the major problems, confronted by Kuttanadan farmers during
the last 6-8 years. Recently, it turned into ominous proportions in which the shortage became pretty
acute. To be noted is the fact that, that too in the thick of progressive mechanisation in almost all
activities of paddy cultivation.

Explanations and counter explanations abound, yet, one thing stands out. Paddy cultivation in
Kuttanadu does have diverse and diffuse effects that are pervasive enough, capable of crossing the
pale of the region and showers benefits to the adjoining areas.

In the event in which there had not been such a tailspin of area under paddy cultivation in Kuttanadu
where its index crumbled from 112 in 1971 to 51 in 2000, (See table-9/10), more and more
agricultural labourers would have been required and were employed from outside the region over and
above what was available within the region. Or else, shortage of agricultural labourers, in times of
progressive mechanisation, would not have been felt and reported by farmers to till a mere 16000
hectares as against 36000 hectares that had been cultivated in 1971. A posteriori reasoning suggests
that the overwhelming percentage of wet lands in Kuttanadu and its Punja crop, a fortiori, showered
benefits not only upon the economy of Kuttanadu but on the economy of adjoining areas as well in
the form of employment to labourers etc. Hence, any lapse to stabilise, retain and extend paddy
cultivation in Kuttanadu implies huge loss.
 56/76

10.3 DEMYSTIFYING THE PADDY PUZZLE:

THE CRISIS FORETOLD AND RETOLD

I t is quite amazing to learn that, the impending crisis of paddy cultivation in Kuttanadu had been
meticulously foretold almost three decades ago. In the words of Panikar (1971:39), “ If the analysis
and prognosis attempted ……… are valid, it follows that paddy cultivation in Kuttanadu under the
present system is not viable and is apt to became less so in the years to come.” (emphasis not in the
text.) The premises on which he based his predictions were pretty good and he hence rightly surmised
that the cost of paddy cultivation would eventually rise and render the production unviable. He
foreboded that wages of agricultural labourers would increase, paddy price would go down etc.

The preposterous trend of continuous decline of paddy cultivation, given a host of public schemes
and projects to encourage it, makes it imperative to have a whole hogging enquiry into this riddle. It
is widely argued and credulously believed that meltdown in paddy cultivation in Kuttanadu simply
empathises with and follows the general crisis in paddy being confronted by the state as a whole. A
closer look upon the crisis of paddy cultivation in Kerala, nonetheless, illuminates the structural
transformation that is being quietly surfacing in the paddy scene of Kerala, which incontestably says
that, the reasons for crisis in Kuttanadu should be raked around in somewhere else.
 57/76

SEASON-WISE AREA, PRODUCTION, PRODUCTIVITY OF

PADDY IN KERALA

Table 11

(Area in hectares; Production in tonnes ; Productivity in kilograms)

AREA PRODUCTION PRODUCTIVITY

MUNDAKAN

(SUMMER)
(WINTER)
(AUTUM)
VIRIPPU

PUNJA
YEAR

VIRIPPU MUNDAKAN PUNJA VIRIPPU MUNDAKAN PUNJA

TOTAL TOTAL
(AUTUM) (WINTER) (SUMMER) (AUTUM) (WINTER) (SUMMER)

1956-57 389500.0 296800.0 75700.0 762000.0 420000.0 358600.0 98500.0 877100.0 1078 1208 1301
51.1 39.0 9.9 100.0 47.9 40.9 11.2 100.0
1957-58 392800.0 297200.0 76800.0 766800.0 442400.0 381100.0 102000.0 925500.0 1126 1282 1328
51.2 38.8 10.0 100.0 47.8 41.2 11.0 100.0
1958-59 397600.0 294600.0 76800.0 769000.0 452700.0 392100.0 109700.0 954500.0 1139 1331 1440
51.7 38.3 10.0 100.0 47.4 41.1 11.5 100.0
1959-60 390400.0 303300.0 75300.0 769000.0 487500.0 442300.0 108100.0 1037900.0 1249 1458 1436
50.8 39.4 9.8 100.0 47.0 42.6 10.4 100.0
1960-61 396100.0 307000.0 75800.0 778900.0 500400.0 447800.0 119500.0 1067700.0 1263 1458 1577
50.9 39.4 9.7 100.0 46.9 41.9 11.2 100.0
1961-62 366000.0 312000.0 74500.0 752500.0 420500.0 462100.0 121400.0 1004000.0 1148 1479 1630
48.6 41.5 9.9 100.0 41.9 46.0 12.1 100.0
1962-63 396000.0 329000.0 77000.0 802000.0 495000.0 481900.0 116400.0 1093300.0 1244 1464 1512
49.4 41.0 9.6 100.0 45.3 44.1 10.6 100.0
1963-64 398100.0 330000.0 77000.0 805100.0 516500.0 497600.0 115000.0 1129100.0 1282 1513 1540
49.4 41.0 9.6 100.0 45.7 44.1 10.2 100.0
 58/76

AREA PRODUCTION PRODUCTIVITY

MUNDAKAN

(SUMMER)
(WINTER)
(AUTUM)
VIRIPPU

PUNJA
YEAR

VIRIPPU MUNDAKAN PUNJA VIRIPPU MUNDAKAN PUNJA

TOTAL TOTAL
(AUTUM) (WINTER) (SUMMER) (AUTUM) (WINTER) (SUMMER)

1964-65 395200.0 329000.0 76900.0 801100.0 487000.0 503000.0 117100.0 1107100.0 1252 1548 1521
49.3 41.1 9.6 100.0 44.0 45.4 10.6 100.0
1965-66 398000.0 3279000.0 76900.0 802800.0 522900.0 389500.0 87100.0 999500.0 1311 1188 1122
49.6 408.4 9.6 100.0 52.3 39.0 8.7 100.0
1966-67 395100.0 377200.0 77200.0 849500.0 498400.0 470200.0 113100.0 1081700.0 1261 1439 1487
46.5 44.4 9.1 100.0 46.1 43.5 10.5 100.0
1967-68 399000.0 327400.0 83100.0 809500.0 521000.0 470100.0 132800.0 1123900.0 1305 1435 1596
49.3 40.4 10.3 100.0 46.4 41.8 11.8 100.0
1968-69 394900.0 380600.0 98400.0 873900.0 521300.0 571700.0 158000.0 1251000.0 1320 1502 1610
45.2 43.6 11.3 100.0 41.7 45.7 12.6 100.0
1969-70 393700.0 296800.0 75700.0 766200.0 521430.0 526700.0 178400.0 1226530.0 1324 1378 1818
51.4 38.7 9.9 100.0 42.5 42.9 14.5 100.0
1970-71 394800.0 297200.0 76800.0 768800.0 538900.0 566900.0 192020.0 1297820.0 1365 1484 1960
51.4 38.7 10.0 100.0 41.5 43.7 14.8 100.0
1971-72 395300.0 294600.0 76800.0 766700.0 552200.0 596800.0 202700.0 1351700.0 1397 1562 2070
51.6 38.4 10.0 100.0 40.9 44.2 15.0 100.0
1972-73 NG NG NG NG NG NG NG NG NG NG NG
NG NG NG NG NG NG NG NG NG NG NG
1973-74 NG NG NG NG NG NG NG NG NG NG NG
NG NG NG NG NG NG NG NG NG NG NG
 59/76

AREA PRODUCTION PRODUCTIVITY

MUNDAKAN

(SUMMER)
(WINTER)
(AUTUM)
VIRIPPU

PUNJA
YEAR

VIRIPPU MUNDAKAN PUNJA VIRIPPU MUNDAKAN PUNJA

TOTAL TOTAL
(AUTUM) (WINTER) (SUMMER) (AUTUM) (WINTER) (SUMMER)

1974-75 394900.0 384800.0 101700.0 881400.0 535500.0 602000.0 196200.0 1333700.0 1356 1565 1929
44.8 43.7 11.5 100.0 40.2 45.1 14.7 100.0
1975-76 397200.0 383700.0 104000.0 884900.0 585100.0 588800.0 191000.0 1364900.0 1473 1535 1836
44.9 43.4 11.8 100.0 42.9 43.1 14.0 100.0
1976-77 368800.0 381700.0 108900.0 859400.0 487700.0 587700.0 178600.0 1254000.0 1340 1539 1709
42.9 44.4 12.7 100.0 38.9 46.9 14.2 100.0
1977-78 365110.0 370860.0 104400.0 840370.0 551790.0 559190.0 183650.0 1294630.0 1511 1508 1759
43.4 44.1 12.4 100.0 42.6 43.2 14.2 100.0
1978-79 346827.0 345727.0 106684.0 799238.0 544171.0 530004.0 198568.0 1272743.0 1569 1569 1861
43.4 43.3 13.3 100.0 42.8 41.6 15.6 100.0
1979-80 348373.0 339608.0 105285.0 793266.0 567703.0 526461.0 205531.0 1299695.0 1630 1550 1952
43.9 42.8 13.3 100.0 43.7 40.5 15.8 100.0
1980-81 349243.0 354132.0 98324.0 801699.0 553748.0 548500.0 169714.0 1271962.0 1586 1549 1726
43.6 44.2 12.3 100.0 43.5 43.1 13.3 100.0
1981-82 347098.0 356073.0 103700.0 806871.0 556918.0 589154.0 193321.0 1339393.0 1604 1655 1864
43.0 44.1 12.9 100.0 41.6 44.0 14.4 100.0
1982-83 342669.0 352273.0 83548.0 778490.0 578826.0 565704.0 161665.0 1306195.0 1689 1606 1935
44.0 45.3 10.7 100.0 44.3 43.3 12.4 100.0
1983-84 377783.0 324560.0 87743.0 790086.0 420458.0 520622.0 166836.0 1107916.0 1587 1604 1901
47.8 41.1 11.1 100.0 38.0 47.0 15.1 100.0
 60/76

AREA PRODUCTION PRODUCTIVITY

MUNDAKAN

(SUMMER)
(WINTER)
(AUTUM)
VIRIPPU

PUNJA
YEAR

VIRIPPU MUNDAKAN PUNJA VIRIPPU MUNDAKAN PUNJA

TOTAL TOTAL
(AUTUM) (WINTER) (SUMMER) (AUTUM) (WINTER) (SUMMER)

1984-85 318611.0 326812.0 84956.0 730379.0 549027.0 539859.0 184078.0 1272964.0 1723 1652 1966
43.6 44.7 11.6 100.0 43.1 42.4 14.5 100.0
1985-86 279699.0 313423.0 85159.0 678281.0 461992.0 526981.0 168754.0 1157727.0 1652 1681 2162
41.2 46.2 12.6 100.0 39.9 45.5 14.6 100.0
1986-87 286569.0 297068.0 80166.0 663803.0 468409.0 496623.0 167016.0 1132048.0 1635 1672 2105
43.2 44.8 12.1 100.0 41.4 43.9 14.8 100.0
1987-88 240445.0 293891.0 62746.0 604082.0 420343.0 470308.0 141934.0 1032585.0 1748 1600 2035
39.8 48.7 10.4 100.0 40.7 45.5 13.7 100.0
1988-89 233172.0 274151.0 70234.0 577557.0 387804.0 472699.0 152055.0 1012558.0 1663 1724 2165
40.4 47.5 12.2 100.0 38.3 46.7 15.0 100.0
1989-90 243611.0 268599.0 71174.0 583384.0 478643.0 501497.0 158391.0 1138531.0 1965 1877 2225
41.8 46.0 12.2 100.0 42.0 44.0 13.9 100.0
1990-91 236072.0 258564.0 64808.0 559444.0 463025.0 480655.0 142898.0 1086578.0 1961 1858 2205
42.2 46.2 11.6 100.0 42.6 44.2 13.2 100.0
1991-92 218767.0 253981.0 68579.0 541327.0 401610.0 507525.0 151215.0 1060350.0 1835 1998 2205
40.4 46.9 12.7 100.0 37.9 47.9 14.3 100.0
1992-93 218751.0 244096.0 74761.0 537608.0 435794.0 476748.0 172336.0 1084878.0 1992 1953 2305
40.7 45.4 13.9 100.0 40.2 43.9 15.9 100.0
 61/76

AREA PRODUCTION PRODUCTIVITY

MUNDAKAN

(SUMMER)
(WINTER)
(AUTUM)
VIRIPPU

PUNJA
YEAR

VIRIPPU MUNDAKAN PUNJA VIRIPPU MUNDAKAN PUNJA

TOTAL TOTAL
(AUTUM) (WINTER) (SUMMER) (AUTUM) (WINTER) (SUMMER)

1993-94 203776.0 236757.0 67299.0 507832.0 398357.0 461156.0 144425.0 1003938.0 1955 1948 2146
40.1 46.6 13.3 100.0 39.7 45.9 14.4 100.0
1994-95 198725.0 237788.0 66777.0 503290.0 327375.0 499877.0 147813.0 975065.0 1647 2102 2214
39.5 47.2 13.3 100.0 33.6 51.3 15.2 100.0
1995-96 186676.0 224643.0 59831.0 471150.0 344238.0 458088.0 150730.0 953026.0 1844 2030 2519
39.6 47.7 12.7 100.0 36.1 48.1 15.8 100.0
1996-97 163893.0 210309.0 56624.0 430826.0 332643.0 414338.0 124380.0 871361 3089 2999 3343
38.0 48.8 13.1 100.0 38.2 47.6 14.3 100.0
1997-98 144743.0 180701.0 61678.0 387122.0 285328.0 342353.0 136929.0 764610.0 1971 1895 2220
37.4 46.7 15.9 100.0 37.3 44.8 17.9 100.0
1998-99 120217.0 174714.0 57700.0 352631.0 235849.0 346022.0 144872.0 726743.0 1962 1981 2511
34.1 49.5 16.4 100.0 32.5 47.6 19.9 100.0
1999-2000 121525.0 170228.0 58021.0 349774.0 252876.0 373259.0 144551.0 770686.0 2081 2193 2491
34.7 48.7 16.6 100.0 32.8 48.4 18.8 100.0

Source: Compiled from: (1) Economic Review (various issues)

(2) Iyer (1975a and 1975b)

It is enlightening to zero in on upon the above given table-11 that furnishes a season wise break-up of area, production and productivity of paddy from
1956-57 to 2000. Even though the total area under paddy took an ebb from 762,000 hectares in 1956-57 to 349,774 hectares in 1999-2000, the share of
Mundakan and Punja crops actually increased from 39 and 9.9 to 48.7 and 16.6 respectively whereas that of the Virippu crop, dwindled from 51.1 to
34.7.
 62/76

A clearer picture is provided by the table-12 given below which shows the season-wise index of area,
production and productivity.

SEASON-WISE INDEX OF AREA, PRODUCTION

AND PRODUCTIVITYIN KERALA
FROM 1956-57 TO 1999
Table 12

AREA PRODUCTION

VIRIPPU MUNDAKAN PUNJA VIRIPPU MUNDAKAN PUNJA

YEAR TOTAL TOTAL
(AUTUM) (WINTER) (SUMMER) (AUTUM) (WINTER) (SUMMER)
1956-57 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0
1957-58 100.8 100.1 101.5 100.6 105.3 106.3 103.6 105.5
1958-59 102.1 99.3 101.5 100.9 107.8 109.3 111.4 108.8
1959-60 100.2 102.2 99.5 100.9 116.1 123.3 109.7 118.3
1960-61 101.7 103.4 100.1 102.2 119.1 138.8 121.3 121.7
1961-62 94.0 105.1 98.4 98.8 100.1 128.9 123.2 114.5
1962-63 101.7 114.0 101.7 105.2 117.9 134.4 118.2 124.6
1963-64 102.2 111.2 101.7 105.7 123.0 138.8 116.8 128.7
1964-65 101.5 110.8 101.6 105.1 116.0 140.3 118.9 126.2
1965-66 102.2 110.5 101.6 105.4 124.5 108.6 88.4 114.0
1966-67 101.4 127.1 102.0 111.5 118.7 131.3 114.8 123.3
1967-68 102.4 110.3 109.8 106.2 124.0 131.1 134.8 128.1
1968-69 101.4 128.2 130.0 114.7 124.1 159.4 160.4 142.6
1969-70 101.1 100.0 100.0 100.6 124.2 146.9 181.1 139.8
1970-71 101.4 100.1 101.5 100.9 128.3 158.1 194.9 148.0
1971-72 101.5 99.3 101.5 100.6 131.5 166.4 205.8 154.1
1972-73 NG NG NG NG NG NG NG NG
1973-74 NG NG NG NG NG NG NG NG
1974-75 101.4 129.6 134.3 115.7 127.5 167.9 199.2 152.0
1975-76 102.0 129.3 137.4 116.1 139.3 164.2 193.9 155.6
1976-77 94.7 128.6 143.9 112.8 116.1 163.9 181.3 143.0
1977-78 93.7 125.0 137.9 110.3 131.4 156.0 186.4 147.6
1978-79 89.0 116.5 140.9 104.9 130.0 147.8 201.6 145.1
1979-80 89.4 114.4 139.1 104.1 135.2 146.9 208.7 148.2
1980-81 89.7 119.3 129.9 105.2 131.8 153.0 172.3 145.0
1981-82 89.1 120.0 137.0 105.9 132.6 164.3 196.3 152.7
1982-83 88.0 118.7 110.4 102.2 137.8 157.8 164.1 148.9
1983-84 97.0 109.4 116.0 103.7 100.1 145.2 169.4 126.3
1984-85 81.8 110.1 112.2 95.9 130.7 150.5 186.9 145.1
1985-86 71.8 105.6 112.5 89.0 110.0 147.0 171.3 131.0
 63/76

AREA PRODUCTION
VIRIPPU MUNDAKAN PUNJA VIRIPPU MUNDAKAN PUNJA
YEAR TOTAL TOTAL
(AUTUM) (WINTER) (SUMMER) (AUTUM) (WINTER) (SUMMER)
1986-87 73.6 100.1 105.9 87.1 111.5 138.5 169.6 129.0
1987-88 61.7 99.0 92.1 79.3 100.1 131.2 144.1 117.7
1988-89 59.9 92.4 92.8 75.8 92.3 131.8 154.4 115.4
1989-90 62.5 90.5 94.0 76.6 114.0 139.8 160.8 129.8
1990-91 60.6 87.1 85.6 73.4 110.2 134.0 145.1 123.9
1991-92 56.2 85.6 90.6 71.0 95.6 141.5 153.5 120.9
1992-93 56.2 82.2 98.8 70.6 103.8 132.9 175.0 123.7
1993-94 52.3 79.8 88.9 66.6 94.8 128.6 146.6 114.5
1994-95 51.0 80.1 88.2 66.0 77.9 139.4 150.1 111.2
1995-96 47.9 75.7 79.0 61.8 82.0 127.7 153.0 108.7
1996-97 42.1 70.9 74.8 56.5 79.2 115.5 126.3 99.3
1997-98 37.2 60.9 81.5 50.8 67.9 95.5 139.0 87.2
1998-99 30.9 58.9 76.2 46.3 56.2 96.5 147.1 82.9
1999-
31.2 57.4 76.6 45.9 60.2 104.1 146.8 87.9
2000

Source: Same as Table No.11

The index of area under production to the state as a whole decreased from 100 to 45.9 during the
period of 1956-57 to 1999-2000. The index of area under Mundakan and Punja also inscribed a
downfall, nevertheless painted a better picture than that of the former. The index stood at 57.4 and
76.6 in 1999-2000 respectively.

But, the index of Virippu crop fared badly and took a tailspin to 31.2 in 1999-2000.Thus it is obvious
that crisis in paddy to the state as a whole is chiefly due to the decrease witnessed in the case of
Virippu crop. The Punja crop has nothing to do with it. It thus undeniably displays that there is no
pari passu relationship between decrease in paddy cultivation in Kuttanadu and Kerala.

But the crisis of paddy crop in Kuttanadu is a fact and it remains. A further desegregation of the data
helps to disentangle this puzzle and manifests the underlying facts. The subjoined table (table-13)
along with the above given Table-9/10, compares the area and production under Punja crop in
Alappuzha district and non-Alappuzha and gives incisive insights into the riddle.
 64/76

AREA, PRODUCTION AND INDEX OF

PUNJA CROP OF PADDY IN REST OF KERALA
(NON-ALAPPUZHA DIST,)

Table 13

Source: Compiled from: Economic Review (various issues)

REST OF KERALA (NON-ALAPPUZHA)

YEAR AREA INDEX PRODUCTION INDEX

1956 - 57 43460 100.0 41944 100.0

1971 40706 93.7 70744 168.7
1997 46484 107.0 21017 50.1
2000 41617 95.8 39718 94.7

It is now pretty obvious that the decrease in area is valid only to Alappuzha district. The area and
index to non-Alappuzha districts almost plateaued during the reference period while in case of
production they marched towards new heights.

The inference is that the reasons for dip in area under paddy in Kuttanadu are quite different to that of
the decrease to the state as a whole. Had it been not so, the area under Punja crop in non-Alappuzha
district would have been not remained almost unchanged. Put otherwise, the factors responsible for
such as nosedive in area under paddy in Kuttanadu is region specific rather than state specific and
wherefore should be dealt accordingly.

10.4 FROM SECOND PADDY CROP TO SECOND CROP

T he reasons for such a crisis in Kuttanadu, in general, could be attributed to the failure of
governmental intervention, unimaginative policies and lack of planning. Add to this, the tunnel
vision of “Kuttanadu Development Project” which did not think about any crop other than paddy for
second crop, nevertheless, it was a novel and rebellious project ever envisaged for Kuttanadu.

There is a cast iron case for cultivating crops like nitrogen fixing peas, pluses etc, after the stylised
Punja crop especially in the milieu, of minuscule availability of cultivable land. Pisciculture,
assuredly, can also be attempted. Albeit, all this is easier said than done. If implemented, it would
have been assuaged the ruffled feelings of crest-fallen and heart-rented people of Kuttanadu.
 65/76

The pre-condition for such a venture is the backward shifting of the calendar of the stylised Punja
crop to release enough time for the ensuing ‘second crop’ having an average duration of 75-80 days.
The permanent bund scheme perforce reappears into the arena of fluid state of affairs of Kuttanadu as
bunds possessing good strength enough to withstand the moderate floods of September and October
are required for such a backward shifting of cultivation calendar.

But, it is argued that if the harvesting could be completed before the end of February there would
have not been such a requirement of shifting the Punja crop. The second crop could be cultivated
from February last onwards. Nevertheless, it is found that such a cut-off time for the completion of
Punja crop is not easy to implement and as often as not the harvesting operations continue in March
as well.

10.5 LOCALISING AND ENHANCING THE RESOURCE BASE:

A PROBABLE WAY OUT

T he foregoing analysis boils down to the fact that the Kuttanad’s economic salvation should take
its roots deep enough into the brittle geographical and environmental setting and must branch out
as a buttress to the local economy. The preponderance of wetlands made it a haven of agricultural
labourers and hell of agricultural activity on the one hand and a hub of densely populated area, thanks
to the scattered narrow strips of garden lands, on the other hand.

Developmental projects designed and tailored, without conceiving of these labyrinthine relationships
and a garland of imponderables, into its economic calculus, expectedly, fizzled out pathetically.
Area under and production of paddy registered a quick southward movement and shattered the
cardinal objectives of all major developmental schemes and projects implemented in Kuttanadu.
Unemployment, under employment and poverty became rampant especially among agricultural
labourers. The economy of Kuttanadu ipso facto cannot take a different route and is now anchoring
in economic chaos.

10.6 BOTTLENECKS AS “BREAKS”:

A BLUE PRINT FOR KUTTANADU

T he revival of Kuttanadu is inextricably depended upon the resource availability of the region.
The subtle relationship between paddy cultivation and bristling economic activity, per se,
spotlights the decisiveness of land availability in Kuttanadu. Musings over second paddy crop in
Kuttnadu have had taken notice of this fact. It is in this milieu, the abandoned permanent bund
scheme, still infatuates the imagination of right thinking people

It is worth stating nevertheless that the second paddy crop visualised as an objective of it should
instead have implied other crops. A clutch of options had been available in this regard, a meticulous
sifting alone was required.

Be that as it may, in the immediate future, progress in that direction is hardly likely, given the project
fatigued mindset of Kuttanadan people, the looming skepticism as to the benefits of projects and the
experience hardened cynical approach of social activists
 66/76

Wherefore, in the interregnum period before that expected metamorphosis of the region into a high
intensity cropping area, economic activity could be lugged forward by enlarging the resource base
through judiciously localising the resource requirement of economic activity, however humble they
might be, mainly concentrated in the garden lands. These supporting economic activities, if honed
ingeniously, would become capable to underpin the sagging morale of people of Kuttanadu.

Recall that, garden lands in Kuttanadu, may hap, is the most densely populated area in the world in its
category. If economic activity to generate employment and income in such a locale and that too to a
large number of people during the exceptionally lean agricultural season, it should meticulously blend
and factor in this density aspect into its programme matrix. It rules out perforce capital-intensive
methods and techniques of production. Labour intensive economic activity is salutary in this
unmatched environment in substantive terms, nevertheless, it posits more questions than it answers.
To wit, the problem as to whether the required inputs, raw materials, etc to be utilised should be
sourced from within the locale or from outside it, the nature of scale of operation, the category of
goods to be produced etc, turns into a ticklish one. The resolve to identify and glean in resources
locally perforce summons conscientious and fastidious scrutiny and review of resources and things
available in the region. The option of bringing in inputs / raw materials from outside the locale is
worth debating vis-à-vis the former.

All these programme aims to increase the absolute income of people of Kuttanadu. Viewing from an
angle, nevertheless wide opens other avenues in which also worth exercising alternatives are
apparent. The extent practice of resource utilisation, if submitted to a fastidious review with an eye of
captive resource and income generation would certainly slash down the cost/expenditure figures
without toppling the income/revenue stream of the people and economic activity. Certainly, it would
release a sizable amount of income/resources tantamount to an increase in absolute income/revenue,
out of the utilisation process. Such programmes and projects can be considered as supporting
programmes in a crisis-ridden economy. Put otherwise, relative income increases in an environment
of unchanged absolute income. In essence, it invokes the axiom, income saved is income generated.

Ditto, it would certainly prop up the shrinking confidence upon the region and train the people to look
upon the constraints and bottlenecks as god-send opportunities to churn out prospects and fortunes by
keeping intact the peculiarity of the region.

Be that as it may, the fact that the region’s revival and prospect in a self-propelling manner lies in the
galvanization and re-animation of the region’s moribund agriculture into its vantage locales and
vintage days should not be slighted over in the thick of supporting programmes. It must be
punctuated that the revival of the region’s agriculture and the prospect of supporting programmes are
not mutually exclusive but mutually supporting and there may be a chance that some among the latter
might roar back into black in the course of time.
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11 REVISITING THE REGION KUTTANADU

11.1 ALTERNATIVES FOREGONE: A HIND SIGHT

I nstead of constructing Thottappally spill way and Thannermukkom barrier to save Kuttanadu from
floods and salinity, a more realistic project could have been implemented. Construction of a
storage dam which dams the torrential waters of Pamba river system at some where in the upstream
might have helped to contain the flood problem during the monsoon and brine problem during the
summer as water can be pumped out from the dam to the down stream. It may be an odd suggestion,
nevertheless a similar one can be found in a government report. (GOK, 1981:55).

A similar strategy has been implemented in Netherlands in the “Delta Project area”. A dam has been
constructed at Volkerok and the water is being used during the period of salinity invasion in the down
streams of River Rhine along the shipping channels of Rotterdam harbour.

11.2 THE DUTCH CONNECTION OF KUTTANADU

K uttanadu is likened more often than not to the features of the European country, the Netherlands.
Both have regions lying below MSL and are put into economic use by constructing bunds
(dykes) around the reclaimed land area. Appendix-3 depicts the map of the Netherlands delineating
the low-lying areas and the areas of reclamation. However, the first reference ever made to highlight
the conspicuous similarity between the Netherlands and the Kuttanadu has been made as early as in
the 17 th century by the official of the Dutch East India Company Captain Mr. Nieuhoff. He had been
specially deputed by the Dutch Company during 1664 to negotiate agreements with the local rulers of
Kerala and secure for the Dutch the monopoly of the trade in Pepper and Opium. (Menon, 1975:64)

Menon testimonies that the lakes and geography of Kuttanadu evoked memories of his country in
Nieuhoff. In his words,“Nieuhoff proceeded to Kudamaloor traveling by boat along the lakes of
Kuttanadu which evoked in his mind nostalgic memories of his own native land”. (emphasis not in the
text) (Menon, 1975:64)

Notwithstanding these similarities a hiatus is there between the approaches and attempts of people of
the Netherlands and the Kuttanadu in raking around and implementing solutions to the region. The
approach of the former is more realistic whereas that of the latter it seems that it was an attempt
totally unconnected to ground realities.
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11.3 FROM “NETHER” LANDS OF KUTTANADU TO

LOW LANDS OF NETHERLANDS

T He “nether” lands (nether means low lying or land beneath) of Kuttanadu and the low lands of
Netherlands have many features in common. Approximately 27% of the Netherlands is below
sea level. This area is home to over 60% of the country’s population. As early as the early years of
the second millennium land reclamation had been started in Netherlands by constructing dykes
(bunds), which reclaimed land suitable for cultivation and habitation, denominated as “Polders”. The
first reclamation attempts were made at North Sea areas. In 1932, they successfully constructed the
Zuyder Zee barrier dam that turned Zuyder Zee into a lake – called Lake Yssel or Ijsselmeer – a huge
fresh water lake. Later they reclaimed even a province out of it called as “Flevoland” in 1960’s.The
map given in the Appendix-4 depicts the boundary of the Province.

However, 1953 was a disaster year in the history of Netherlands. In the month of February, an
enormous storm reached the coast of Zeeland and North and South Holland and wreaked wreckage
and huge damage. To reclaim extensive areas of low lands or “nether lands” of this region, they had
constructed an extensive network of dykes. But in 1953, all of them proved not to be strong and high
enough against the violent forces of the sea. The waves destroyed the dykes and flooded the land
behind them.

To withstand and bring such calamities under the leash in future a brilliant plan was developed, which
Dutch considers as the eighth wonder of the world and is known as the “Delta plan or project”.

11.4 RECAPITUALATING REMARKS

T he region of Kuttanadu comprising of the low-lying villages, of Alappuzha, Kottayam and

Pathanamthitta district having a common long history of land reclamations from Vembanadu
lake has an economy derived from the singleness of geographic features and environmental settings.
Overwhelming presence of wet lands made it a haven of brisk agricultural activity especially paddy
and a hub of densely populated area, thanks to the narrow strips of garden lands, scattered here and
there, all reclaimed from the then great lagoon barely lying at or above MSL, suitable for habitation.

The acidity of the soil due to the submerged presence of decayed organic matter, the torrential
monsoon floods from June to October and the brine invasion from Arabian sea through Kochi cut
during the months of December to May end, rendered the region labyrinthine enough to create and
proliferate problems by itself to the region and gravitates governmental intervention.

The unique geography along with the above said features gave the region a notorious fame with
respect to per capita availability of cultivable land. In absolute terms it hardly comes around a
pathetic figure of 1.5 cents of land. All these features in tandem aggravated and aggrandized the
problems and difficulties of the region.

A garland of projects, schemes and programmes were brainstormed and implemented in Kuttanadu
from time to time, to address these problems, nevertheless, all of them invariably fizzled out
pathetically with respect to the outcome expected, some redeeming aspects could be seen
notwithstanding.
 69/76

An immediate explanation is that all such projects implemented in Kuttanadu did not take into
consideration the subtle nuances, imponderables and the delicate and intricate relationship with
different features and facts of Kuttanadu. Furthermore, all are envisaged and implemented in an
amateur way not invoking the scientific wisdom available in different branches of knowledge. Worse
still, they did not have a good grab upon the real problems and factors that wreak wreckage in the
economic landscape of Kuttanadu like dearth of cultivable land, pathological over dependence upon
wet land, extremely high density, absence of viable economic activities in the garden lands, the
dominance of agricultural labourers etc.

All these lapses, as a consequence, brought about total neglect of real potential and captive resources
that could be utilized for gainful employment and income generation, of the region. What is
heartening in an otherwise sullen situation, is the realization of the fact that, the Kuttanadu region,
even then, does possess immense potential and unique aspects, which can certainly rescue the
economy out of the chaos.

[Note: This is a slightly revised version of the paper presented in the workshop mentioned above. The author is beholden to Fr.Tom
Kunnumpuram, Principal of S B College for extending stint less support and all the required facilities with out which the work could
not have been accomplished. The author would like to express heart-felt thanks to M/S Mathew, Executive Engineer (retd) of KLDC,
T T Thomas, an activist of Kuttanadu, Sanalkumar of Department of Agriculture, Trivandrum, several farmers of the region, officials
of K V S, and a number of retired engineers of the Irrigation Department that implemented the schemes, for giving several sessions of
discussions. Gratitude to Manoj of II MA for supporting the power point presentation and to Mrs Regi, the wife of the author for
support in the analysis. Usual disclaimers apply, notwithstanding.]

12 REFERENCES

1. Balan, P Sugathan (2002) “Kayalukal Illatheyakunnathu Engeneyennal”, (Malayalam)

Madhyamam, Kozhikode, July 26,Vol. 7 Book 231, pp 48-49

2. Boeke, J.H. (1953) “Economics and Economic policy of dual societies as exemplified by
Indonesia”, Institute of Public Relations, New York.

3. Director of Census Operation (DCO) (1971) “Final Population Totals”, Kerala,

Thiruvananthapuram.

4. Director of Census Operations, Kerala, (DCOK) (2001) “Census of India 2001”,

Provisional Populations Totals, Kerala, paper – 2 of 2001, Rural urban Distribution,
Thiruvananthapuram.

5. GOK (1961) “Third Five Year Plan”, Thiruvananthapuram

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6. GOK (Government of Kerala) (1954) “Kuttanadu Development Scheme”,

Thiruvananthapuram.

7. GOK (Government of Kerala) (1959) “Rice Deal Inquiry Commission Report”,

Thiruvananthapuram.

8. GOK (Government of Kerala) (1962) “A Note on Kuttanadu and Punja Cultivation

prepared by the Punja Special Officer”, Thiruvananthapuram.

9. Gregogry, P.J. (1963) “Development of Coconut and other crops in Kuttanadu area of
Alleppey District”, Coconut Bulletin, Vol: 16, Nos. 11 & 12, Feb & March, pp 399-407.

10. Gurukal, P.M. Rajan (2000) “Kerala History Summary”, Kerala History Association,
Thiruvananthapuram.

11. Higgins, Benjamin (1999) “Economic Development: Problems, Principles and policies”,
revised edition, Universal Book Stall, New Delhi.

12. Iyer, Krishna K. (1975a) “Keralathinte Sampat Vyevastha”, Kerala Basha Institute, Govt.
of Kerala, Thiruvananthapuram. (Malayalam).

13. Iyer, Krishna K. (1975b) “Vyapthi paramaya Sameepaman”, Keralathinte Ancham Pancha
Valstara Pathathi (1974-79), Kerala Bhasha Institute, Govt. of Kerala, Thiruvananthapuram.
(Malayalam)

14. K.S.L.U.B (1995) “Land Resources of Kerala State”, Government of Kerala,

Thiruvananthapuram, August.

15. Kamalasanan, N K (1993) “Kuttanadum Karshakathozhilali Prasthanavum” (Malayalam),

16. D C Books, Kottayam.

17. Kerala Land Development Corporation (KLDC) (2000) “Kuttanadu Paddy Cultivation
Development Project” (Draft, in Malayalam), Thiruvananthapuram.

18. Meier, Gerald M. (Eds) (1990) “Leading issues in Economic Development”, Oxford
University Press, Delhi.

19. Nair, Sivaraman P.C. (1983) “Current Situation, Prospects and Potential for increased rice
production in Kerala”, paper presented in a seminar on “Stagnation in Agricultural Production
in Kerala with reference to Paddy”, 1983.
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20. Panicker, P.G.K – (1971) – “Kuttanadu Enquiry Commission, Minute of Dissent”, Report of
the Kuttanadu Enquiry Commission, GOK, November, 1971, Trivandrum, pp 33-40.

21. Sasidhar, V.K. (1983) “Effect of Cropping Pattern on the Productivity of Rice”, A Paper
presented in the seminar on, “Stagnation in Agricultural Production in Kerala with reference
to Paddy”.

22. State Planning Board (2000) “Economic Review”, Thiruvananthapuram.

23. State Planning board --(SPB (1997) – “Economic Review”, Thiruvananthapuram.

24. State Planning Board (SPB) (2001) “Data Book on Agriculture”, 2000, Agricultural
Division, March, Thiruvananthapuram.

25. Velu Pillai, T.K. (1940) “Travancore State Manual”, Vol No. 4, Government of
Travancore, Thiruvananthapuram.
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13 APPENDIX
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14 INDEX

CUSAT 6
“
D
“Dualistic” pattern of development 26
defective telescopic faculty 52
A degree of flexibility in scale 27
degree of substitutability of capital for labour
A.H. Bostow 21 27
Achancoil 9, 10 degree of substitutability of labour 27
Acidity of soil 28 Delta Project 67
African Payal 31 density of Kuttanadu 44
agricultural labourers 43, 48, 54, 55, 56, 65, 69 Development project 51
Ambalapuzha 7 Development Project 7, 38, 39, 40, 64, 70
approach channel 36, 42 Development Scheme 7, 36, 48, 70
Arabian sea 8, 9, 10, 23, 30, 68 Developmental projects 65
Arthur Cesil Pigou 52 de-watering 19, 23
Aryad 34 Double Dualism 27
Attumuttu Kayal 21, 24 dual economy 26, 27
availability of cultivable land 5, 44, 46, 48, 51, Dutch East India Company 67
64, 68 Dykes 14, 28

B E
Balan 49, 69 Economic Depression Enquiry Committee 22
Benjamin Higgins 26 economic feasibility 50
brine 10, 21, 23, 42, 43, 44, 49, 67, 68 Economic Review 50, 53, 61, 64, 71
Brine Invasion 41 effective density 44
entrepreneurial innovation 24
C Eravi Kesava Panikkar 21
Ernakulam 8
C. Achuthamenon 24
capillary action 9, 30 F
capital intensity 25
capital-intensive methods 66 financial analysis 50, 51
captive resources 69 first crop 21, 40, 41, 42, 52
Chacko 35 fishing industry 35, 37
Chakram 22 Flevoland 68
Chalayil family 21 Floods 28
Changanacherry 1, 7, 8, 10, 12, 32, 36 food scarcity 48
Chenthamizhu 6
Cherthala 7, 10, 12, 15 G
Chithira Kayal 24
closed economy 54 Garden lands 12, 13, 46
Cochin cut 10, 23, 49 Gerald Meier 27
coir industry 35 Government of Travancore 21, 22, 34, 36, 71
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governmental intervention 52, 64, 68 Kuppappurom 18

granary of Kerala 54 Kuttanadan farmers 20, 23, 55
Gregory 27, 38, 39 Kuttanadu1, 5, 6, 7, 8, 9, 10, 11, 12, 14, 15, 16,
Grow More Food 22 18, 19, 20, 21, 22, 23, 24, 26, 27, 28, 29, 30,
Gurukkal 6 31, 32, 34, 35, 36, 37, 38, 39, 40, 42, 43, 44,
46, 48, 49, 50, 51, 52, 53, 54, 55, 56, 63, 64,
H 65, 66, 67, 68, 69, 70, 71
Kuttanadu Development Scheme 7, 36, 70
Hindustan Newsprint Factory 36 KUTTANADU DEVELOPMENT SCHEME
Holland 27, 28, 38, 68 3, 34
Holland Scheme 28 Kuttanadu economy 40, 49
Kuttanadu enquiry commission 8
I Kuttanadu Enquiry Commission 34, 71

Idukki hydroelectric project 9, 36 L

Ijsselmeer 68
income generation 48, 54, 66, 69 Labour intensive economic activity 66
increasing cropping intensity 51 land availability 65
Italian Engineers 34 land distribution 11
Iyer 61, 70 loss of paddy 5, 30
Lower Karapadoms 15
J Lower Kuttanadu 7

Jan Boeke 26 M
Joseph Kandakkudy 27
M.S.Swaminathan 34
K Madathil Govinda Pillai 21
Madras Govt 21
K.S.L.U.B 70 Manimala 9, 10, 35
Kamalasanan 7, 20, 21, 24, 27, 28, 34, 48, 70 marketable surplus 25
Kanyakumari 6 Marthandom 24
Kara Padams 14 Mavelikkara 7, 12
Kari lands 9, 15, 54 Meenachel 9
Karthikappally 7, 12 Menon 7, 9, 14, 15, 34, 36, 37, 67
Kasargode 6 microbiological oxidation 30
Kayal cultivation 21, 24, 26, 27, 55 Minute of Dissent 71
Kayal lands 7, 14, 15, 16, 18, 19, 21, 22, 23, moneylenders 22
24, 25, 26, 39, 41, 42, 54 monsoon 8, 10, 19, 28, 31, 32, 35, 38, 39, 40,
Kayal reclamation 23, 24, 26, 38 42, 49, 67, 68
Kayal reclamations 21, 22, 27, 36 Mundakan 36, 61, 63
Kayals 9, 23, 24 Murickan 23, 24
Kayamkulam lake 35 Murickummootil Thomman Joseph 23
Kenya 31 Muvattupuzha 9, 10, 35, 36, 42
Kerala 6
Kettuvalloms 23 N
Khandava vana 6
Kochi 6, 9, 10, 41, 68 natural flesh-out facility 49
Kole “ lands 54 Neerettupuram 10
Kottayam 7, 8, 9, 10, 12, 27, 35, 36, 68, 70 neighbourhood effects 49, 50, 54
Kudamaloor 67 Netherlands 1, 14, 67, 68
Kulappala Lands 14, 16 new reclamations 14
Kulavazha 31 Nieuhoff 67
Kundamaram 9 Ninthoms 20
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North Eastern Monsoon 10, 29, 38 River Rhine 67

North Sea 68 Rotterdam harbour 67
Northern Travancore 8
nostalgic memories 67 S

O S. America 31
salinity 10, 11, 14, 15, 19, 30, 34, 37, 49, 50,
Opium 67 67
Salinity 28
P second crop 28, 30, 37, 39, 40, 42, 51, 52, 64,
65
P Rajagopalachari 22 Second World War 22
Padasekharams 14, 16, 18, 38, 48 semi-submersible bunds 42
Palakkadu 54 semi-submersible permanent bunds 38, 51
Pamba 9, 10, 21, 24, 35, 37, 67 social marginal net product’ 52
Panicker, P.G.K 71 spill over effect 52
Parasurama 6 spillway 15, 35, 36, 37
pari passu relationship 52, 63 stabilisation of paddy 48
Pathanamthitta 7, 12, 68 sulphuric acid 30
peasant proprietorship 24 supporting programmes 66
Peermade 10
Pepper 67 T
permanent bunds 27, 28, 36, 38, 39, 51
Pigouvian” divergence 52 tailrace waters 9, 36, 42
pisciculture 43 techniques of production 66
ploughing 18, 19, 25 Thanneermukkom 30, 35, 37
Polders 14, 68 Thannermukkam Barrage 41
primary wave of income increment 49, 50 Thannermukkom barrier 37, 67
private marginal net product’ 52 The Kerala Land Development Corporation
productivity of paddy 5, 61 Ltd 40
progressive mechanisation 55 Thiruvalla 7, 12
Public Works Department 34 Thottappally 15, 35, 36, 37, 41, 42, 48, 67
Pulimuts 20 Thrissur 54
pumping engine 18 Thuruthu Manikya Mangalam 21
Punja 7, 15, 16, 18, 24, 35, 37, 39, 42, 43, 45, tidal action 10, 23, 49
49, 50, 51, 53, 54, 55, 61, 63, 64, 65, 70 Tidal Diffusion 41
Punja special Officer 7 toddy 28
Punnoose Mathew 27 topography of Kuttanadu 44
Purakadu 15 toxicity 9
Purampokku lands 13 traditional earthen bunds, 38
Puthen Pathinalayiram 27 Travancore government 18, 20

Q U

Quilon 8, 35 Upper Karapadoms 15

Upper Kuttanadu 7
R
V
resource availability 65
retting of coconut husks 37 Vaikom 6, 7, 9, 10, 12, 15, 30, 35
Rice Deal Inquiry Commission Report 32, 70 Valanjavattom 9
rice scandal 34 Vechoor 35, 49
ring bunds 13, 19, 29, 37, 38 Veliyanadu 20
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Velloor 36 Weeds 28
Velupillai 7, 9 wetland 6, 11, 45, 46
Vembanadu 9, 10, 14, 20, 21, 22, 23, 27, 28,
30, 34, 35, 36, 38, 49, 68 Y
Vettikkattu Mukku 36
Virippu 61, 63 Yssel 68
Viyapuram 10
Volkerok 67 Z

W Zambia 31
Zeeland 68
Warkalay Laterite Formation 9 Zimbabwe 31
Water Hyacinth 31 Zuyder Zee 68
waves of income increments 49
weeding 19