The current role of English in Anglophone Africa, and its effect on education and development.

Paul Phillips October 2011

Contents: 1. Language policy in Anglophone Africa 2. From Colonialism to lite Closure 3. Cultural Assimilation vs. Pluralism 4. The need for a unifying language? 5. Migration and Diaspora 6. Education and English as MOI 7. Effects of MOI literacy and academic achievement 8. Effects in the classroom 9. The Cost of multilingual education 10. Conclusion 11. References

1. Language policy in Anglophone Africa After several decades of British colonialism in Africa, English is used for different communicative purposes in 53 African countries. In sub-Saharan Africa there are 20 countries that could be referred to as Anglophone and use English exclusively (such as Ghana, Namibia, Nigeria and Zambia) or with another African language (e.g. Kenya, South Africa, Uganda, Zimbabwe; (Graddol, 1997:10). Indeed, English has become so entrenched in some countries that unique varieties have been spawned such as Nigerian English, West African English, East African English and Southern African English (Mazrui, 2004:23) However, the success of English in accelerating the development of nations in Africa has been vehemently questioned by scholars from outside and inside the continent (Phillipson, 1996; Pennycook, 2002; Rubagumya, 2004). Statistics from the UN rank 28 of Africas countries in the bottom 30 in the UN Human Development World league table (UNDP 2010) and this has been blamed on the fact that Africa is the only continent where the majority of children start school using a foreign language (UNESCO 2010). Djit (2008) claims that reliance and dependency on superimposed international languages such as English to achieve development in Africa over the last three decades has proven to be a failure. In addition, English has been accused of causing language death (Phillipson, 2008) and having robbed Africans not only of their cultural heritage but also their chance to develop intellectually through the medium of their own language. It would seem sensible then, that Africa finally break the shackles of its colonial past and return the medium of instruction of its schools and the language of its workplaces to the mother tongues (MT) of its peoples. Yet there is considerable resistance to this idea, both from politicians and the public alike. English is considered by some African leaders to be a way out of poverty through commerce, tourism and access to scientific, medical and technical education; by others as a unifying force within nations of warring tribes and conflicting cultures. It has been seen by Africans as a way to facilitate national and international migration; as means of escape from religious and cultural persecution; and even as a buffer to protect linguistic heritage from dominant African languages. Under the spotlight of globalisation, many Africans feel the language which was for so long one of oppression could now be their best chance of liberation and the prospect of a brighter future. Already so far behind, it is easy to understand why the public and politicians alike are so reluctant to turn away from a language so widely perceived as the global medium. The question then, is how can Africans receive quality education in their own diverse s and still maintain their drive to become competent users of English and therefore effective global citizens. In this paper I will attempt to analyse the complex and multitudinous roles that English is playing in Anglophone Africa today. I will then look at the debate surrounding English as a medium of Instruction (MOI) in Anglophone Africa and attempt to identify a way forward.
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2. From Colonialism to lite Closure During the colonial scramble for Africa it was perhaps not surprising that the colonisers chose to use their own rather than learn the estimated 1000 to 2500 African languages (Ouane and glanz; 2010). Their ignorance of and indifference to the cultural and linguistic complexity of Africa led the European invaders to take little consideration of ethnicity, community or language when carving up the continent. The subsequent formation of nation states bundled together culturally and linguistically diverse tribes and communities, many of whom had been warring for centuries. Some tribes resisted their new colonial masters; others struck bargains; some tribes profited while others were subjugated, but all had a foreign language imposed upon them in some form or other. At the end of colonialism the sovereignty of African Nations remained intact and the new rulers were left with a perplexing decision of whether to keep the language of their oppressors; reduce its power or expel it completely. Perhaps a strong determiner for the maintenance of exoglossic languages as official languages and even MOI in post-colonial Africa is the fact that the leaders and decision makers were often proficient in these languages. Scholars such as Rubagumya (2004) have accused African leaders of using English and other colonial languages to create a system of what Myers Scotton (1993) calls lite closure the situation where dominant groups in African countries have access to high quality language education allowing them to subjugate those who have not. Rubagumya claims that English gave the elite access to the fruits of independence which were denied to the majority (2004:28). However, Africa has always been a continent with a small upper class and it would be erroneous to simply attribute the inequality in Africa to English. In fact, many Africans are keen to be able to communicate on the world stage in order to level the playing field and address what many see as the biggest challenge to African prosperity, Western trade subsidies. The livelihoods of millions of farmers depend on the negotiation and marketing skills of their leaders and representatives. (2011). However, such skills are not enough if they cannot be used effectively as an African veteran of International conferences interviewed by Negash explains: We feel the importance of English when we participate in international negotiations that involve people from Africa and other regions. Usually the ones from English speaking countries express their ideas very clearly and dominate debatesWe concluded that our children should learn English properly for us to make our contributions and take our rights. (2011:171) This is particularly true as Asian and African business leaders work predominantly in English and with one report stating that there are some 750,000 Chinese alone working in Africa (Negash 2011), it is clear to see that such business is hugely important for African prosperity.

3. Cultural Assimilation vs. Pluralism It is reasoned by some (take for example the English Only movement in the US) that the assimilation of cultural minorities is advantageous because they can join the majority group and cease to be stigmatised and disadvantaged as a minority. As Chumbow states ideologically, assimilation is the instrument by which multilingual and multicultural communities can become monolingual and mono-cultural voluntarily or involuntarily (2009:7). However, for language to be an effective element of such assimilation it would need to be known to the entire population, something clearly not the case in sub-Saharan Africa. It has been estimated that only between ten and twenty percent of Africans are competent in a colonial language (Schmied; 1991), and in countries such as Tanzania it may be as low as five percent. The effect of this is more likely to marginalize the less educated members of society than unite them under a common culture. This has led to the debate of whether to adopt a language strategy to support pluralism which seeks to protect peoples rights to learn and live in their own language, what Phillipson calls langua ge rights (2008). This is a policy adopted in South Africa which, at least in theory, gives equal importance in education and society to its eleven official languages (Alexander 2009). However, the intensely multilingual nature of many Sub-Saharan countries leads Chumbow to admit the difficulty of the task that faces language policy makers One of the most daunting challenges to the enterprise of national development is the very fact of linguistic and cultural diversity which makes the cost of multicultural development in a pluralistic ideology relatively high (2009:4). Thus the dream of pluralism is proving difficult to turn into reality by financial constraints and a lack of public and political will. Africans continue to be confronted with the fact that modernization and upward social mobility demand from them the sacrifice of their cultural and linguistic identities (Batibo; 2007:45). 4. The need for a unifying language? For nation states to prosper it seems logical that their peoples are united and feel community spirit. Andersons defines a nation as an imagined political community and that the most important thing about language is its capacity for generating imagined communities (1991). In fiercely tribal Africa, such a community is always going to be something difficult to achieve with so many languages to deal with within a single nation. As Batibo notes the most challenging realities that most of these states h ad to grapple with were the prevailing multilingual and multiethnic phenomena. Most of them took a shortcut by adopting an exoglossic language policy (2007:15). Therefore, in many areas of civil society Africans were asked to put aside their language, one that defines them historically and culturally, to learn and use one that would seek to unify a nation and create a political. In this way many Anglophone African countries (Nigeria, Zambia amongst others) chose to de-emphasise ethnicity and build up a sense of nationhood (Phillipson 1996:162) by making English their post-colonial language of choice. This concept was articulated by John
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Mwanakatwe, minister of Education in post-colonial Zambia (a country with 20 different languages) Even the most ardent nationalists of our time have accepted the inevitable fact that English ironically a foreign language of our former colonial master has definitely a unifying role in Zambia (Mwanakatwe, quoted in Williams 2011:41). This situation was observed by urban Ugandans in a study conducted by Tembe and Norton Our standards in East Africa are the best Kenyans and Tanzanians are coming to Uganda because of the language we are speaking (2011:129). 5. Migration and Diaspora Such travels are only a small part of the role English has played in the migration of Africans in the subSaharan region. It is perhaps at an international level where English is seen to be at its most useful for Africans; both those who live in the Diaspora and their families and communities back home. According to one report More than 30 million Africans live outside their countries of origin sending more than 40 billion USD to their families and communities back home each year (IFAD 2009). Not only does this create wealth within Africa, but it can also bring development through Africans returning home with new skills and ideas. The International Organisation for Migration was set up with this very idea in mind and now assists the short and long term return of African diaspora. The advantages are not merely economic; such global intermingling can also inspire returning Africans to effect social change such as challenging extreme traditional behaviours and cultural practices such as genital mutilation. In addition to international migration, the learning of English has allowed for more effective intraregional migration and now the majority of migration in Africa is between low HDI countries (UNDP 2009). The fact that national borders in Africa serve more as bridges than as walls (Mazrui 2004:23) means that Africans need a way of communicating commonly. While this is still largely the domain of dominant African languages such as Lingala, Setswana and Kiswahili, English is beginning to take a foothold, particularly in urban areas. Moreover, Mazrui notes the increasing regional migration and business travel of Africans has led to the development of localized Englishes such as West African English, East African English and Southern African English (2004:23). English is also playing a significant role in rural to urban migration as people move to cities in search of a better life both economically and socially. Mazrui believes that the localization of English may be part of its democratization as it serves the needs of the common people (2004:25). Women, for example, may use English as a means to access information about gender issues and relocate themselves culturally (Mazrui; 2004:25). Homosexuals who may feel disenfranchised by their own language can use English as a means of developing a sexual identity. Generally speaking English can be used as a neutral or progressive language for people otherwise subjugated or persecuted in their own tongue.
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6. Education and English as MOI We should stop teaching children through English right from the start because it is the surest way of imparting inferiority complex in the children and the society. It is poisonous. It is the surest way of killing African personality and African culture. (Djit 1993:149) Childrenshould learn a language which helps them in the future. Not put them in brackets of second community. (Tembe and Norton 2011:127) During the colonization of Africa, the French and Portuguese were particularly keen on making their territories and peoples part of France or Portugal respectively. Therefore, the newly formed education systems used French or Portuguese as MOI. The British had a more relaxed attitude primarily concerned with training a small group of adults to become civil servants and assist their colonial rulers in the administration of the country. However, through the introduction of church schools, the education systems in Anglophone Africa developed a similar MOI policy as the other colonisers, albeit more slowly. Such a policy was effective in creating the manpower necessary for the development of Africa envisioned by Britain without creating too much of a cost burden. It also had the effect of creating a new class of African who saw themselves as Anglo-Africans. It would be these few who would decide the fate of language policy after freeing themselves from colonial rule. As Bakomba states what ultimately happened in the majority of African countries was a simple continuation of the language policies imposed by the former colonial rulers; a retention of the status quo (2007:35). This was in part due to the multilingualism of African countries which was seen as an obstacle to unity and nation building. In Namibia for example, the post-colonial government of the 1990s installed English as the medium of instruction (and English as the sole official language) in an attempt to create a pervasive atmosphere of tolerance in matters relating to culture, religious practices, political preference, ethnic affiliation and differences in social background. (Frydman; 2011:178) However, it also planned to transform Namibia into a knowledge based society and English was seen as a key part of that process. In other former British colonies, English was in competition with dominant African languages such as Kiswahili in Kenya and Tanzania, Setswana in Botswana and Chichewa in Malawi to be the language to take the nation forward. In Botswana, Nyati-Ramahobo claims language policy has been influenced by the notion that ethnic diversity is a problem that must be eradicated (quoted in Frydman; 2011). However, it was Setswana, rather than English that was used as the tool of assimilation outside and MOI inside Botswanan schools. In multilingual Tanzania, post-colonial nationalism and self-reliance led to the promotion of Kiswahili as lingua franca at the expense of English, an interesting notion when you consider neither language is a of Tanzanians. However, by the end of the cold war and with globalisation beginning to pick
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up speed it was Tanzanias leader Julius Nyerere, the very man who had promoted Kiswahili in the first place, who called for the reintroduction of English in Education: English is the Swahili of the world and for that reason must be taught and given the weight it deserves in our countryEnglish will be the medium of instruction in secondary schools and institutions of higher education because if it is left as only a normal subject it may die (Nyerere quoted in Campbell, 2001:100) Nyerere was also reacting to the fact that many middle class Tanzanians were following the example of well to do Kenyans by sending their children to Ugandan schools where English was the MOI (Mazrui; 2004). This exemplifies a key problem facing language policy makers. Simply changing the MOI to a dominant African language wont necessarily stop inequality in education as long as private schools are allowed to teach in English. Private, fee paying schools have smaller classes and higher quality resources and teachers. In addition, parents of these children often have a good level of English themselves. Mazrui refers to these people as Afro Saxons (1998:137), Africans who live completely in English and distinct from their own cultures. These factors contribute to a division between private English speaking schools and public ones. The problem is exacerbated by the fact that most tertiary institutions, private business and government institutions require English in their job descriptions. From the above it is easy to see why there is a lot of opposition and resentment to the idea of reinstating MOI. After independence in 1994, South Africa was determined to instigate a multilingual language policy and accorded 11 of its approximately 25 languages (including English and Afrikaans) official status. However, in practice the medium of instruction in upper primary, secondary and tertiary education is almost always in English (Pitman; Majhanovich; Brock-Utne; 2010). Kamwangamalu remarks that If anything has changed at all in terms of language practices [in South Africa], it is that English has gained more territory and political clout than Afrikaans in virtually all of the countrys institutions, including the legislature, education, the media, and the army. There is thus a mismatch between South Africas multilingual language policies on the one hand and observed language practices on the other. While the language policy promotes additive multilingualism, the language practices in most of the public domains reflect a promotion of monolingualism in English. (2004:180 quoted in Pitman, 2010) 7. Effects of MOI literacy and academic achievement If we believe such estimates as Prahs that less than 5% of Anglophone Africa speak English well (2006 quoted in Pitman; 2010) then it is clear that despite its official status and supposed influence in Africa, English is not widely spoken or understood by African people in former British colonies. As Pitman remarks Students in the so-called Anglophone Africa are asked to regard English as a second language, which it normally is in terms of its legal status. However, effectively English is a foreign language for many, who are
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exposed to it almost exclusively at school. This is particularly so in rural areas (2010:6). Chumbow laments that this use of exoglossic languages as the MOI in Education means that large percentages of the population who dont have the necessary language knowledge are unable to learn key skills in science and technology. He continues by stating: The effective mobilisation of the masses so that they can become trained, skilled, knowledgeable and effective agents of change in the national development enterprise requires the democratization of access to knowledge not in a foreign language but in a language or languages the people know best: an African language (2009:4). There is a great deal of research to suggest that using English as a MOI has failed to educate Africans in Anglophone countries both in English and in the other subjects. UNESCO reported that: System-wide, multi-country studies, such as the second Southern (and Eastern) Africa Consortium for Monitoring Educational Quality (SACMEQ II) (Mothibeli 2005), show that by grade 6 more than 55% of students in 14 Southern and Eastern Africa countries have not attained the most minimal level of literacy required to remain in the school system. Only 14, 6% have reached the desired level of literacy. The current literacy and language models are so ineffectual that they result in at least 55% of students leaving school by the end of grade 6 as unsuccessful learners, and this undermines the Millennium Development Goals and UNESCOs Education for All (EFA) agendas. (2006)

But to what extent can this be blamed on the use of English as MOI and not on more general problems so prevalent in Africa such as large class sizes, lack of materials and poor quality teaching? What are the direct consequences for students, teachers and the society as whole?

8. Effect in the classroom Students usually start school between the ages of five and seven. By this time they have already developed considerable communicative powers and are able to follow instructions, negotiate, enquire, express how they are feeling etc. Research suggests that such abilities are crucial in the development of critical thinking skills which in turn are necessary for a high quality education. Without the opportunity to use these skills, the students will be much more passive in their learning. According to the same UNESCO report (2006), the use of English has the effect of causing teachers to become more teacher-centered in their approaches, getting their students to copy from the board and repeat choral drills. Teachers do most of the talking while children remain silent or passive participants during most of the classroom interactions. There is a lack of enquiry of the part of the students because they do not have the language skills to do so and the teachers find it hard to give proper explanations of abstract concepts. In this context, it is difficult for authentic teaching and learning to take place and teachers and students are often left frustrated which can cause disciplinary problems. This situation severely restricts school ineffectiveness and is likely to cause low academic
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achievement. However, is this simply a question of language or one of teacher training? According to HaileMicheal (1993) The origin of the perception that English is an obstruction rather than facilitator of learning is the poor teaching methodology that pervades education systems (quoted in Negash 2011:178) To make a comparison we can look at the English as a foreign language classroom which commonly has a policy to only use English in class. Typically, students reach B2 level of the Common European Framework after about 6-8 years of classes with a normal duration of only 3 hours a week. At this level students are able to read and write and communicate to a relatively high level. This would suggest that with the right environment, materials and teacher training, students would be able to develop the cognitive skills needed for a quality education. The difference here though, is that in this situation the students are learning in their own language alongside their learning of English. Thus the cognitive skills they are developing are most likely to come through studies in their own language. This is another key reason why MOI is said to be so crucial not just for the first few years of schooling but right through a childs education. This correlation is summed up in the UNESCO report research evidence shows that the use of as a medium of instruction throughout schooling improves the teaching and learning of the official/foreign language as a subject of learning and will ultimately make it a better medium of specialized learning wherever appropriate (2006:10)

Most African countries tend to use MT as MOI at least for the first three years of schooling and then switch to English. According to the UNESCO research this is not enough because a language needs to be developed to the level that written texts and oral language used for learning and teaching mathematics, science, history, and geography can be understood and actively used by the learner (2006:14). Without this, the student will not be able to take on complicated and abstract concepts to be found in these disciplines and the learning process will be considerably slowed and impeded. It is argued that this is causing African students to continue to fall behind peers in countries that have MT instruction. However, there is a strong argument that many African languages do not have the required vocabulary to be effective MOI. Chumbow points out that African languages are not adequately developed to express modern scientific and technical knowledge (2009). In addition many African languages are born through oral cultures and are not

commonly written or read. For this reason it may actually be more comfortable for Africans to read and write in language different to their MT. This was noted in Tembe and Nortons research in Uganda. They found that although the MT was used for communicating in the home, English or a dominant African language were used for writing (2011). The problem is both cause and effect of the lack of text books in African languages particularly at higher levels. Post-colonial governments are faced with a problem highlighted by Bull "...the writing system of a number of languages does not lend itself readily to the exigencies of the modern world and, especially, to the use of typewriters and typesetting machines which are essential to the rapid and economical reproduction of educational materials" (Bull, 1964:529)
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This view was pervasive and currently, the educational publishing industry is small and underdeveloped while its Western counterparts have dominated the markets long since the withdrawal of colonial rule. Furthermore, for MT instruction to have a universal acceptance, assessment and accreditation in Africa would need a major shift away from Western systems and be built from the ground up on the basis of what is means to be an educated African not from the a colonial perspective but from within Africa itself. Without a huge push by Governments to overhaul education policy, Academics to develop suitable vocabulary for higher education in African Languages and by the publishing industry to produce truly African educational materials, there is little hope for a swift change in language policies on MOI. As Wolf states Africa can only compete in the ideas economy if it can understand the world in its own languages: The creative potential of Africans for modern science and technology is currently thwarted by a language barrier. It makes Africa even more dependent on expensive foreign expertise and impedes its development (Wolf quoted in UNESCO 2006:15) This situation is made worse by the fact that parents usually have little or no knowledge of English, particularly in rural areas. This leads to the problems identified by Pitman: The immersion approach leads to a double jeopardy in linguistic fluency for those students for whom the language of the classroom is not that of the home. Not only can parents not help with the language, but they are equally unable to assist their children in the substantive content of the various subjects. (2010:8) It is also important not to overlook the fact that MT instruction better facilitates the learning of indigenous knowledge and culture which many see as vital in maintaining traditional customs and way of life. In addition, the integration of childrens culture and languages into the classroom would give more parents opportunities to get involved in their childs education and potentially learn from it themselves. Schooling therefore, becomes more relevant not only for children as they learn by doing, but also for the parents who benefit from their childrens contribution to all socio-economic and cultural activities. However, we should be careful in assuming that all Africans prefer to maintain their cultural heritage at the expense of the greater opportunities for development that learning English may bring. To force schools to adopt MT language policies can be seen in the same way as forcing them to learn through English. In all of this the question of choice has to be finely balanced with the vastly different wants and needs of African societies. 9. The Cost of multilingual education Chumbow states that One of the most daunting challenges to the enterprise of national development is the very fact of linguistic and cultural diversity which makes the cost of multicultural development in a pluralistic ideology relatively high (2009:4). In the short term at least, effective multilingual education would be extremely costly in terms of research, investments in human resources, materials development and translation. When you consider that each document produced might have to be translated into scores of
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languages it is easy to see how governments might be reluctant to invest. However, research into Human Capital Theory has begun to show evidence that the increase in the quality of education reaps significant rewards in terms of economic growth (Hanushek & Wmann 2007). According to UNESCO (2006), a change to MT policy would cost between 1 to 5 % of GDP. They argue that cost could be returned within 5 years through reductions in student repeat rates. In the longer term, human capital theorists may argue that the effect on economic growth would be far greater than any original investments. However, considering that it make take a generation for this investment to be realized this would be a long term initiative and a considerable wait for nations desperately trying to modernize and adapt to the global economy.

10. Conclusion It is difficult not to be swayed by the compelling evidence suggesting that the English language policies of many former British colonies in Africa are of detriment to their development in terms of education, economic growth and the survival of indigenous cultures, languages and practices. There are few voices dissenting to the view that the quality of education in schools would benefit from being taught in a medium of instruction that is known to the students and teachers and that represents them, at least as Africans if not by their own tribal roots. However, without a uniformed approach, which brings together government, academia, private industry and civil society groups in a considered and concerted push toward a multilingual environment, it is difficult to see how changing the MOI in schools will create anything more than resentment, chaos and the possibility of feuding between language communities. In addition the answer cannot be the same for all nations. Some will have a clear dominant African language which can be turned to, others will have to adopt a regional system but in all cases their needs to be a focus on additive multilingualism which attempts to give local African languages, dominant African languages and English their own space and rights in society which, as much as possible, will allow people to choose how they communicate. As Chumbow reminds us Multilingualism is normal and monolingualism is exceptional. Most countries of the world are multilingual and even the few putatively monolingual countries of Europe are increasingly becoming multilingual and multicultural as a result of the mobility and migration factors characteristic of the phenomenon of globalization (2009:5). Therefore if globalization is a multilingual force we must all educate ourselves in a way that doesnt interpret one language as having more value than another.

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11. References Alexander R.J. (editor and lead author) (2010) Children, their World, their Education: final report of the Cambridge Primary Review, 608 pp, London: Routledge Anderson B. (1991) Imagined Communities, rev. ed. London: Verso Books Batibo H.M. (2007) Language use optimization as a strategy for national development in Coleman H. (ed) Language and development in Africa and beyond: Proceedings of the 7th international language and development conference, Addis Ababa: British Council Bakomba (2007) Arguments for Multilingual Policies in Public Domains in Africa." Linguistic Identity in Postcolonial Multilingual Spaces. Newcastle, UK: Cambridge Scholars. Campbell 2001 Roy-Campbell, Zaline M. Empowerment Through Language. The African Experience: Tanzania and Beyond. Trenton, NJ: Africa World Press. Chumbow B.S. (2005), The language Question in National Development in Africa, in Thandika Mkandiware, ed., African Intellectuals: Rethinking Gender, Language and Politics in National Development, CODESRIA, Dakar. Chumbow B.S. (2009) Linguistic Diversity, Pluralism and National Development in Africa: Africa Development: Council for the Development of Social Science Research in Africa. Djit P. (2008) The Sociolinguistics of Development in Africa: Multilingual Matters Frydman J.(2011) A Critical Analysis of Namibias English-Only Language Policy in Eyamba G Bokamba (ed) Selected Proceedings of the 40th Annual Conference on African Linguistics: African Languages and Linguistics Today Graddol D. (2006) The Future of English. London: The British Council. Hanushek E. & Woessman L. (2007) The Role of School Improvement in Economic Development, Stanford University. Negash N. (2011) English in Africa: An impediment or a contributor to Africa, in Hywel Coleman (ed) Dreams and Realities: Developing countries and the English Language: British Council Mazrui A. (2004) English in Africa after the cold war: Multilingual Matters Mazrui A. 1998. The Power of Babel: Language and Governance in the African Experience. Oxford: James Currey; Nairobi: E.A.E.P.; Kampala: Fountain Publishers; Cape Town: David Philip Publishers; Chicago:University of Chicago Press. Myers S.C., 1993, Elite Closure as a Powerful Language Strategy: the African Case, International Journal of the Sociology of Language, 103,149-163. Phillipson R. (2008) Linguistic Imperialism: Taylor and Francis Group, LLC Phillipson R. (1996) Linguistic imperialism - African perspectives. English Language Teaching Journal 50/2, 160-167
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Pennycook A. (2002) Critical Applied Linguistics: Mahwah, NJ: Lawrence Erlbaum Pitman A., Majhanovich S., Brock-Utne B.(2010) English as Language of Instruction in Africa: Policy, Power and Practice. Rubagumya C. (2004) Applied linguistics at the interface: Baynham M., Deignan A., White G. (eds) London: Equilox Schmied J.J (1991) English in Africa: An introduction. New York: Longman. Tembe J. and Norton B. (2011) English education, local languages and community perspectives in Uganda in Hywel Coleman (ed) Dreams and Realities: Developing countries and the English Language: British Council UNDP (2010) The real wealth of nation: Pathways to human development. Basingstoke and New York: Palgrave Macmillan for UNDP. UNESCO Alidou H., Boly A., Brock-Utne B., Diallo Y.S., Heugh K., Wolff H.E (2006) Optimizing Learning and Education in Africa the Language Factor. ADEA 2006 Biennial Meeting (Libreville, Gabon) UNESCO (2010) Language Vitality and Endangerment: Ad Hoc Expert Group on. Endangered Languages Williams E. (2011) Language policy, politics and development in Africa in Hywel Coleman (ed) Dreams and Realities: Developing countries and the English Language: British Council
Bull 1964

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