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THE AGAPE AND THE EUCHARIST

THE AGAPE AND THE EUCHARIST


IN

THE EARLY CHURCH


STUDIES IN THE HISTORY OF THE CHRISTIAN LOVE-FEASTS

nv
J.

F.

KEATING,

D.D.

CANON AND CHANCELLOR OF ST MARY's CATHK.DRAL, EDINBURGH, AND PRINCIPAL OF THE THEOLOGICAL COLLEGE OF THE SCOTTISH EPISCOPAL CHURCH

^x-

METHUEN
36

& CO.
W.C.

ESSEX STREET

LONDON
1901

PREFACE

THE

attention

of

scholars

has

lately

been

directed afresh to the subject of the

Agape

by the translation of the Canons of Hippolytus^ and of The Testament of our Lord, and quite recently,

by the publication by Dr Hauler, from the Verona of the Latin Didascalia, and the Egyptian Church Order {Canonum Reliqtdcz), of which the one lies behind, and the other is
palimpsest,
also

but

less

closely

related

to

the Apostolic

Constitutions.

The

present

investigation

does not claim

to

have added largely to what was already known on


the subject.

as, if not, like

The Agape has long been regarded Mary Queen of Scots, " the eternal
at least

enigma of history,"
problems, and
I

one of the obscurest of


to

do not profess
if

have solved

it.

Indeed
for its

it is

very doubtful

we have

the materials

complete solution even now

after these fresh

discoveries.

All that has been attempted

is

to bring together

vi

PREFACE
literature,

such illustrative sources as are available in heathen

and Jewish

to pass under

review the
in the

various references or allusions to the

Agape

New

Testament, and the Fathers, and to compare


"

the extant
other.

Ordinances

"

on the subject with each

This has never, so


at
all

far as

am

aware, been

fully

done

before.

Bingham's, Binterim's,

Drescher's, and T. Harnack's contributions to the

subject are

all

valuable, but

been brought up to date.


attempted leaves
critical

room

for
;

none of them have Even what is here a more thoroughly

account of the matter

and

it is

certain to

be objected to by some, as following traditional


lines

of interpretation too closely


critic

but even so

independent a

of early Christian literature as

Dr Rendel
"

Harris has remarked with reason that


traditions

catholic

have a

remarkable way of

vindicating themselves."

One

of the most

important questions

in

this

investigation

seems to be what was the deterin

mining factor

the

apparent variety of early

Christian practice with regard to the Agape.

We

have to account,

e.g.,

for the silence as to this rite

of second-century writers in

Rome and

Gaul, and

the emphasis of second-century or later writers in

PREFACE
North Africa, Antioch, and Alexandria.
identity

vii

Some

take this to support their theory of the original

as

distinct

from mere co-existence

of
the

the

Eucharist with the

common

meals, or

development of the Eucharist out of the common meal. It seems to me that, as I have stated at

more length

later on,

it

would not be easy

to
in

prove that such silence implies non-existence


the case of a custom, which

was so obviously
in

consonant both with Christian teaching, and with Jewish and heathen practice as the Agape, and
the face of the statements of Tertullian,
this
e.g.,

as to

and other Christian usages

statements which
it

have an obviously representative ring about them,

and which must stand or

fall

together.

To my mind
law which
to

it

is

clear that

was the Roman


regulated
this
in

very

large

extent

Christian practice in this

respect,

and that

law was administered with varying strictness


different parts of the

Empire.
face
to

But when

this has

been

said,

we

are

still

face with a very

difficult question, viz.,

the whole relation of early

Christianity to the

Roman Government.
II.),

On
I

this

subject

have only to add here to what

have

said elsewhere

(Appendix
I

that such unworthy

researches

as

have been able to make have

viii

PREFACE
W. M. Ramsay.
"

tended to confirm the interesting discoveries of


Professor

"When

Christianity,"

he ^ says,
it

estabhshed

itself

amidst an ahen society,


life

did not immediately


its

remake the whole

and

manners of
in

converts.

They continued
;

to live

many

respects as before

they were character-

by most of the habits, and some of the faults life and of the society in which they Christians were the dominant class in lived.
ised

of their old
.
. .

most Phrygian
themselves
as

cities after 200.

They

registered

collegia
in

tenuiorum,
all

and

accomto the

modated themselves

possible

ways

Roman

law.

Ideas and objects strictly Christian


use, or

were indicated by terms of ordinary pagan


terms unknown to the vulgar.
.

And

so

we

are forced to look for hidden meanings in early


Christian epigraphy."

Here we have a clue by which it may be hoped that, as time goes on, more will be discovered as
to

early Christian

social

organisation, including

the

Agape.

In

the

meantime, as regards the


I

earlier use of the

Agape,

venture to hold rather

with Bishop Lightfoot than with those


that all
is

who

think

quite dark

with regard to the relation of

the Eucharist to the


^

Agape up

to the
i.

middle or
fi'.

Cities

and Bishoprics of Phrygia,

119

PREFACE
latter

ix

part

of

the

second

century,

when

there

emerges on one side of the picture the hturgical


Eucharist,

on

the
;

other

side

the
it

Agape with
seems to
in

Eucharistic

acts

and

further,

me

doubtful whether

we

are justified

correlating

the

Agape

of the Canons of Hippolytus as closely

with the Paschal Supper and the original Eucharist


as

Dr
I

Achelis does.^

regret that the


P.

book was
to

in

type before

read
it

Dr

Gardner's Exploratio Evangelica, which

would have been well


like

have had before one

in

the earlier part of the investigation.

Dr

Gardner,
to

other

critical

writers,

who

are disposed

infer rapid

accretions

upon

original

Christianity

by the method of comparative analysis of other religions, seems not to be fully sensible of the moral cleavage between early Christianity and
contemporary heathenism, and even Rabbinical
Judaism, but the general tone of
his

work
-

is

worthy of the highest respect.


I

have spoken of

his

recently modified view


v.

of the origin of the Eucharist elsewhere (chap.


p. i6i).
1

But as

to Mithraism he
p.

seems

to think

Die Cationes Hippolyti,

210

ff.

Cf. infra, p. 135.

He

formerly thought

it

possible that St. Paul's ideas about the

Eucharist

may have been coloured "by


(p.

neighbouring Eleusis "

454).

the rites carried on at the But see below, Appendix I. C.

X
(p.

PREFACE

335) that M. Foucart, whom I have quoted, is not The sources of information on this quite fair to it.

subject are

now open
it

to all in

Cumont's important

work,^ but

shows how

details of Mithraism.

we know of the As Mr F. G. Kenyon has


little

recently
religion,

pointed out, Mithraism, as an eclectic

may have borrowed


"

ceremonies
is

from

Christianity, whereas the reverse


ally impossible.

chronologicin
its

We

can recognise

Mithraism

elements of truth, which account for


success
. . .

temporary

but

we cannot

see in

it

a serious and
is

formidable rival to the Truth which


the world."
2

the light of

Apart from the


little

difficulty

of the

subject, the

book has suffered from constant interrupdue to various causes


it
;

tions

but, in

spite of its

defects,

is

hoped

that

there

may

be some

interest

in

an outline which incidentally brings


life,

out some important features of early Church

and puts before the reader materials


at issue.

for

forming

an independent judgment on the various questions


Chapters
>

i.,

ii., iii.,

v.,

with the Introduction and


mysteresde Mithra (Bruxelles-

Textcs et

Momiments

felatifs aiix

Lamertin, 1896-9).
-

"Mithraism and the Fall

of

Paganism" {Guardian, April

24,

1901).

PREFACE

xi

the Appendices, were accepted by the Cambridge

Divinity Professors as a sufficient exercise for the

degree of D.D.
I

have to thank the Regius Professor

for leave

to

make

additions and

corrections,

and
for

for

his

great kindness in looking over the proof sheets

and the Rev. Canon A.


over chapter
iv.
I

J.

Maclean

reading

owe one

or two suggestions

to the kindness of

Dr Armitage Robinson,
Dr

but

wrote without seeing the discussions of the Last

Supper

by

Dr Sanday and

Plummer

in

Hastings' Bible Dictionary.

September 1901.

CONTENTS
Introduction

......
CHAPTER
I

PAGE
i

The Agape

in

the

New Testament

-36

CHAPTER H
The Agape
in

the Second Century

S^

CHAPTER HI
The Agape
in

the Third Century

.78

CHAPTER
The Agape
in

IV
. . ,

Church Ordinances

107

CHAPTER V
The Agape
in

the Fourth Century and After-

wards Summary

APPENDIX APPENDIX
INDEX

......
.

.141
165

II

....

.180
203

INTRODUCTION.

AT
struct

the outset of an historical investigation of


this

kind

it

seems very important that one

should put oneself into the right point of view


that one should try, as far as possible, to reconin

imagination

the

environment

either

heathen or Jewish

with

which these Christian


of their early develop-

sacred social meals were surrounded at the time


of their institution, and

ment,

and

consequently

the

associations
in

with

which they would

be connected

the minds

both of the earliest Christians, and of subsequent


converts to Christianity.
I

propose, therefore,
briefly

by way of

introduction, to

consider

such heathen

and

Jewish ana-

logues of the Christian


us,

Agap^

as are

known

to

and then to pass on to the more immediate

consideration of the history of the subject itself


I

Heathen Analogues.
There
is

passage

in

St Augustine's treatise
in

against Faustus the Manichaean,

which Faustus

2
is

THE AGAPE
represented as seeking to minimise the differ-

ences

between

Christianity

and

Heathenism

and among

other alleged resemblances between


^

the two he speaks

of the Christians as having

turned the heathen sacrifices into Christian lovefeasts.

This statement has been interpreted by some


writers as implying that the Christian

Agape had

heathen

origin.

And,

similarly,

we

find Sedulius,^

in the eighth or ninth century, stating in his

Comearlier

mentary
thians,

on St Paul's

first

Epistle to the Corin-

which probably represents a much

tradition, that the

custom of the
in the

feasts alluded to

by St Paul originated
tells

heathen superstition.

St Augustine's reply to the statement of Faustus


us nothing as to the original source of the

Agape,
time.
"

but

it

is

interesting
feast
^

as

showing

the

primary object of the

as celebrated in his
in effect, "

We

have

not,"

he says

turned

their sacifices into love-feasts, but

we have

learned

the
*

meaning of

sacrifice
lib.

as

understood by our
{cf.

Augustine, Contra Faust,

xx. chap, xx; adinit.


ciii.

chap. v).

SeduL, Collectatiea
iste,

in

Cor. (Migne, F. L.
gentili

151)

" Mos

vero

ut

referunt, de

adhuc superstitione veniebat."

Cf. Drescher,
* i.e.

De

Agapis,

ii.

ideally speaking.

For St Augustine's own attitude towards


iv.

the

Agape

see below, chap.

INTRODUCTION
Lord when
sacrifice.'

He

said

'

will hav^e

mercy and not

For our love-feasts feed the poor."


:

And

later

on he adds

"If our practice appears to be

similar in
as
e.g.

some
is

respects to that of the heathen,


its

in

the matter of food and drink,

scope

and purpose

very different from that of


of

men
and

whose
false."

conceptions

God
in

are

degraded

There
religious

is

indeed
social

much

what we know of

and

custom throughout the

Roman

Empire
gest

in the early

days of Christianity to sug-

points
It

of contact with the Christian loveis

meals.

hardly too
countries

much

to

say that
within

for

centuries

the

comprised

the

Empire had been gradually becoming "honey-

combed"

with

organizations

which
social

involved

common
there were

meals

and

close

intercourse.
guilds,

"There 2 were trade guilds and dramatic


athletic
;

clubs,

and burial

clubs,

and

dining clubs

there were friendly societies and

literary societies
"

and

financial societies," indeed,

there was

scarcely
for

an object

for

which

men

combine now
then."
^

which they did not combine

Contra Faust, lib. xx. chap, xxiii. Hatch, Bampton Lectures, pp. 26, 27 see also Orelli, Latin. 1993, and Index, and the Digest i, 6, 6, etc.
^
;

Iiiscrr.

THE AGAPE
But of
all

these organizations none seem

to

have had more hold on the affections and interests


of the people than the religious associations.

Comparatively
earlier days of

common as these were in the Roman and Greek civilization, a

first

phenomenal development of them took place in the two centuries of the Roman Empire a period

which

is

practically coincident with

the growth

of the Christian love-feast.

This development seems to have been largely

due to the increasing influence of Oriental


ligions

re-

both

in

Greece and

Rome to

the exclu-

sion of the old national cults.


It

would be foreign to

my

purpose to investi-

gate at any length the causes of this remarkable

phenomenon, which had undoubtedly the effect of preparing the way for Christianity, by breaking down in men's minds the idea of the obligation of
one national
religion.

But

in

order to determine

with any approach to certainty the possible points


of contact between these associations and the early
Christian

communities,

it

is

necessary to

have

some idea of their moral character. Some modern writers, such, e.g., as M. Renan, have boldly asserted that it was because of their
moral superiority and the greater hopes and con-

INTRODUCTION

solations which they afforded that these Oriental

systems made such

way

in

the early
" is

Roman

Empire.

" This," he

says/

the

explanation

of the singular attraction which, about the begin-

ning of the Christian

era,

drew the populations

of the heathen world to the religions of the East.

These

religions

had

in

them something deeper

than those of Greece and

Rome

they addressed

themselves more fully to the religious sentiment."

And

of Mithraism, which he considers to have had


:

most prevalence, he goes on to say " If Christianity had not carried the day, Mithraism would have become the religion of the world. It had
its

mysterious meetings. ...

It

forged

very
:

lasting
it

bond

of brotherhood between

its initiates

had a Eucharist
^
. .

Supper

like the Christian

mysteries."

And
or
*

elsewhere^ he adds, "the Greek

Eranoi'

ThiasoV of Athens, Rhodes, of the islands of


assurance in case of

the Archipelago had been excellent societies for

mutual help,
^
'^

credit,

fire,

piety,

Hibbert Lectures,

p. 33.
i.

But

cf.

Justin

M., Apol.

mysteries of Mithra also the evil


to be done, for bread
rites for
^

66: "The same thing in the demons imitated and commanded

one who

is

Les Apotres,

p.

and a cup of water are placed in the mystic be initiated." And cf. supra Pref. 188 (Eng. trans.).
to

THE AGAPE
still

honest pleasures. ... If there


the

remained

in

Greek world
it

little

love,

pity,

religious

morality,
religions,"

was due
turn to

to the liberty of such private

When we
these

examine the evidence on which

somewhat exalted claims rest, it appears to and as regards the moral tone of these religious associations they seem to depend
be very scanty
;

on the interpretation of a few inscriptions, of which

one or two of those to which M. Renan


be taken as examples.

refers

may

The

first is

an inscription of the Imperial epoch,

the important part of which runs as follows:

M>]]Sv]

i^ecTTU)

e7r[ie]j/at

et?

Ti]v

a-eiJ-vorarrfv
ei

cruvoSov
a[yj/]o9

Twv epavKTTUiv
tcai

irpiv

av doKijULuaOi]

ecmu
6

evaejSi]? kol

ay[a0]o9*

SoKijua^eTCO Se

irpocTTaTr]^ kui 6 ap)(Lepavi(TTi]<i Kai o ypa/x/zarei/? kcu


oi Ta/ixtai kui <TvvStKOi.^

This

is

referred to

by M. Renan

'^

in the

above

passage in proof of the holiness, piety, and goodness of the

But, as has been well


^

members of these religious associations. shown by M. Foucart, ayaOo?


edition),

Fourmont, Corpus Inscrr. Gr., No. 126. And Dr Hatch, Bampion Lectures, p. 31 (second

seems

to agree with him.

INTRODUCTION
is

inscriptions used of

commonplace epithet in laudatory any benefactor while eucre/S^? is never used in such documents in the modern sense of piety and d'y 09 is a mere conjecture in
a mere
;

<

place of the

more probable reading


in

ayv6<?,

which
of of

exactly

fits

with the customary requirements


viz.,

previous to
sacrifice,

the initiation,
the

the

offering

and

merely

external

purity

temporary abstinence from certain enjoyments.^


Indeed,
tory

Plutarchof

aptly

describes

the
as

purifica-

rites

such

associations

aKaOaproi

KaOapiuioi.

The

rest of

M. Kenan's description of the highly


article

moral character of these confraternities seems to


be based on an

by M. Wescher

in

the Revue

Theologique^ in which he speaks of the principle


of these associations

being liberty, their object


;

the moral and material elevation of

mankind and maintains that their common chest was intended to furnish advances to necessitous members.

On
'

examination

this

statement appears to rest

partly on the above inscription, partly on another


Cf. Liebenam, Geschichte der Roinischen Vereinsweseit, p. 171 and Foucart, Des Associations Religieuses, pp. 146 and 202. Plutarch, De Superstitiotie (chaps, iii., xii. and xiii). Cf. Liv.
9.
ii.

.,
"^

xxxix.
^

For 1S65,

pp. 220 and 226.

8
restored

THE AGAPE
B.C.,
:

60

by M. Rangab6/ which dates from about and the important words of which are as

follows

"YiSo^ev

jULt]

iJ.eTe\eiv
t]

dvTuvg irXeov tou epu[v^ou,


>;

eav

fJLy']

tlvl crv/u^tji

Siu 7re[i/0o?]

Sia a] crBeveiav

airoXei^Orjuai.

Instead of
restoration,

irevBo^,

the

more commonly accepted


ireviav,

M. Rangab^ reads
as

and on

this
is

the idea of the promotion of mutual assistance


based.
But,
in

M.

Foucart

has

shown,^ the

assessment
for all
;

such confraternities was the same

there was

no distinction between poor


''

and
rich.

rich,

and no
this

solzdarite"

between poor and

And

rigid

enforcement was equally

necessary to the existence of the Greek epavoi and


the

Roman

Collegia.

Burial was the only purpose for which advances

were made from the

common

chest.^

On

the general influence of the Greek epavoi and

Oiacroi,

M. Foucart's

opinion*

is

distinctly

un-

favourable.
^

After an exhaustive examination of

Antiquities Helliniques, No. 811.


P. 141.

2
' *

See also Boissier,

La

Religion Komaine, vol.


p.

ii.

p.

269

ff.

See also 177 seq. Liebenam, Geschichte der Rornischen Fereinswesens {heipzig, 1890),

Des Associations

Religieuses, chap. xvii.

p.

171 note,

who

confirms this view.

INTRODUCTION
subject his verdict

the inscriptions and other remains bearing on- the


is

that the effect of these cults


to bring

and associations was

down

religion to the

eastern type with grosser conceptions

and symbols

than had prevailed under the state religion, which,


as the centre of political
life,

had necessarily a

more elevating tendency.

The
"

best that could be said of

them would be a

repetition of the ancient description of Aristotle.^

Certain associations seem to have no object but


(Si'

pleasure

rjSovhv ylyveaQai).

They have been

formed
tunities

to
in

offer sacrifices

and to furnish oppor-

connection with them for recreation

{(Tvvovcriai).

for their

They honour the gods, and procure members rest and enjoyment."
state
religion

While the

of Greece

showed a

certain approximation to refinement

and morality,

the vulgar were attracted


disorderly rites

by the looseness and the and connected with the QlacroL


;

the effect of

these

associations,

and the

cults

they represented could hardly be characterized


as morally progressive.

When we
1

turn to consider the character and

influence of the
Arist.,

Roman
viii.,

Collegia

and Sodalicia we

Eth. Nic.

ix.

7.

Ziebarth (Griechiscken Vereine,

pp. 16, 163) mentions relief of sick and poor in one or two cases of
epavoi.

But

rf.

Gardner, Exploratio Evangelica, iZSff-

10
find that

THE AGAPE
they had

many

points in

common

with

the corresponding Greek associations.


the

There was

same antiquity of

origin,

the

same rapid

development during the early years of the Empire.


Their religious character
finite.
is

less

marked and dein

They
of
its

originated

more frequently
was
perhaps

the

natural desire for union and association, and the

sense

value,

which

more

marked among the Romans than among any of the nations of antiquity.^ The sodalicia'^ or religious confraternities were undoubtedly more
strongly
ancient than the trade or other secular corporations
;

and, as their

name
of

implies, the
feature.^

common
But at
kind

meal was their most prominent

Rome
From
some

the

formation
greater

guilds

of

this

encountered

difficulties

than

elsewhere.

early times they had been regarded with


suspicion,

and

the

patrician

feeling

was

opposed to them, as tending to break down the


^

See Mommsen, de CoUegiis et Sodaliciis,


Boissier,
ii.

p.

16.

GrKcorum minoris momenti


and
^

fuisse videtur

quam

"Res collegiaria fuit Romana "

p. 248.

Under the Empire


Liebenam,
p.

sodalicia

and

collegia

became synonymous.

Cf.
"

165.

Cf. Sodales dicii


;

p.

296

cf.

Cic.
p.
vi.

Geschichte,

quod una sederent et essenl (Festus, Ed. Miiller), de Senect. 13. On the terminology see Liebenam, 165, who differs from Mommsen and Beaufort,
2.

Repub, Rom.

INTRODUCTION
as the great

ii

influence of the idea of the family and the state,

centres of society

and under the

Emperors repressive enactments against them were frequent, though comparatively ineffectual.^ Such associations steadily grew in favour, more especially among the people at large,
earHer
until
in

the end

it

became advisable

that they

should receive

official

recognition from the state.^

The
itself,

organization

of these societies at
of

Rome
more

and

in

the parts

the

Empire

immediately under the influence of Rome, was

marked by that excellence of method and discipline which was so characteristic of the Roman people and their classifications and divisions present some interesting points of resemblance to those of the Coenobites and other monastic associations of the Christian Church in the fourth and fifth centuries.^ But when one seeks for any;

thing in the

way
is

of possible sources of higher


life

influence on the social

or customs of the early


it.

Christians ihere

no trace of

Undoubtedly
^

religion entered largely into these


for the

See Appendix
Boissier,
Cf.
3,
ii.

II.

legislation

on the

subject,

and

its

bearing on the Agape.


"

p.

251.

Ramsay

(on

Cor.) xxxv.
5.

Jerome, Ep.

xxii. 35,

with OreUi, no.

Also Jerome, Ep.

XXX.

and Dc

Vir. Illustr. xi.

12
associations,
but,

THE AGAPE
as

M. Boissier^ puts
determine

it,

it

is

extremely

difficult to

how much
to

reality

underlay the appearance of religion, with which


these

Roman

confraternities

loved

surround
in

themselves.

Whatever the case may have been


which
is

earlier times, at the period

of importance
all

for the

purposes of this investigation, though

the religious forms survived, enthusiasm in connection with

them had

declined,

and material

interests

and worldly pleasures predominated.^ And, lastly, we find that, as in the case of the Greek confraternities, there is little or no trace
either of high moral qualification for

membership,

or of anything like systematic charity or alms-

giving

in

connection

with
is

these

institutions.

Professor

Mommsen^
sometimes

inclined
to

to think
sick

that

help was

given

or

needy

members.

M. Renan* gives a fascinating description of


what he regards as the exalted character of these
gatherings.
1

"They took

place on the feast days

P. 288.
Boissier, p. 268.

^ '

Cf. Plin.,

Cj.
*

Mommsen, de collegiis et sodaliciis, p. 115, and p. 117 seq. Ep. ad Traj. 93, " ad sustinendam tenuiorum inopiam." Liebenam, pp. 40-1. Ramsay (on i Cor.) xxxii.
xviii.

Les Apotres, chap,

"

INTRODUCTION
certain brethren

13

of the patron (god), and on the anniversaries of

who had founded

benefactions.

Every one carried thither


one of the brethren
sories

his little basket {sportula);

in turn furnished

the acces-

of the feast.

The

slave

who had been


amphora of

enfranchised gave his companions an

good wine.
it

gentle joy stimulated the festival

was expressly stipulated that there should be

no discussion of the business of the College, so


that nothing should disturb the quart d'heure of

happiness and rest which these poor people


served for themselves.^

re-

Every act of turbulence

and every ill-natured word was punished by a


fine."
2

true

Here indeed we seem to be face to face with a Agape, which the early Christians might well
light of facts as

emulate.

But the dry


consideration

shown by

fuller

of

the inscriptions and

surviving

regulations, tends to dissipate

something of the

atmosphere of the highest brotherly love which


is

made
^

to surround the elements of


(Orelli 6086)

good

fellow-

Inscr. Lamivii.

" Placuit
ut

si

quis quid queri aut


et

referre

volet

in

conventu

referat,

quieti

hilares

epulemur."
- lb.

"

Si quis in

opprobrium

alter alterius dixerit aut

tumultuatus

fuerit, ci

multa

esto.

14
ship and

THE AGAPE
happy entertainment which these
to have promoted.^
feasts

seem undoubtedly

M.
^

Boissier,
e.g.

who has

carefully studied all the

See

the necessary restrictions on such feasts mentioned by

A. Gellius (ii. 24): "Jurare apud consules verbis conceptis non amplius in singulas coenas esse facturos quam centenos vicenosque
olus et far et vinum neque argenti in convivio pondo quam hbras centum illaturos. " Varro {de Re Rustica, iii. 2,16) describes the life of the Rome of his day {circa 37 B.C.) as " Quotus enim quisque est annus quo a daily feasting and revel. non videas epulum aut triumphum aut collegia non (?) epulari, quae nunc innumerabilem incendunt annonam. Sed propter luxuriam, quodam modo epulum quotidianum est intra januas inquit, Romae." The following inscription {Corpus Inscr. Lat. iii. p. 924) It is from gives a rather different picture from that of Lanuvium. Alburnus in Pannonia, and some thirty years later than that of Lanuvium, viz. a.d. 167 " Descriptum et recognitum factum ex libello qui propositus erat Alb(urno) majori ad statione(m) Resculi in quo scriptum erat id quod in(fra) scriptum est."
aeris praeter
. .

phis

Niconis
libello

Artemidorus Appolloni magister collegi Jovis Cerneni et Valerius et Offas Monofili, qu(a) estores collegi ejusdem posito hoc
publice
liiii.

testantur

ex collegio supra s(cripto)

ubi

erant

ho(mines) h(omines)

ex eis non plus remansisse ad Alb(urnum)


;

quam

Julium Juli quoque commagistrum suum ex die accessisse ad Alburnum neq(ue) in collegio se que eis qui praesentes fuerunt, rationem reddidisse et si quid eorum (h)abuerat reddidisset sive funeribus et cautionem suam in qua eis caverat recepisset, modo que autem neque funeraticio sufficerent neque loculum (h)aberet neque quisquam tam magno tempore diebus quibus legi (sc. collegii) continetur, convenire voluerint aut conferre funeraticia sive munera se que i(d)circo per hunc libellum publice testantur (testari) ut si quis defunctus fuerit ne putet se collegium (h)abere aut ab eis aliquem petitionem funeris habiturum."
xvii.

magisteri sui

non

INTRODUCTION
inscriptions bearing
different opinion.
"

15
is

on the subject
"

of a very
says,

Without wishing," ^ he

to diminish the services which these associations


to

have rendered
recognise that

humanity one
certain
is

is

bound
Hmits,

to

the good which

they have done


fixed

has

not gone beyond


all

and
-

above
. , .

that

it

often

only on the surface."

"The

fact that slaves

were admitted to the


is

membership of these

societies

in itself

a proof of
in

a certain moral elevation.

While taking part

the gatherings, they lost something of the sense of

degradation which they were


painfully in domestic service
;

made

to

feel

so

but their ordinary

condition and treatment does not appear to have

been materially improved by these occasional and exceptional privileges, which they were permitted
to enjoy."

Vero

" Propositus Alb(urno) majori V. Idus Febr. Imp. L. Aur(elio) Actum Alb(urno) majori." iii. et Quadralo cs. " Quonam illae leges abierunt TertulL, Apologet. chap. vi.
Cf.
:

sumptum
iii.

et

amplius in

ambitionem comprimentes ? coenam subscribi jubebant."

Qua; centum aera non


Cf.

also Tacit.,

Annal.

52 (of the year 22 A.D.), "domi suspecta severitate adversum luxum, qui immensum proruperat ad cuncta quis pecunia prodigitur"
1
;

and

ib.

chaps,

liii.,

liv.

Hist.

i.

21, 30.

Vol.

ii.

p. 302.

their

Liebenam, Geschichte, p. 41, takes a slightly higher view of moral significance. Cf. Maue, Pnvfectus Fabruvi, p. 29.

i6

THE AGAPE
The
tiame of brotherhood was sometimes used
is

in

connection with these associations, but there


evidence that
as
it

little

was much more than a name.


the

And,

time went on, and


Christians,

term

became

common among
Fehx, that
it

we

learn from Minucius


ill

was a source of
of the
invidetis

feeling towards
"

them on the part he says, " quod

heathen.
fratres

Sic nos,"
^

vocamusT

And
"

TertuUian

speaks

to

the

same

effect.

They

are wroth with us, too, because


;

we

call
I

each other brethren


think, than because

for

no other reason, as

among themselves names

of

consanguinity are assumed in mere pretence of


affection {sanguinis fiomen de affectione
est).

simulatmn

But we are your brethren as well by the law of our common mother Nature, though you are hardly men because brothers so unkind." Indeed
nothing will show the essential difference between
the pagan and Christian associations better than a

few words from the same passage of Tertullian's


Apologeticuvi (chap. 39), the classical passage on

the Christian Agape.


"

Our

presidents

are

the

men

of

age

and

standing amongst

us {probati quiqiie seniores),

who

have gained their distinction not by money but

Octav. 31.

'^

A/'ol. 39.

INTRODUCTION
by merit
{testiuwnid).

17

For money counts not in God {neque enim pretio ulla res Dei constat). Even though we have a kind of treasurechest, it is not made up of douceurs'^ as in a religion that has its price. Every man places there a
the things of

small contribution on one day of the month, or

whensoever he
be but able
tributes
;

will,

so he do but will, and so he

for

no

man

is

constrained, but conare,

willingly.

These

as
is

it

were,

the

deposits of piety.

For expenditure

not incurred

therefrom upon feasting or drinking, or on disgusting


-

haunts of gluttony
the
poor,
for

but for feeding and


girls

burying
fortune

boys and
for

without

and without parents,


;

old

men now
like-

confined to the house


wise,

for the
in

shipwrecked

and any who are


;

the mines, or in the

islands, or in prison

provided they are (suffering)


of
^

there

for

the sake

God's

way

{sectce),

they

become the
{confessionis)."

nurslings

{alumni) of their creed

There
^

is

no evidence that the pagan associations,


summa,
v.
I.

De

honoraria

dehonoraria,

there collected discreditable to religion."


infra, chap.
^
ii.

" no sum is i.e. See Oehler's note and


reading
sccnis

Ingratis.

"

Ingratiis,"

the

best

supported

pointless
^

where

it

stands.

Or

pensioners.

iS

THE AGAPE
as

good

they were up to a certain point, ever

attained to anything like

what

is

described here

even allowing something for the exaggeration of


a partisan.

There

is

nothing to show that their

funds were regularly employed to give bread to


the poor, to educate the orphan, to succour the
aged.
to
It so.

was not

in the

nature of such associations

do

And

even

if

Tertullian's statement should not


sufficient,
it

be considered

does not stand alone.


himself attributes
to

The heathen Emperor


the
it

Julian

success

of

Christianity

the

care

which

takes

of the
" it

stranger and

the

poor, and to
priests of its

the fact that


religion
to

recommends the
especially

build
aid
^

hospitals,

and

to

distribute

to

mendicants

of

all

religious

persuasions."
It

seems

clear, then, that

the heathen confra-

ternities did not

do these things.

As one
of the

looks back on this necessarily brief survey

character

and influence of the heathen and


guilds, not only

religious associations

Greek
possi-

and Roman, but

also as influencing both. Oriental,

there seems nothing in


^

them
by

to indicate
ii.

any

Julian, Epist. xlix., quoted


144.

Boissier,

p. 304.

See below,

p.

INTRODUCTION
bility of direct influence
^

19

the

original

Christian

love

upon or connection with - feasts. Amidst a


and
coinci-

number

of

external
is

resemblances

dences there

clearly

marked and
is

essential

distinction which, even apart from the absence of

any traces of

historical connection,

enough

to

cut the ground from any possible hypothesis as


to their close relation or interdependence.

But
view,

this

viz.,

to

summary has had another object in show how the social movements and

instincts,

which these heathen institutions suggest,

must have had undoubted effect on the subsequent history, if not on the origin, of the Agape. Their tendency would be on the one hand to
render the

acceptance

and development of the


;

Agape among
mote some
to
at

the Gentile Christians easier

and

on the other hand, as we


least

shall see later, to pro-

of those

temptations and

occasions of abuse which ultimately proved fatal

what was

in

its

inception

beautiful

and

intensely characteristic Christian custom.


1 Th. Harnack {Goltesdienst, etc., p. 88, 89) points out (i) the inconceivability of Jewish Christians with their well known aversion

heathen practices adopting any custom from such a source and (2) the improbability of the mother Church of Jerusalem borrowing important customs from the congregations of Asia Minor ;
to all
;

cf.

contra Rothe, de primord. Cult. Christ, p.

8.

20

THE AGAPE
II

Jewish Analogues.

The Evidence of the Old Testament as


Social Meals.

to

The

evidence of the

Old

Testament on

this

subject

may seem

to

have but a comparatively


;

remote bearing on the history of the Agape


the general principles which
it

but

involves,

and the
for

tendencies which
that
it

it

illustrates are so far-reaching

can hardly be regarded as unimportant

the

purposes of this investigation to summarise

this evidence,

however

briefly

and inadequately.

The custom
from the
fices as, e.g., in

of social religious meals appears

earliest times in connection with sacri-

Genesis (xxxi.

54),

where we read
This custom

that Jacob offered a sacrifice in the mountain and


called
his

brethren to eat bread.

was further developed under the Mosaic Law, not


only
7),

in

connection with the Passover (Deut. xvi.


firstling meals, to

but with the tithe and

which

the poor and slaves were directed to be admitted


(Deut. xvi.
11).

In later days

we

find

represented as presiding at such a meal

(i

Samuel Sam.

INTRODUCTION
ix.

21

12)^:

"The

people have a sacrifice to-day

in

the high place ... ye shall straightway find him


before he go up to the high place to eat
;

for the

people will not eat


bless the sacrifice
;

till

he come, because he doth

and afterwards they eat that


(ii.

be bidden."
"

In the book of Tobit


I

i)

we

read

Now when

was come home again, and

my

wife
in

Anna was

restored to me, and


is

my

son Tobias

the feast of Pentecost, which

the holy feast of

the seven weeks, there was a good dinner prepared


for

me, and

sat

down
I

to eat.

And
son.

saw abundbring
."

ance of meat, and

said to

my

Go and
. .

what poor man soever thou shalt find. Religious feasts also came to be associated with family events such as the weaning of children
(Gen. xxi.
birthdays
8),
{cf.

or marriage (Judges

xiv.

10),

or

Gen.

xl.

20,

non- Hebrew), or the


{cf.

receiving or departure of friends

Gen. xxiv. 33

Tobit

viii.

20),

and

to be usual at sheep-shearing,

vintage, and at funerals, etc.


tion of these
buch,
ii.

detailed descrip^

may

be found in Winer's
i.

Reahvorter-

p.

182 (see

p.

319) and the authorities

there quoted.

The
1

Israelites
I

were forbidden to attend the


;

Ezek. xxxix. 17
2

6; 2 Sam. vi. 19, xv. 12; Neh. viii. 10; Zeph. i. 7 Amos iv. 5. ii. ad init. Cf. also Binterim, Denkwurdigkeiten, vol. ii. pt. I.
Cf. also

Sam.

xx.

seq.

22

THE AGAPE
sacrificial

heathen

feasts,

partly

because
in

this

would
of the

have
gods,

implied
partly

taking

part

the cultus

because they would


sacrificial

then
meats.

have had to partake of unclean

The
at

rationale of these

common meals
sacrificial, is

of the

Israelites, so far as

they were

given

length in

Dr Robertson

Smith's Religion of
^^

the Semites}

where he mentions that

zebah and
feast,

minha, sacrifices slain to provide a religious

and vegetable oblations presented

at

the

altar

make up
While
in

the

sum

of

the

ordinary

religious

practices of the older Hebrews."

the case of the former the whole of


the
rite

significance

consists

in

the act of

communion between God and man, the worshipper being allowed to eat of the same holy
flesh,
"

of which

a part

is

laid
;

on the

altar

as

the food

of the
is

Deity

"

in

the case of the

fninha there

nothing of the kind, the whole


is

consecrated

offering

regarded as the Lord's,


in

and the worshipper's part


pleted as soon as he has
"

the service

is

com-

made

over his gift."^

In old Israel

all

slaughter was sacrifice, and a

man
*

could never eat beef or mutton except as a

religious act, but cereal food


P. 221.
-

had no such sacred


^

Religion of the Semites, p. 222.

Ibid. p. 223.

INTRODUCTION
associations
;

23 received

as soon as
fruits,

God had

His
not
it

due of

first

the whole domestic store was


this

common."
seem
to

Though

distinction

does

have been always clearly observed,

is

a valuable clue to the understanding of a


subject.
"

difficult

As

early as the time of

Samuel we
.
.

find religious

feasts of clans or of towns.


feast

The law
;

of the

was open-handed hospitality no sacrifice was complete without guests and portions were freely distributed to rich and poor within the circle
^
;

of a man's acquaintance.
"

."
. .

The 2

ethical significance

which thus appertains

to the sacrificial meal, viewed as a social act, re-

ceived

particular emphasis from certain ancient

customs and
drinking.

ideas

connected with

eating

and

According

to antique ideas, those

who

eat and drink together are


to

one another

by this very act tied by a bond of friendship and

mutual obligation."
drinking together

..." The
all

act of eating

and

is

the solemn and stated ex-

pression of the fact that

those

who

share the

meal are brethren, and that


ship

all

the duties of friend-

and brotherhood are implicitly acknowledged

in their

common
1

act."
-

P. 236.

V. 247.

24

THE AGAPE
Without following the writer
into the discussion

of difficult or disputed points connected with the


history of sacrifice or of sacrificial

meals,

it

is

enough

for our

purpose to remark on the deep-

seated significance of the traditional


sacrificial

custom of

and common meals among the Hebrews, evidence of the Old Testament testifies this which
to.

The

survival

and development of those ancient


naturally

traditions in

New Testament times would

prepare one to expect the facts which the following

pages

indicate.
i

Jewish Analogues.
II

There

is

a well-known passage in Eusebius,- in


his writings,
"

which he speaks of Philo and


mentions especially his

and
Con-

treatise

On

the
is

templative Life," in which an account


the remarkable sect of the
"

given of

Therapeutcs.

These

apostolic

men

of Philo's day, probably sprang

from the Hebrews," Eusebius considers to have been


Christians,

and

the
day.

progenitors

of

the

"ascetics" of his
'

own

i.e.

chap.

i.

Eccl. Hist.

ii.

17.

INTRODUCTION
And
to

25

St Jerome^ seems to have adopted the

view of Eusebius without further investigation, and

have

regarded

the

Therapeut(E

as

closely-

resembling the monks of his


there
is

own

time.^

But

nothing whatever in the writer's descrip-

tion of the TherapeiitcB to suggest the idea of their

being Christians.

On

the contrary, he
"

speaks^

expressly of their being

disciples of Moses,"

and

living " in accordance with his admonitions

and
this

precepts."

It

would be beyond the scope of

investigation to discuss at length the


difficult

somewhat

question of the origin and history of the


It
is

TherapeiitcE.'^

enough

to

say that Philo

himself connects them with the Essenes, though

he

calls the latter " practical," the

former "speculait

tive "

in

their

lives

and

that

is

generally

admitted that the T/ierapeutcz were Alexandrian


Hellenistic Jews, though
it

is

hard to determine
sect, or

whether they formed an organised


esoteric
circle

were an

of

"

Contemplatives," such as the

writer says he found


^ -

among
,

all

nations, but

who

De

Viris Illustr. chap, xi., and Epist. xxii.

beare's Philo, etc., Preface,


*

See also Epiphanius, Panariii7)i chap, xxix., and F. C. Conyand p. 320.

De

Vita Conteviplativa,

vii.-viii.

^ It

has recently been

done by

Mr

F.

C.

interesting edition of Philo,


ally his

De

Vita Conte7)iplativa.

Conybeare in his See especi-

Excursus.

26

THE AGAPE
special " retreat " in the

had had a

neighbourhood

of Alexandria, to which Philo himself was in the

habit of retiring.

But

Philo's account of their

mode

of

life^

sug-

gests possible points of contact with the Christian

Agap6 and may


;

therefore perhaps be noticed with

advantage

at this stage of our enquiry.

The
"

TJierapeut(2 are described as looking

upon

the seventh day as one of perfect holiness, and a


festival,"
^

most complete
have held a
that which

on which they appear to

common

meal, but one far inferior to

is

described as taking place at the end

of seven weeks,^

garments, and

when they assembled after prayer to God

in

white
the
to

that

entertainment might be acceptable, sat

down

men on the right hand, the women apart on the left. The attendants were not slaves, but freemen, who served voluntarily. The fare
meat

the

was of the

simplest

not
and

wine,
salt,

but

only the

clearest water, bread,


relish for invalids.

with hyssop as a

During* the meal a passage


(chap. x).

of Scripture was read, or explained, or discussed

apparently
^

by the president
Edersheim {ut
iv.

Then

Cf. also

infra), p. 35.

^
*

Philo, Vita Contempl. chap.

Chap. viii. Cf. The Canons of Hippolylus, infra, pp. 112,

13.

INTRODUCTION

27

followed hymns or psalms, sung by individuals then a special course of " that most holy food
the leavened bread," with salt and hyssop, out of

reverence for

"

the sacred table, which

lies

in

the

holy outer temple."

And
its

then the festival was

prolonged through the night, two choruses of

men
xi.),

and women, each with

chosen leader (chap,

singing together, or in turn, with accompanying

dances or gesticulations

the whole closing with

a thanksgiving similar, apparently, to the Pass-

over Hallel, and with prayer; after which they


separated.

Both

this

entertainment and the


is

common meals

of the Essenes, who, as

have also
the early

more commonly known, been (wrongly) identified by some with Christians, show points of contact with
Agape.
are mentioned both
earliest

Tertullian's description of the

The Essene banquets


Josephus and Philo.^ The
of the
Liber,
first

by
one

account

is

in

of Philo's works, Qiiod


is

Omnis Probus
about 20 A.D.

which
says
:

commonly dated
their

at

He
their

"

Their love of

man

revealed itself in
their

kindliness,
all

equality,

fellowship
his private
;

passing

words.

For no one had


all

house, but shared his dwelling with


^

and
18-2S.

living

And by

Ilippolytus, Refut. Hones,

lib. ix.

28
as they did in

THE AGAP^
companies
to
(Oida-oi^),^

they threw

open
their

their doors

way.

any of their sect who came They had a storehouse, common

expenditure,
in

Syssitia or

common raiment, common food eaten common meals. This was made
their putting

possible

by

what they had

into a

common

fund, out

of which

the sick also were

supported,

when they could not work."


in

Eusebius

a fragment

of

Philo,
:

which

he

quotes, gives a similar description

"

They have

no private property, but put

all

they have into a


of a Oiacro^ or meals."
;

common

fund,

and

live as

members

philosophic company, having

common

Josephus has frequent references to the Essenes

and
their

after

mention of

their sun-worship, describes


in
"

common meals
Therapeuto'?

terms that

recall

those

of the

After this they assemble

together to one place, and

when they have clothed


is

themselves

in

white veils they bathe their bodies

in cold water.

And

after this purification

over

they meet together in an apartment of their own


into which
^

it is

not permitted to anyone of another


is

The
164
fl".

Hellenic technical term


ap.

noteworthy.

Cf.

Liebenam,
Contetnpl.

p.
-

F"ragm.

Euseb.

Pnrpar.

Evangel,

de

Vita

Cf. also Pliny, II. N., v. 17.


-

B. J.,

ii.,

viii., 5.

INTRODUCTION
persuasion to enter
;

29

pure enter the dining-room as holy temple, and quietly


the baker lays
sit

and they themselves being if it were some


down.

Upon which
and the cook
priest

them loaves

in order,

also brings a single plate of


sets
it

one sort of food, and

before everyone of them.

But the
is

says grace before

meat,

and

it

unlawful

to

taste of the food before prayer


"

is

offered."

And when

they have

made

their breakfast,

he

again prays over them.

and when they end, they


bestoweth
life."

And when they begin, praise God as Him that

"After which they lay aside their white gar-

ments as holy, and betake themselves


labours again
till

to their

the evening.

Then they

return

home

same manner." When these descriptions are compared with that of the Agape by Tertullian at the close of the second century A.D., the points of contrast and likeness will become clear. "Our^ supper shows its explanation in its name. WhatIt is called by the Greek name for love.
to supper after the

ever outlay

it

costs, all is gain that is laid out in

doing good {pietatis nomine),


that

for

it

is

the needy
{refrigerio

we

benefit

by that entertainment
'

Apologet. chap, xxxix.

30
istd).
. . .

THE AGAPE
We
taste first of prayer to

God

before
suffices

we

sit

down

to

meat; we eat only what


appetite

hunger, and drink only what befits such as are


chaste.

We
to

satisfy

{saturantur)

as

those

who remember

that even during the night

they have
those

worship God.

We

converse

as

who know
lights

that they are in the hearing of

their Lord.

After water for washing the hands,

and the
the

have been brought

in,

every one

is

called forward to sing praises to God, either from

Holy Scriptures or of
ingenid).

his
is

own composing
a proof of the

{propvio

And

this

measure of the drinking.


feast
like a
is

As we

began, so the

concluded with prayer.

We

depart not

pack of

ruffians {ccBsionutti), nor in

gangs

of street-walkers [classes discursationuiii), nor to

break out into licentiousness, but with as


regard for our modesty and chastity as
if

much we had

been taking

in a

moral lesson rather than a supper

{ut qui non tavi coenam ccenaverint quani disciplinani)^

The
peutic

points in

common
at

between these Theraglance.

and Essene banquets and the Christian


are obvious

Agape
^

There

is

the

Mr

F. C.

Conybeare draws out the general points of compari-

son between Essenism and Christianity in Hasting's Diet. Bibl.


s.v.

Essenes.

INTRODUCTION

31

same sacred and ceremonial character in all three the same studious moderation in food, the same idea of accompanying prayer, and blessing and
;

thanksgiving, and hymn-singing.

The

Therapeutce

seem
in

to have allowed

singing

and

more ceremonial enthusiasm dancing. The Essenes had a


the

president,^ to

whom

same name

is

applied as

to the president of the Christian feast by Justin

Martyr, and by Tertullian


{e.g.

de

Cor.

iii.).

in one or two passages But the Jewish elements in

the Therapeutic and Essene meals are strongly

marked.-

They seemed
;

to

have dined together

because of their anxiety to eat no food but what

was ceremonially pure


table

whereas the Christians,


motives.
special

according to Tertullian, were actuated by chari-

and

communistic
meals

Again,
features

the

Therapeutic

have

due

partly to the monastic character of the society,

and partly to
festivals,

their

resemblance to the Jewish


have,
of
course,

features

which

no

counterpart in Tertullian's account.


tain respects there
^

And

in cer-

is

perhaps more resemblance


ix.

Cf.

Hippolytus, Reftit. Hceres. bk.


in his

chap, xv.,

etc.,

who

apparently borrows from Josephus.


-

Mr Conybeare

comparison seems to assume the identity

of the

Eucharist and Agape.

See Did. Bible (Hastings),

s.v.

Essenes.

32

THE AGAPE

between these Jewish meals, and those described in the Teaching of the Twelve Apostles} which is

now

generally believed to be a strongly Judaising

document.-

Jewish Analogues.
Ill

PASS next to the consideration of the ordinary

Jewish
in the

common meals

as established in Palestine

time of our Lord.


to

Those of the Sadducees seem


chiefly, if
1

have been
the priests
the

not exclusively, held


is

among
the

Where
Cf. e.g.

it

difficult

to

disentangle

Agape from

Eucharist.
"^

Cf. hifra, p. 53.

ix. and x. with Josephus he. eit. and where for wine the blessing is "who Greatest the fruit of the vine " and Matt. xxvi. 29, rov yevvrnxaTos Tov dp-TriXov and Grotius {de Cccna Dom. p. 22), " Mos erat Hebrais, qui et nunc manet, festis diebus quos bonos vocant vocare ad coenam propinquos, vicinos aut amicos, supra decern, infra

Didache, chaps,
vi.,

Mishna Beracoth, chap,

viginti, qua; erat justa sodalitas sive

(pparpid,

(B. J.

vi.
:

9,

3).

Ccena;

fine

panis melior ac

exponente Josepho frangi facilis ad


:

ferebatur

de eo particulas convivator dividebat convivis


qui
et

adfere-

batur et calix,

ipse

a convivatore libatus

ibat in

orbem.
terra

Addebantur verba Deo


ac fructum vitis."

gratias agentia

quod creasset panem ex

This is evidently founded on Buxtorf s Synagogec JudaiecP, pp. 308-9 {oi Sahbaih observances). Cf. Luke xiv. i, of a Sabbath feast and Rabbinic Tracts, Orach chajim, No. 273, Minhagim, p. 9. For the thanksgiving cf. also Justin M. Apol. i. Also cf. Agape in Egyptian Church Ordinances infra, p. 119. 65.
;
,

INTRODUCTION
in

33

the Temple,

when they

ate the flesh of victims


altar.

which had been previously offered upon the

These meals began with ablutions.


blessed

Then they

meat.
tion,

bread, the meal, the wine, and the These repasts concluded with a benedicand the table at which they were held was

the

regarded as a kind of

altar.

The

Pharisees, though they differed from their


in

opponents the Sadducees


offerings

thinking that
altar

all

the the

should be
still,

burnt on the

in

Temple,
hoods

in

order not to be behind hand,


"

imitated these feasts.


;

They

instituted brothersitting

they
to

practised

ablutions before

down
"

table,

and had the viands

purified

by

the benediction pronounced on them."

Any

sort of viands served for these banquets,

and everyone was a


table

priest
all.

on the occasion,
It

for the

was open

to

was

at

one of these

gatherings of the brotherhood that the paschal

lamb was eaten on the evening of the


the Passover."
^

first

day of
by

In order to obviate the difficulties caused

membership of the brotherhood, houses were joined together by beams, so that the whole might
large
'

Stapfer, Palestine in the time oj Christ, p. 323 sqq.

Mishna

treatises

Pesachim and Beracoth

('.r.

de Sola).

34

THE AGAPE
all

be regarded as one dwelling, and

the tables as

one gigantic

table.^

A variety
called,

of these rules of the Eritb, as


courts,

it

was

was the connection of

which was

effected

by

all

the inhabitants collecting a certain

amount of food before a Sabbath or Holy Day,


and putting
belonged to
it

in

an appointed place, thus showing


all

that they regarded the entire court, and


it,

that

as a

common
it

whole.

But beyond
this latter

the idea of union which

involves, there does not

appear to be very much contact between

practice and the i\gape of the early Christians.

The combination

for

purposes of exclusion which


characteristic of the

was so strongly marked a


Jewish associations stands
in

marked contrast to Tertullian's subsequent description of the Agape, "which explains itself by its name" {Apologct.
It

chap, xxxix).

may

be well, before passing from this part of

the subject, to refer to the ordinary routine of a

Jewish meal as given


43a, 47b, 40b).

in

the

Talmud

{BcracotJi

See on the whole subject the Ulishua, tr. by de Sola, chaps, vi. vii. (Erubim) ; Edersheim, Jesus the Messiah, Appendix xvii. Schtirer, The Jewish People in the time oj Jesus Christ, div. ii. also Josephus, B. Jud. vi. 9, 3, who speaks vol. ii. p. 123 sqq.
^

and

of eacli (ppnrpla, at the feast as not less than ten.

INTRODUCTION
On
on
the
first

35
sit

entrance of the guests they


is

down
this

chairs,

and water

brought them with which


Vv^ith

they perform ablutions

one hand.

With

hand they take the cup when they afterwards


bless the

wine which they partake of before the


all recline at table.

meal.

Then

Again water
the blessing

is

brought.

This time they wash both hands, as

a preparation for the meal,

when

is

spoken over the bread, and then over the cup, by


the chief person at the feast, or by a guest to

whom

the privilege

is

accorded.

The company
and not by a
in

respond by sa.ying Amen,^ provided the benediction


has been spoken by an
Israelite,

heathen, a slave, or a law-breaker, or an unlettered

man, though exception was made


Cuthaean
learned.
(i.e.

the case of a

heretic or else Samaritan)


if

who was
any, were

After dinner the crumbs,

carefully gathered,

he who had

first

hands were again washed, and done so led the prayer of thanks-

giving according to a prescribed formula.^


^

Cf. Justin's
6

famous description of the Eucharist, A/o/.


t6
'Afj.riv.
ii.

i.

chap.

Ixvii.,
'^

Xabs

Trev(pri/j.e2

See Edersheim, Jesus the Messiah,

p.

207.

CHAPTER
THE AGAPE
IN

THE NEW TESTAMENT


Agape
in

IN

considering the history of the

the

New

Testament we are met by two very


of the references to the
scarcity of materials for
life

serious difficulties at the outset of our enquiry.

The first is the scantiness Agape the second is the


;

forming a sufficiently clear idea of the exact

and practice of the earliest Christians such, for instance, as would enable us to see plainly the
exact relation
Eucharist.
in

which the Agape stood to the

The
of the

best hope of clearing up these difficulties


lie in

seems to

gathering together such indications

common

meals as remain to us
in

in the

New
of

Testament,

and reading them

the

light

subsequent practice as shown, for instance, by the


early fathers.

The account
3f

given in the Introduction of the


T/ierapeiitcs, as well

customs of the Essenes and

IN
as of the

THE NEW TESTAMENT


in

37

common meals
a

connection with the

Jewish sacrifices and


plain

festivals, will

how thoroughly

have made it common meal was assoreligious


ideas,

ciated in the Jewish

mind with

how such meals tended to symbolise common faith. We should naturally expect
and
find
this

a
to

idea surviving in the infant

Christian

community,
associations.

saturated

as

it

was

with

Jewish

And

both our Lord's teaching and

practice tend to justify this expectation.

Again and again He uses the image of a supper to symbolise His Kingdom.^ His miraculous feeding of the multitude, with the connected discourses,
presents the

same idea

in a different form.

Not

only

in

connection with the

Last Supper, but

again and again

He

is

represented as sitting at

meat with His

disciples

taking

His

place as

Head

of the household, which consisted of His

immediate followers.
disciples

His fellowship with


word, to a
large

His

was,

in

extent a

" table-fellowship."

And
^

so, after

His Resurrection,

St.

Luke and

Cf., e.g.,

Luke

xxii. 30,

in

my Kingdom." John
his heel against

xiii.

" That ye may eat and drink at my table 18, " lie that eateth my bread lifted
xiii.

up

me."

Luke
ix,

26,

"We
;

did eat and drink in


x.

thy presence."

Cf. also Matt. xv. 26, xi. 19


10, etc.

Acts

41

Luke

xiv.

15; Rev.

iii.

20; 2 Cor.

38
St.

THE AGAPE

John represent two of His most interesting of Himself in connection with meals, at which He appears to have been remanifestations

cognised by His manner of breaking bread (Luke


xxiv. 30;

John xxi. 13). Accordingly we can understand


^

that,
^

even
insti-

apart from the memorial


tuted
at

of His passion

the Last Supper, His followers would

continue these meals with a conscious recollection

of

their

relations

with

union constituted by Him.


as
^

Him, and of the To them Hebrews


tradition

they were
Since
this
p.

by race and
I

the

very

{Lilttrgie,

whole

life

have seen the remarks of Probst which sanctified the of the early Christians was connected with these meals.
i8)
:

was written

"The

religious devotion

Particularly the effect

of the

High
that

Priestly Prayer

entered

in,

'Preserve them in

Thy Name

meals became the

Koivuivia

These or manifestation of the Christian comthey

may

be one.'

munity, and later on received as such the name of love-meals or agapa;. As one among themselves so also should they be one with
Christ,

and through

Him

with the Father.

... As

the

community

increased the daily meal with the daily Eucharist became impossible.

sense.
;

Agape in a narrow was no longer the ordinary meal to sustain the physical life this each one took for himself at home but a meal at which was manifested the Christian Koivuvla. ... It gave opportunity to feed the poor. ... It was held in the House Church."
.
. .

And

the daily meal changed itself into the

It

The

text of the account of the Institution as given in St

Luke

is

iracertain (see

Westcott and Hort), but not

in

Cor.

cannot believe

that the Eucharist

loyal a disciple of Christ as St Paul.


p.

538

was "established" or seriously modified by so See M'Giffert, Apostolic Age, Sanday in Gardner, Exploratio Evangelica, p. 456
;

Hastings'

D. B.,

ii.

p. 638.

IN

THE NEW TESTAMENT


itself

39
seen

common meal
(pp. 22, 23),

would,

as

we have

be a religious

act.

It might, further, under the new dispensation in some sense be a type and evidence of the Kingdom

of

God (Luke
It

xxii. 30) as existing

among them, and


life.^

ruling and transforming their whole social

would then be

to the idea of perpetuating

the thought of this

fellowship

with our Lord,

rather than merely to a

commemoration of the
p.

Last Supper,^ that


1

should be disposed to refer


i.

Weizsacker, Apostolic Age,

53 (E.T.
i.

),

etc.,

draws

this out

at length.
2

Bishop Lightfoot {Apost. Fathers,

p. 386) refers the origin of

commemoration of the Last Supper. Others ((/., e.g., Harnack, Gottesdienst, p. 89) to the Old Testament sacrificial So also Drescher, de Vet. Christ. Agapis, i., and Grotius, feasts. de Ca:n. Admin, p. 22. T. Harnack {Gottesdienst, p. 91) describes "The Agapre developed the origin of the Agape as follows:
the

Agape

to the

themselves naturally out of the primitive repasts of the first congregation, and are only a modification of them, taking the altered
circumstances into account.

They have,

like these, a specifically

They Christian origin under objective and subjective conditions. are at one and the same time a meal of the love of Christ, and a
meal of Christian brotherly
love.

One

aspect

is

expressed by the

name

KvpiaKbv beiirvov, the other by the


in the oldest

title dydTrr).

Both are com-

prehended

term

/cXdo-is

toD dprov.

They were most

intimately connected with the celebration of the Lord's Supper. Therein they have their justification, basis and object. Their value

and worth are entirely in conjunction with it. Separated from it they were of subordinate importance merely, and were therefore, C/. Binterim, as history shows, bound to disappear gradually."
Denkwiirdigkeiten, vol.
Archdologie,
ii.

ii.,

pt.

i.,

ii.

i.

August!,

Christlichen

p.

704

ft".

40

THE AGAPE
No
doubt the thought
the
central

the origin of the Agape.

of the Last Supper helped to foster and establish


the
practice
;

but

it

is

rather

to

doctrine of Christianity
as associated with

the

doctrine of
of
its

the customs

Love Founder

above mentioned
in

to

that doctrine as

embodied
religious

the word

Agape/ and

as working in Jewish

minds already accustomed to constant


feasts

it

is

rather to this than to the exclusive

commemoration of the Last Supper, which was


^ The very name "Agape " shows undoubted connection with the new Commandment tVa dyaTrdre dWrjXovs, and so with the Last Supper but my point is that the Love Feast was a much more
;

comprehensive commemoration of the disciples' relations with their Lord. 'A7d7r?? is not found in earlier Greek, heathen or Alexandrian, in the sense of feast.

Augusti {Christ. Arch.

ii.

p.

406)
i.

thinks

it

originated with

St John.

Spitta {Urchristenthums,

p. 263) repudiates the idea of the

Agape

as a Christian Passover.
. .

"Against

this

comes the frequent

repetition of this act.

But

besides this

it is

manifest that not a passage about this

Agape shows

a characteristic likeness to the Paschal meal." The fact of the later yearly Christian Feast on Maundy-Thursday as a memorial of the Last Supper may perhaps strengthen this view.

On the other hand, the writer of the article in Herzog's Real Encyklopadie (2nd Ed.) on the Agape finds its origin in the words
rovro iroielTe oaaKis
cLv irivrjTe,

eh

rfjv ifxrjv dvdfj.vrjo'Lv,

"dieses thut,

so oft Ihr irgend trinket, zu

thinks our Lord meant that

meinen Gedachtniss," by which he henceforth the Supper should be cele-

it should be This meal, he holds, took place daily, conformably to our Lord's words, in the early Christian community (i Cor. xi. 24 Acts ii. 42-6). C/. Appendix L c.

brated apart from the Passover feast, yet henceforth


united with a meal.
. .

IN
founded

THE NEW TESTAMENT


a yearly
feast
like

41

on

the

Passover

Supper, that

we should

refer the

origin of the

constantly recurring Love Feast.


If the

Agape were

intimately associated with

the Paschal Supper, one naturally asks


it

why was
it

celebrated so frequently, and


if
it

why

also did

gradually die out,

had been

enjoined

by

our Lord Himself, as had been the Eucharistic

Feast

With these few preliminary considerations


and allusions to the Agape which we

proceed to examine more in detail the references


find in the

New
life

Testament.
brief

The
Acts

and summarised record of the


though
not, apparently,

social

of the earliest Christians which


(ii.

42),

we find in the composed beof the Church


first.

fore the picture presented to us in the first Epistle

to the Corinthians, describes the


at Jerusalem,

life

and therefore

calls for notice

There

is

considerable difficulty with regard to

this narrative,

both because of the possibility of

corruption in the text,^ and because of the difficulty

of determining the exact sense of some of the

terms used.

"And

they continued stedfastly in the Apostles'


^

See,

e.^., Blass's

Commentary

in loco.

42

THE AGAPE
^

teaching, and in the fellowship, in the breaking of

bread, and the prayers."

The occurrence

here of the expression

tij kolvoovIh

TiJ K\d(Ti without a connecting particle, and the fact that KoivMPia does not appear to be used

absolutely elsewhere in the


that
it

New
in

Testament," and
Greek,
is

is

rarely so

used

classical

worthy of remark.
If,

as with our present

knowledge seems

inevit-

able, the reading of the earlier texts

be retained,

we may adopt
Robinson^ to
relation

the meaning given


Koivcovla,
viz.,

by Dr Armitage
"it
is

that

used

in

to the Christian

society to express the


it

idea of the fellowship in which

is

united,
is

and

the acts of fellowship in which the idea the

realised "
;

Agape would no doubt be one of


it

those acts

and, though
^

is

not expressly referred to here,


t-q

^aav di TrpoaKapTepovvTes
K\daei TOO aprov Kal

diSaxrj

tQv airodTbXwv Kal

rrj

Koivuuia,

T7J rri

rah

irpoaevx'^'^^rel.

So

V^.

H. Rec.

ins. /cat bef.

Kkdaei with

D^EPS^

13

(d

add
^
^

in) cotniimnicatione fractionis

om. ABCD' N^p. (Alf.) Item et pants d. vg. sah. cop. similiter
hardly an exception.
Bible,
s.v.

syrsch. geth.

(Tisch.)
ii.

In Gal.

9, Se^tas

Koiviovias is

See

Hastings'

Dictionary

of the
cf.

Communion.

For a
p.

full
ff.

discussion of Koivuvla.

T.

Harnack's Gottesdiensi,

78

He

tion of the service of the


avfi^LuaLS,
{Litiirgie,

combats the idea that Acts ii. 42 is a direct descripfirst Christians, and interprets KOLvwvla by Probst of which the Agape was one of the expressions. p. 23) takes koivwv'io. to mean the common meal that took

place with prayer and hih^xh-

IN

THE NEW TESTAMENT


"

43

the next words,

the breaking of bread,"


it.^

may have
ii.

more
XX.

direct application to

This expression occurs again


7,

in

chaps,

46,-

II,

xxvii.

35

in

all

which
Lightfoot

passages,
designntio
^

according
ccencs

to

Blass,^

" est

sollemnis

dominiccs."

Dr John

in

his

Commentary on
expression
"

the Acts draws attention to the

fact that the Peshitto Syriac translates here

by the

the bread of the Eucharist'," and that


"

the expression

breaking of bread

" is

very rarely

used in the Old Testament^ or in Jewish authors


^

Cf.

Acts

ii.

44-7, c'Xoi' airavTO. Koiva k.t.X with


i
i

iv.

32, which,

compared with
{Horn,
xxvii.

Cor.

x.

16-19,

^^i^

Chrysostom's
Koivwvlas

expression

in

Cor.) airbppOLa t^s

one
^
"^

to connect Koivwvla closely with t-q /cXaVet.

For KarolKov

cf.

v.

42 and xx.
viii.

20.
p. 60,

tempts See Blass in loco. Acta Apostol. ii. 42.


iKeiv-qs,

Works
Cf.
;

(Ed. Pitman), vol.


Iviii.

pp. 383-4.

occurs

bread" (paras lehem) Lament, iv. 4. It is interesting, in view of the Christian /cXatrts rd dprov as commemorative of Christ's death, to notice that breaking bread was part oi the fuiierat fdast among the Jews Ezek. xxiv. cf. Jer. 11. s. See Hastings' Diet. Bihl. s.v. 17; Hos. ix. 4 2 Sam. iii. 35.
^

Isaiah

7,

also Jer.

xvi.

7 (and

where "break comments)

Bread.

Dr

M'Giffert's
ate

statement

{Apostolic

Age,

p.

70)

that

"whenever they
Supper "
(i

together, the

whole meal was the Lord's

ignores
25)
;

Lightfoot's
I

evidence,
34,
ei'

and

jttero,

to

denrv^aai

Cor.

xi.

cf.

Cor.

xi.

tis ireLvq. iv oiKip iaOieTb}.

Dr

Edersheim (The Temple, etc., p. 209) points out that our Lord brake the bread "when he had given thanks" (i Cor. xi. 24), i.e., that the bread was the Aphikomon or after-dish, just as "the cup of blessing" followed on "the grace after meat"; cf. Beracoth, Ii. i. In other words, both were at the end of the meal.

44
for
it is

THE AGAPE
common
eating or for a whole meal, but that
ordinarily applied to the blessing and break-

ing of bread with which the Jewish feasts began.

Taking
occurs
while,
in

all

the passages where the expression

the

New

Testament, one
it

may

say that

on the one hand,


it

would be impossible to

restrict
it

with certainty to the Eucharist proper,

seems

in this

passage to include the Eucharist,

and what was subsequently known as the Agape.-^

The account
Christians
is

of the

common

life

of the early
ii.

further supplemented in Acts

46,

"and day by day continuing stedfastly with one accord in the Temple and breaking bread at

home
heart,"

(/cAo)j'Tfc'9

re

Kar"

oIkov

apTov)

they did

take their food with gladness and singleness of

where apparently the idea of that


which,
as

" table-

fellowship,"
1

we have

seen,

was

so

The
Cf.

practically
Col.
iv.

favours this view.


^

undoubted combination of the two at first See Hastings' D. B,, iii. p. 144. 15, TTiv KOLT oIkov avTwv cKKXTjaiau, which some
Cf.

think points to places set apart in private houses.


ev

Acts

v. 42,

ry

iep(^

Kal

/car'

oikov

and

xx. 20, dTj/xoalg. Kal /car' olkovs.

Bin-

terim

sees here

evidence of an already established distinction


Cf.

between the private and the public Agape.


(p.

Philo de Plant. Norn


iepois

354)>

("'?5^

o'lKade TroXXd/cis d(piK6fj,evoL

dXX' ep oh eOvaav

SLawaTovvTes of the Jewish feasts of his day sometimes celebrated in


private houses.
con, S.V., Cf. Acts xx. 8, iv ry virepcjjtp. Cf. Thayer, Lexi" a room where the Orientals were wont to retire to sup,
,

meditate, pray, etc'

IN

THE NEW TESTAMENT

45

marked a feature^ of the intercourse of our Lord with His disciples, seems to be a prominent symbol of their newly realised oneness in Him, an idea which finds its culmination in
the Eucharist.

Passing to the next recorded stage of the com-

munity
appear

life

of the infant Church,

proceed to
this,

examine the more detailed notices of

which

in the first Epistle to the Corinthians.

We

are now, though probably at an interval of

not more than twenty-five years, in contact with a

very different condition of things.

no longer that of a
at Jerusalem,

The picture is Jewish Christian community


still

making use of the

standing

Temple

for part of their acts of public

worship

We
far

have now to do with a mixed community away from the dominant traditions of the
capital

great spiritual
in

of the world, and

living

the midst of heathen customs and associations.

And
1

here
i.

we

find traces of

two meetings, not


them"
;

Cf.

Acts
Vulg.

4,

R.V., margin
'

"and

eating with
'

((rucaXtf-

Western rendering see Knowling, Expositors Gk. Test, in loc), "he charged them." See also his Edersheim {Sketches of Jewish Social Life, note on Acts ii. 46. p. 259) points out that Jewish synagogues were erected at the expense of private individuals, and that, in places where the Jews Cf. Acts v. 42 were few, a room in a private house was set apart.
bfievos,

convescetts\.\\e.

and previous

note.

46
onl)^ that
"

THE AGAPE
which
in

the Acts

is

connected with

the

breaking of bread and the prayers," and

possibly with " the ministry of the


vi.

word

"

(Acts

4 ^), but a second which seems to have originated in the synagogue, and, Hke it, to have given
of

" liberty

prophesying,"

and

to

have

aimed
eav

specially at instruction.

This

is

put before us
;}

in

Cor. xiv. 23

fF,^

ouv avveXdr]
Trpo?

cKKXtjcria bXr] e7r<

to auro

iravTa

oiKoSojULt]}^

-yiveaOw
'iva

SvpacrOe

yap

kuO' eva

iravTC^ 7rpo(p}]Teveiv,
^

iravTeg fiiavQavwcriv Koi iravTe^


ev Tracraig

TrapuKaXwvTai ... w?

tul^ KK\i]aiai9 twv

ayicop.

The
xi.
18,
ai^To',

other meeting
20, 22.
It

is

that described in
eV eKKXrjcrla,

Cor.

assembled

e7r\

to
as

and included people of varied


Cor. xi. 21, xiv. 23),

social con;;/m/,

dition (i

and the

followed by the Eucharist, seems to have been


the chief object of the meeting.
^

Where

the repetition of the same words

rrj

irpoaevxy
ii.

^^d
42

TTpocTKapTepdv
cf.

seem

to

suggest a connection with chap.


c/.

with diaKovelv rpavi^ais (the Agape), and


144,

Julian,

Epist.

Frag., quotjed infra p.

who

applies the expression to the

Agape.
'^

"

Cf. V. 26, oTdv (jvvipxi]<^Oe.

Cf. the

Synagogue, Luke

iv.

20, 21; "suffer the


I

tion"
is

Heb. xiii. 22; and given the word of wisdom," etc.


{TrapaKk-qcxews),

Cor.

xii.

word of exhorta8 ff., "to one

IN

THE NEW TESTAMENT


it

47
well to

In considering the passage

may be
to

draw attention
words,
viz.,

to

what
the

seem
eir).

be the
the
Cor.
23,

keyis

(Tvi>epxo/ui.euu>u

to avro (which
for
e.:
i

used

throughout

Epistle

formal
xi.

assembly of the congregation,


xi,

17,

18,

xi.
.

20,
.

xi.

33,

xi.

34,

xiv.

xiv.

26);

ovK
(ver.

e(TTiv

(payeiu,^

which
et?

corresponds with
(payeiu,

33)

crvi'epxo/iievoL

to
2i),

and

ev

tm

(payeiv

irpoXafx^dveL (ver.

which corresponds
33).

with

aX\i'iKou<; e/cJe'xecrOe (ver.

The

practice of assembling for

common meals
it

seems without question implied, and the whole


assembly
xi.
is

assumed
33).

as taking part in

(i

Cor.

18,

20,

The

common

meal

would

normaUy culminate
of various

in the Eucharist,

but abuses

kinds have to be dealt with by the

Apostle.

The
(vv.
18,

first

is

the o-xio-juaTa leading to


is

alpearei?

19), and the cause

that, instead of a

reverently eaten, religious meal leading up to the

commemorative

rite,

an unseemly scramble takes

^ For parallel usages of eariv in the sense of "it is possible" c/. Heb. ix. 5, CanL Triitm. Puer. v. 9; i Esdras i. 4 ; Sirach xxix. 21; Bp. EUicott and others Sap. V. 10 2 Mace. xiv. 19 (Schleusner).
;

translate "it

is

not to eat," but the obvious objection to this

is

that

the Lord's Supper undoubtedly

was one object of

their meeting,

though

it

had become nominal apparently.

48
place,
in

THE AGAPE
which each makes haste to take the
he has brought, before {irpokajx^avei)

provisions
it

has become possible to

make

a general

distribu-

tion of them.

Clearly according to the idea of this institution


"all^

the

provisions

should
in

have

been
the

put^

together and

eaten

common by

whole

Church. But selfishness, vanity, sensuality, had prevailed in this usage,

and deeply corrupted

it.

These
the

AgapcE^ at Corinth had degenerated into something like those feasts of friends in use

among

Greeks where men gave themselves up to drinking


excesses such as

we

find

sketched in the Symstill

posium of Plato.

And what was

graver

each was careful to reserve for himself and his


friends the meats he

had provided
offensive

hence

it

was
of

inevitable

that

an

inequality

should

appear between the guests, becoming to

many

them a source
feast should

of

humiliation,
spirit of love,

and

contrasting

absolutely with the

of which such a

have been the symbol."


viz.,

And
^

there further resulted a second abuse,

Cf. Xenophon, Meinorabilia, iii. 14, quoted in Appendix I. c. Godet on v. 20. Like the tpavos to which the Corinthians would have been Cf. the

accustomed.
*

Spartan

avaalTia,,

See Appendix

I. c.

IN

THE NEW TESTAMENT

49
supper

that, in this state of things a true Lord's^

If the commemorative rite became impossible. given up, it was grossly altogether was not neglected. The- feeling for it was lost, the order

probably thrown into confusion

so

much

so that

St Paul has to remind his converts of the very


Institution

and formula of the


to

rite.

And

the

degeneracy seems
regards
the

him

so

serious

that he

prevailing
in

sickness,

and

possibly

even mortality^
for
it.

the Church as a punishment

The remedies he
was too hungry
his

enjoins are that the meal itself

should be thoroughly social, and that whosoever


to wait for the others should satisfy

hunger at home.'*

And
of

then should follow the


the

Lord's Supper at becoming celebration which everyone would be duly conscious of the difference between it and ordinary eating and
drinking, proclaiming the Lord's death

by taking

part in this formal act of worship.


1

The emphasis
'KoiiiCivTai.

is

clearly
A/>os^.

on KvpiaK6v.
Age, vol.
i.

2 C/.
^

Weizsacker,

p.

See note on 283 (E.T.).


St.

eariv, supra,

See Appendix

i.

for

Dr J.

Lightfoot's

and

Chrysostom's view,

with which latter

(/.

fasting before the Passover,

which was the


:

" It is not Jewish practice. Mishna Treatise Pesachini, chap. x. lawful for any individual to eat aught on the eve of the Passover from about the time of the Mincha till after dark " (De Sola, p. 122).

50

THE AGAPE
In the difficulties with which St Paul had to

contend, as

here
believed

described,
to
^

we
the

find

what

are

commonly

be

earliest

reasons for the eventual

separation of the

known Agape

from the Eucharist.

And
to the

these difficulties
in
^

and abuses are further


express references
of St Jude, and the

emphasized

the later and


in the Epistle

Agape

Second Epistle of St
are

Peter.

"

These are they who


in

hidden rocks

(o-Tr/Xa^e?)

your love-feasts
{(rvvevwxovixevoL),

(ctyaTraff)

when they

feast with

you

feeding

{iroiiJ.aivovTei)

themselves without fear"^

(Jude
"

12).

of Peter,

Or as the writer of the Second Epistle who seems indebted to Jude,^ puts it,
it

men
^

that count
St Aug., Ep.

pleasure to revel in the daytime


(54),

Cf.

ad Janiiariuin 118

where speaking

of

fasting

Communion
datur quia

as the

"mos"

of the Church, he says of St

Paul: " Statim subtexit


intelligi

ordinem insinuaret ordinatum esse quod nulla morum


below, chap.
2
ii.

CtTtera aiitem cum vcncro ordinabo, unde multum erat ut in epistola totum ilium agendi (quem universa per orbem servat Ecclesia) ab ipso

diversitate

variatur."

See

The word Agape

is,

of course, not expressly applied to the

customs mentioned

in the

Acts and

Corinthians, but the

common
dyaTrris.

identification of these feasts with the

above seems well grounded.


cpiki^jxaTi.

See e.g. the next note ; and cf. See further Appendix i. ad/in.
^

Pet. v. 14, Iv

Cf. the TO Ihiov bit-Kvov -wpoKaix^avei of St Paul.

vice versa. For the present state of this controversy cj. Sanday, Bavipton Lectures, p. 308, Hastings' Diet. Bibl. ii. Pet.
^

Or

IN

THE NEW TESTAMENT


''

51
^

revelling in their love-feasts (iu ruig ayd-Trat^ avrwu)

while they feast with you


^

((7vi/vo)xov/ui.ei^oi)-"

loco

So R,V. 'ATrdrats has better external authority and Scrivener, Introduction (third edition,

(see Tischendorf
p. 646),

but the

context (in spite of avrdv), the similarity of both passages, and the

reading by
of the text.

of dTrdrats in both cases, point to an early corruption

In any case the allusion to love-feasts seems undoubted.


p. looi) calls a.TTa.Ta.L%

Bishop Lightfoot {Iguat. Srnyrn.


error."
'^

" an obvious

For other references in the N.T. to licentious feasts, which might have had a corrupting influence on the Agapce cf. Rom. xiii. 13, "let us walk honestly as in the day, not in revellings (/cai/iots),"
etc.
v.
;

Gal.
;

v, 21,

"drunkenness, revellings, and such like"; Eph.


3
;

18

]'et. iv.

cf.

vv. 8, 9.

CHAPTER
THE AGAPE
IN

II

THE SECOND CENTURY


of

THE
effect

separation

the

Agape from
been
indicated

the
in

Eucharist,

which

has

the last chapter, does not appear^ to have taken

during the Apostolic Age, nor for some


In

time afterwards.
Corinthians,
as of
"
e.g.

Clement's Epistle

to

the

(chap, xliv.), he speaks of bishops


offered the gifts of the
holily "
(irpoa-

those

who have
Tt]9

bishop's

office

unblamably and
"

ej^ey/coVra?

t Swpa
^

eTrKJKOirrj^),

which Bishop

Lightfoot
givings,

explains as

the prayers and thanks-

the alms, the Eucharistic elements, the


so forth."

contributions to the Agape, and


Ignatius' Epistle to the

In
viii.)

Smyrnaeans (chap,

we

read
is

"

Let that be held a valid Eucharist

which
'

under the bishop or one to

whom

he

In spite of St. Augustine's statement quoted above.

"^

See his note in

loco.

52

IN
shall

THE SECOND CENTURY


it.
.

53

have committed

It

is

not lawful

apart from the bishop either to baptize or hold a


" (oure (ia-Trrl^eiv oure aydTrrjv iroielv ^), where, as Bishop Lightfoot says, " the two most

love-feast

important functions

in

which a bishop could have


^

part seem to be described,"

so that the Eucharist In The


x.)

seems to be

still

included in the Agape.

Teachmg of
thanksgiving
filled

the
is

Twelve Apostles (chap,

the

directed to be offered " after being

"2 {jxera

to efxirXwO^mi),^
;

i.e.,

apparently,

after the
1

Agape

and the three-fold thanksgiving


otfre

Cf.

the later gloss on this reading, viz.,


oUre dvalav TrpoaKOfxi^eiv oiire

jSaTTTtfetc
;

oiJre

TTpoa-cpipeiv

doxw

TrLTe\e2v

and The

Canons of Hippolytus, 172, " agapis


ii.

KU/DtaKaZs,"

and ^/^5^. Const.

28, roi%

els

dydirriv firoi doxv^ wj 6 Kvpios uvo/iacre irpoaipoviiivovs

irpeff^vripav.
'-*

Cf. Ignat.,

Ep, Ephes.
i.

i.

20, ^^'a &.pTov ^Xuirres

iuriv (pdpfj.aKov

ddavaaias,
dvaffTuiaiv

with Smyrn.

7,

avvecpepev 5^ avTols dyairdv tva Kal


irotetv.

notes in
^

where some take dyairdv iiydTrr]v pp. 307 and 313. N.B. the change of the expression
locis,

See Lightfoot's
corresponding
p-erd

in

the
26,
i),

passage in the Apostolic


iierd\y\^iv

Coiistitutions (vii.

5e

tV
later

ovrus eyxapterTTjuaTe,

showing the

influence

of

custom.
* But g. chap. x. 6.: "If anyone be holy let him come, if anyone be not holy let him repent," which seems to point to the Eucharist. Cf. Canons of Hippolyius, 172-178, "in agapis Edant bibantque ad satietatem neque vero ad ebrietatem, KvpiaKois. and Terlullian {Apot. sed in divina prcesentia cum iaude Dei " chap, xxxix.), " Ita saturantiir \\\. qui meminerint etiam per noctem adorandum deum sibi esse (of the Agape)." See Warren, Ante;

Nicene Ritual,

p. 174.

::

54

THE AGAPE
to God's omnipotence.^
later

includes a reference to the gifts of food, and drink,

and

And

on (chap,

xi.)

the statement occurs

"He

that ordereth a table (opi^oov TpuTre^av)^ in


it,

the Spirit eateth not of

except he be a false

prophet"; which seems to be a reference to the


holding of an Agape, which might in some

way

be done by the prophet for his own benefit.

We come next to Pliny's famous letter to Trajan (commonly dated 112 A.D.) in which the reference
to Christian worship
is

necessarily obscure because

of the writer's evident want of clear information.

The passage
in

has naturally been

much

discussed

recent years, notably by Bishop Lightfoot and

Professor
that
it

W. M. Ramsay

and

is

so well
it

known
than
is

is

needless to quote

more of

necessary for our immediate purpose.^


'

The
637.

state-

C/. Justin, Jj!cil. Cf.

i.

65

Hastings'

>.

B.,

ii.

p.

"

Acts

vi. 2,

diaKovelv rpaire^ais,

and p. Diognct. (chap,

v.)

Tpdrre^av KOivrjv iraparWevTai.


'^

" Adfirmabant autem hanc


quod

fuisse

summam

vel culpa; suce vel

erroris,

essent soliti stato die ante lucem convenire

carmenque

Christo quasi deo dicere secuni invicem, seque Sacramento non in


scelus aliquod obstringere sed ne furta, ne latrocinia,

ne adulteria

committerent, ne fidem fallerent, ne depositum appellati abnegarent

quibus peractis

morem

sibi

discedendi fuisse rursus coeundi ad

capiendum cilium promiscuum tamen et innoxium, quod ipsum facere desisse post edictum meum quo secundum mandata tua hetserias
esse vetueram."

IN

THE SECOND CENTURY


most importance

55

merits which are of

in this view-

are

the evidence of two meetings of Christians

stato die,

one of which was mite lucem}

at

which

they were wont sacraniento

se ohstringere, etc.

The
at

other, the later one,"


this

which

is

evidently the

Agape, had by

time been separated from that

which a sacraincntuni was taken.^


is

What
likely,

exactly

this sacrameiitmn refers to

not

with our

present knowledge, to be
It

decisively determined.

seems probable enough that Pliny hearing from the Christians of their use of the word sacramentum
took
it"^

" sensti

Romano',' not knowing anything of

the early Christian objection to an oath of any


kind.

And

accordingly Tertullian^ in his subsethe passage, though he

quent

reproduction of

wrongly
eoruni

transcribes " nihil

aliud se de sacranientis
the
general
ante-

comperisse"

probably gives
:

sense rightly
lucanos
^
'^
.

when he adds ad confcBderanduui


i

"

quam
"

ccetiis
"

disciplinam."

Cj. Tertullian's
Cj.

" etiam antelucanis ccetibus


Cor. p. 46.

{De Cor. chap.

iii.).

supra on

3 T. Harnack {Getneinde Gottesdienst, pp. 228, 229) discusses the passage and adds another possible reference in sacramentum, viz.,

preaching, to those given in the text.


*
^ 6
iii.

Cf.

Mosheim, de rebus Christianis,


ii.

p. 150.

Apologet. chap.

For

later

paraphrases of the letter such

as, e.g.,
i.

Eusebius H. E.
ff.

32, 33, see

Bishop Lightfoot, Ignatius,

p.

50

56

THE AGAPE
There may
be, as

Bishop Lightfoot suggests, a


sacraments
it,
;

confusion

of the two

but,

though

Pliny did not so understand


for

there are grounds

beheving the meeting in question to have


see, e.g.,

been that for the Eucharist, as we


TertuUian's
parallel

from
iii.),

statement {de Corona,


of
.

when describing the usage


" Euc]iaristi(L
. . .

his
. .

own
rate,

time,

sacranientum
^

antcbtcanis

ccBtibus

sumimusr
not

At
this

any

the

Eucharist could

after

time at least

have been held at the

later meeting,

which was
it

suppressed by Pliny's direction,^ and


ceivable
that

is

incon-

the

Christians

in

Bithynia could

have abandoned
the action of the
^

tJie

Eucharist in consequence of
authorities.^
.

Roman
ii.

Cf. Tertull.,

ad Uxor.

4,
si

Quis enim sinat conjugem suam


ita

nocturnis convocationibus,
libenter feret
?

oportuerit,

a latere suo adimi


in-

Quis denique sollemnibus Paschas abnoctantem

securus sustinebit?

Quis ad convivium dominicum illud quod famant sine sua suspicione dimittet? ^ Ramsay, Chtirch in the Roman Empire, 2nd Ed., p. 219.
*

find that

Mr Hardy

{Correspondence of Pliny, in

loc.)

agrees
believe

with

me

in laying stress

on TertuUian's testimony, and

that Professor

Ramsay

takes the same view.

Neumann

thinks the

Christians did suspend their morning meeting as well (Ramsay, op.


referred to

Dr Armitage Robinson thinks that the Christians by Pliny are the 7-enegades only that these gave up everything, but that other Christians gave up nothing. This view
cit.

p.

219).

would, of course, deprive the passage of all direct value as evidence on the subject of the suspension of the Agape. In any case it seems

IN

THE SECOND CENTURY


no

57
as
to

We

have

contemporary

evidence

whether or not the new departure here indicated


from the Jewish custom of holding
sacrificial

and

other feasts in the evening was partly due to an


instinct of reverence
its
;

but several passages point to

being

primarily at least
e.g.

due
Celsuvi,

to the fear of
I.
\.

persecution,^
says, in
"

Origen

{c.

ad

i7iit.)

answer to Celsus' impeachment of the


"

Agape

as being a secret association in viola" if


.

tion

of the laws, that


.
.

man were
having

placed

among Scythians
them,
such

and

no oppor-

tunity of escape were compelled to live

among
reason
to
in

an

one
into

would

with

good
{de

(ei'Aoycof)

enter

associations

contrary

their

laws."
ch.

Similarly Tertullian
xiv.), "

Fuga

Peresec.

Postreino si interdiu colligere

clear that (i) the law against clubs was strictly enforced by Trajan, and therefore the Agape presumably abandoned J2) there is no mention of the earlier meeting being given up. See Appendix ii. It seems to me that the words " essent soliti " and " niorem sibi fuisse " refer to the practice of all Christians at the time ; and also that the mention of the abandonment of the second meeting, whether by the renegades or all Christians in the district, makes it
;

plain that the earlier meetings did not


hetseria;.

come under the law

against

Bp.
(p.

Lightfoot says,
12

"all alike had abandoned their

Agape"
^

55).
xii.
ff.
,

Cf.

Acts

"the house

where many were gathered

together and were praying," with ver. 6, "the same night Peter,
etc."

58

THE AGAPE
tioctcin

non potes, habes


adversus
los ;

luce

Christi

luminosa

earn.
tibi

Non
et

potes

discurrere per singiicccksia,''

sit

in

tribus

and

Cajcilius

Natalis
cliap.

quoted
"

by

Minucius

Felix

{Octavius,

viii.),

Christiani latebrosa ac lucifuga natio


imita, in angulis

in

publicum

garrula"
"

The second statement


viorcm
sibi

of Pliny,

Quibus peractis
coeimdi
et

discedendi fuisse
cibtim,

rursusque

ad
"

capietidum

promiscuum
refers
"

tamen

innoxiuin,''

evidently

to

the

Agap6
emcele-

ordinary and
of

harmless food

showing the abafterwards

sence

luxury

and

display

phasized by Minucius Felix's saying,

"we^
"
;

brate our entertainments not only in a reverent,

but

also

in

an abstemious manner

and the

groundlessness of the well-known heathen slanders


of Qvecrreia Setirva, OiSnroSeiovg
fxi^eig,^ etc.

Perhaps the main


in this

difficulty of Pliny's description

connection

is

that of determining the exact

light

it

throws on the question of the separation


the Eucharist.*

of the
^

Agape and

" Luminosa" has most authority, " luminosam" gives a clearer


C/. Oehler zn loc. Min. Felix, Octav. chap, xxxi., " Convivia non tantum pudica
et sobria."

sense.
^

colimus sed
'
*

See Bp. Lightfoot, Ignat. vol. ii. p. 53. For a discussion of it from another point of view, see Ramsay, U.S., p. 206 ff.

IN

THE SECOND CENTURY


is

59

On

this question, as

Bishop Lightfoot says, one

of two alternatives
Jiad, as I

possible, either the separation

ist

have above suggested, already taken place as to whai there is no evidence and the Euchar-

two had hitherto been combined, and were now separated in consequence of the direction mentioned by Pliny. As we have seen above,^ there is evidence that the two were united up to the time of Ignatius,
unless

had been transferred

to ante lucent, or the

we suppose

that the term

Agape had been

transferred to the Eucharist alone, which, in view

of the subsequent usage of the term, seems highly

improbable."

We

pass

now

to

the

account of the

early

Christian congregational worship in Justin Martyr.

In this there is no direct reference to the Agape, which had apparently been given up in consequence of Trajan's strict enforcement of the

law against Sodaliciaf but the mention of special


P.
\
"

53

ff.

It is, of course, possible that

they were united even later

and

it

is

also quite possible that the time of separation differed in different local churches ; r/., e.g., the peculiar usages in the Thebaid, infra
p.
{}

91; and The Canons of Hipfolytus

3rd cent.)

21. s.

dyixTrais KvpiaKais.

^ See Appendix ii. There is no certain evidence, however, of the universality of this prohibition, or of its equal enforcement throughout the Empire. Professor Ramsay, however, thinks that

the discontinuance of the

Agape

in Bithynia

of the action of Christians in this respect.

may be taken as a type (Church in R,E., p. 358.

6o
thanksgiving

THE AGAPE
over

ordinary

food

suggests
life

the

common
us

m.eals.

Describing the
i.

common
6'])
:

of

Christians, Justin says {Apol.

"

Those of
want
^

who

are wealthy help

all

that are in

{joh

XeiTToiuei'oi?),

and we always remain together


for
all

(<Tvve(T/uev^).

And
we

things

that

we

eat

{Trpo(T(l)ep6iJ.eQaY

bless the

Maker

of

all

things

through His Son Jesus Christ, and through the

Holy Ghost."
(chap. X. 3):

This passage naturally suggests


in

comparison with the thanksgiving

the Didaclie
all

"Thou,
for

Almighty Ruler, madest

things for

Thy
drink

name's sake.

Thou gavest men

food and

enjoyment that they might

give thanks to Thee."'*

In Justin's account the meeting for instruction

mentioned above as possibly derived


1

from the

valuable

"

crvvovaia is

commentary on Acts ii. 44, Axov dwavTa Koivd. used in Classical Greek much as ffvfXTr6(nov,
renders

e.g.

Plato, Legg. 652 A.


^

The Oxford Translator


i.

"in

all

our offerings";

but
cf.
;

there appears to be no parallel for this sense of the middle,

Apol.

chap. 13
xii.

Josephus, B.

J. v.

chap. 10
iii.

LXX.

Sap. xvi. 21

Judith
*

are Justin's

9; and Xen., Mcniorab. words for "offer."

11

iroietu

and

irposcpipeLv

Cf. the Eucharistic


xli.

chaps,

and

cxvii.,

Thanksgiving in the Dialogue with Trypho, where thanks are offered for the Passion as

well as for Creation.


^

Bishop Lightfoot
it

in his

Cambridge Lectures on Acts

xiii.

held

that

was so derived.

IN

THE SECOND CENTURY


to
in

6i

Synagogue appears now


Eucharist,

be joined with the

conceivably

consequence

of

the

enforced discontinuance of the Agape.

The common

Hfe of the Christians


i.

is

also dwelt

on elsewhere {Apol.
In
the
Epistle

13),

" oimoSLairot yivofxevoi"

a passage which again suggests the Agape.^


to

Diognetus, which

Bishop

Lightfoot assigns to the middle of the second

century as

its

probable
life

date,

in

the

beautiful
it

description of the
is

of the early Christians,


their

said

(chap,

v.),

"They have
^

meals

in

common
I

" {rpdiret^av Koivrjv

iraparLBevTai).

cannot find any reference

or even allusion
chief passages in

to the

Agape

in Irenaeus.

The

which he
lib.
iv.

refers

to the Eucharist^ {adv. Hcsreses

chaps, xxix. and xxxi.) are, for obvious


;

but, doctrinal and not descriptive had the connection between the Agape and the Eucharist still survived, it is unlikely that no

reasons,

allusion to
1

it

would have been


(p. 184,

traceable.
Politics,
ii.

See Otto's note


;

o/xoaiTTvoL, etc.
2

see also

3d Ed.) ; and cf. Aristotle, below Appendix ii.


ii.

i,

See below Appendix


I

for the state of legislation at the time

of Marcus Aurelius
silence.

It throws no light on Irenaeus' do not agree with those who infer from Irenaeus' silence

(161-180).

the non-existence of the

Agape

in Gaul.

Why

should the usage of


notes.

Gaul be exceptional in this respect ? * See Harvey's /remnis, ii. pp. 205-210, and

62

THE AGAPE

But when we come to Tertullian (whose orthodox writings^ are usually dated at from 197 to 203 A.D.), we find the Agape again emerging into
prominence^
Church.
in

the recorded

life

of the

early

Portions of the detailed description in

the Apologeticmn have already been quoted.

The

remainder of the passage


" I shall

is

now

given.

now proceed
of
I

to give

my own

account

of

the

practices

the

Christian

community

{factionis), that as
evil, I

have disproved that they are

may

demonstrate that they are good.

We

(Christians) are a

body^

{corpus sumus)

owing to
religionis),

our association^ in religion {conscientia

our unity in discipline, and our

common bond
as

of

hope
ing

{spei focderc).

We

come together
in

an

assembly and congregation

order that, approach-

God

as in a

beset
tions.^

Him

{avibianius) with prayers


is

compact body {manu facta), we may and supplicawell


-

This violence
for the

pleasing to

God.

We
'

pray also

Emperors, for their ministers,


s.v.

See Did. Chn'stiau Biogr.,

Due

doubtless to the relaxation of vigilance against the Sodalicia.

See Appendix II. 2 For the perhaps later identity of "corpus" and " collegium," see Appendix II., where Tertullian's apparent pleading for the rights of a collegium tenuio7-u7ii is drawn out.
*
^

Conscientia

our common sense of religion.


is

" Orantes

"

omitted

in

some MSS.

IN

THE SECOND CENTURY


{potestatibzis),

63
for

and the powers that be


condition
of the age,
for

the

peace

in

the world

{renim), for the delay of the

Last
^

Day

{finis).

We meet together

for the recitation

of our Divine

Scriptures, in case anything in the condition of the

times calls either for forewarning or reminder.

At any

rate

we

feed our faith and animate our


;

hope by the sacred utterances


confidence
their
;

we

stablish our

and no

precepts

do

less by the inculcation of we strengthen good order

{disciplinani).

There are exhortations,

too,

re-

proofs,

and holy discipline


those

(ccnsiira divma).

For

judgment takes place with great solemnity as

among of God

who

are convinced of the presence

(with them), and the gravest anticipation

{prczjudicium) of

judgment
from

to to

come takes
with
all

place,

when anyone has sinned


to

such a degree as
us
in

be

banished
^
.
. .

fellowship

prayer,

and worship

iconventus),

and

sacred

intercourse.
"

But

it is

the exercise of this sort of love which

doth with some chiefly brand us with a mark of


evil.
*

See (they say) how these Christians love


. .

Ad
See

commemorationem.
dirofivrifj.oi'e^/j.aTa,
. .

Cf. Justin's etrl to aiirb


.

awiXevais

yiverai
'^

/cat

rd

dvayivwcFKeTat.

p.

16 for the intervening words.

64
one another one another
for
'

THE AGAPE

for in truth
'

they themselves hate


are ready to die

and

see

how they

each other'

for

they themselves are more

ready to slay one another.

And

they are

mad

with us for calling each other brethren, for no


other reason,
selves every
I

imagine, than that

among them-

name

of kinship {sanguinis) has been


^

assumed
"

in

mere pretence."

But we are your brethren

as well

by the

right

common mother nature, although you are hardly^ men at all because you are such bad brothers. But with how much more reason are they both called and accounted brothers who have acknowledged one God as their Father, who have drunk of one spirit of holiness, who from the same womb of a common ignorance have won ^
of our
their
"

way
it

out into the light of truth that

is

one."

But
true

may

be that

we

are the less accounted

as

{legitivii)

brothers

because no tragedy

cries

aloud about our brotherhood, or because the


thing

very

which

commonly
you,
viz.,

puts

an

end to
is

brotherhood

among

family property,

^ " Affectatione" gives better sense than the better supported reading " affectione." See Oehler's note.

i.e.,

hardly deserve the name of men. " Expaverunt " seems to mean "come in fear and trembling,"
is

but " expiraverunt "

the

more probable reading.

IN

THE SECOND CENTURY


community
of)

65

just that (the

which our brother-

hood depends on {ex substantia familiari fratres


sumus, qucE penes vos fere diriuiit fraternitateni).

And

so we,

who

hesitation about sharing our possessions with each


other.^
"

......
it

are one in

mind and

soul,

have no

Let

this

meeting of Christians be judged on


be held unlawful indeed,
if
;

its

merits.

Let

it is

on
be
for

a level with meetings that are unlawful

let it

condemned,
factions.

if

anyone has the same ground


it

complaint against

that there

is

against (other)

Did we ever come together to the ruin We are the same in our assemof any person blies as we are when separate units, the same
.'*

we injure nobody, we bring sorrow on nobody. When, therefore, men who are upright and good meet together, when those who
collectively as individually;

are devout and moral hold an assembly,


to be called a faction, but a curia

it

ought not

a solemn conclave."
that of the
it

A comparison of this description with


Eucharist in Justin Martyr" makes
^

abundantl)'

For the intervening part, see

p. 29.

How
Rome

far Justin refers to

Eastern practice in his Apology, written


;

has long been disputed but it seems improbable that he, as an Eastern, should have passed any great divergence of usage between East and West over without
at

to the

Roman Emperor,

notice,

had there been such.

66
clear that the

THE AGAPE
Agape and
the Eucharist are

now

quite distinct, at least in North Africa, and probably, therefore, throughout the Western Church,

and that
here
in

it

is

the

Agape alone which

is

spoken of

the words referring to food. following table exhibits the differences


(Justin).
^
:

The

Eucharist
Lections.'^

Agape

(Tertullian).

Sermon.
Intercession (said by
all).

Preliminary Prayer. Conversation quasi coram Domino. The Meal.


Ablutions.

Kiss of Peace.

Lights brought

in.

Oblation of Elements.

Psalm Singing
Original).
iroKi).

(Scriptural or

Long Thanksgiving (eTri


Institution.

Consecration with words of


Intercession

Final Prayer.
Distribution to the poor.

by

President

Amen. Communion.
with

Subsequent Distribution to poor by President.

The term
sufficiently

curia

solemn meeting
character.
It

which

Tertullian applies to the feast seems to indicate


its

sacred

appears to

^ In spite of this Mr F. C. Conybeare {Monuments, p. 75, etc.) seems to regard the Agape and the Eucharist as identical in the Second Century. See below, chap. iii.
'^

Supplication

Intercession Lections Exhortation are


and chap.
iv.

all

men-

tioned by Tertullian, but consistently with a break before the Agape.

See below,

p. 73,

IN

THE SECOND CENTURY


community,
"

67

have given good ground


tion of the Christian

for his previous descrip-

Corpus sumus

de conscie7itia religionis et disciplince unitate et spei


fcedere."

Bishop Kaye^ remarks on

this description that,


it,

though TertuUian does not expressly say

"

it

may
feast

fairly

be inferred that the materials of the

were furnished out of the oblations made at

the Eucharist, a portion of which appears also to

have been allotted to the martyrs


similarly

in prison."

And

Dr Hey^

says that "the Priests had a

portion of them (the oblations), and the rest furnished

the repast called the Agape."

TertuUian both

in the

Apologeticum (chap,

vii.)

and elsewhere speaks of the heathen misrepresenta" It is the tions of what took place at the Agape.

common
that

talk that we are the wickedest of men, for we have a mystery which involves the killing
child,

and eating of a
that
^

with incest after our banquet


{Dici-

we have dogs

to upset the lights, etc."

TertuUian, p. 403. Lectures in Divinity,


this.

iv.

320.

See below, chap,

iv., for ref. to

Apost. Constit. on
^

Cf. sjtpra, p.

58,

and Minuc. Felix, Octav. chap.


xlii.
;

ix.

Tatian,
;

Orat.

ad
i.

GrcBc. chap.

Justin, Dial.

c.

Tryph.
;

p.

227

id.

Apol.

Athenagoras, Leg. pro Christo, p. 38 Irenseus, ap. Qicumen. Cominent. in Petri Epist. i. 2. See Oehler's Commentary on the passage in the text.
p.

70

68

THE AGAPE
scleratissimi

vmr
sores

de

sacramento

infanticidii

et

pabulo

inde, et post conviviuni

incesto,

quod
"

ever-

luniinuni),

where

''''sacramento''''

seems
"

to

refer to

the
in

Eucharist and

"

conviviuni

to the

Agape,

connection with which the


" illic'^

lumina"

are mentioned (as in chap, xxxix.).

Speaking of
post niultas
etc.,

the same thing, Minucius says,

epulas ubi conviviuni caluit et incestcs"

which

could hardly be an allusion to the Eucharist.


In the treatise says
:

ad Nationes (i.

chap,

vii.)

Tertullian
practised

" First of all

a business of deceit
;

is

{fallacies negotiuni perpetratur)

stories of feasts

and marriages ^ are pawned


ignorant [ignaris
.
. .

off

on those who are

subjiciuntur), for they


{retro)

had

heard nothing previously


mysteries."

about the Christian

But
xvii.)

in

the Montanist treatise de Jejunio (chap,

he himself attacks the licentiousness of the


:

Agape

"

At your house

love {agape)
;

is

warmed

up with saucepans {caccabis fervet) faith is fomented in kitchens, hope rests on dishes. But
^ Octav. chap. ix. Which would seem to show that Tertullian is summarising Minucius' account (See Dr Salmon, Did. Christian.

Biogr.
^ Cf.

s.v.

Minucius).
vii.,
{cf.

Apologet. chap,
coetibus

Cotidie obsidemur, cotidie prodimur, in

ipsis

plurimum

chap, xxxix.) et congregationibus nostris

opprimimur.

IN

THE SECOND CENTURY

69

an Agape is all the more important, because by means of this young men ami sororibus donniunt^' a passage which seems to show that the constantly
recurring danger of abuse had manifested itself
afresh.

TertuUian's words here are in somewhat


contrast
(chap,
ii.)

sad

to
:

those
"

of

his

treatise

ad Martyras

Meanwhile let us compare the life of the world and of the prison, to see if the spirit does not gain more in prison than the
flesh
loses.
is

Nay

even the

flesh

does not lose


care of

what

due to
^
;

it,

owing

to

the

the

Church and the


fratnivi)

love
in

of the

brethren
the

{agapen

and,

addition,

spirit

gains

things that are lasting aids to faith."

As
there
{Apol.

to the time at
is

which the Agape was held


already

a somewhat obscure hint in the words


chap,

xxxix.)

quoted

"

They
bear
to

satisfy their hunger,


in

but so that they

may

mind that even through the night they have


But the subsequent words
p. 77.
. .
.

worship God."^

" after

Cf.

Lucian, de Mort. Peregr., quoted

would seem probable that the Agape would follow closely on the conclusion of the business of the Church. It seems to have been held in daylight, and therefore not later than four or
^

"

It

five o'clock in the

afternoon."

Dr

J.

Wordsworth, The Holy Com-

muiiion

(p. 45).

70

THE AGAP6
"

the bringing of water for the hands and lights

{lumina)

seem

to indicate that the


in

^^

cccna" (chap,

xxxix.) began somewhat early

the

evening,

though, because, for instance, of the services of


praise referred
Tertullian's
to, it

might be prolonged pernoctemy


''

references

or

allusions

to
it

the

Eucharist seem to show that in his day


celebrated
"

was

before

dawn
5),

and

received

fasting.^

Will

not

your
ii.

husband

know," he says {ad


it is

Uxorein,

book

"what
"

you secretly take


"-

before other food {gtnd secreto ante ovineni cibuni


gustes)."

And, again,

who

will

without anxiety

endure her absence

all

night long at the Paschal

solem n iti es {sollonnibus Paschae abnoctanteni) ?


will

Who
her

without some suspicion of his

own

let

go to attend that Lord's Banquet which they defame" {conviviuni doininiann illnd quod defauiant) ?

The

reference in the de Corona (chap,


it

iii.)

has

been so much disputed that


consideration.

will

need special

Tertullian

is

dwelling on

customs which are

There is nothing, of course, to law of fasting. - Where some think reservation for private reception is alluded to. Bishop Kingdon, Cf. De Oral. chap. xiv. and Oehler's note. /''asiing Comtnunion, p. 200 ft., translates "ante omnem cibum," " before every meal," but this does not commend itself.
'

And

so apart from the Agape.

indicate a rigid

IN
due

THE SECOND CENTURY


'''sine

71

to tradition

ullius Scriptures instrumentol^


:

and, after speaking of Baptismal customs, he adds


" EucharisticE sacrainentuin et in

tempore

victiis et

om-

nibus

nee de aliorum inami

mandatum a Domino, etiam antelucanis ccetibus, quam prcesidentiuin smnimus!^ ^ The exact force of " etiam " here seems most Hkely to be determined by comparison with its other uses in the same chapter, viz., above " Etiam
:

in

tradiiionis obtentu exigenda


scripta,''

est,

inguis,

auctor-

itas

where

it

obviously qualifies what


"

follows,

and means

"

even

" even
is

where

tradi-

tion

is

pleaded written authority

to be required."

And

further on " Calicis aut pa7iis etiam nostri

aliquid decuti in terrain anxie patimur "


distressed,
i.e.

"

we

are

that any of the cup or bread, even


{i.e.

though our -own

not consecrated), should be

cast to the ground."

And

so here the "etiam'"


"

serves to emphasize " antelucanis''

The

sacra-

ment of the Eucharist, which was enjoined by the Lord both during the time of eating, and
upon
^

all,

we

receive^ even at gatherings before

Cf.

Apol. chap, xxxix., "president probati quique seniores."

See below, pp. 72, 73So Oehler aliter "our cup or even our bread";
'^ ;

cf.

Can.

Hippol. 209.
^ I.e.

actually

apparently, not only not in tempore victus, but even " Etiam " can, of course, mean " also." etc.

or

72

THE AGAPE
at the

dawn, and not


presidents,"

hands of others than the


"

The

last

expression

the

presidents

"

is

im-

portant as suggesting a connection with two other


passages.

One

of

them

is

in

the earlier part of

the chapter {Apologet. chap, xxxix.) in which the

Agape

is

described, and

some of which

may,
"

perhaps, quote again for clearness' sake.

We

in order that

meet together as an assembly and congregation approaching God in a compact body


{inami facto)

we may

beset

Him
is

with prayers and


well pleasing to

supplications.

This violence

God.

We

pray also for the Emperors, for their


;

ministers and the powers that be

for the condition

of the age, for peace in the world, for the delay of

the Last Day.

We

meet together
are

for the recita-

tion of our Divine Scriptures.

place

also

exhortations

made.

... In the same Our


. .
.

presidents are
.
. .

men

of age and

standing (character).
.

We have a kind of treasure-chest.


. .

Every-

one places there a small contribution on one day


in

the month.

These
etc.

are for feeding and

burying the poor,"

The

similarity of this description to the second


I

passage

have spoken
^ i.

of,

viz.

Justin

Martyr's

Apol. chaps. Ixv.-lxvii.

IN

THE SECOND CENTURY


will at

Ji

well-known account of the Eucharist,


be apparent.
together
ourselves Justin

once

says

they are assembled


in

" to offer
. . .

up prayers
all

common both
.

for
.

and

others everywhere.

Then
"

is

brought to the President (tw TrpoeaTwri)


. .

bread and a cup."

And

again (chap.
is

Ixvii.)

On

the day called

Sunday there
.

an assembly

in

the

same place
the
.
.

and the records of the


verbally instructs
is

Apostles or the writings of the prophets are read.


.

And

President

and

exhorts.

And

there

a distribution and a

partaking by everyone of the Eucharistic elements


(onro
in

Twv

evxapio-rrjOeprcov).

And

such as are
;

prosperous circumstances give what they will


is

and what
President,

collected

is

placed

in the

hands of the

who

assists

the orphans

and widows

and such
It is
is

as are in want."

hard to believe that Tertullian's reference


consecration of the
adds,
"

not to the same service as Justin's, though he

makes no mention of the


elements.

Afterwards
describe the

Tertullian
feasts,"

You

abuse also our humble

and then goes


thus
following,

on

to

Agape,
not,

whether intentionally or

the
in

order of the
his
letter

two meetings given


Trajan.

by Pliny

to

74

THE AGAPE
There
are

numerous^

other

references

or
it

allusions to the Eucharist in TertuUian, which

would not be very much to the purpose to quote but they have a certain bearing on this investigation in so far as they tend to confirm what has
been already shown to be practically certain, viz., that in Tertullian's time, i.e. at the end of the
second
century,
the

Eucharist and the


in

Agape

were separate, at least


Church.
It

parts of the

Western

or allusions in less

remains to collect a few scattered references known or somewhat doubtful


to
I

writings of the second century.

In the Apology of Aris tides, which appears

belong to about the middle of

that

period,

cannot find any reference either to the Eucharist or the Agape but there are words which are to
;

the

same
"

effect as those of Justin

Martyr quoted

above.

And

he

who

has gives to him


. .

who
all

has

not without grudging.


Version.)

."

(chap.

xv.

Syriac
hours,

..." Every
PriTScript
Hceret.
ii.

morning, and at

on account of the goodness of God towards them


^

E.g.

De

De
V.

Cultu Fanihtarum,
;

11

De

Idolatr. chap.

vii.

36; De Oral, chaps, xiv.-xix. Adv. Marcion., iv. i, iv. 40, and See further Bishop Kaye's TertuUian,
;

p.

424 sqq. 2 See Cambridge Texts and Studies,

vol.

i.

No.

i,

Introd.

IN

THE SECOND CENTURY

75

they praise and laud Him.

and

their drink they render

And over their food Him thanks" {evxapixl.)

a-Tovvre?,

Greek Version). In the Apocryphal Vision of Paul (chap,


this

occurs

(obviously corrupt)
:

sentence,

in

an

account of the lapsed


of the world

"

But the entanglements

made them unhappy.

They

did not

hold feasts of love, they did

not show pity to

widows and orphans, they did not entertain the stranger and alien, nor offer the oblation, nor show

mercy

to their neighbour.''

In the Acts'"- of Paul and Thekla, part of which appears to be a second century document, Paul is ^ described (chap, xxiii.) as fasting "in a sepulchre "

(Greek MS.) or "house"


TToWt], (Lat. gaudiuui

(Armenian MS.), and

(chap. XXV.) "there was within the

tomb"^

ayairr]
"

magnum, Armenian,

and

Paul rejoiced exceedingly along with those

who
five

were with him


1

").

"

And

the

lad

brought

"Sed impedimenta mundi

fecerunt eos miseros non exibendas

(exhibentes) agapes et viduas et


et

orfanos non

miserti,

advenam
et

peregrinum non susceperunt, neque oblacionem offerentes

proximo non sunt miserti." Texls and Studies, ii. 3, p. 33. - See Ramsay, The Church in the Roman Empire, chap, xvi., Conybeare, Momiments, etc., p. 75 and p. 54. 2 The connection with the Agape in the Catacombs, or funeral
feasts can hardly
*

be pressed Conybeare, Monuments,

in the
p. 75.

uncertain state of the text.

76

THE AGAPE
There may possibly be an allusion here, and there is a verbal resem-

loaves^ of bread, with vegetables and salt besides,

and water."
to the

Agape
"

blance to Philo's description of the meals of the


Therapeutcc.
In

the Passion of St.


is is

Perpetiia

(chap, xvii.),

which
there

variously dated at from 198 to 203 A.D.,

an account of how the martyrs

were

publicly entertained the

day before

their passion

at the supper prepared for those


beasts,
I

condemned

to the

which they turned into an Agape. have left to the last the well-known statement
xii.),

of Lucian {De Morte Peregrini, chap,


little
is

made

middle of the second century, which not definite enough to be of much value, but the
after the

combined mention of ^dirva and Xo'yot in which seems* to point to the Christian Agape. He is
^

Cf.

venit est panis


"

Can. Hippol. 197, " Cibus autem qui tempore Trdcrxa con^ Introduction, cum solo sale et aqua." p. 26.

Pridie quoque cum illam cenam illam ultimam quam liberam vocant quantum in ipsis erat non cenam liberam sed agapen cenarent. Cambridge Texts and Studies, vol. i. No. 2, p. 86.

Professor Jebb, in his recent Lectures on Lucian (ii.), characany such supposition as "rash." But cf. Tertull., ApoL xxxix. Si qui ... in custodiis alumni confessionis sunt." Tertull. ad Martyr, i "Inter carnis alimenta, benedicti martyres
terises

:"

designati,
fratres

quK

vobis

et

domina mater Ecclesia

et

singuli

carcerem administrant." Cf. also Cyprian, Epist. 95, and Justin M., Apol. ii. chap. 67, rots iv Scafioh
.
.

de operibus

suis propriis in

ovai

Krjdcfxi)v yiverai.

IN

THE SECOND CENTURY


the
Christians

^^

speaking of the furo7'e which Proteus Peregrinus


excited
prison
"
^
:

among
early

even

when

in

dawn one might see at the prison door old women, widows, and orphans. And the men of rank among them even bribed the warders,
and passed the night with him within (the
gaol).

From

Then
and
^

there were brought in to

them choice meals,

their sacred records


ixkv

were
riXei

recited."
dea/JiiDTTjpiu}

'Ew^ev
/cat

evdvs

rjv

opdv irapa t(3


oi 5e iv

ypat5ia xvpo-^
ty5oi>

Tivas
ft-er'

waidia 6p<pava'
8ia<pdeipavTei

avrQv Kal avveKadevbov

O.VTOV

Toiis

5ecrfj.o(pv\aKas'

dra

deirrva

iroiKiXa

eiaeKO/xi^'ero, Kal

\6701 iepol avTwy eKiyovro.

CHAPTER
THE AGAPE
IN

III

THE THIRD CENTURY


stage of our inquiry

entering on the next IN we pass from West

to East,

from the usages

connected with the Agape as known to Tertullian


in Africa, and,

presumably,

in the

Western Church

generally, to those of the Churches of Alexandria


as

known

to Clement.

This part of the

investigation

is

even more

abstruse and difficult than the rest, partly because


of the frequent obscurity of Clement's language,

and the mystical character of


to the

many

of his allusions

Eucharist and the Agape, partly because


is

there

some evidence

that in this, as in

some
have

other respects, the usages of the early churches


of Alexandria and the neighbourhood

may

been exceptional.

Two

of the most recent writers on the subject

in English,

Dr Bigg and
^

Professor Allen, ^ agree

in

Christian

Institittioiis, p. 522.

78

IN

THE THIRD CENTURY

79

thinking that at this time "the Eucharist^ was not


distinguished in time, ritual, or motive from the
primitive Supper of the Lord."
It

may be

well, therefore, to

examine the

state-

ments of Clement in the light of these deservedly


weighty opinions.
hesitation," that at

Dr Bigg
still

holds, but " with

some
in

Alexandria the Eucharist and


both celebrated together
proof of his view he urges,
in

the

Agape were
;

the evening

and
(i)

in

inter alia, that


{i.e.

"the Agape
is

both

its

forms

the public and private)

distinctly mentioned,

the Eucharist as a separate office


(ii)

that

"

the word Eucharist

is

and is not " employed of the


;

Agape."

As

to the first statement, viz. that the Eucharist


is

as a separate office

not mentioned,

it

seems to

be true that the Eucharist as a liturgical office is not described or expressly spoken of; but on the
other hand, most,
if

not

all,

of the doctrinal stateto

ments

in

Clement about the Eucharist seem


and there are
in addition

be carefully kept apart from references to the

Agape

several

refer-

ences to the

Eucharist which

do not seem to

suggest

its

connection with the Agape.

At
^

the beginning of the Miscellatiies, for instance,


Bigg, Christian Platonists of Alexandria, pp. 102, 103.

So
CBlc
I.
i.

THE AGAPE
5),

where Clement

is

speaking of the respecto,


:

tive duties of ministers

and those ministered

he
the

says " both must therefore test themselves

one

if

he

is

qualified to speak,
;

and leave behind


if

him

written records

the other
;

he

is in

a right

state to hear

and read

as also some, in the dispen-

sation of the Eucharist, according to custom, enjoin

that each one ot the people individually should

take his
evo^.

part
or/

"

(rr/p

oi^apiTrlav

oiaveifxavre<;,

oj?

avTOv

eKaTTOv tov \aov Xa/Beiv

t>jv fiolpav

eTriTpeT-ovTa^

And

he goes on to speak of the


bread

danger of eating

the

and drinking the

cup of the Lord unworthily, and being "guilty of the body and blood of the Lord." without any
reference to the

Agape.

say: "Blessed are the peace-makers, those


lead such as are at war in their
life

Then he proceeds to who


and
errors here

back to the peace which

is

in

the Word, and they


is

who

nourish for the

life

which

according to God,

by the

distribution of the bread, those that

hunger

after righteousness."

"
is

And And

again (Padag.

ii.

2,

19)

we
'-

find

him saying

the mixture oi the cup

and the Word

called Eucharist,

renowned and glorious grace


v.y^'xfji'j-rla

(au<poh wJSti KpaTLi ttotov T nai Xoyou


'Li:- driiik.

IX

THE THIRD CENTURY


it

Si

KeKXtjrai, x^P'^^ eanovueii] Kat koXj]),

and they who

by

faith

partake of

are sanctified both in

body

and

soul.''
(i.

In the JItscellafizts
heresies
"

19. 96),

he speaks of those
in the

which employ bread and water


t/j

oblation (kotu

po(T(popai), not

according to

the rule of the Church.

For there are those who

celebrate the Eucharist with

mere
113).

water'"

(e/cra

yap oi Kai vScop \!ri\ov And, again {Stro/n.


thanks always for
all

ei'xciptOTOva-ii).
vi.

14.

''And giving
righteous

things to

God by

hearing and divine reading, by true investigation,

by holy
ay/a?, Si

oblation,
ei'x^i;

/aoKapia^), lauding,
is

by blessed prayer {Slu. poTcpopa^ hymning, blessing,


never at any time separated

praising, such a soul

from God."

The expression
plied in the

" offering "

{poacpopa) here ap-

two

last

passages to the Eucharist, and


it

the context in which

occurs, certainly

do not sugspoken of

gest any connection with the


elsewhere.^

Agape

as

And
^

further

we
iv.

find that

separately of irregularities
C/. also

Clement speaks quite and abuses witli regard


6
;

Sirom.

26

P.zd.
i.

i.

Protript.

2,

19; Strom. V. 10, 66; Pad,

5, 15, 6,

19,

96

V. II.

70

vi.

14. 113.

Q.

D.

S.

xii. 120 : Pud. ii. 38; Strom, i. 10, 46, 23, and the other passages

referred to by Bp.

Kaye and Dr

Bigg.

82
to the Eucharist

THE AGAPE
and the Agape.

One

set

of

heretics, for instance, the Carpocratians, are con-

demned
^

for their immoralities in

connection with

the Agape.
"

Gathering together for their suppers, for

1
.

at
.

least

would not

call their

meeting a love-feast

putting out of the

way
.

the light, qtwd eoruvi fonii-

catoriavi Jianc justitiavi pudore afficiebat^ dicunt coire

quomodo

velint

meditatos aiitein in ejusmodi


etc."

'agape' couivmnionejii interdiu Jam,

Whereas
in

in another place he speaks of those heresies (of the

Encratites)

who employ bread and water


i.

the

oblation {Strom,

19).^

With regard
it

to

the

application
as alleged
in

of the word

Eucharist to the
is

Agape

by Dr Bigg,
place that

important to notice

the

first

there seems

no reason to doubt the statement

of

Bishop

Kaye^

that

Clement

at

times uses

the word Eucharist and the corresponding verb


in

their

original

untechnical

sense

of

"giving

thanks."
'

The two passages on which Dr Bigg


bettrvo.

Ets

TO,

ddpoiiofi&ovs
.

(oii

yap
(puis

aydirr^v

(tTroL/j,' cLv

lywye

rrjv

avviXevaiv avT(2v)
diKaioaiJVTjv

(paal to

Karaiax^vov avrwp
ry
tov
ev TOiairri

ttiv iropviKrjv Tavrriv

eKTroSuiv

iroirjaafiivovs

Xux^'ov
ttjv

irepiTpoirrj
fied'

fxiyuvadai,
Tjfxipav ij5T]
^
*

fieXer-^aavras
.
.

di

dydwrj

KOivcovlav

[Stfoma/.

iii.

2,

lo).

Cf. stifra, p. 8i.


Cf.

Kaye on

Cle>n.

Alex. p. 447.

IN
seems to

THE THIRD CENTURY


chiefly are
96.

83
ii.

rely
ii,

Pcedagogus^
the
first

i,

10,

and Peed,
translates

10,

In

of these

he

"

he that eateth eateth unto the Lord,

and keepeth Eucharist unto God ... so that a


religious

meal

is

an Eucharist."
is

In the passage in question Clement

obviously

speaking of behaviour at a social meeting {a-wouaia^)


3)
:

and he quotes St Paul's words (Rom.

xiv.

"

Let not him that eateth despise him that


little

eateth not"; and, a the reason of the


eateth, eateth to

further on, he explains

command, when he says "he that the Lord and giveth God thanks,"
"

and

"

he that eateth not, to the Lord he eateth not,


(where there appears to

and giveth God thanks

be no reason to depart from the untechnical sense


of evxapia-re'i in the passage in St Paul, which

has clearly no
Eucharist).

reference

to

the

Agape

or

the

And Clement
:

goes on to say as an
is

inference from this

"

so that the true meal


is

thanksgiving, and he

who

indeed always giving


^

thanks does not busy himself about pleasures,"

where the use of the

article,

and the order of the


to be not, as

Greek seem
^
'^

to

show the meaning

Cf. Justin's expression avvefffxev.


(is

eivai,

Tr}v

diKaiav

rpo(l>r)i'

eiixo-pi-aTiav, koI 6

ye del

vxo.pi(TT(2v

oiiK tiffxo^e'T'ft' Trepl ijdovds.

84

THE AGAPE
translates

Dr Bigg
meal,
i.e.

"so that a religious meal


taken

is

an Eucharist," but "so that the normal or just


the meal which
spirit) is
is
(z.e.

SiKaico? (in

true or moral

one long) thanks-

giving, or involves thanksgiving."

And

later

on he proceeds

"

The Apostle

then,

checking (avaKpouoov) those that habitually transgress in their conduct at an entertainment says,
etc.
. . .

[roff

eiri

eaTiatrewg
Tpo(py'/p)]."

ovv

jj-iKeTwvTa^

aSiKeiv

iff.

rnv oiKuiav

This passage

when compared with


Carpocratian
^

that

quoted above about


"

immorality at the Agape, shows


or

that SiKuiav here refers not to the " religious


non-religious

character of the

meal, but to the

conduct and tone of the partakers.


In the

second passage {Pcedagog. chap.


is

ii.

lo,

96) Clement

admonishing those who need an


2

Instructor against gross immorality or shameless

behaviour

in

the day-time, or

in
:

the morning, on

coming from church or market


that

and then he adds

in contrast,
is

i.e.

to the day-time, or morning,

which
^

"the

fitting

time for prayer and reading


l).

Cf. TO KaTaLdxvvov ttjv tropviKTjv diKaiocrvvrji' (piZs (p. 82, n.

ws

iJ.ri

fied'

Tjnipav

to.
ij

fivariKd ttjs

(pvcrews

iKTeXelffdai 6pyia,
8iKrjv,

firfSe,

^ iKK\rjaias, <pipe,

dyopds T)Kovra a,\eKTpmvoz dxeveiv


rijov

birT]viKa

evxv^ Kal dvayv^joffews Kal

fxeO' -ijpiipav

evepywv epyiav

KaLp6s.

IN
recreation

THE THIRD CENTURY


"

85

and good works


"

the

evening

is

the

time for
take

but

in

the evening

it is

fitting to

one's ease after the repast,

and

after the thanksSe

giving for one's enjoyments

{e(nrepa<;

auaTravpttJ

(TacrQai KaO/jKci /ueTa Titv ea-TLacnv Kai

ixeTa Trjv

Taig aTToXavcrea-Lv ev^apia-riav)."


ecTTiaa-i^

In this sentence

may

refer either to the ordinary

supper

or, possibly, to

the Agap6, and evxapurria to the

ordinary thanksgiving after the enjoyments of the


table which

would be common

to both

but the
restrict-

genius of the whole passage seems against

ing the sense either of

ea-Tiaa-i^

or of evxapicTTia to

the Agape, or to the Eucharist.

Dr Bigg
technical

says that "

ea-rlairi'i
it

in

Clement means
in

the Agape," but clearly

is

not

any sense a
in the

word

either in

Clement or elsewhere, and


Elsewhere
is

cannot be so

restricted.

Pczda-

gogus, for instance, the word


(Bk.
. . .

not so restricted
in pots

II.

i.

8),

"those that are absorbed


Spirit

the

Holy

by Isaiah denounces

as

wretched, depriving them tacitly of the


love, since

name

of

their feasting
"

was not
to

in

accordance

with the word


eTre] /mrj

(t^? ayaTrrjg
rj

bvofxa uTre^eXojuevov,

kutu \6yov

<TTLacrig

ijv),

and (Bk.

ii., i.,

4.)

"

gatherings for the sake of mirth we, too, in our


call suppers, dinners,

enumeration would naturally

86

THE AGAPE
;

receptions, in this

Word
.
.

coming together following the but such feastings the Lord has not called
yap
eiri Trjg evtppocrvvrjg crvi/ayu>ya<^

Agapae
.

" (^rag /uev

Ta9 TOiovTa'i oe

ecrriacrei^

o Kvpio^ ayuira? ov

So

far for

these arguments of

regard

to

the

union

of

the

Dr Bigg's with Agap^ and the


it

Eucharist in Clement's time. Before leaving this part of the subject

may

be well to quote a few of Clement's statements as


to the

Agape

itself,

which seem to reinforce the


described
or
referred

previous considerations.

The Agape
private.^

as

to

by

Clement, seems to be of two kinds, public and

The

chief evidence

is

to be found at the

beginning of the second book of the Instructor

"on
to be

eating,"

i.e.

in

general,

as

well
"

as

at

the

Agape.

" It is

a mark," he says,

of a silly
is

mind
is

amazed and

stupefied at what

presented at
the

public banquets after the rich fare which

Word "

{TeOrjirivai

ra TrapariOejueua Tai?
Ao'yw
Tpvcpi'jv).

SrjixwSeG-iv

la-Tidareari jxeTo. Trjv eV

Just before he

had spoken of what was apparently a private Agap6, where " we are to partake of what is set
^

Cf. Bigg, p. 103.

Cf.

Pwdag.

ii.

i,

11,

itt

infra.

"

possible allusion to

Communion

as preceding the

Agape.

IN

THE THIRD CENTURY

87

before us as becomes a Christian, out of respect to him who has invited ^ us (rou KeKXtjKora), by a harmless and moderate participation in the social

meeting

"

(/cara

Ttji^

a/3Aa^^ Kai

airpocrKopr]

t/9

avvovcrca? Koivcoviau).

And

the true character of an

Agape

is

described

same chapter ( 4). " We who seek the heavenly bread must rule the belly. Some
at length in the
.

speaking with unbridled tongue dare to apply the

name Agape

to pitiful suppers redolent of savour

and sauces. Dishonouring the good and saving work of the Word, the consecrated (rrjv rjyiaa-Agape, with pots and pouring of sauce, lj.ev)]v)
. . .

having expected that the promise of God


. . .

might be bought with suppers.


thou makest an entertainment

But 'when

call

the poor,' for

whose sake
.

chiefly a supper

ought to be made.

But

ayairr] is in truth celestial food, a feast of


Tpocprj, k(TTLa(TL<; Xoyt/c?/).
'

reason {eirovpavio^ ecrn

It

beareth

all things.'

'

Blessed

is

he

who

shall eat

bread
of
all

in

the
is

kingdom of God.'
for ayciTr?/,

But the hardest


not, to

cases

which fadeth

be

cast from heaven above to the ground, into the

midst of sauces. ... If thou shalt love the Lord


^

Cf.

infra,
174,

Canon.
etc.

Rgh'i/q.

Ixxv.

(Hauler,

p.

113);

Can.

Hippolyt.

88

THE AGAPE
God and thy
;

thy

neighbour, this

is

the celestial

festival in the heavens.

a supper

as has been

But the earthly is called shown from Scripture, the


but the supper
is

supper
aycnri]
;

is

made

for ayavr*/,

not
^

only a proof of mutual and reciprocal

kindly feeling.

Let not then your good be


the kingdom
of

evil

spoken and

of,

'for

God

is

not meat
it

drink,' says the Apostle, in order that

may

not be the mere ephemeral

meal that

is

to be

thought
the

of,

but righteousness and peace and joy in

Holy Ghost."
all

He who
regards

eats of this meal,^ the

best of

things, shall

acquire the

kingdom of
here^

God, fixing his

even while

on

the holy assembly of love, the heavenly


'AydiDj, then,
is is

eKKXrjcria.

something pure and worthy of God,


distribution
(^)

and

its

work

^eTa^oc7i9).

"And

these joys have an inspiration of love, from the

feeding^ of the people at large, which habituates^


to

everlasting

dainties.
let

'AyaTr?/,

then,

is

not a

supper.

But

the

entertainment depend on
avTai
ei^avcr/md

love"

(ai Se
e/c

eixjipoavvai
TraLvOi'iiJiOV

tl

dydirri^
e/f

eyovuiv

t^?
'

Tpo(j^rig

auueOi^o/uLevoi'

Or generous
ifdeude,
I.e.
lit.

(eu/jLeraSoTov).

^
'*

Tov apiarov to dpicTTov tQv 6Vtwi'.

from here.

Agape apparently. Or, becomes haliituated.


the pubhc

IN
aiSiov
Se

THE THIRD CENTURY


aydin]
fxev

89
t]

Tpv<l)i']v'

ovv Selirvov ovk ecmi^,

<rTia(Ti9

ayaTTj;?

rjprr)crd(i3).

..." Take
I

no

pleasure in abominable delicacies," says


.
. .

Wisdom.
things

We

are

enjoined

to abstain (from

sacrificed to idols).

..." For

would not that ye

should
Apostle.

have

fellowship with

demons," says the

those

... It is inconsistent with reason for who have been made worthy to share
"a
table
rpairet,^]^ Saifxovuiv ^leraXafx.-

divine and spiritual food to partake of

of demons" "ovk ev\6yov

^aveiv Tov? 6eia9 fxerex^iv koc TrvevinaTiKrjg KaTfj^twlULevov?

Tpo0^?).

...

It

is

an admirable thing,

therefore, to raise our eyes aloft to that

which

is

true ... to depend on that divine food above ... for such is the Agape, which the food that comes from Christ (>/ ^pcocri? rov xP'crTOf ) shows
rj

that

we ought

to look forward to" (eKS^x^crOai).

is highly mystical, and consebut, with perhaps in parts ambiguous quently one or two exceptions,^ the language is different from that in which Clement speaks of the Eucharist. One or two expressions seem to imply

This passage

a previous reception of "divine food"

an epithet

1 Or "to understand." The translation in Clark's Ante-Nicevc Library has " partake of," wrongly, as it seems.

Such

as

T'r]v Tf^ia,(SfXVT\v

dydTryji'.

90
elsewhere^

THE AGAPE
in the fathers

applied to the Eucharist.


left

And
were

the general impression

on the mind

is

not, I think, that the


still

Eucharist and the

Agape
by

united in Clement's time.-

And

this

impression

is

further strengthened

the considerations which are tersely summarised

by Dr Bigg himself as standing against his inference, I give them in his own words. (i) "That the separation was already made in the West, as we see from Justin and Tertullian, and is found immediately after Clement's time in
Palestine teste Origen.
is

(2)

That the word Eucharist


for the

employed by Clement
i.

elements {Strom.
ii.

chap.

I,

5)

and
iv.

for the rite {Pczd. chap.

2,

20;

Strom, chap.
ing^ service
that
^

in

(3) That there was a mornAlexandria, though we are not told 25, 161).
ii.

it

included the Eucharist (P<zd. chap.


the

10, 96)."
date),

Cf., e.g.,
:

Autun

Inscription (of

somewhat uncertain

line 5

Swr^pos

ayiojv fieXi-ridea \{d)/j.0{a)v [^pQffiv] (Pusey, J^eal

Presence, p. 337).

Cyprian,
ap.

De

Lapsis, p. 133, "


Cf. also

Sanctum Domini
{circ.

edere et contrectare non potuit."

Dionysius
vii.

a.d. 254),
:

Ep. ad XystuiJi
wapaffTavTa Kai
K.T.\.

Euseb.

Eccl.

Hist.
ttjs

chap.

ix.

rpaTre^rj

X^^P"-^ ^'^ iVoSox'Ji'

ayias rpocpTJs

irporeivavra

For e\-idence of
iv.

their separation in

church ordinances see below,

chap.

'This is probably the daily office of the Can. Hippol. 217. Congregentur quotidie in ecclesia populus tempore gallicinii vacentque orationi, cf. id. 245, and Egypt. Can. Reliqq.
.
. .

l.xxvii

1'

Hauler,

p.

117%

IN
The
viz.,

THE THIRD CENTURY


I

91

strongest consideration which

Dr Bigg urges
left to

in favour

of the non-separation
"

have

the

last,

that he does

not

know

of any passage in an

Oriental writer before Clement's time in which the

Eucharist appears asadistinct and substantive office."

This statement seems a

little

strong in face of
native of Syrian
writer,

the fact that Justin Martyr, a


Palestine,^

and therefore an Oriental

though

one writing at and that


parallel in

Rome

to

the Emperor, gives no

hint of a divergent usage between East


Pliny's

and West,
usage
in

account of Oriental
is

Bithynia, though admittedly obscure,

so closely

some points with


and
in the

Tertullian,-

whose
in

account resembles Justin Martyr's.


face of these facts, to the contrary,

But

the

absence of evidence
to expect

we should be disposed
^

similarity of use in Alexandria with the rest of the

Churches, but for Socrates'


follows
:

statement, which
in

is

as

"

The Egyptians

the neighbourhood

of Alexandria and the inhabitants of Thebais hold


their

religious

assemblies on

the

Sabbath

{i.e.

Saturday), but do not participate in the mysteries


in the
1

manner

usual

among

Christians in general

*
;

"

CJ. Apol. i. I. Cf. supra, chap.

ii.

Eccl. Hist. v. 22.


ificpopridrivai, irepl

MeTci 7ap t6 ^voJxOTjvai Kal iravToiuiv eoeafiaTwv

iairepav Trpoacp^povrei ruv ixvar-qpiuv fxeraKajJi^avovcn.

92
for after

THE AGAPE
having eaten and
all

satisfied

themselves with

food of

kinds, in the evening they

make

their

offerings,

and they partake of the


is

mysteries.''

This statement

certainly

remarkable, and
i.e.

though made as
later

late as

439
in

A.D.,

two centuries
of

than the time of Clement, evidently refers


ancient practice
the neighbourhood
it

to an

Alexandria, though not, be


andria
itself.^

noticed, in Alex-

Undoubtedly there seem to have been divergent practices in the Egyptian churches as, e.g.^ in the famous case of the appointment,
though not necessarily the consecration,- of presbyters.

And

this

passage

itself indicates

what

may

well

have been one of the sources of these


the

divergencies, viz. the survival of Jewish-Christian

customs, such as observing

Sabbath, which

might have been due to the very strong influence


of

Judaism

in

Alexandria and
'^

its

neighbourhood.
in the

Professor
'

Mommsen

mentions that

second

their
iv

Indeed Socrates, I.e., makes the Alexandrines proper difler in customs from this tQiv yap Travraxov rrjs oiKovfj.tvrjs kk\t}(jl(2v
^a^^CLTiov Kara iraaav efidofjuxdos wepioSov iwireKovaQv
'AXe^auBpeiq.
icai oi

7]fi^pg.

rci

jjivaT-ffpLa, oi iv

iv

I'thfir]

^k tlvos apxaias vapaddaeooi

TOVTO
-

iroie'iv

irapriTijaavTo.

The

authority of I'seudo-Augustine, Eutychius, and Ambrosiit

aster being hardly sufficient to establish

heyond doubt.

Cf. Diet.

Christ- Biogr. s.v. Ambrosiaster,


*

Proviuees of tlie

and Lightfoot, I'hil. p. 231. Roman Empire, bk. viii. chap. \i.

IN

THE THIRD CENTURY


five of

93
tliat city

century two out of

the quarters of

were

inhabited

by Jews, and

M. Ampere, an

Egyptologist of note, describes Alexandria in the

second century as^ "veryGreek,considerablyJewish,

and hardly Egyptian


light

at all."

somewhat

lurid

is thrown on the condition of the Alexandrian Church by an unknown second-century writer,^

who
is

says that

"

he

who

in

Egypt worships Sarapis


call

also a Christian,

and those who

themselves

Christian Bishops likewise adore Sarapis.

Every

grand Rabbi of the Jews, every Samaritan, every Christian clergyman is there at the same time a
sorcerer, a prophet, a

quack

{aliptes.)

Even when
he
pray
to

the patriarch comes to

Egypt some demand that


others
that

he

pray

to

Sarapis,

Christ."

When we
dwells at
'

pass from Clement of Alexandria to


is

Origen the contrast


all

striking.

Origen scarcely

on the subject of the Agape, whereas


p.

Revue des Deux Mondes, Sept. 1846,

735.

"

Mommsen
it

Vopiscus), chap.

but

Vita Saturnini (of an enemy hath written this points to the disintegrating forces which were at work upon
(u.s.
i.

vol.

ii.

p.

226) from the

8.

It is clear that

See Mommsen's note further. Bishop Lightfoot, Phil. p. 225 ., attributes the letter to Hadrian wrongly according to Mommsen. It is in the Augustan History, xxix. 8, Vopiscus expressly attributes it to Hadrian, but there are difficulties. See Gregorovius, The Emperor Hadrian, Eng. Tran.,
early Christianity in Alexandria.

p.

124.

94
he
refers

THE AGAPE
perhaps more frequently to the Eucharist,
than

in proportion to the length of his writings,

Clement.

The

difference no doubt

is

largely

due

to the different character and scope of their works.


It may, however, possibly indicate that the Agape was already beginning to decline in prominence. But the chief reference to the Agap6 in Origen is

so important in

its
it

bearing on the whole history of

the subject that

may be

well to give

it

at length.

At
(bk.
i.

the beginning of the treatise against Celsus chap,


i.)

Origen speaks of Celsus'


with

first

point of
"

attack against the Christians as being that


enter
into

they

secret

associations

each other

contrary to law (auvO/jKu?


iroLOvixivoiv

Kpv/SSrjv Trpo?

aWyXovg

Trapa

tu

i^euofxiajueva),

saying that of

associations

some

are

open,

and
;

such as are
others,

formed
secret,

in

accordance with laws

again,

and such as are formed contrary

to legal

enactments.

And
rise

his

wish

is

to

calumniate
^

what

is

called the
its

Agape
the

of the Christians, (as)

taking

from

common
Kai

danger,
{cnro

and
tov

having a power that transcends oaths


KOLVov
opKia).

KivSvvov

v(pi(TTaiui.ev>jv,

Svvaixevrfv

virep-

Since then he babbles about the

common

law, alleging that the associations of Christians


^

v.L ws.

IN

THE THIRD CENTURY


to

95

are in violation of a

man came

be

it, we have to reply that, if among Scythians, whose laws

were unholy

(aOtcriuovg),

and,

if,

having no oppor-

tunity of escape, he were compelled to live

among
for the

them, such an one would with good reason,

sake of the law of truth, which the Scythians would


regard as transgression of law (irapavoiutav), enter
into associations, contrary to their laws, with those
like

minded with

himself.

...

It is

not unreason-

able then to form associations in opposition to


existing laws,
is

if it

be done for the sake of what

truth."

We

have here a clue to the whole early history


it is

of the Agape, but one which unfortunately

almost impossible to follow owing to the lack of

contemporary evidence.

It

is

possible that the

discovery of fresh inscriptions


further light on the subject.

may

in

time throw
it

But at present

is

not possible to determine with certainty exactly

how

far,

throughout

its
^

history, the

Agape was

affected
perors.
^

by the

legal

enactments of the emtimes associa-

From
of

the very earliest

It

is

important to notice that Celsus probably lived in the


the second
still

middle

century,

when
to
II.

the toleration of collegia

tenuiortmi was
torial provinces.

restricted

Italy,

and possibly the senatreatment of this


is

See Appendix

for fuller

subject,

where TertuUian's evidence

to the contrary

considered.

96
tions^

THE AGAPE
or guilds

of

more or
seen,

less

religious

character had, as
at

we have

been

common

Rome, part of

their raison d'etre

having been

common

table

and had been treated under


comparative
leniency,

the

Republic

with

pro-

vided that their meetings were not nocturnal or


clandestine, or likely to prove prejudicial to the

public
stricter

safety.

But
began

under the
to

Empire
over
all

much
them.
''col-

watch

be

kept

Julius,

and

later

Augustus, suppressed
likely to

legia "

which seemed
or
;

prove dangerous.
their anti-

Only those that were venerable from


quity,

obviously

harmless, were

allowed

to

survive
if

and

new foundations were

prohibited

they were without special permission,- which

was but sparingly given.


most
strictly

This supervision was

exercised
;

by the wisest and best


Pliny {Epist. x. 43)

of the

Emperors

and, as

tells us, their

carefulness was not without warrant;

for

he represents Trajan as replying to his enquiry


a ''collegium fabroruui" might be

as to whether
instituted
^

in

Nicomedia, that the province was


ff.
;

Cf.

supra, Introd. p. 3

cf.

Sodales dicti quod

una

sederent

et essent (Festus,
^

Ed.

Mtiller, p. 296).
collegia

Cf.

de

instituendo

fabrorum

consulebaiiiu)-.
ii.

Pliny,
p.

Panegyr. chap. 54.


etc.,

See Boissier,
II.

La
(/!

Religion Roinaine,
also

249,

and infra. Appendix

But

Ramsay

(on

Cor.) xxxv.

IN
disturbed
^^

THE THIRD CENTURY


under whatever name or
for

97

ejusmodi factionibus" and that such

associations,

what-

ever reason they might

be founded, tended to

become

''''

hetcEvicE."

This supervision was rigor-

ously directed to be exercised by the governors


in the provinces.

There was, however, a constant

tendency to relax the formal discipline of the


law
^
;

and, probably in consequence of this, the


to subsist for a

Agapae were able


time.

considerable
seen,- strict-

But under Trajan, as we have


;

ness was reinforced

and under

this

regime the
Still,

Agapae were
form

at least partially

suppressed.
difficult to

however, owing, no doubt, to the great tendency to


collegia,

and

to their corresponding to a felt


it

want among the people,


a very strict censorship
in the latter part of the
;

was

keep up
seen,

and

so,^ as

we have

second and earlier part of

the third centuries the

Agap^

were regularly

cele-

among the Christian communities in East and West alike. Gradually, as time went on, it
brated

became impossible to restrain the growth of these and it became part of the Imperial policy to give legal recognition to what could not
associations
;

Cj. the

number

of Inscriptions proving the existence o{ collegia.

^
^

Chap.

ii.

Cf. Tertullian

and Clement Alex.

/occ. ci/(.

98

THE AGAPE
it

adequately be repressed, and even to impress


into the state service.

A.lexander Severus/ for instance (A.D. 222-235),

made
and

himself specially prominent in this respect,


official

by giving
accused
tried.2

recognition to the collegia of arts

crafts,

and appointing tribunals before which


these fraternities should be

members of

This was no doubt an instance of the gradually

growing
first

spirit

of toleration in the Empire, which

took

prominent
(A.D.

shape

in

the

Edict
in

of the

Caracalla^

212),

and
their

culminated

Edict of Milan

(A.D. 313).

But
tion

in the

meantime

comparative tolera-

had contributed towards the corruption of the

Agapae, as noticed by Tertullian and Clement,

who

wrote, the one during, the other soon after, the


reign of Septimius Severus
find Origen,
;

and accordingly we

on the one hand, speaking as boldly

of the history of the Agapae as has been mentioned,


but,

on the other hand, making comparatively

little

reference to

them

in his other writings.

In the doubtful
^

Covimentaiy on Job (Lib.

iii.

Lampridius, Alex. Sev. 33. See Appendix II. for a summary of legislation on sodalicia and

collegia.
*

Which was

tolerant in

effect.,

though not

at first in intention.

IN
p.

THE THIRD CENTURY


we
find

99
refer-

238,

Lomviatsch.)

an apparent

ence to a subsequent development of the Agapae

commemorations ^ of the departed. indeed, assembling the celebrate them


into
{religiosos)

"

We

pious
faithful

along with

the

priests,

the

along with the clergy, inviting thither the poor,


feeding (saturantes) wards {pupillos) and widows,
so that our solemnity {festivitas)

may be

a reqzdem

commemoration
celebrate {in

whose memory we requiei animabus quarum memoriafri


for the souls,

memoriam celebrmnus " ^).


In his Comme7itary on the Roma?is (chap. xvi. 16)

Origen

refers to the

holy
"

" kisses

which are given


be chaste.

in the assemblies."

But

in the first place, as

have
let

said, let the believer's kiss


in

we Then
love

him have
in

himself peace and

felicity in

ayd-TTr]

unfeigned."
the latter part of the treatise against
viii.

And
worship

Celsus (Lib.
of

chap. 33), when contrasting the demons by Celsus with Christian


:

worship,

he adds
of

" ^

but we, giving thanks to


the
loaves

the
^

Creator
Cf. the

all,

eat

which are

heathen cohtmbaria, feralia, and parentalia.


belongs probably to a later period.
v.

But

this
iv.

See below,
olo.

chaps,
^

and

irpocrayofi^povs dprovs
Ti,

iadiofiev crw/na yevofiivovs


fxeTo,

ttjv

evx'h''

ayidv

Kai ayidi^ov tovs

aylas irpoOiaewi avrip

xP'^f^^''^^^-

lOO

THE AGAP6
(to

brought

the

table)

with

thanksgiving,

and

with prayer over what has been given, when they

have become, as they do because of the prayer,


a certain holy body, which sanctifies those use the
it

who
and

with a holy purpose."


in

These words
the

recall

form of thanksgiving
i.

Didache,

Justin Martyr {Apol.

65);

but, inter alia, the

allusion to St. Paul's contrast

between the table


and
not, as

of

demons and

the table of the Lord, point to

their relating to the Eucharist,

some

have thought, to the Agape.^

When we

turn to the next Western source of

information, St. Cyprian,

we

find the practice of

the African Church more decisively defined, and


the

Agape and

the Eucharist emphatically dif-

ferentiated.

The
famous

chief passage
letter

on the subject

is

in

the

{6^)

on the mixed Chalice, which


Cyprian has been con-

Archbishop Benson seems to agree with Pearson


in

dating about 253 A.D.^

demning the
^

heretical practice of offering water


^crt 5e Arat au/x^oXoi' 57 apros evxapicrrla KoKov/xevos.
:

Cf.

cont.

Cels.

viii.

tj/jui/

ttjs

TTpbs

rbv

Qeov

eiyxaptcrWas

For a

tian Platonists, p. 219 sqq.

Catena of Origen's references to the Eucharist, see Bigg, ChrisHeber, Uninspired Teaching on the Eucharist, p. 85 sqq. - Cyprian, p. 291.
;

"

IN

THE THIRD CENTURY

loi

alone in the Eucharist, and dwelling on the im-

portance of the mixed


"

Cup, and he proceeds


flatter

Does anyone perchance


in

himself with this


is

notion that, although

the morning water alone

seen to be offered, yet

we

offer the
call

when we come to supper mingled cup ? But when we sup we


sacrament
"
{iit

cannot

the people together to our banquet so


in the

as to celebrate the truth of the

presence of
"

all

the brotherhood

sacramenti

veritatem fraternitate onini prcesente celebremus).

But

it

may

be said (At enim)

it

was not

in the

morning, but after supper that the Lord offered the

mingled cup.
Lord's (Feast

Ought we then to celebrate the Dominicum ^) after supper, that so

by multiplying 2 the Lord's Feasts {frequentandis Dominicis) we may offer the mingled cup ? " It behoved Christ to offer about the evening
of the day, that the very hour of sacrifice

might
the

symbolise the setting, and the evening of the

world

as

it

is

written in Exodus,

'

and

all

people of the synagogue of the children of Israel


shall
kill
it

in

the evening.'

And

again

in

the

Psalms,

'let

the lifting up of

my

hands be an

1
"-

Cf.

De

Op. et El. chap.

xii.

De

Unit. Eccl. xiv.

Or

celebrating with

numbers

a common meaning o^ frequento.

Cf.

Lewis and Short,

s.v.

"

I02

THE AGAPE
sacrifice.'

evening

But we celebrate the Resurrecthe morning."^

tion of the

Lord

in

In another passage the character of the


in

Agape

Cyprian's time

is

clearly indicated {ad Donattem,


is

chap. xvi.).
leisure,

"Since this

a holiday rest, and time of

whatever remains of the day


sloping towards evening,
let

now
nor

that the
it

sun

is

us spend
;

in

gladness {ducatnus hanc dieTn


the

Iceti)

let

even
^

hour of repast be without heavenly grace.


festivity

Let the temperate


{sonet

resound with psalms

psalmos conviviian sobrium), and, as your


is

memory

tenacious and your voice musical, underis

take this office as

your wont.

You

will

provide
if

a better entertainment for your dearest friends,

while

we have something
religious

spiritual to listen to, the

sweetness of

music

charm our ears

{prolectet aures religiosa mulcedo).

Again,

in his treatise

on the Lapsed (chap,


if

vi.),

Cyprian seems to speak as


'

the Agapae were held

morning hour is the only hour at which the is the power of the Eucharist) can be celebrated Christ Himself had offered in the evening solely in order to mark the close of the old order, and to merge the Passover
the

"Again
;

Resurrection (which

ritual in ours."
'"

Benson, Cyprian, pp. 294, 295.

Cf. Tertull., Apol. xxxix.,

" Ita fabulantur

ut qui sciant

Deum

audire." Clem. Alex., Strom,

vii. 7,

49, uTras 5e 6 /S/os a.xno\j iravrj-yvpis

ayla

avrlKO,'

Ovcriai fikv avT<2 evxa^i re Kal alvot Kal ai

wpb

ttjs effTtd-

ffeus ivrev^eiS

tQv ypa<pu)v

k. t. X.

IN
in

THE THIRD CENTURY


in

103

the

Church, when,

denouncing unfaithful

bishops, he speaks of

those

"who hunted
in

the

markets

for

gainful

merchandise, and
brethren
the

brought
Church."

no aid^

to

starving
^

And
XV.).

in the treatise

on Works and Alms (chap.

he alludes to the primitive custom of contributing materials for the Agape, and the Eucharist,

which had apparently now developed into the


^

offerings

of bread and wine for the Eucharist only.

"You

are rich

and wealthy, and think you that you

celebrate the feast of the Lord,^

negligent of the offering;

who are who come into


^

altogether

the Lord's

house without a
sacrifice
1

sacrifice,

and take part out of that

which the poor has offered."


v.
I.

Non

subvenire;
Cf.

esurientibus in ecclesia fratribus non sub-

venire.

i. 65, to avWeyS/ievov rip TrpoecnujTi In Cyprian's time the " stipem menstrua die " of which TertuUian speaks in connection with the Agape had apparently developed into a further organization for benefiting the clergy ;

Justin,

ApoL

diroTiOeTai.

</.

p.

xxxix.,

sciatis ut sportulis

" Presbyterii honorem designasse nos illis jam iisdem cum Presbyteris honorentur et divisiones
i.,

mensurnas
'

contineant "

C/. Ep. xxxiv., "a divisione mensurna " sportulantes fratres." For Cyprian's references to the Eucharist, cf. Ep. i. 2, xvi. 3,
.
. .

partiantur."

and Ep.

lix.
'

10, Iviii. 10, Ixxv. 10.

on the Eulogia, chap. iv. Dominicutn, cf supra, p. loi, and de Unit. Ecchs. chap,
Cf.

xiv.,

" Dominicre
5

hostia: veritatem per falsa sacrificia profanare."


(?),

Cf.

St August.

in altario consecrantur offerte

Sermones de Temp. 213, " Oblationes quae erubescere debet homo idoneus si de
;

aliena oblatione

communicat."

See Palmer's Origines, chap.

iv. 8.

104

THE AGAPE
cen-

We find, then, that in the middle of the third


tury the evidence of the separation of the

Agape

from the Eucharist

is

quite clear in the West, and

the similarity- of the language used of the

Agap^ by

Eastern and Western writers makes

it

probable that

the general usage was the same in East and West. In both the
private, in

Agape

is

divided into public and


it is still

both the religious character of


connection with the

marked, in both the thought of pro\-iding for the

wants of the poor


still

in

Agape

is

kept in

\-iew.

The remainder

of the Christian literature of the

third centur>- does not

seem to furnish any further

important evidence on the subject of the Agape.

Gregorj'Thaumaturgus, Anatolius of Laodicea, Lactantius,


>

and Methodius do not appear to


j
-

refer to it*

Anatc

".m, cbxp. z.) speaks of the nnlawfnliiess


nivjlerv ;'

of ce!err;

ie

Fis^-Tver a: iay other


--e

Locd
T
I,

-A

-~r OT
.:

Hares,

ix.

12)

icr

the cact

regtstiation of

C
:'

-uneraticia.

/uv

:r:?r,

;7S7wr dxd

t5w

'Ar^dam is

ri

"

/ in/ra, p. 194.

IN Till. rillRI)

CENTURY

105

The
origin

Sibylline Oracles are so obscure in their

and date as not to be of much practical


;

value for the purpose of this investigation


a

but, as

good many of the Christian portions are placed by Alexandre in the third century, I subjoin here
what he considers
to the

to be their allusions or references

Agape.
first is in

The

a kind of apostrophe to the

"

God-

born race

"

(of Christians)
honour
to thee.
"
'
:

" But glorious children will bring

And

with holy strains a table will set up

a passage which recalls the words of Cyprian as


to music in connection with these sacred feasts.

The two next

Alexandre
"

quotations from the eighth book would associate with the preceding
:

one as to date and authorship


Mine image, the possessor of
Man.-

right reason,

is

Or.

V.

265.
at
^

This book Alexandre attributes to an Alexandrine Jew


about the age of the Antonines.
'EtKvr
To(rTif>

and dales

i<jT' &y9p{irwos (firj

X67or 6p$br fxovca,

9is Ka9apaf cv diraitiaKTor rt rpdrf^ar,

rXijpwvai ayaGCi;!', xai i<n -rtirwrn ror iprov,


sai
iiipwirri, irvri)* icai

cl^ara

<}\jin.'XT\,

yi'^U'ip,

in fiQX^wr

idiu/i' TTopiffai

oT-rarr raXdfi-rjvi.
(Sii>.

Or.

riii.

402.

This, according to Alexandre


v.

Or.

ii.

547) docs

not refer to the Eucharist, in spite of


<ai filvor

40S,

Owiar

ravTijir ti^ i'wrrt r6p^f.

io6

THE AGAPE

For him do Thou set a table bloodless and pure Filling it with good things, and give bread to him that
hungereth,

Drink

for

By

thine

him that thirsteth, dress for the body unclothed, own toil providing with innocent contrivance."

"... Of the family of Christ Holy and heavenly born, of one blood we are called. But with holy minds, rejoicing in gladsome soul. With bounteous love-feasts, and generous expedients. With soothing psalms and god-like strains, Thee we are called to extol. Thee the Immortal and True,
Thee,

God

the Father of

all."

'...$ 6criT]s

i]/J.e7s

'Kpiaro^o yeviOXrji,
crvvai/JLOi,

ovpaviov TrecpvuTes iiriKKeoixiada.

dX\' ayvah Trpdirideacxi yeyrjdoTei v<ppovi

Ovfj-ip

a<pveia2s t' aydiTTjcn Kal ivdwpois iraKa/jL-rjaL,


fieiXiKiois \f/a\fioi(7i OeoTrpeTreeaat re p.o\ival%,

5.<pdLT0v i^vixvelv ere Kal axj^evcxTov Ke\6p.ecr0a,

Trayyeperijpa Qeov.

(Or.

viii.

497

cf. iv.

25,

viii.

387.)

CHAPTER
THE AGAPE
IN

IV

CHURCH ORDINANCES
the enquiry one
is

entering on this stage of IN confronted by one of the

most

difficult

and
their

perplexing

problems

of

Church

history

the

problem of the Apostolic


kindred
literature.
It

Co7istitutions

and

would be obviously impossible to deal with this problem in general in an


enquiry into one particular
history of the Agape.
briefly

point,

such as the
is

All that can be done

to

summarise the present state of the question, and to put before the reader such information about the Agape as the more important docu-

ments connected with

this literature afford to us.

The
fully,

question

is

discussed at

length in Funk's^
less

Die Apostolischen Konstitutionen (1891), and,


tion)

by Mr Brightman {Liturgies but for my immediate purpose


to

i.

Introducit

will

be

sufficient

quote

the

clear

statement

of

Dr

Cf. also Harnack, Die Apostolischen Kinhenurdnungen, and Achelis, Die Canones Hippolyti. 107

io8

THE AGAPE
in the

Armitage Robinson
(1898.
tio7is
is

Ministry of Deaconesses
Apostolic Constitu-

Appendix
the
title

A).

"The

of a Greek work in eight books

containing regulations for the discipline of the


Christian Church.
regulations were

No one now holds that these drawn up by the Apostles it is


:

only by

a fiction that the

Apostles are represented


in its

as uttering^ them.

The book

present form

cannot be earlier than the middle ^ of the fourth


century, and

may

perhaps be as late as the begin-

ning of the

fifth

century.

But

fictions of this

kind

have a great historical value as witnessing to the institutions which existed at the time when they

were composed.
as

Thus the

Apostolic Constitutions

we

have them represent fourth-century manners

and customs, coloured to some extent by the ideals which the writer himself cherished in regard
to them."
1

Dr A. Harnack

regards the tendency to recast older documents

so as to put their directions into the mouths of individual Apostles

outcome of the Arian controversy in the fourth century, and compares Ruffrnus' conception of the Apostles' Creed as the work oi all the Apostles as being due to the same tendency. 2 Bishop Lightfoot, hovi^ever, says {Apost. Fathers, pt. ii. i, p. 253), "there is nothing in the Apostolic Constitutions, even in
as an
their present form,

inconsistent with

an earlier date than

this,

while their silence on questions which interested the Church in the

middle and latter half of the fourth century is in itself a strong presumption that they were written before that date."

IN
"

CHURCH ORDINANCES

109

greater value.

But these Constitutions have another and still Modern research and criticism
far
^

have shown that they embody

more ancient
off

elements, which can be separated


later

from the
present

matter with which they were overlaid by the

last writer

who gave

us the

work

in

its

form."

"Thus books i.-vi. embody an Apostolic Didascalia


(or Instruction),

which

may
It is

belong to the middle


preserved to us in a
^

of the third century.

Syriac translation,- and a Latin

translation has

quite recently been discovered of the greater part

of

it

in the

under-writing of a palimpsest manu-

script at Verona."
"

Again, book

vii.

embodies the Didache or teach-

ing of the Apostles, as can plainly be seen,


that
1

now

we have recovered
is

that early work."


cases where, e.g., the later docu-

This

no doubt true

in

many

ment represents a
with regard
fyolytus,

further development of doctrine or practice, but

the

to the Agape the relation of Canonum Reliquia (Hauler), and

the

Canons of Hip-

the Egyptian Church

Order (Analecia Antenicczna, ii.) to each other is not yet clear, and the Didascalia and the Apostolic Constitutions indeed all five documents seem to be based on earlier forms, which are still unknown to us, and the absence of which makes a critical account of the primitive Order of the Agape still impossible.

This is printed in Lagarde's Analecta Syriaca (1854). Bunsen's Analecta Antetticcrna, ii.
'^

Cf.

'

This

is

now published by Dr Hauler

(Leipsic, 1900).

no
"

THE AGAPE
Book
it

viii.

presents a
in

but

stands

to another

early

more difficult problem, some relation, not very close, manual called ^ the Canons of

Hippolytus."^

Since this was written another kindred document, viz., the Syriac Testamcntum Domini Nostri
Jesu Christi, has been published in a Latin translation
1

by Mgr. Rahmani.^
take
first,

for convenience,
for

what appear to be

the

ordinary directions
in

the

Agape

as

they

appear

the Church Order, or Egyptian Canons,

the latter part of which,* relating to Church Discipline, is


^

now published by Hauler


tliis, cf.

in

the Latin

On

the date and origin of

Achelis,

Die Canones Hip-

polyti, p.

Brightman, Liturgies, 1., xxiii. It is commonly regarded as of Roman origin, though not the work of Hippolytus, and variously dated from the end of the second century to the sixth The latest view is that of Dom. Morin, Revue Benedictine (Funk). (July 1900), who holds that the Canons of Hippolytus are Egyptian
39 sqq.
;

in origin.

My

translation

is

from Achelis.

have not seen the

Arabic.
2

And

both of these to the Apostolic Canons and Egypt. Can.

Reliqq.

See Achelis,
it

p.

38

ff.

Moguntice, 1899.

Dr Achelis

{Theol. Lit. Zeit.,

No.

26, Dec.

Others put it as early as Rahmani puts it as early as 180 A.D. The middle the third. See of the fourth century is perhaps the most probable date. Church Quarterly Review, Jan. and April 1900, and Prof. Collins
1899) dates
as late as the fifth century.
in the GuarJiafi,
''

Cations, Ixv.-lxxii.
(p. vii.) dates

Dec. 6th, 1899. See Harnack, Texte u.


it

Untersuch.

ii.

2.

Hauler

as early as the fourth century.

IN
version,

CHURCH ORDINANCES

III

which appears along with that of the


it,

Didascalia in the Verona palimpsest.


I

have put

for convenience, in parallel

columns

with the part of the Canons of Hippolytus relating to the Agape, and added at the end the sections
(164-170) of the Canons of Hippolytus on the subject,

which do not appear to be represented


(9r(/(?r

in

the

Church

(Hauler).

Canonutn Egyptioi^icm
ReliquicF.

LXXV.
^

Canons of Hippolytus.
170. After the oblation let there be distributed among

(Hauler,

p. 113).

Ye who

are present feast

also thus.

But let the exorcised bread be given to the catechumens and let them each offer a cup. Let not the catechumen
sit

them the bread of exorcism


{panis
sit

i^opKLafMov)

before they

down
171.

together.

'^

Moreover
direction

by
let

the there

down at

the Lord's Supper


all

bishop's

{cena Dominica).

But through
let

the oblation

of
for

him who offers be mindful him who has invited him

on that account he has prayed {deprecatus est) that he would enter under his
roof

be sent to the catechumens bread cleansed by prayer, so that they may be associated with the Church. 172. Let no catechumen
sit

Agapae
173.

with them at the Lord's (in agapis KvpiaKaTs).

But when eating and drink^

Let
I

them

eat

and

This comparison was made before Achelis, Die Can. Hipp. p. 38 ft.

had seen that of Dr

2 Parallel to Tattam, Coptic Ap. C. p. 66. Analect. Ante-N. Egypt. Ch. Ord. 49 Testavientum, \\. 13, p. 2, and perhaps part of the original underlying document.
;

112
ing,

THE AGAPE
drink to sufficiency, but not
to excess, but in the presence

do that with deconim and not to excess,^ and not so that anyone may mock you, or that he who has invited you may be saddened at your unruliness {inqiiictudinc), but that - he may
{honestaie)

of

God and with praise God {cum laude Dei).


1

of

74.

Let not anyone speak


or shout, that

much
not

men may
that
to

work with you, and

he may become {gfficiatur) worthy that the saints may enter into him. "For Ye," He says, "are pray that
the salt of the earth."

they be not an

offence

But which

if

ing has been


is

common offermade to all,


in

called

Greek
it

" apoforetum,"

receive
if (so),

from him.
taste,

But

taste

men. so that he who has invited you be exposed to contempt when it is manifest that you are departing from good order. 175. But rather let them invite him regularly and all his family, and let the moderation of each one of us be
seen
;

enough that all may have a and that there may be enough over for the inviter

and

let

great dignity

be gained by the examples


that are noticed
176.

amongst

us.

send of the remains to whomsoever he will, and that he may rejoice in the
to

Let each
saints
his

that

the

man may

pray
enter

under
salt of

roof

For our

confidence of the saints.

Saviour says, " Ye are the


the earth."

Moreover whom tasting let them receive with silence who have been invited, not
disputing

with

words,

but
ex177.
sits

whatever hortations-' the bishop


(Hstening to)
^

But when the bishop


rest

may

and preaches the

Clem. Alex., Ptcdag. ii. i, 4. Testamentum D. ii. 13, p. 3 Egypt. CO. Can. Hipp. 176 (Lagarde), 50 perhaps from the original document. Testament. D. ii. E^^pt. CO. (Lagarde), 50; Tattam, p. 70 perhaps part of the original document. 13, p. 3
Cf. supra, p. 82.
'^

'^

IN
give
:

CHURCH ORDINANCES
shall profit thereby,

and if he shall have asked any question, let an answer be given him and when the bishop shall have spoken a word, let everyone be silent, applauding him with moderation (rnodcstia) until such time as he ask another question. But even if the faithful be present at a supper without a bishop, let them, in presence of a presbyter or deacon, partake of it with like decorum. Moreover let everyone be eager to receive a blessing from the hand of presbyter or deacon. Likewise let the catechumens receive that exorcised bread itself
:

and he

himself shall not be without


profit.

178.

But

if

the bishop be

absent,

and a presbyter be
all
is

present, let

because he
in

turn to him, over the rest

God and
;

let

them honour

him and

as the bishop is honoured,


let

them not obstinately

oppose him. 179. But let him distribute the bread of exorcism himself
before they
that
sit

down together,
preserve their

God may

Agape from
rise

the fear of the

enemy, and that they may from it in safety and


180.

peace.

At

an Agape

let

deacon, in the absence of a presbyter, act as representative


{vicefii

gerat)

of

the presbyter as far as regards prayer and the breaking of the bread, which he
is

to

distribute

to

those

invited.
If

laymen

shall

have met

iSi.

But

it is

not fitting for

114
together,
let

THE AGAPE
g^a%-ity.

with

them behave For as a lay-

man

thou canst not give a


in

a la>-man to make the sign (of the cross) over {signet) the bread, but only to break
it,

blessing.

and
1

to

Let each one eat

the

82.

If there

name
is

of the

Lord

for this

man

at

do nothing besides. be no clergyall present, let each

pleasing to God, so that there (may be) imitators of

eat his portion with thanksgi%-ing,

among the that we may


us
sober.

heathen, and
all

may

so that the heathen look on your conduct

alike

be

{mores) with en^y.


If

If anyone wishes at any time to have the widows ^ to a feast {lit. that they may feast), let him send them away if they are already of mature age {maturas cEtate)

183.

anyone wishes
a

to

provide

supper for the %\-idows, let him take care that they have their supper, and that they be dismissed
before sunset.
184-

before evening.

But

if

he

is

unable

(to

have

But

if

there be

many
aris-

a feast for them) owing to the lot which he has received


{^propter clentm quern sortitus
est), let

of them, precaution
ing, or

must be

taken against confusion

any obstacle that

may

them food {escas^ and wine, and send them away, and let them pargive

him

prevent their being dismissed before evening.


1

85.

And
let

to

each one of

take of the things

're) at

their

them

own houses
they please.
'

in

whatever way

enough food and drink be given, but let them


depart before nightfall.

164.

If

an Agape

is

taking place or a supper

is

being provided by someone for the poor, on the


Constii. ii. 28 Didascalia. xxvi. Egypt. CO. Cf. Ap. (Lagarde. 52 perhaps from the original underlying document. See also Piatt, Ethiofic Didascalia, p. 64.
''

IX

CHURCH ORDIXANXES

115
let

Lord's Day, at the time of the lamp-h"ghting,

the deacon, in the presence of the bishop, rise up


for the
" 165.

purpose of lighting.

But

let

the bishop pra\- over the guests

(eos)
"

and him who has invited them.

166.

And

the thanksgiving {eixapia-Tia) which


is

is

at the

beginning of the vtissa

incumbent on the
faciat)

poor {necessaria pauperibiis).


" 167.

Moreover,

let

him dismiss {missos

them, so that they

{i.e.

men and women) may

return (home) separately before darkness arises.


" 16S.
"

Letthemrepeat psalms before theygo away.


If a

169.

memorial

{cad/unrja-i?)

is

taking place
of
the

(memorials
departed, let

do

take

place)

on

behalf

they

sit

them partake of the m\'steries before down together, but not on the first day
to the

'of the week)."

comparison of the two documents as

Agape seems
the
^

to indicate that the directions in the


later, parti)-

Canons of HippolyUis are

because of

greater fulness of detail in the earlier sections

^ But the Can. Reliqq. may be an abridgement of the longer form given by Lagarde {cf. infra, p. Ii8) or of the Ca. Hipp. " It is a question in this part. Cf. Lightfoot, Ipiat. i. p. 251. of dispute whether the Greek is an enlargement from the short form represented by the S}Tiac " or vice versa, a statement which

may be

applied

much more

widely.

ii6

THE AGAPE
as,
r.j^.,

(164-170), partly because of the use of expressions

(such

in 152, 159, 166),

which, in themselves,

suggest interpolation, or a later date for the whole

document.

But

in

the parallel portions the varieties do not


this

seem decisive on

latter

point.

They

7uaj'

only indicate local differences.

Coming ment in

to

details,

we

see

a general

agree-

According to the Canons of Hippolytus, the feast took place on the Lord's
outline.

Day

at

the
it

time of
began
;

the

lamp-lighting,
later

"

i.e.^

apparently,

somewhat
after the
alike,

than

in

TertuUian's time

and

bishop had prayed

over host and guests


'

(the

Agape

being,

And was

therefore quite distinct from the Eucharist which the

Canons (Ixxvii.) represent as taking place early: " Fideles vero mox, cum expergefacti fucrint et surrexerint, antequam operse suce contingant, orent Deum et sic jam ad opus suum properent. Si qua autem per verbum catechizatio fit, jirx'ponat hoc, ut pergat et audiat verbum Dei ad confortationcm animse festinet autem ad ecclesiam ubi floret spiritus. suae Omnis autem fidelis festinet, antequam aliquid aliut gustet, eucharistiam percipere." Both documents direct it to be received fasting
Egyptian
:

(Hauler,

p.

117,

Can. Hipp. 205).

Dr. Achelis {Can. Hipp.

p.

205) says, "on the evening of the Lord's Day, but also on other evenings, the whole community came to Church. The
.
.

bishop then said the Eucharistic prayer.


the words
'
:

they received with

This

is

the

Body of

Christ,' etc."

be reconciled with the above? overthrow this Canon.


-

But how is this to Can. Hipp. 217 and 245 do not

But see below,

p.

131, for Achelis' view.

IN
therefore,

CHURCH ORDINANCES
private),

117

the
tlie

ceremony

commenced

with the partakini^ of

bread of exorcism by

the catechumens, or (according to the Cations of


Hippolytiis)

by

all.

The custom seems


them
for

to

have

varied

between sending the bread to the catehaving


present
to

chumens and

eat

it

before the feast proper.

Then

follow

rules

conduct

at

the

meal,^

which emphasize moderation and decorum (the

and the account of the


appear
in

Canons of Hippolytus being here somewhat fuller), " apoforetutn" which does not
the Cations of Hippolytus.

The

respect

due to the clergy, whether bishop,


be present,
blessing
is

priest, or

deacon

emphasizxd

in

both documents, the


in

by the president being dwelt on


Order,

the the

Church

the distribution

Canons of Hippolytus. In minded of their not being authorised to


or " sign " (with the cross
signet)
;

by him both laymen


in

in

are re" bless,"

both the

importance of setting an example to the heathen


is

enforced.

Each account concludes with


i.e.

direc-

tions for the special entertainment of widows, which

was held
There

earlier,
is little

before dark.
either description which
is

in

in-

consistent with the statements either of


'

Clement of

See below,

p.

126.

ii8

THE AGAPE
seem
to indicate that

Alexandria or even of Tertullian,but the more elaborate directions as to the clergy

these portions at least are not earlier than the latter

part^ of the third century^; and because of their

connection with the Apostolic Constitutions,

have

thought

it

best to postpone their consideration to

this chapter,

where they can be taken

in conjunc-

more obviously fourth century documents, such as " the Testament of our Lord," and with the Coptic and Arabic forms of the Egyptian Church Ordinances, the portions of both of which that bear on the Agape I now subjoin.
tion with the

Egyptian Church Ordinances'^


(Bunsen's Analecta,
ii,

469.)

"47. Let widows and virgins often pray and fast


in

the church.
fast

Likewise

let

the presbyters and

laymen

whenever they
Bishop
^

will.

But

it is

impos-

sible for the


^

to fast except

on the day on

See Hauler,

p. vii., note.

more formal cast, and is theregood deal later than Tertullian's but the very fact that the Agape was perhaps rather less likely to be modified than
^

Though

the whole account has a

fore probably a

some other
^

Institutions

makes

it

harder to trace

critically.

Translated from the Greek restoration of Lagarde, which does

not differ

much from Tattam,

Apostolic Constitutions in Coptic, p.


iii.

66
ff.

and the English Version in Analecta Ante-Niaeiia, q.v. Cf. Anal. Antenic, Introd., vol. ii. pp. 39, 40.
ff.,

393

Can. Hippol. 158.

IN
which
all

CHURCH ORDINANCES
fast.

119

the people

For there are times


in

when men wish

to take

something

the church

(XaniSdveiv Tig tl ^ovXerai ev

t>; eKKXrjcria),

and

it is

impossible for him to refuse.

But when he has


all

broken the bread, he

will

by

means

taste

it,

and eat with the


"

rest of the faithful.

Let them receive from the hand of the bishop

a fragment of bread before each breaks his


bread.
(ft)?)

own

For

this

is

eulogia} and not Eucharist like

the

Body

of the Lord."

" 48.

It is fitting that

each when he has received


drinking
give

the

cup should
for

before
it,

thanks

{.\)yapi(TTelv)

that he

may
let

be purified when
the catechumens
^

he eats and drinks.


cup."
"

Likewise

give to one another the bread of exorcism and the

49.

But

let

not (one) allow the catechumens

to

go

into the Lord's


TricTTov).
^

{pLeTo.

Supper with one of the faithful And let him that eateth make a
TroieiTco)

memorial

(juvrjfxrjv

of

him, as often as

(ocraKi'^)

he eateth.

him that invited For on this

account he invited them to come under his roof"


^

Apost. Constit.
Cf.

viii.

31.

^
^

Canons of Hippo lyt us,

166.
;

*
^

Can. Reliqq. (Hauler) Ixxv. Can. Hippol. 171, come in here. Can. Reliqq. (Hauler) Ixxv. Can. Hippol. 172. Can. Reliqq. (Hauler) Ixxv. Can. Hippol. 172. Coptic
;

" remember."

120
"50.
yjavxin)-

THE AGAPE
And
eat

ye and drink ye

in

quiet

(eV

Drink ye not to excess, that men

not ridicule you, and that he that invited you

may may

not be grieved at your transgression, but (act) so


that he^
for

may
'

invite the saints to enter his

house

He

said,

Ye

are the salt of the earth.'

" If

they distribute portions


(a/ae??)

among

you, thou

shalt take

thine

own

portion only.

But
is

if

ye were invited to
(KaOi'iKovTa) only, in

eat, let

one eat what

fitting

order that he

who

invited

you
are

may

use what

is

over for the saints,

when they

in need, as

he willeth, and

may

be glad that you

have entered his house.


"

But

let

those that are invited eat quietly, but

not with
"

strife.

And if the bishops


him

bid anyone look for anything

{^rjTeh'), let

respond.-''
is

"

And when
him
in

the bishop
until

speaking,

let all

attend

to

silence

he ask them a question

again.
"

But

if

a bishop

"*

be not present, and the


let

faithful

should be supping alone,


'

the blessing be said

Can. Hippol. 173


Cf.
Test.

Cmi. Reliqq. (Hauler) Ixxv.


13, par.
still
;

"

Dom.

ii.

3;

Cati. Hippol.

176; Can.

Re}i<]i].

Ixxv., etc.
^

part of the
;

earlier

document.

Can. Reliqq. Ixxv. Can. Reliqq. Ixxv.

Can. Hippol. 177. Can. Hippol. 1 78.

IN

CHURCH ORDINANCES
;

121

by the presbyter
"

and

if

there

should

be

no

presbyter present, by the deacon.

Likewise

let

the catechumens receive the bread

of exorcism.^

If the laity should

happen

to

meet

without a clergyman

(K\f]piKov), let

knowledge (/ner eTria-Tr/fxtjg), power to pronounce the blessing." " 51. But let each one eat with thanksgiving^ in For this is what befits the the name of God.
pious, in order that

them eat with has no layman but the

we may

all

be sober, and the

heathen
" 52.

may
If

envy us (Trapn^riXwo-iu)."
to invite the widows,"^ let

anyone wishes

him give food to (rpe^eVa)) every Presbytis, and let him send her away before evening come on. But if it be impossible for them to come because of the lot* which they have had allotted to them (KXrjpov eKkrjpuia-avTo), let them give them wine and food,

and

let

them
Let-''

eat

it

as they will in their

own

private

houses."

"53.
'

each one be zealous to offer to the


;

"
*

Can. Reliqq. Ixxvi. Can. Hippol. 1 66.


Can. Reliqq.

Caw. Ilippol. i8i.

"

If the
;

Tattam)
in these
^

Ixxvi. Can. Hippol. 183. Cf. Ap. Constit. ii. 28. clergyman be prevented from attending " (so liunsen and but the text may be corrupt. k\7;pik6^, not K'Kripo^, is used
;

documents.
7'estatne?iluni,
V>.

Practically identical with


p.
1

II. xvi.

Cf Can.
.

Reliqq. ixxvi.

15.

122

THE AGAPE
all

bishop
the
first

the firstlings of the fruits (a-Trapx"?)

produce {yewrnxaTa).

And

let

the bishop

accept them with thanksgiving and pronounce a


blessing on them, mentioning the
offerer,

name

of the

and saying

'
:

We

give

Lord God, and we


the fruits

offer to

Thee thanks, O Thee the firstlings of

Thou

hast given us to partake of


perfected

of

those

that

have been
didst

by Thy word

{TeTeXeaiJLevwv Xoyo)).'
"

And Thou
fruit

command

the earth to bear

every

for blessing

and joy and sustenance


to every creature.

to the race of

men and

We
Thou
fruits

bless {evXoyovixev) Thee,

God,

for these things

and

all

the rest of

Thy

kindnesses to us,
varied

who

didst adorn all

creation with
^

through

Thy Holy Servant

(Trat^w) Jesus Christ

our Lord, through

Whom

be glory to Thee and


for

Him and
Amen."
" 54.

the

Holy
are

Spirit

ever

and
are

ever.

These
."
.
.

the

fruits

that

to

be

blessed

TESTAMENTUM, BK. H.
"
1 -

XIII.

p At a supper or entertainment

let

those partake
in the

Or "Son."
I

have bracketed the parts which have no exact parallels

kindred documents.

IN
(in

CHURCH ORDINANCES
who
are nearest
^

123

the breaking)

to the pastor as

at (or for, ad) the benediction].

"But-

let

not a catechumen receive.

[Let him

who

is

a friend {familiaris) or relation of a teacher

of heathenism {magistri reriim profanaruin^) not

allow him to join

in praise

with him, nor eat along

with him because of his relationship, or for propriety's

sake {ob cottgruentiam),

lest

it

chance that

he deliver what are unspeakable (mysteries) to a wolf,* and bring judgment upon himself thereby.]
"

Let those who are invited


house of a
control,
faithful

along with a bishop

to the
tion,

man, eat with modera-

and

and

let

them not

(drink) to

excess or to intemperance, nor so as to provoke to

brawling one

who

stands near them, nor so that

you should bring trouble upon the house of him who has invited you. Rather if they enter the house of him who has invited them (let them act)
so that he
^

who

has invited them

may

pray

that

This does not appear to represent the Syriac. 2 Egypt. Ch. Ord. 49 (Lagarde) Tattam, p. 63 (Hauler) p. 113.
;

Rd. Can.

^ *

Lit.

"of other

things " (Syriac).

I know that after my departing grievous wolves shall enter in among you." 5 Can. Hifpol. 173, 174 Can. Reliqq. 50 Tattam, p. 70 Egypt. Ch. Ord. 50 (Lagarde). CH. 176 {oret.) Can. Reliqq. Hauler (Ixxv.) Tattam, p. 68 Egypt. Ch. Ord. (A. A.), 50.

Cf.

Acts XX. 29, "

124
the saints
that
"
'

THE AGAPE
may enter
his house.

For ye have heard

ye

are the salt of the earth.'

Let those who eat together,- eat enough indeed,

but so that fragments


you, and for those to

may remain

over both for

whom

the host would like to

send them, regarding the food which has remained over and above, as something left by the saints,

and rejoicing
those

in

the fact {de


invited

illo

gaiidens).

[Let

who have been


feast

when they

are sitting

together at a

not stretch out their hands

before their seniors, but begin to eat second,

when

those

who

are

first

have

finished.]

"Let^ those who


other in
talk,

are eating not vie with each


If,

but eat in silence.


or

however,

anyone
"

desires,

a bishop or presbyter ask a

question, let

him give an answer.


utters a

But when the bishop

word

let

anyone

quietly approve, choosing silence for himself until

he be asked a question."

TESTAMENTUM, BK.
{From

I.

XXXII.
"jj).

Collaiidatio Quotidiana, Ra/wiani, p.

" Protector of widows,


^

emancipator of orphans,
;

Matt.

V.

13.
p.

Tattam,

68

Egypt.

Ch. Ord. 50

Cati,

Reliqq. (Hauler)

Ixxv. (p. 114).


^

Can. Reliqq. (Hauler) Ixxv.

Can. Hipp. 177

Tattam,

p. 70.

IN

CHURCH ORDINANCES
Thy Church

125
in

Who

grantest right guidance to

which Thou hast ordained (funeral) love^


ministrations, banquets of the faithful,
tion of the Spirit, gifts of grace,

feasts,

communicavirtues,

and

we

praise Thee.

."
. .

Bk. H.
"

XI.

On

the

fifth

day of the
^

over

let

there be offered

week of the " Passwine and a cup, and he


last
it is

who has suffered * for who draweth nigh."

that which he offered, he

" Let a lamp {liicerna) be offered in the Temple by the deacon who says, the grace of our Lord be with you all,' and let all the people respond
' '

and with thy


1

"

spirit.'

The word

in the Syriac

is

not

"agape" but n'yahatha,


s.v.)
ii.

lit.

restings (" requies,"

" refectiones," Schaaf, Syr. Lex.

It

is

the Syraic rendering for d7d7rais in 2 Peter

has no connotation such as " But the Jewish custom of "the breaking of bread" at funeral feasts, and the ''collegia fuiieratuia" among Christians in the

13 (Jude 12), and funebres " (Rahmani) in earlier Syriac.

second century [cf. Appendix II. and Hippol., ILcr. ix. 12, quoted at the end of chap. iii. ) make it possible that funeral agapaa were much earlier than there is clear evidence to show. Cf. Ramsay,
Cities

and

Bishoprics, p. 485

fl".

2 I.e.

Lent, apparently.

2 Rahmani Eucharist but the (p. 200) points out that it is not the oblation of bread and wine " per modum agapes " that is referred

to.
*

Cf. Cat:.

Hipp. 164

ff.

There

is

some confusion

in

the Syriac text here evidently.

126
"

THE AGAPE
Let the boys repeat spiritual psalms/ and songs
are

at the lighting of the lamp."

We

now

in

a position to compare
the

all

four

documents

the

Remains of

Egyptian Canons

(Hauler), the Canons of Hippolytus^ the Egyptian

Lord.
will

Church Order (Lagarde), and the Testament of our For convenience I append a table which

show the main points that they have in common, and by the side of it the outline of the order of the Agape as given by Tertullian.
Fourtli
ticty

and (/) Third CenAgapc\ Egypt and


(?) Syria., etc.

Second Century Agape', N. Africa.


I.
^

1.

-Catechumens
{C.R.,

C.H., L.,

excluded T.D.N.),

Preliminary Prayer.

but given bread of exor2.

cism {C.R., C.H., L.). Rules for Feast (all) :


{a) consideration for host
(all)
;

2.

Rules for Feast

:-

{b)
{c)

apoforetum
quiet

{C.R.).
{c) quiet,

and moderation
etc.
3.

moderation,

etc.

(all).

3.

Bishop's Exhortations,
(C.R., C.H., L.),

[Lections and Exhortation

and ques-

(by President).]

tions (C.R., L., r.D.N.).


1

Cf.

psalmos

recitent,

Can. Hipp. 168.

Tr.

"by

the light of

the lamp."
^

C.R.= Canonum

Lagarde, T.D.N^.
'

Reliquia, C. H. = Canons of Hippolytus, L. Testamentiim Do7nini Nostri.


oret super eos."

Cf.

C.H.

(165),

" Episcopus

IN
4.
'

CHURCH ORDINANCES
4.

127

Benediction (Bp., Pr. or


{C.R., C.H.^- L.)
distribute, but

Deacon)
5.

Laymen

do

5.

not sign bread with Cross


{C.R., C.H., L.).
6.

Widows'
C//., L.).

Suppers

{C.R.y

6.

Widows', mentioned.
at
is

etc.,

support

The above comparison shows


formal
^

once how
as

in-

TertuUian's description
but,

compared
it

with the later documents,


side

when

is

put

by side with the directions in the Canons of Hippolytus, the resemblance between it and some of the statements not common to the Canons and the expressly Egyptian documents will at
once be apparent.
C. Hippolytiis.
1.

Tcrtullia}i.
i.

Lights

(?

on Sunday only).

Lights

(later).

Feast.
2. 3.

Feast.
i.

Private {ab aliquo).

Collective.

President Bishop (emphasized).

3.

Presidents {seniores probati).

4.

Object {panperibus paratur).

4.

Benefit needy.

Thanksgiving not mentioned in .R, Twice in L. 48 (cup), T.D.N, praise ad init. C.H. 166, and also in 53 [a.-wapx'^')Tertull., hymns, etc., of praise. 168, 173. 2 C.H. distribution by Bishop. ^ The difference, of course, is partly due to the difference of scope between an apology addressed to heathen and designedly avoiding details which would not be understood, and a code of rules for
1

51,

Christians.

128
5.

THE AGAPE
('

Pure charity
putctur).

nihil corn-

5.

No

buying or
.

selling.

6.

Exhortation and prayer by


Bishop.

6.

Prayers
tions are

and Exhortamade.
.
.

7.

Moderation and reverence.

7.

Saturantur,G\.c" ,''^fabulantur Do7ni?ium aii''''

dire:'
8.

Psalms before leaving.


Thanksgiving.

8.

Hymn

to

God.
(?

9.

9.

Closing prayer thanksgiving).

including

This comparison makes


of the elaboration
principles

it

clear that, in spite


details,

of certain

the
still

of
in

the true

love-feast

are

main what

they were

Tertullian's time.

And

it

also

shows that the additional

details

given in the Canons of Hippolytus, as compared with


the kindred documents, are not inconsistent with a

comparatively early date for these Canons, especially


as these points are not inconsistent with the accounts

of the other documents, though not emphasized in

them.
"

And

so one

may

fairly infer that

where

the

Canons of Hippolytus" are not obviously

interpolated^

as they are here and there, they present at least as


early a picture of the

Agape

as the parallel texts.

great

The mention of the "host" or "inviter" is one mark of distinction between all these texts
Just as appeared
previous
ablatio.,

and TertuUian.
'

in

Clement of

I.e. in

C.H. 162.

IN

CHURCH ORDINANCES

129

Alexandria, the old principle of mutual giving had

been departed from, though not of course always}


as the love-feast of the conumcnity
still

survived

and

in

consequence of the change we find conAchelis thinks that the presence of the

sideration for the host emphatically enjoined.

Dr.
bishop,

and the lighting of the lamps by the


are
special

deacon

features
rules

of
in

the

Sunday''"
ff.

Agape,

and

that

the

172

are

general directions for all kinds of meals {Mahlzeiten, p.

199).

The

latter

conception certainly receives addithe heading in the Coptic^


p.

tional support from

version of the Canons (Tattam,

66), "

Of the
ff.

time of eating," which comes

in

just before the

section corresponding to Can. Hipp.

172

The
to the

Tesianient of our

Lord

is

so clearly related

documents previously quoted, as may be


it

seen by the references in the notes, that

does

not

call for special

comment
form of

in this connection.

But the

fuller

the Egyptian

Church

Order (Lagarde) throws


which do not appear
^

light

on some customs

in

the apparently earlier

Achelis, Canon. Hippol. p. 198.

2
*

C.H.

p.

214.
is

This point

not noticed by Dr. Achelis himself.

I30

THE AGAPE
The
direction of Section 47
is "

documents.^

Let

them
this
is

receive from the

hand of a bishop a fragment

of bread before each breaks his

own

bread.

For

Eidogia and not Eucharist."


in

This suggests

comparison with a passage


(xxxi.) "

the eighth book of


:

the Apostolic Constitictions (chap, xxxi.)


I,

the

same (make a

constitution) in

regard
evXoylai

to

remainders

{irepicrarevixaTtav).

Those
at

which remain over


let

and above

the the

mysteries

the deacons distribute

among

clergy according to the decision


or the presbyters
:

of the bishop
;

to
;

a bishop four parts


to a

to a
.
. .

presbyter three parts

deacon two
in

parts.

For

this

is

good and acceptable


the

the sight of

God

that everyone be honoured according to his


for

dignity,

church

is

the

school

not

of

confusion, but of good order."

This statement appears to refer to a time when


the offerings which were originally

made

for the

purposes of the

were

formally

Agape as well made during


the

as the Eucharist,

the

service,

the
offeris

v\oyia
^

being

bread

offered

at

the

Thanksgiving seems specially emphasized, but there

not

much to suggest a later date than the other documents, from the Agap^ alone. See supra, pp. 119, 120.
'^

jttdgijig

The Coptic Version (Tattam,


at the mysteries shall not

p.

138) has " the Eulogies which


set

remain

be

on."

IN
tory,

CHURCH ORDINANCES
gift

131
is

and a

of the

people.^

There

no
still

evidence here as to the exact relation that


survived between these offerings and the
itself;^

Agap6
^

but the subsequent development of the


into

evXoyla

bread formally blessed

and

dis-

tributed at the end of the liturgy seems to point


to a time w^hen the

Agape had
a

died out, and the

evXoyla

in

the East and pants benedictiis in the


as

West remained
survival of
it,

kind of development or

and

unity,

and a symbol of the Christian love which the Agape itself had empha^

sized in earlier days.

In the Didascalia (Hauler,

p.

38), chap, xxvi., "

just before the statement about


" aniculcF,"

Agapse
:

" for

the

we

find

the

direction

" offer

then

your oblations {prosforas) to the


him)

priest, either

by

yourselves or by the deacons {per

diacottes), (to

who

{qinqiie)

will

both receive them, and

^ See Brightman, Liturgies, i. p. 527 and reff. for the later developments of this rite also Dti Cange, s.v. Eulogia. " Hie panis quamvis 2 Cf. St. August., De Peccat. Remiss, ii. 26 non sit Corpus Christi sanctus est tamen, et sanctior cibis quibus
;
:

alimur."
*

See Hastings'

ZJzV/'.

Bible, s.v. "Love-feast,"

where "certain

points of ritual connected with the Eucharist, such as the offertory, the

washing of hands, the kiss of peace, and in the Oriental Church, the distribution among the poor of bread which had been blessed but not consecrated," are traced to the Agape. * See supra, chap, iii., and Brightman. s.v. Eulogia.

132
distribute
to

THE AGAP^
each one as
is

fitting."
is

In

the

Canons of Hippolytiis the oblation of just before the Agape (159), and
" if

also spoken
said (160)

it is

the oblation

is

being distributed,

let

alms be

also distributed to the poor," etc.

There
passage

is

unfortunately a lacuna in the parallel

in the

Canomim

Reliquice (Hauler, p. 113)

just at this point, but in the. Egyptian Ch.

Order {^7,

Lagarde, pp. 469, 470, Tattam,

p.

66) the direc-

tions for the bishop's distribution,

which precede

the general rules for an Agape, are in connection

with a meal
for

" in

the Church," and the directions

breaking and distributing the bread conclude


" for

with the words,


Eucharist."
It
^

this

is

Eulogia and

not

may
is

be that

in

both these places the refer-

ence

to a distribution of the Eulogice in


is

Church
in
so,

after the Eucharist, which

mentioned just preHipp. 150-154)


rite.

viously (Tattam,

p.

64;

Can.

connection with the Baptismal

If this

be

perhaps Dr. Achelis

lays too

much

stress

on the

breaking and distributing of the bread, as being


the most important points in connection with the
^
'^

Cf. supra, p. 130.

C.H. 170, 179, certainly Die Canones Hippolyti, p. 202. refer to breaking and distributing before the Agape " arteqiiam consideant." So also 160, 161, 163,

IN

CHURCH ORDINANCES
documents
I
;

133

Agape

as described in these

but his

statements are so noteworthy that


translate
"

venture to

We

them now come


:

to the

most important part of

Agape the breaking of the bread, which is what separates the Agape from ordinary meals and gives it a semi-liturgical {Jialbgottesdienstlichen)
the
character.

of Hippolytus
" I.

Of the scattered notices in the Cations we take the following Can. xxxii.
:

165; xxxiii. 170; xxxiv. 179; xxxv. 181, 182.2"

The breaking of bread


Agapse, which was never

is

an essential part

of

all
" 2.

left out.

The
It

highest cleric present performs the


there, then a

act.

If

none such be
" 3.
is

layman.
^

sharply
Also,
if

differentiated

from

the

Eucharist.

the Eucharist has taken place

before, as at the
avafxvi']a-u<i)^

memorial meals {Totenmahlen

the breaking of bread follows in

its

entirety.

"4. It

is

the solemn {feieidiche) introductory act

of the Agape, the only ritual component part of


the same.
^
'*

And
Cf.

the only formal ritual acts, p. 202.


2,

But see note


\>.

supra, p. 132.

" The Agapae are long since separated from the Eucharist in C.H." Cf. C.H. 205, "ne gustet aliquis fidelium nisi antea de mysteriis sumpserit." So Can. Rel. (Hauler) p. 117.
^

229,

134
" 5.

THE AGAPE

The act consists, if a cleric be present, in a prayer of blessing for those who are there, in
which the sign of the cross
loaf;
is

made over

also in the breaking of the bread,


it

and the

distribution of
"

to those present."

The prayer and

the sign of the cross, however,

are not essential to the Agape, they only take place if a cleric be there to fulfil them. The only
essentials are the breaking

and distribution of the


'

bread."
" 6.

Those present take the

bread of exorcism
seat

'

standing together.

Then they

themselves

and begin the actual meal.


small pieces are sent.
."
. .

To

the catechumens

When

one turns from

this

description to the
is

text of the Egyptian Canons^ one

struck at once
is
is

with the difference.

The bread
oblatio"

of exorcism
the
7).

mentioned as being "given"


spoken of as the
'' ''

(Ixxv.),

rite

(Ixxv.
17),

6,

The

apoforetum''

is

"offered" (Ixxv.

but no men-

tion at all

is made of either " breaking " or " distributing" the bread as an essential part of the meal.

And similarly in Lagarde's text of the Egyptian Church Ordinances, though the breaking and distribution of the Eulogia
^

is
p.

dwelt on
112.

(47), in the

Supra,

"

IN

CHURCH ORDINANCES
Agape
there
is

135

account of the

a like silence as

to the bread breaking as an essential act,

though

"they distribute portions"


Testatnentuni
(?

(50).

And

so in the

Domini
is

Nostri,

though partaking
it

in

the breaking)

mentioned once,

is

not

emphasized.

On
.

the other hand, thanksgiving

is

mentioned
^^

twice in the Canons of Hippolytus (173),


, .

edant

cum laude Dei" and


^^

in

the probably inter-

polated passage (166),

necessaria est pauperibus

evxapia-rla qucB est in initio misscB.''

In the Egyptian Canons (Hauler) thanksgiving


is

not mentioned at

all,

apparently

whereas

in

Lagarde's version thanksgiving before receiving


the cup
is

mentioned

(48),

and each one

is

bidden

to " eat with thanksgiving in the


(51), besides

name

of

God

two mentions of thanksgiving


first fruits.

in con-

nection with the

The
ference

conclusion, then, from a comparison of these


to be that while Dr. Achelis' init

documents seems
is

not excluded by the parallel texts,

is

scarcely confirmed by them, and therefore a complete generalisation


is

hardly warranted.
^

The

texts

point rather to local variety

of usage in connection

^ There is hardly, therefore, sure ground for the conclusion which Dr. Achelis further draws as to the Agape being the true remnant of the Last Supper {Die Can. Hipp. p. 210 ff).

136

THE AGAPE

with the Agape, along with an underlying sub-

stratum of agreement.
In the already quoted passage of the Apostolic
Constitutions
(viii. c.

20) there

is is

a reference to the
also touched on
"

custom of
in

first

fruits/

which

the Egyptian Church Order.

The

first

fruits

belong to the priests and to those deacons


minister to them."

who

This
the

is

also

mentioned

in the

second book of
the

Constitutions in special connection with


at such length that
I

Agape, and

have placed the


Latin text of
it.

passage side by side with that

in the

the Didascalia, which closely resembles


DidascalicE Fragnienta.,
xxvi. p. 38.

Apostolic Constitutions^
ii.

c.

28.

To
for
let

those again

who

desire

To
invite

those

who choose

to

to hold

an Agape, and seek

old

women

{aniculas"),

him frequently

also send

(mittat) her
to

whom

he knows

be

in tribulation.
let

And

that portion

which

according to custom is due to the priest be set apart, although he be not present at
^

an elder woman to an Agape, or a reception (els dyaTrr^v -fjToi Soxv"), as the Lord calls ^ it, let them most frequently send to such an one as the deacons know to be in distress. But let what is the pastor's due (t6 rtp ttol/jl&l
^di/j-ov)

mean

the

first

Cf.

Didachi,

xiii.,
iv.

"

first fruits
;

give to the prophets," etc.


viii.

Irenreus, Hares,
^
*

Origen, c. Ceis. 32 (18) irpetT^VTipav, Lagarde, v. I. irpecr^vTipas.

33

(4).

Luke

xiv. 13.

CHURCH ORDINANCES be set apart the Agapaeand distributions


IN
^

137

{erogationes,

MS.

crogationi-

honour of Almighty God. As then a gift is given to each one of the elder women {presbyterarum v. 1. -0}'ti7n), a double portion shall be given to each deacon
bus) in
in the

in the him, even though he be not at the reception,

fruits

feast

for

being a priest, and in honour of the God who has


as

entrusted

him with
is

the priest-

hood
as

(ifpe?

iepaTciav).

And

much

as

given to every-

priesthood {in Sacer-

dotid) of Christ, but a fourfold

portion to

him who presides

one of the elder women, let double as much be given to the deacons in honour {els
Let also a double portion be set apart for the presbyters as for such as labour about the word of
y^pas) of Christ.

as to the glory of the Al-

mighty. But, if anyone wishes to honour the presbyters as well, let him give a double portion to them as to
the deacons
also be
;

the ministry (Tof


\6yov)
in

rrjs

diaKovlas

for

let

them

honoured as apostles and counsellors of the bishop and the crown of the Church.
Didascalia Pufior"{h3.^?ixdQ),
A. A,
p. 261.

honour of the Apostles of the Lord whose


place they maintain as counsellors of the bishop and crown of the Church. For they are a Sanhedrim and Senate of the Church.
If there

But
let

if

him

there be a reader, also receive like the

be a reader,

let

him

receive a single

portion in

presbyters.

honour of the prophets, and let the singer and porter have as much.
seems to mean "dis.,

If

"erogationes" be the true reading,


C/.

it

tributions."

Inscr.

Gruter.

Fol.
i.

175,

Collegii."
St.
-

Cf. Oehler's Tertztllian,


xxii.
,

p. etc.

259

" erogentur ex area and infra, p. 1 50,


is

August., Ep.

"erogantur,"

Which

represents the Syriac version which

next in date to

the Latin apparently.

138

THE AGAPE
dignity
{d^i,w/j.aTi)

To each
therefore
its

Let the
fore

laity

(ot Xa'iKol)

there-

let

the

laity
in

pay
their

proper honour

pay proper honours in their presents, and with consideration according to their

presents,

and with considera-

tion according to their rank


in
life.

rank

in life (ry Kara t6v ^lov

ivrpoirrj.)

Before passing from the documents connected with the Apostolic Constitiitioyis the reference to

"memorials" or funeral meals must be noticed which appears in the eighth book (chap, xlii.) " Let
:

the third day of those

who

are at rest be celebrated

with psalms and lessons and prayers^ on account


of

Him who
let

rose within the space of three days

and

the ninth day be celebrated in


(twj/ ivepiovTixiv)

remem-

brance of the living

that sleep; and the fortieth-

and of those day according to the


lament
in

ancient pattern

(for

so did the people

Moses)

and

the

anniversary day

{eviavrna).,

memory
of him
"
.

of him.

And

let

alms be given to the

poor out of his goods


.

for a

memorial

{h.va!J.vr](Tiv)

."
.

XLIV.

Now when

at the

memorials

{/mveiai'?)

you

are invited, feast (ea-TiaaOe) with good order, and


fear of
^

God, as being able even to intercede


in

for the

"Prayers" do not occur


ii.

the Syriac and Coptic versions

(Analect. Antenic.
^

p.

Thirtieth (Syriac).

439). The translation

is

from Lagarde (1862).

IN
departed
<TTavT(iov).

CHURCH ORDINANCES

139

(Suvajuevot koi

irpecr^eveiv virep twv /xeTaBeing presbyters and deacons of Christ


(vrjcpeiv)

ye ought always to be sober


yourselves and

both

among
this

among

others, so that
.

you may be
but also
^

able to warn the unruly.

Nor do we say
ev Kki'jpu)),

only of those of the clergy {rwv

of every Christian layman {Xa'iKov Xpia-riavouy

The corresponding passage


(ara/xM/crei?)

in

the Canons of

Hippolytus (169) runs as follows: "if memorials^


take place (memorials do take place)
let
sit

on behalf of those who have departed,


first

them

partake of the mysteries before they

down
week)

together, but not


(170).

on the

lirst

day

(of the

After the oblation

let

the bread of exor-

cism^ be distributed among them."

There does not appear

to be

any mention of

these feasts in the rest of the kindred documents.

The mention
^

of these memorials^ in close conConstit.

Cf.

Tattam, Apost.
:

Copt.

p.

138

Fseudo-Hippol.

dtard^eii xxiii. iv.


"

Cf.

Juris Antiqtd Relh 214. Die prima episcopus


.

p. 14.
.
.

sua

manu

distribuat

oblationes
^

omni populo.
of the bread of exorcism connects the feast with
p.

The mention
For

the Agape,
*

See below,

156, n.

3.

memorials cf. Martyr. Polycarp. xviii. 2 ; Tertull., de Monogam. 10 de Cor. 3. de Exhort. Cast. 11 And for their connection with the Eucharist, Cyprian, Ep. xii. 2 ; xxxix. 3 i. 2. See Achelis, C.H. p. 200-1 . ,and Bingham, bk. xx. chap. vii. and bk. xxiii.
earlier references to these
; ;

HO
nection with the

THE AGAPE
Agape has
the
^

great interest as con-

firming the view of

older writers

such as

Bingham,
Agapae.

viz.,

that

such meals were regarded as

The

particular mention of the celebration

of the Eucharist at the beginning of

them

gives

them a

special

character.

Apropos of

this

Dr.

Achelis^ dwells on the contrast between the order


of the Eucharist and the Agape, as given here, and
that of their early days, and emphasizes the distinction given to these
^

memorials by

this practice.

"

See below, p. 156, ;/. 3, for further reasons. Die Caiiones Hippolyti, p. 200 ff.

CHAPTER V
THE AGAP6
in

the FOURTH CENTURY AND AFTERWARDS


now
the previous order of the

RESUMING

investigation,

which has been interrupted

by the consideration of the formal directions on the Agape, I pass on to the more scattered
notices
or
allusions

which are to be found

in

more undoubted

writers of the fourth century.

The next statements of importance as to the Agape come from St. Chrysostom,^ who says " As in the case of the Cor.) {Horn, xxvii. on three thousand who believed in the beginning, all had eaten their meals in common, and had all Such was also the practice things in common. when the Apostle wrote this not thus, indeed,
i
:

exactly iovx oi'tw

fxkv

/>teTa

aKpi/Seia^),

but as

it

were

a certain
t^?

{airoppoia

descended also
^

communion ^ outflowing of among them, koivcovIq?) abiding And to them that came after.
the
I.
-

See Appendix

See above, chap.

i.

X4I

142

THE AGAP^
it

because

came
rich,

to

pass that

and others
goods
the
in

they laid

some were poor not down all their


the tables open on
eiKog)
;

the midst, but

made

stated days, as

was natural
a-wd^eoog)

(cog

and when
after

meeting (r^?

was

over,
all

the
to a

communion

of the mysteries, they


(evcoxtav),

went

common

entertainment

the rich bring-

ing their provisions with them, and the poor and


destitute being invited
in

by them and

all

feasting
after-

common
this
in

{koivti iravro-w (TTiwiJ.evwv)}

But

wards

custom also became corrupt."


another homily (xxii. Oportet hceres
:

And
es esse)

he says
all

"

having

things

From this law and custom (of common) there arose then
in the churches.

another admirable custom

For

when

all

the faithful

met

together, after hearing

the instruction, and after the prayers, and com-

munion of the
return home,

mysteries, they did not immediately

upon the breaking up of the assembly, but the rich and wealthy brought meat from their own houses and called the poor and
;

made common
banquets
in

tables,

common

dinners,

common
eu

the church itself" (/rotm? eTroiowro


(TVf/.7rocria

Tpaire^ag, Koii'ug ea-Tiaa-eig, Koiva


Tfl
eKK\}](Tl(x).
^

avrt]

Cf.

on

ecrriaais,

supra, chap.

iii.

IN
"

THE FOURTH CENTURY


rt]<i

143

And

so from this fellowship in eating and the


airo rod

reverence for the place (r^? evXa^eia^


TOTTOv), they were
all

strictly

united

in

charity
profit

one with another, and much pleasure and


arose thence to
forted

them
rich

all

for the

poor were comfruits

and the

reaped

the

of

their

benevolence, both

from

those

whom

they fed

and from God."


I

have elsewhere

criticised these statements

and

their claim to be regarded as a

really historical

account of apostolic and sub-apostolic practice.


But, putting that aspect aside, they

seem

to give

us a

perhaps somewhat idealised


in St.

picture of the

Agape
earlier.

Chrysostom's time, or perhaps rather

This statement

is

reproduced
xi.),

in effect
:

by the

who says " When pseudo-Jerome (/;/ i Cor. they met in the church they made their oblations
separately
;

and

after the
sacrifices

remained of the
the church,

communion, whatever they consumed these in

And
xi.

making a common supper together." Theodoret^ speaks similarly (m i Cor.


then that
in

16).

It is clear

Chrysostom's day, and

for

some
1

time previously, the


Cf.

Agape had been


xi.

Theophylact

in

Cor.

17, etc.

144

THE AGAPE
when
this practice

held in the church;^ but as to

actually began there does not seem to be clear


evidence.

Chrysostom's description has a somecast,

what formal and technical


writers,

which

is

obviously

very different from the third and second century

and which shows him to be somewhat

lacking in historical imagination, and to be describing the past

somewhat

in

terms of his

own

day.
But, in addition to the fact of the

Agape being

now
acter

held in the church,

we

see from Chrysostom

that in the fourth century

its

eleemosynary char-

before; and this

had become more strongly marked than is confirmed by the well-known

reference^ which Julian the Apostate

makes

to the

Agape

in

one of his

letters

{Fragm. Epistolce adfin.\

where he represents the Galilaeans as taking advantage of the neglect of the poor by their own
heathen priests to lure them into Christianity,
"

as

a child might be lured by a cake from home on board ship, and so sold into slavery in some
foreign part " {^la tov irXaKovvTO^ e^airaToovre^
eja/3rtXXovTe9
.
.

eh vavv aireSovro

.).

"

In

the
it

same manner, beginning with


^

their

Agape, as

Cf. suprn, chap. iv.

Already mentioned

in the Introduction,

IN
is

THE FOURTH CENTURY


. .
.

145

called

amongst them, and


atheism
ayuTrrj?
.
.

their entertainment

and ministry of tables


faithful into

they have led the


Sia
Trj<i

" {ap^a/j-evot

Xeyofxei'tjg

Trap

avToi^
.

Kai

vTroSox^?
ei"?

koi

SiaKovia^

Tpaire^wv

Trtcrrof? evr'jyayov

adeoTtjTa)}
to

This

passage

bears witness at once

the

influence of the
to

Agape

in the fourth century,

and

the

increasing dangers

with which

it

was

surrounded.

From

the earliest days of Christianity, as

we

have seen, these dangers were serious to Christians


living in the midst of a corrupt Jewish or heathen
civilization,

of

which
;

clubs

and
might

social

feasts

formed a great part


secution,

but

in

the days of peroccasionally


it

though

scandals

occur in

connection with the Agape,

was an

undoubted bond of union and a strength


all

above

poor or weak brethren, who there mixed on equal terms with the wealthy, and with those who were strong in the faith. But, now that under Constantine official recognition and
to

the

See also Julian, Epist.


Tj

xlix.

{ad Arsacium)
ij

ov?ih

airo^XeTro/xev

fidXicTTa Trjv ddedrrjTa (Twijv^rjaev


irepl

irepl toi>s

^ivovs (piKavdpwTrla Kai


ij

Kal

rds racpas rOiv


.
.

veKpQv
.

Trpo/XT^deia

TreirXacrixivri

aepLPOT-qs

Kara rbv ^iov

fevoSoxe'a

Kad^ iKacTTrjv

KaTdarrjcrov
.
.

TTVKvd

iv'

airoXavcrucrit' ol ^iuoL ttJs Trap' ijfjiQv

(piXai'dpuTrias-

Tp^(f>ovai de ol dvaaejSei^ ToKiXaiot toi)s

eavruv Kai rovs

7j/jLT^povs.

The whole

letter is

worth study.

146
state
it

THE AGAPE
patronage had been given to Christianity,
inevitable that evil results should begin to

was

indicate themselves in the case of this ideal union,

which now began to show the seeds of


decay.

its

final

And

so,

now, we find the Church

in

the

Synod
first
:

of Gangra^ {circa A.D. 353, Canon

xi.) for

the

time formally condemning the abuse of the Agape

"If anyone^ despise those who in faith hold Agapae, and who for the honour of the Lord
invite the brethren to meet,

and

if

he be unwilling
because
let

to

take

part

in

these

invitations

he

holds what takes place in contempt,

him be
and

anathema."
assemblies

..." We
as

approve of the Church


public

being for the

good,

pronounce a blessing on signal acts of charity

done
It

to our brethren."

was apparently the case of the Eustathians

that

was

specially

aimed

at.

They
for

"

moved with

pride," despised

the

assembly of the orthodox,

and chose

to hold the

Agap^

themselves in

private houses.
1

For the disputed date see Diet. Christian Antiqq.


Kvplov
rdis
(TvyKoXorji'Tuv
Toiis

s.

v.

Gangra.
kolv-

'Et rts KaracppovoiT] tCov k vicrTeus dydiras ttolovvtuv Kai 5id


d5eX0oi>s,

Ti/Jt.T)v

Kal

fiT]

ediXoi.

(iipeiv

KKtjffiCTi,

did

t6

i^evTeXl^eiv

rb

yiybfj-ivov,

dvdOefia

eiXTw.

IN
But

THE FOURTH CENTURY


to

147

in spite of official reproofs the evil side of

these entertainments continued

prevail after
in

the time of Constantine, and

especially

the

Eastern Church, as we see from the statements


of Gregory of Nazianzus and Chrysostom himself.

By
for

this

time a further development had taken

place in the character of the Agapae, and they had,

considerable

time

past,

been

gradually
pre-

converted into entertainments which families

pared on the

death of relatives,

in

churches, on

the anniversaries of martyrs, and at which clergy

and poor were regular guests. And so Gregory apostrophizes the martyrs

in
if

whose honour the


be
Is

feast

was held
But
for
.

"

Tell

us

the assemblies really please you.

For what can

more
it

delightful

what
. .

reason

for

the

sake
call
I

of
to

virtue?
witness,

You,
into

O
a

holy martyrs,
of

these

children

d!)
isgrace.
^
"^

lust

have
<>

changed

your

honours

"

Ep.

See above, chap, iv., and Gieseler, vol. ii. p. 50 xxii., ad Aurelium, quoted in text, p. 150. Gregor. Nazian., Carmina, ccxvii.-ccxxi.
:

Cf. Augustin.,

Mdpriipes eiTrare

d/j,fiiv

oKrjOQs

el (piXbv vfilv

At avvodol.

NOi' 5^ rdp^os ex^'

A"^)

o-Koiiffare

(pCKdKwiJLOi,

irpbs Toijs dai/xoviKoiis avTO/MoXelre tvttovs.

148

THE AGAPE
again {Orat.
vi.

And
offer

ff.)

he says

"

Let us also

our bodies and souls a living

sacrifice.
;

...

If

we gather ourselves together in this way so shall we keep the feast day as will give pleasure to
Christ and honour to the martyrs.
If,

however,

we come

together to satisfy the belly and to enjoy

the changing and fleeting pleasures, and so turn


this place of

temperance into a place of gluttony

and

satiety.

...

do not see how our conduct


Chrysostom,
in spite of the

corresponds with the occasion."

And

similarly St.

somewhat
{Horn,
" If

ideal picture of the


is

Agap6 he had

else^

where given,
xlvii.,

obliged to

caution

the guests

Panegyric on Julian the Martyr)

thou desirest the enjoyment of pleasure

now

what is more enjoyable than this assembly? What more graceful, than the spectacle which is
as well,
spiritual {Qedrpov rod Trveu/mariKov), than thy

own

strains

(twi/ fxeXwv

tmv

acev)
.-*

than the fellowship

((Twovcriai)

with the brethren

But wouldest thou

ov fTjTetTe rpdire^av ivirvovv ov5k /xayeipovs'


oi

d'ipvyas wapexovcr' clvt dpeTTjs rb yepas.

MapTvpo/xai dOXocpopoi Kal fidprvpes, v^ptv idT)Kav


Tifids v/JLeripas oi (pCKoyaaToploai.
'

Cj. Gieseler,

ii.

p. 51 n.

Melodies.

IN

THE FOURTH CENTURY


?

149
it

participate in a bodily table as well


lawful,
after

There

is

the breaking up

of

the assembly

{(TvXXoyov), to take one's ease (KaToXvaavri)

under
the

a vine or fig-tree near

the

monument

of

martyr, and to allow the body relaxation, and


yet secure the conscience from condemnation (to

aTraWd^ai Karayi^oocrecog). For the martyr you close by, and, being near and standing by the very table, he does not allow the enjoyment to
avveiSo?

sees

resolve itself {eKxvOrjmi) into sin, but as a tutor or

most excellent
eye of
faith,
all

father,

being looked on with the

he restrains (KaracrreWei) the mirth,


extravagant pleasures,"
etc.

he cuts off

And
writers.

these warnings were not confined to Eastern

There are similar complaints from the


which
is
is

African Church, such as that of the author of the


treatise de Duplici Martyrio,

sometimes

ascribed to St. Cyprian, but

evidently a later

work.

"

Drunkenness
a

(he says) has

become

in

our Africa to such an extent a custom, that hardly consider


Christian
full
1

men

it

sin.

Do we

not sec that one

is

pressed by another to drink himself


Is this

at the

memorials of the martyrs. ...

" Porro temulentia adeo communis est Africa nostrje ut propro crimine. Annon videmus ad martyrum memorias Christianum a Christiano cogi ad ebrietatem? An hoc levius crimen esse ducimus, quam hircum immolare Baccho?" etc.

pemodum non habeant

"

I50

THE AGAp6
?

to be regarded as a lesser sin than to offer a goat

to

Bacchus

And

similarly St. Augustine {Eput.


vi.)

xxii.,

ad

Aurelium, chap,

says

"

Those debaucheries and

lavish banquets in cemeteries are usually believed

by a sensual
of martyrs,
{solatia

and

ignorant populace {impcrita

plebes) to be not only

commemorations

(Jionores)

but even consolations to the dead

mortuorum)."
"

And

again {contra Faustum,

XX. 20)

Our

love-feasts feed the poor either with

vegetable food or meat

commonly at love-feasts,
on
the

even
poor."

meats
1

are

expended {erogantur)

Indeed, both in East and West, there seems to

have been a tendency on the part of the ignorant populace to confuse these Agapae with the heathen
Parentalia and sacrificial festivals
that
St.
;

so

much
if

so

Augustine himself speaks as

these

Christian memorial feasts

substitute for those heathen banquets.

had been appointed as a " When,"

he

says,^ "

on the establishment of peace after the

persecutions, crowds of heathen,

who

desired to

come under
1

the
chap.

name
iv.

of Christians, were hindered


137.

C/.

supra,

p.

{Didasc.

xxvi.)

" agapis

et

erogationibus."
'^

Cf. Faustus, sttpra Introd. p. 2

ff.

Epist. xxix.

ad Alypium^ chap.

ix.

IN
by the
ery,

THE FOURTH CENTURY


spend
festal
in

151

fact that, being- used to

days

with their idols

abundant feasting and debaucheasily


refrain

they could not

from

these
in

pleasures, our

ancestors

determined that

the

meantime forbearance should be shown


those they were

for this

part of their weakness, and that in place of {post)

surrendering, other festal


in

days

should be celebrated

honour of holy martyrs,


profanity {sacrilegio),
if

at least not with similar

with similar display."

And
of

St.

Basil- {Regula Major, gu.


in

xl.)

speaks
of

sellers

the

sanctuary
in

on

festivals

martyrs

trafficking

what was

necessary for

the feasts.

And

so

we

arrive at the beginning of the sad

end of this beautiful and characteristically Christian

custom of

love-feasts,

when

the Church

itself

was
of

obliged to discountenance them, and forbid their


celebration in sacred
buildings.

The Council

Laodicea
^ " it

{circa A.D. 363) enacts

{Canon 28) that


in

is

not lawful to hold the so-called Agapae


Thatimaturg.
Felicis, ix.)

Cf. also Greg. Nyss. in Viia Greg.

Div.

i.

70.

"

OTL oiiB^ Tas ev Tois fiaprvpioLS yivo/xefa^ dyopacrlas oiKeias rjpuf

6\6yos SeiKwaiv.
vina tabernis.
^

Cf.

PauIinusNol. {Nat.

s.

"Divendant

Sancta precum domus


ri

est Ecclesia."
tcls

on

oil

Setiv rots KvpiaKoh

iv rals eKKXrjcriais

Xeyo/xei'ai dydTras

Troietv Kal iv Tt^ oIku)

tov Qeov

ecrdietp /cat o-KKov^ira crrpuvvveLV.

152

THE AGAPE
in

the Churches, or assemblies, and to eat, or set out

couches
"

the house of God."


a melancholy de-

The so-called Agapse " what


an outcome of the
"
!

velopment of that which seems to have been originally


"

Kam]

evroXtj

^iva

ayairaTe

aXKr'i\ov<i

But

after all

not the
so
it

Agap^

that

it was the Eucharist and was of Divine institution, and

was the Eucharist the Institution of Him " Who knew what was in man," and not the Agape, which man had, with the best intentions, added to
the Eucharist, that survived.

The subsequent

history of the

Agape

will

need

only to be briefly summarised.^

Henceforward Agapce were regularly celebrated


in the East, e.g. in Antioch, beside the place dedi-

cated to martyrs.^

By

the end of the fourth century they seem to

have died out of most parts of the Western Church,


as St. Augustine tells us {Ep. xxii.

ad

Aureliuni,
Italy,

chap,

iv.)

"

Throughout the greater part of


all

and

in all

or almost

other churches beyond the


all,

sea they had either not been celebrated at


if

or

they had arisen or become customary, they were


^

See further

in Binterim,
xlvii.

ii.

pt.

i. ii.

sect. 9,

and Gieseler,

ii.

52

Chrysost., Hotn.

in S. Jul., tov /xaprvplov TrXTjalov vw6

IN

THE FOURTH CENTURY

153

put an end to and abolished after careful consideration

by the Bishops." ^ St. Ambrose, e.g. had prohibited them


vi.

at Milan,

as St. Augustine tells us {Confess,

2) in

order

that

no

opportunity for

debauchery might be
Parentalid)

given to the intemperate, and " because this kind of Parentalia


{ilia

quasi

resembled

very closely the superstition of the heathen."


Paulinus of Nola
is

our

chief

authority for
Italy
in

customs which
his day,

prevailed

elsewhere in
at

and he mentions how


all

Rome, Alethius
did
of
St.

entertained

the poor in the Basilica of St. Peter

at the funeral of his wife.


his

At Nola, Paulinus
to

utmost
2

to

put an
feasting

end
in

the

practice

commemorative
Felix.

the

Church of

In Africa such festivals seem


universal
;

still

to have been
his influence
xxii.

but

St.

Augustine used
he
tells
vi.),

against

them,

as

us
at

{Epistola
first

ad

Ajireli7iin,

chap,

by

urging

Aurelius, Bishop of Carthage, against them, and

subsequently by his

own

action, at

Hippo, which

^ "Per Itali33 maximam partem et in aliis omnibus aut prope omnibus transmarinis Ecclesiis partim nunquam facta sunt, partim vel orta vel inveterata episcoporum diligentia et animadversione

exstincta atque deleta sunt."


2

Gieseler,

ii.

p.

51-2; Paulin. Nol., Ep. 33.

154

THE AGAPE
"And
I

he describes^ at considerable length.

added an harangue
of the

in order to

show with what


{ebriosa

unusual heat and vehemence our Lord drove out

temple drunken

revellings

con-

vivia)" etc.

And,
397,

finally,

the third Council of Carthage (a.d.


"

Canon xxx.) enacted that

no bishops or

clergy should hold banquets in a church unless


it

should happen that the needs of hospitality

required that they should take refreshment there

when on a
ments of

journey.

And

that their flocks should

also, as far as possible,


this kind."^

be debarred from entertainthe Agapae seem to

In the Eastern churches

have survived somewhat longer without further


general condemnation.

Theodoret, for instance (a.d.


Eccl.
iii.

circ.

429,

Hist.

11)

speaks

of

certain

martyrs

being

honoured by a yearly feasting


eTtjcrlo)

{fxky^pi

Se rrjixepov
in

S>]iuoOoivia
"

yepaipovrai).
"

But

A.D.

692

the Trullan or
^
''

Quinisextan

Council (Canon 74)

p. xxix. ad Alypiuin, a.d. 395. " Ut nulli episcopi vel clerici in ecclesia conviventur
illic

nisi forte

transeuntes hospitiorum necessitate

reficiantur

populi etiam
Cf.

ab hujusmodi conviviis quantum supra, Egyptian Ch. Ord. 49, et


rri iKK\yjaig,.

fieri
. . .

potest prohibeantur. "


\afji.j3di>i.i'

tis ti

^ovXerai ev

"

IN

THE FOURTH CENTURY

155

under Justinian H. repeated the Canon of Laodicea


"
^

against them, with the additional words,

those

who
in

dare to do this must either cease, or


" (acpopi^eaOocxrav).

be excommunicated

But

the

Western Church the


is

last

extant

enactment against them


"

as early as A.D. 541, in


xii.

the Second Council of Orleans (chap.


p.

Labbe

iv.

1781)

That no one

is

to perform his devotions

in

a church with singing or drinking or wantonness,

for

by such devotion God


^

is

not pleased but rather

incensed."

Yet, in spite of restrictions and prohibitions,

it

was long before the Agape


in its later

finally died out.

And

days

it

developed into a variety of forms

which

call for notice.

Theodoret
437
A.D.),

{GrcBc. Affect. Curatio Diss,


in

viii.,

circa

speaks of Agapae

connection with

commemoration ^
festivals
Ooiviai) of

feasts as taking the place of such


:

as the Dionysia

"the ceremonies

((5>?//o-

Peter and Paul and Thomas,


in

etc.,

are

gone through, and


sion (TTo/xTre/a?)
^

place of the ancient proces-

and disgraceful obscenity of word


votum

Supra,

p.

151.
in

'^"Ne
placetur.
*

quis

ecclesia
;

lasciviendo exsolvat

quia Deus talibus votis irritatur potius

suum cantando, bibendo, vel quam

Natalitia,

i.e.

birthdays into a better world.

156

THE AGAPE
gatherings
7rap>]'yvpi^),

and deed, temperate


{(Tco(ppovi

are

celebrated

eopTa^ovrai

involving not
laughter,

drunkennesss

and

revelling

and

but

divine hymns, and the hearing of sacred oracles


(XoyiMv),

and prayers enhanced with commendable


KocrjULOujULei'tjv

tears (a^ieTraluoi^

SaKpuoi?)i.

And Gregory
The custom
funerals

of Nazianzus speaks {Ep.

14)^ of

such feasts in connection with marriages.


of

Agapae

in

connection
before.
It

with

has
in

been
all

mentioned
probability

was

originally^
1

grafting,

so to
et
. .

Cf.

St.

Aug.,
. .
.

psallebatur

E/>. xxix. ad Alyp., " legebatur alternatim non parva multitudine utriusque (sexus)
.

manente
2

et psallente."

Cf.

also Greg.

Nazianz., Epist.

Ivii.

(ccxciii.)

and

ccxxxii.

(cxciii.).
^ It

feasts

has been questioned whether these funeral and memorial were Agapce at all. My reasons for thinking that they were
:

(l)

are briefly these, in addition to the evidence given above, p. 138 That legalisation of sodalicia '' religionis causa" naturally

would dispose the Christians in early times to shelter their Agapae under the wing of collegia funeraticia, which all had feasts. (See Appendix II.) (2) That Tertullian in his description of the Agape {Apol. xxxix.) distinctly dwells on the " area," which was common to the Christian " corpus " with the heathen collegium, as expended
" egenis alendis kumaiidisqtie." (Cf. ad Ma7-tyr : i. Inter cetera alimenta, beati martyres designati, etc., a.nA de JejHit. chap. 12, and the idea of alms-giving in connection with burials survives in the
Apostolic Constitutions (viii. 42), quoted above). (3) That the language applied to these feasts is very similar to that used of the Agape, though the word Agape is scarcely ever applied to them. Cf.

Constantine, Oral, ad Sand. chap,

xii.,

aujcppofiarara 5e ttoWui^ Kal

IN

THE FOURTH CENTURY


Agape upon
;

157

speak, of the Christian

the

immefar the in this

morial custom of funeral feasts


distinctive features of the
it is

and how

Agapae survived
;

not possible to determine

but several Western

writers of this period speak of such feasts in

much

the
St.

same terms

as they apply to the

Agape

proper.

Augustine, for instance {^De Moribus Eccles.


:

cxxxiv.), says

" I I

and

pictures,

know many who adore tombs know many who drink most
corpses,

lavishly

over the dead, and who, setting forth


before

banquets
over those
{super
their

dig their

own graves
to the grave

who have been brought


se

sepultos

ipsos

sepeliant),

and who put

own

acts of gluttony

and excess down to the

account of religion."

And

similarly Paulinus of
xiii.

Nola

(A.D. 397, Epist.


"

ad Pammachium,
rb. avfj-Tvoaia irpos

11),

speaking

^^ lacrima-

fXeov Kal duaKT-^cnv tQv Seofxivojv Kal Trpo? ^o-qdeiav

Tuv

ih'TrecrdvTui'.

See Bingham, bk. xx. chap.


viii.
;

vii.

Cs-ve, PrimUiTJe

Christianity, chap.
Prof.

Diet.

Christ. Antiqq. s.v.


i.

"Cemetery."
,

Ramsay,

Cities

and

Bishoprics of Phrygia,

19,

says:

" The Christians were the dominant class in most Phrygian cities after 200. They registered themselves as "collegia tenuiorum "
(.Dig. 47, 22),

and accommodated themselves


law."

in all possible

to the

Roman

Some

of the inscriptions given

ways by Prof.

Ramsay tend to confirm the above view, e.g. Nos. 455-7 {Cities and Bishoprics, p. 562), where Aristeas gives a piece of ground to a Christian burial and benefit society on certain conditions.

IS8

THE AGAPE
sanctitate" adds
:

rum

"

Methinks

see

all

those

crowds of the poor {miserandce) populace, those


nurslings of divine piety gathered together into

the

magnificent

{amplissimavi)

basilica

of
in

the

glorious Peter, and so carefully disposed

com-

panies {per accubitus),

and
.

all
.

being fed with


cibis)"
^

abundance of food

{profitiis
is

And,
in

lastly,

there

mention of religious feasts


festivals,

connection with dedication


^

which by

the time of Gregory


"

of Nazianzus had

become an
;

ancient usage

"

(ey/cama

Tijuaa-Oai TroXaio's vofio^)

but which gradually had grown more

licentious, until

at the beginning of the seventh century

we

find

Gregory ^ the Great writing to Mellitus, who was about to join Augustine in England, and, in order
to check the popular

tendency to idolatry,

" allow-

ing that, as

some solemnity must be conceded


for the

as a

compensation

transformation of the heathen

temples into Christian churches, and the abolition


of the sacrifices, these festivals should be observed

on the anniversaries of the day of the dedication,"


^

But see also Gregor. Nazianz., Carmin.,


sVt Saira 7ej'^^Xtoi', ^e davbvTO's,
ij

ii.,

xvii.

(Benedict. Ed.),

oi)5' iepTji'

riya. vvfi j'lolrjp

avv ivKeb-

veaai Oiuv.
"
^

Orat.
Epist.
i.

xiii.

ad Melliium.
ii.

See Diet. Christ. Antiqq. s.v. See the fuller account in Binterini,

ii.

pts.

and

IN

THE FOURTH CENTURY


" after

159
to

when, he suggests,

killing

cattle

the

praise of God, they should celebrate the solemnity

with religious feasting."

In conclusion
briefly the

it

may

be well to gather up very

cussion,

somewhat scattered threads of this disso as to present the main results of it in


(Introd.) to investigate to

a convenient form.

The attempt made

some extent the environment heathen and Jewish in which the love-meals grew up, showed, with

regard
religious

to

the

former,

that

both
Greek,

secular

and
or

associations,

either

Roman,
the

Oriental in origin, and usually involving


meals, were

prevalent

throughout

common Roman

Empire during the period when the Agape arose and that these associations were, in some cases,
not without morally beneficial results; but that
there
is

not

sufficient

evidence to

prove

that

they were on the same moral plane with these and that therefore they Christian love-meals
;

were unlikely to have had any direct influence


1 " Ut die dedicationis vel natalitii sanctorum martyrum faciant, et leligiosis tabernacula sibi circa easdem ecclesias
. . . . . .

conviviis

soUemnitatem celebrent.

i6o

THE AGAPE
{cf.

on their origin

App.

I.

C, p.

179),

though

they paved the way, so to speak, for their development, and subsequently
effect

exercised

a corrupting

upon them

(pp. 18, 19).

On

the other hand,

a survey of the history of Jewish


anterior to

common

meals,

and contemporary with the


20-35),

rise of the

Agape

(pp.

showed

that

they differed

essentially from the all-embracing character of the

Christian love-feast, in that they were primarily


for

purposes of exclusion
(p.

(p. 34) or

of ceremonial

purity
ficial

31); but, nevertheless, that the sacri-

and symbolical significance of common meals (pp. 22, 23) had its roots so deep in the Hebrew character that it could not be without effect on the relations of Christ to His disciples. Not only
did our Lord's identification of the Apostles with

Himself express
ship (p.
37),

itself in

a constant table-fellow-

but

He

repeatedly spoke of His

Kingdom under

And

the image of a Supper (pp. 36, 37). this symbolism naturally survived and dein the infant Christian

veloped

community

in

the

shape of
mination
^

common

oneness in

meals (pp. 39-42). The idea of Christ thus expressed found its cul-

in the special

Commemoration ^
p.

instituted

Dr.

P.
is

"there

Gardner (Exploratio Evangelica, no proof that Jesus intended to

461) says that

institute

a Lord's

IN

THE FOURTH CENTURY


in

i6i

by Christ Himself

the Eucharist (pp. 45 and 47).


is

The
Paul

sacrificial

character of this Institution


in
I.

not

so strongly emphasised
(p.

the Gospels as by St.

38,

71.

2,

App.

A,

p.

165);

but the

Institution cannot,

on any showing, be altogether


surroundings, or from
it

divorced from

its

sacrificial

the gradual propaideia which led up to


I.

(App.
the

A,

p.

165

n.)

and, tiiough the


first

Agape and

Eucharist were at

united, hiter alia the lanfirst

guage of

St.

Paul indicates that from the

Supper," and that "the Christian Sacrament, as we know it, represents the early Christian custom of the common meal mixed with an infusion of sacrificial mysticism, probably due to Paul." But taking the Synoptists' account (even apart from the doubtful words in St. Luke) it is steeped in sacrificial associations. " The

Lamb," f.^. (Isa. liii. 7), "in shaphope of Judaism, cannot be over-estimated" (Hastings' Z>/(-/. Bible, s.v. Lamb. I Pet. i. 19 ; Cf. John i. 29, 36 John vi. 35, 53, 54, and Stier Keden Jesu, E. T., vii. p. 77). As, however, the lamb is not mentioned in the Synoptists, its But for the sacrificial significance cannot perhaps be pressed. significance of bread and wine see further Freeman, Principles Maclear, Evidential of Divine Service, part ii. pp. 76 and 200 also Hastings' Value of the Holy Eucharist, p. 51 ft., p. 73 Diet. Bible, s.v. Lord's Supper. And, even putting aside the Synoptists' account, there is no reason to distrust St. Paul's (probably earlier) statement (i Cor. xi. 23 ff. ), which, if unhistorical and merely ecstatic,' could easily have been discredited by some of those If the Eucharist was a mere developpresent at the Last Supper.
influence of the idea of the

ing

the Messianic

ft".

'

ment of the common meal, why did both survive so long in the Church ? See also Dr. Sanday in Hastings' Diet. Bible, ii. p. 638, and reft", there and supra, p. 22.
;

i62

THE AGAPE
was

there

some
;

distinction
71.

between
early

the

two

(pp. 38, n. 2

43,

48).

The
for,

and appar-

ently natural separation of the two would other-

wise be difficult to account


i.e.^

on the supposition,

that every

common

meal, and the whole of


first

every such meal, was an Eucharist from the


(p. 43. n. 5).

The
(App.

seeds which bore

fruit

in

this separation
i

already appear in the description in


I.

Corinthians
feast

C, pp. 47, 50),

though whether the

described there was called an


uncertain (App.
I.

Agape
still in

is

somewhat

C).

The evidence

of the Didache
union, whether

seems
this

to

show the two meals


letter to

was normal or not

(pp. 31, 32, 53, 53, n. 4).


is

But Pliny's
then, or

Trajan (112 A.D.)

commonly
11.

taken as indicating that the separation took place


not long
pp.
187,

previously

(p.

59 and

2,

p. 56, n. 3,

196), at least in parts of the


{c.

Church.

The
(p.

silence of Justin

140 A.D.) and

Irenaius (177 A.D.) as to the

Agape hardly seems


197,
in
ff.)

conclusive

61,

App.
II.

II.

n.

2)

as to

its

non-existence at
{cf.

Rome and
pp.

Gaul respectively
in their time, in

61 and App.

190

view of the strong and apparently representative


statement of TertulHan, though
that,
it

may
the

indicate

owing

perhaps

partly

to

varying

IN

THE FOURTH CENTURY


of the

1C3

enforcement

law

against

associations

in different parts of the

Empire, the development


pp. 188,

of the
196,
11.

Agape was not uniform (App. H.


3).

But, by the

end of the second or

beginning of the third century, the Agape, as a


distinctive
in
p.

ceremony, seems to have been


ii.

in

vogue

East and West alike (chaps, and iii., especially The exact relation of the Agape to the 104).

legal

enactments of the
is

Roman Emperors
is

at this

period
of
its

uncertain, but there

some
n.

indication

legalisation in connection with the collegia


(p.

funcraticia
p.

104

;/.,

p.

156

3,

p.

189

n.

199

.)

At

this

time there also appears to be some

uncertainty as to the separation of the Eucharist

from the Agape


(chap.
iii.

in parts of the
;

Egyptian Church

pp. 79, 90-3)

but the directions as to the


Apostolic Constitu-

Agape

in the literature of the

tions represent the differentiation as clear in Syria

and Egypt generally,


in the latter

in

the fourth century,


;

if

not

part of the third


least
in

and the general


between
these

agreement, at

outline,

documents, and the statements of Tertullian and

Clement of Alexandria as to the


almost universal
126

love-feast

seems

to indicate that the separation of the


(p.
ff.).

two

rites

was

i64

THE AGAPE
the

At

same time a comparison

of these docu-

ments with each other points to a good deal of


local variety in the ritual of these

common meals

(chap.

iv.

pp. 126-9).

The

further history of the

Agape, as gathered
a

from undoubted writers of the fourth century, and


afterwards (chap,
v.),

unfolds

sad

picture

of

gradual decay, partly consequent on the increasing

admixture of Christianity with pagan elements,


which
its official

recognition in the

Roman Empire

tended to promote.

APPENDIX
(To Chapter
I)

IN
the

seeking

to
in

explain
i

the
I

passage

on

the

assembly

Cor.

xi.,

have been led to


"that in the

same conclusion
ii.

as Bishop Lightfoot {Apostolic


i,

Fathers, vol.

sect,

p.

313), viz.

Apostolic

Agape.
as
it

Age the Eucharist formed part of the The original form of the Lord's Supper
^

was

instituted

by Christ was thus


i

in a
xi.

manner
17
e.g.

kept up.

This appears from


7),

Cor.

(comp. Acts XX.

from which passage we

infer
it

that the celebration of the Eucharist came, as


'

Dr. Armitage Robinson {Encycl.

Biblica, s.v.

Eucharist), in

view of the uncertainty as to whether the Last Supper was a Passover Supper, warns us against being dominated in our conception of the original institution by the consideration of the elaborate ceremonial of the Passover celebration, and he connects the institution
rather with

Jewish meals."
p.

14

ff.,

"the simpler formula which accompanied the ordinarj' But see Bp. J. Wordsworth, Holy Communion, and the raff, there Harnack, Texte, etc., vii. ii. 137.
;
,

165

i66

THE AGAPE
a
later

naturally would, at

stage

in

the enter-

tainment."

But

this

statement
St.

is

at variance with the welli

known passage in xxvii.), who says


(t^9 cn/i/a^ecof)

Chrysostom (on

Cor., Honiil.

that "

when
went

the solemn service

was completed,
all

after the

communion
enter-

of the mysteries, they

to a

common

tainment, the rich bringing their provisions with

them, and the poor and destitute being invited

by them, and
wards
this

all

feasting in

custom also

common. But became corrupt."

after-

Some modern
Eucharist

writers, relying

on Chrysostom's
first

statement, maintain either that from the

the

preceded the Agape, or

somewhat
own words
between the
Cox,^

strangely in view of Chrysostom's


that there

was no

direct connection

Eucharist and the Agape.


e.g.,

Mr.

Homersham

boldly declares, in spite of the evidence adabove,


that

duced

"there

is

not the slightest

reference in ancient writers to a combination of

the Eucharist and the Agape."


^

.See also

Duchesne, Les Origines

dii

Cu/te Chretien, p. 48,

who

appears to take the same view.

-See
xi.
-

also

Chryosostom's Homily,
iii.

" Oportet

hoereses

esse"

(Benedictine Ed., vol.


17.

Cf. chap, v.,

and Theophylact in i Cor. supra, and Bingham, bk. xv. chap. vii.
p.

244),

First Century of Christianity, p. 312.

APPENDIX
that, in

167

But apart from the very strong presumption


the absence of express direction to the
is

contrary {of which there

no

evidence),

the

Apostles would have followed


original
Institution, the
St.

the order of the

considerations
(i

adduced,
^

and the emphasis of


institution

Paul

Cor. xi. 25) on the


Seiirvfjaai

of the cup being jxera to

cannot be so lightly set aside.

Moreover, the

extreme simplicity and the untechnical character


of the language applied to the Eucharist in the

Acts scarcely leave room


Chrysostom's
statement,

for

doubt, in spite of

which was made pro-

bably not earlier than 387 A.D.,- that the view taken in the text is the true one. By Chrysostom's
time the custom of early celebrations and fasting
'

with

The normal this. The


when,

order of a Greek delTrvov would not be inconsistent


TrpcDrat rpd-Tre^at.

consider the meal,


Tpdwe^ai,
dainovos), the guests

and wine
a

included the whole of what we was not drunk till the Sevrepai
the

after

libation to

"good

spirit"

(dyadov

drank from their first cup to Aids uiTTJpoi. The de'cirvov of St. Paul might correspond in order to the Sevrepai Tpdire^ai, the Trpwrat for satisfying hunger (l Cor. xi. 34) having presumedly been eaten at home. Cf. Xenoph., Symp. ii. i ; and Smith's Diet. Antiqq. s.v. "Coena." Plato, Synip. chap. iv. St. C/. Prof. Ramsay, Cities and Bishoprics of Phrygia, p. 485
; ;

Paul much

the

Traveller y p. 208.
.
. .

"The

Christian lived in externals


for Christianity to dis-

as before."
itself

"It took centuries

engage
-

from

its

surroundings, and to remake society and the

rules of life."

See Diet. Christ. Biogr.

s.v.

Chrysostom.

i68

THE AGAPE
so ingrained into the
life

Communion had become


well

of the Church that to an uncritical

mind

it

might

seem incredible that things had ever been

otherwise, whereas recent historical criticism points


to the conclusion that the practice of Chrysostom's

time was due, not to immemorial custom or direct Divine precept, but to the communis sensus of the
Catholic Church based on a sad experience of the

abuse of the original practice.^


Dr. John Lightfoot, whose opinion is always worthy of respect, owing to his learning, strongly

questions the "

more general opinion

"

that the

Agapae were solemn assemblies which every congregation had, and at which they ate together at
receiving the Sacrament,
fore,
;

some think instantly besome after " ^ and he urges that what St. Paul condemns in i Cor. xi. is " not only nor so much the misdemeanours at these suppers as the suppers
"

themselves," and he declares that the Agapae were


really the entertainment of strangers,^
" far

though he

is

from denying that some Agapae were used as


i.e.

'

Early,
to

appear
'^

have originated
I2,

"antelucan," celebrations, as above stated (chap, ii.), in the desire to escape notice in time of

persecution.

Sermon on Jude
xi., vol.
ii.

Works, Ed. Pitman,

vi.

232

ff.

Cf.

on

Cor.
"

p. 525.
I

Cf.

Rom.

xvi.

and 23.

APPENDIX
appendages to the Lord's Supper
the Apostles
in

169

more

ancient

ages of the Church, but whether in the times of

we ask, and whether Jude means such we very much doubt." " ^ Those Agapae we suppose were when strangers
. .

were hospitably entertained

in

each Church, and

that at the cost of each Church.

And we
In

are of

opinion that this laudable custom was derived

from

the

synagogues

of

the

Jews.

these

synagogues they neither eat nor drink

but there

was a place near the synagogue were wont to sleep and eat." ^
offers points

in

which they

But though, as we have seen, the Jewish custom


of contact with the subsequent dein

velopments of the Agape


there
I

the Christian Church,


in

no trace of such ^evoSoxia have above adduced.^


is

the evidence

The N.T. passages quoted


are
:

in

support of this view,


thence and
Titus

Acts

xviii.

" departed 7 (Paul),

went
'

into the

house of a certain

man named
vol.
iii.

P. 523Gloss, in Bava Bathra, fol. The method of charitable


i.

^
^

3, 2.

See also L.,

p. 274.

relief described

by Justin Martyr

{Apol.

chap.

Ixvii.) in

connection with the Eucharist, does not


:

suggest any such complete organization


vpoecTTLOTi.

to avWeyoiJ-evov irapa rui


6p(f>avois
. . .

airorlderai

/cat

ai^ros

iiriKovpel

Kai

Totj
in-

But the concluding words seem to dicate the direction which subsequent organization might take.
irapevidTjuLois

otac ^4vols.

I70
Justus,

THE AGAPE
one that worshipped God, whose house
hard
to

joined

the synagogue" (ou


]

oIkIg

rjv

crvvojuopovcra

Rom. xvi. I, 2, " Phcebe a servant of the Church ... a succourer (tt/oo(TTrtTi?) of many"; and Tim. v. lo, ei e^evoSoxw^^y
t^ (Twaycoyr])
i

ay'ioov 'Tr6Sa<i evi-^ev.

But as a matter of
this

fact there

is

Httle or

no trace of

form
the
'^

in the

organization

of Christian

charity in
;

Apostohc or Sub-

Apostolic

Age

and the straitened and harassed


institutions
difficult, if

circumstances of the infant Church would have


obviously

made any such

not impossible.
left

Such hospitality was evidently


first,

to the generosity of individuals at


^.^.,

as

we
kqi

see,

from Rom.

xii.

23

"Gaius, 6 ^evo?

/ulov

B
The meaning
I

of the term KvpiaKov Seiirvov in

Cor. xi. has been so

much

disputed, that

it

seems

to require a brief discussion.


^

Urescher ("de

Agapis,"

sect.

2) points out that both rich


i

and poor are included

in the feast in

Cor.

xi.,

whereas

in the

distribution of food only the needy

were

invited.

C/. Prudentius

Hymn

II. de

Passione Laurentii,
in

v.

158, sqq.

^ .See

further

Church, chap,

iv.,

Uhlhorn's Christian Charity in the Ancient Suicer Thesaurus, s.v. if-vo^oxCiov, Trrw^f'^o*'? etc.

APPENDIX
A
recent
^

171
i

writer seeks to prove that in


to

Cor. xi.

KuptaKov

refers

God

the Father, but with an

apparently strange want of reference to the im-

mediate context
that he received
. . .

(vv. 23, 24) in


"

which

St.

Paul says

from the Lord

" (cnro
.
.

rov Kvpiov)

that the

Lord

(o Kvpio(}) Jesus

took bread
(fxera

and likewise also the cup


Senri'tjcrat)
;

after

supper

TO

and throughout the chapter, and


majority of
cases

indeed

in

the

through the

Epistle- both Kvpio? and 6 Kvpio^ seem to refer to

the Lord Jesus.

In the only other passage^ in the


in

New

Testament
it

which the adjective KvpiaKog

occurs,

apparently refers to the commemoration


it

of the day on which


that Jesus
is

was declared with power


Ixvii.),

Lord, Sunday, according to Justin


i.

Martyr {Apol.
Jesus
Christ

chap.

being

" the

day on
. .

which we hold our

common assembly

because

our Saviour rose from the dead."

But, though Bishop Lightfoot (on Ignatius, Ep.

ad

Magnes.
ful,

p.

129) thinks this interpretation doubt-

at

any

rate St Paul's
" (i

own
Cor.

use of the expression


v. 5,

"

the day of the Lord


1

and

2 Cor.

i.

14)

My

friend, the Rev. C.

R. D. Biggs,
p.

" The

Sacrificial signi-

ficance of the term Lord's Supper,"


^

i6.
cf.

For a possible exception


Rev.
i.

in this chapter,

xi.

32 with

x.

22

see Thayer, Lex. s.v. Kipios.


'

10,

"I was

in the spirit

on the Lord's

{KvpiaKrj)

day."

172

THE AGAP^
There
in the

refers not to the Father, but to the Son.

does not appear to be anything^

Old Testais

ment use of

KvpLo<i

or KvpiaKo?,^ there

certainly

nothing in the

LXX

usage of

Kvpiog, to counter-

Nor in the face of them does St. Paul's quotation of " the table of the Lord " (rpdire^a Kuplov) from Mai 7 seem to be
balance these considerations.
i.

conclusive to the contrary.

The word

Secirvov

is

in

itself

of

course not

necessarily restricted to an evening or night meal,^

but the evident allusion to the Paschal Supper in


this

passage

(i

Cor.

xi.)

as well as the fact that

the Jewish sacrificial meals were usually held in the evening leave no doubt as to the connotation

of the term here.^

But the question which more nearly concerns us


is,

whether the expression KvpiaKov


the

Seiirvov refers

to

Eucharist

alone,

or

to

the

Agape, or
be
or at

includes both.

If the

view taken

in the text
in,

correct, viz., that the

Agape culminated
the
Eucharist,

any
'

rate

preceded

the context

KvpidKos only occurs in 2 Mace. (xv. 36), with a variant.

"
^

See, e.g., Thayer's Lexicon, N.T. s.v.


Cf.

Luke

xiv. 12,

orav

ttoltj^

dptaTov

rj

oeiirvov.

The Passover

"The might be celebrated only between sunset and midnight. Pascha is not eaten but during the night, nor yet later than the middle of the night " (Mishia, Sebachim, v. 8).

APPENDIX
seems undoubtedly
" If,"

173

in favour of the third

meaning.

the Apostle says in effect, " you disgracefully


it is

abuse even the Agape,


eat a true Lord's
" it

impossible for you to

Supper
is

" or,

with the alternative


to
"

rendering

not

really

eat

Lord's
i.e.,

Supper that you come together


which
in

a
^

supper,

like the

first

Lord's

Supper

culminated

the supreme act of eating and drinking the

Lord's
this

Body and Blood.


seems
to

And, on the whole,


best

sense

harmonise

with the

context.

Mr.

Scudamore
at

{Diet.

Christian

Antiqq.,
title

s.v.

Lord's Supper) suggests that the


the

included

Agape

first, "

partly in order to veil the


to the

Sacrament from unbelievers, partly owing


language of
stood."
St.

Paul

(i

Cor. xi.) being so under-

The

fact,

which

have not seen noticed by any


"

other writer, that the Canons of Hippolytus- (172)

speak of
^

"

the Lord's Agapse

{KvpiaKal^ agapis)

The

Eucharist being specially but not exclusively included in

the expression.

The points emphasized on pp. 40, 41, and the See p. 160 ff. If notes there are important in this connection.

the Eucharist constituted the whole meal, the eating of to tdiov


deiTTfov would hardly have been possible there would have been no colourable pretext for it. ^ Cf. chap. iv. supra and the parallel passage in the Canonum Rdiquia (Hauler) " Cana Dominica" p. 106.

174

THE AGAPE
^

seems strongly to support Mr. Scudamore's


as to

view
the

meaning of KvpiaKov
is

Sel-Kvov.

Though

Canons are obviously interpolated


expression in question

in places, the

extremely unlikely to
"

have occurred to any


" Lord's

later interpolator.

The subsequent usage


Supper
"

of the term " Supper


to

or

seems

have varied somewhat


"

curiously.

In the second century the term


is

our

supper

"

applied to the

{Apologet. chap, xxxix.),


ently, to the Eucharist

Agape who also applies

by Tertullian
it,

appar-

'^

ccena Dei^' {Spectac. 13),


ii.

and ^'convivium Dominicum" {Ad Uxor.


In the third century
it

chap.

4).

is

applied to the Eucharist

by Hippolytus.2 But in the fourth century the term has two senses, either, as in St. Basil ^ " we are instructed neither to eat an ordinary supper in church, nor to do dishonour to the Lord's Supper" (by celebrating it in a house); * or, especially in the Western Church, for the Commemorative Supper on Maundy-Thursday, on which the Agape was celebrated with the Eucharist.
:

Though not

the inferences he draws from


i.e.

it.

"The

mystical supper,"
Cf.

of the Institution.
c.

In Prov.

ix.

Fragment.
7 (A.D. 254).
'
*

Dionysius of Alexandria, Tract,


Cf. St.

Sanios.

R. ad Q.
v. 7.

Regulce brevius rnutatu:, 310.


Concil.

Aug., Ep. 54,

Carthag. (397 A.D.)


u.s.

Canon

29.

For further exx. see

Scudamore,

APPENDIX
And
additional proof that

175

the survival of this latter custom seems an

the

Agapd and Eucharist

were originally combined.

In the text, following Bishop Lightfoot, Bing-

ham

(bk.

XV.

chap.

vii.

6),

who speaks

of

" a

Feast of Charity which


Apostolical
rite
I

all

the Ancients reckon an

accompanying the Communion,"


were an Agape,
are

and others,
to in
I

have spoken of the Supper referred


if
it

Cor. xi. as
"

But

have been asked

we to speak of the It was a Corinthian Eucharist as an Agape ? Supper, of course. But had the idea and name To this I of Agape already come into being ? "
reply
in
(i)

why

that,

if

the considerations

mentioned

the
i.

Introduction
are of

and
value,

in

the earlier part of

chap.

any

one would expect to

find the idea present to the

mind of the
;

earliest

Christians, whether

Jewish or Gentile
is

(ii)

that

the supper mentioned by St. Paul

not a mere
course,

ordinary
Eucharist
the

social

meal,

nor

yet,

of

solely, as the eating of food other


is

than

elements

indicated

by

St.

Paul,
v.

but a

religious meal.
it

This

is

clear from

20,

where
v.

is

called

"a Lord's Supper," and from

21,

176
" for in

THE AGAPE
your eating each one taketh before other
supper, and vv.
" wherefore, 33, 34,

his

own

my
eat
is

brethren,

when ye come together


If

to eat, wait for


let

one another.
at

any man
where

is

hungry
for

him
that

home,"

where and

consideration
it

others

emphasized,

is

plain
is

the

primary object of the


satisfying of

meal
social

not

the
;

mere
(iii)

hunger or

enjoyment
the

that

in

the

passages quoted from the Epistles

of

Jude (12)
are

and

Peter

(ii.

13),

same
^

faults

rebuked,

viz.,

selfishness

and excess

(a^OyStt)?

eauTOVf

TTOi/JLaivovreg,

and

eVrpu^w^Te?)

at
(iv)

feasts

which

are

expressly

called

Agapae

that there seems to be no reason to believe

that these

common

feasts, as practised at Corinth,

were seriously different


elsewhere, or from the
Acts, and
writers
;

in kind

from those

in use

common meals
to

indicated in

frequently referred
that as to the

by subsequent

(v)

course, impossible to prove that

name Agape it is, of it was in use at


seems
to

Corinth in
1

St. Paul's time.

It

have been

in

Dr. F. 11. Chase (in Hastings' DicL Bibl. s.v. "Jude, Epistle
parallels
at

of") draws out these


of the

greater length, showing

the

probability that (i) Jude's readers were Gentiles like the majority

Corinthian

Christians,

and

(2)

that

they

belonged to

Syrian Antioch.
also.

The

readers of 2 Pet. would probably be Asiatics

APPENDIX
as between 60

177
^

use in the Christian Church at anyrate as early

and 80

A.D.

but

have no doubt

that at least the

germ

of the practice of Agapae apliturgical

pears in

Cor.,

though not perhaps the


e.g.,
it.

developments, which appear,


(chap. X.) in connection with

in

the Didache

All that

we know

of the Hellenic character as

exemplified at Corinth would lead one to expect


that the idea of a

common

feast

would develop

at

least as rapidly there as in Christian communities


in other parts of the

Roman
"

Empire.

Neander
i.

{History of the Planting of Christianity, E.T.,


p.

249) well remarks

There existed among the


his food with him,

Greeks an ancient custom of holding entertainments


at

which each one brought

and

consumed it alone. The Agapje in the Corinthian Church were conducted on the plan of this ancient
custom, although the peculiar object of the institution

was so

different

consequently the distinction


peculiarly pro-

of rich

and poor was rendered


ff.)

^ Zahn (EinleiHing, pp. 42 A.D., and Jude about 75 A.D.

dates 2 Pet. between 60 and 63


57, or

Taking

even 55, as the date

no difficulty in supposing that the term Agape in this sense might have been in use at Corinth, or at anyrate But the fact remains that he does not use familiar to St Paul. It certainly appears first in Asiatic it, and this is significant. documents (Jude, 2 Peter, Ignatius), and may well have originated But 2 Pet. may be as late as 150 a.d. at Antioch, if not at Ephesus.
of
I

Cor., there

is

1/8

THE AGAPE
in

minent; and the rich sometimes indulged

excesses

which desecrated the character of these meetings."

The
scribed

crvfXTrocria

(piXiKu

here referred to are deiii.

by Xenophon,

Memoral^i'h'a,

14: "

Now,

when

in the case of those

a supper,
dainties

who came together for some brought but little in the way of {oxjrov), and others much, Socrates bade
{iraiSa)

the

attendant

either

put

the

smaller

quantity into the

common

stock, or distribute to

each his share

(of this).

Accordingly those who

brought the large supply were ashamed at having

no share

in

that which

was being put

into the

common
return.

stock,

and

at not putting in their

So, then, they put their


;

own in own supply into


little

the

common stock and when than those who brought but


a high price.

they had no more


a

{(pepo/jLevcov),

they came to stop buying dainties at

And he

.....
was called eating
;

with them

(Socrates) used to say that to have good


(ecrOieiv)

fare {to evcoxeicrOat)

in

the Athenians' language

whereas the good


irpoa-Keia-Qai
eiri

(fare)
.

depended on {to
ecrOieiv)

Se

ev

tw

eating such things as would not be injurious

either to

mind or body, and

as

were not hard to

procure.
"

And

so he used to use the expression


"

to

have good fare

{to ev^xela-Qai

uveTiOei)

APPENDIX
of those

179
(Koa-julcog

who
is,

fared moderately

Siairw-

There
graphic

unfortunately, no contemporary epiat

evidence
i

Corinth

to

illustrate

the

statements of

Corinthians.

Dr. Ziebarth^ quotes

a reference from Suidas to a thiasus of Kotys a


"

dcemon who presides over

iniquities "

it

was

apparently a purely religious society.


fessor

But ProCorinthians
soil

Ramsay
"

has shown in his recent Historical


the

Commentary on
(xxxi.) that

Epistles

to

the

Corinth was a favourable

for

the growth

of associations

and clubs of every

kind," as being the greatest international centre of

Greece
"

and, further, that one of the most importChristians


in

ant questions for

might

still

join

was whether they the common meals which


the ceremonial

constituted

leading feature in

binding each of these clubs into a unity."

He

throws important light on

Cor. x. 14 from

the formula pronounced by partakers of the mysteries, viz., "


I

have eaten of the holy

dish,

have

drunk from the sacred cup," as showing that St Paul

regarded the Eucharistic Meal and the

Common
of

Meal of the Pagan societies as two hostile ideas "ye cannot drink the cup of the Lord and the cup
'

Griechische Vereinsivesen (Leipzig, 1896)

p. 63.

i8o

THE
:

AGAPjfe

Daemonic powers

ye cannot partake of the table

of the Lord and the table of Daemonic powers."

The

closeness of the
is

bond which united such


in

societies

brought out

the words of an in<Tv/j./uivarTai

scription at

Smyrna

ol crvju/Siurrai koi

(Ziebarth, pp. 52, 206).

Dr.

Armitage

Robinson
the

i^Encycl.

Biblica^

p.

1425) summarises

causes of

separation

of

the Eucharist from a


difficulties

common meal

as (i) the

connected with the gradual increase

of numbers, which

would

interfere with

reverent

celebration

(2) disorders,
in the

such as were afterwards


;

Canons of Hippolytus (3) the rapid expansion of the liturgical accompanidiscountenanced

ments of the Eucharist


chap,
lix., etc.)
;

{cf.

Clem.

Rom. Ep. ad when


it.

Cor.

(4) the restriction of the Eucharist

as the

symbol of unity

to

occasions

the

bishop, or his deputy, could celebrate

APPENDIX

II

ROMAN LEGISLATION ON COLLEGIA AND SODALICIA AND ITS BEARING ON THE HISTORY OF THE AGAPfi
The
^

earliest

legislation
xvii.

On

the origin of Collegia (under

on Numa
I,

this

subject

apCj.

or Servius Tullius),
6,

Plutarch,
5, xiv.

Numa,
;

chap.

Floriis,

Cato Rd Rust,

x.

VitruvitiS,

vi. p.

17.

APPENDIX
pears
liiris,

i8i

as
ii.

early
p.

as

the

Twelve Tables {Corpus

91).

De
Duodecim

collegiis illicit is}

quis in urbe ccetus noctur7tos agitaret.

cautum esse cognoscimus ne Deinde Lege Gabinia promulgatum,- qui condones (? coitiones) ullas in urbe constavisset, more majorum, capitali
tabulis

suppliciomultaretur; dereitaque,Catalina,sciscitor,

tunc ccetus istos commilitonum tuorum contra prsecepta


xii.

Tabularum, contra leges nostras, contra


Haec Portius Latro
Republic.

senatus ac plebis auctoritatem, noctu cogendos esse


putavisti.
in

declamatione ad-

versus Catilinam.

So

far for the

The
^

general attitude of the emperors

may
viz.
:

be

gathered from two passages in the Digest,


It is clear that
least,

under the Republic collegia, in some cases at were tolerated so long as they respected the State law. Cf.

pufiaiKT] ^ApxaioKoyia, iv. and v. 2. C/. Liv. xxxix. where " nocturnos ccetus " for evil purposes are condemned. Cf. however supra, p. 10 ' Other legislative acts were the Lex Acilia Repel undarum, the S.C. (B.C. 64), "quo collegia sublata sunt quae adversus rem publicam videbantar esse " (Asconius ad Cic. in Pis, 8). For the

Dionysius,
14,

flf.

Lex Clodia
consultum

de Collegiis (b.c. 58) see below, p. 181.

The Senatus
:

" eodem
qua
est

ii. 3 die senatus consultum factum est ut sodalitates decuriatique

(B.C. 56) referred to in Cic.

Ep. ad Quint. Fratr.

discederent, lexque de

iis
;

de

vi

tenerentur

ferretur ut qui non discessissent ea pana " and the Lex lAcinia dc Sodaliciis, Cic.

pro Plane,

xviii. sqq.

i82

THE AGAPE

Lib.

iii

Tit. iv.

Gains,

lib.

iii.,

ad Edictiim provinciale.

Neque societas neque collegium, neque hujusmodi corpus passim omnibus haberi conceditur.

Nam

et

legibus et

senatus consultis et princiPaucis

palibus constitutionibus ea res coercetur.

admodum
corpora
:

in

causis

concessa

sunt

hujusmodi

ut

ecce,

vectigalium publicorum sociis

permissum

est

corpus habere, vel auri fodinarum

vel argenti fodinarum, et salinarum.

Item collegia Romae certa


senatus consultis, atque
palibus

sunt,

quorum corpus
pistorum,

constitutionibus
veluti

princiet

confirmatum
et

est

quorundam aliorum
provinciis
sunt.

naviculariorum, qui et in
est

Ouibus antem permissum


collegii,

corpus
alterius

habere

societatis,

sive

cujusque

eorum nomine, proprium est ad exemplum Reipublicse habere res communes, arcam comg^
in

munem,2 tanquam

actorem sive
Republica,

syndicum, per

quem
agi,

quod
fiat.

communiter

fierique oporteat, agatur,


1

Cf. Tertull., Apologet. chap, xxxix.,


Cf.

" corpus sumus."

TertuUian, Apologeticum, chap, xxxix.

APPENDIX
II

183

Digest Lib.

xlvii.

Tit. xxii.

De
I.

Collegiis et Corporibus.

Marciamis
ne

Lib.

iii.

Institutionum.
pra^sidibus

Mandatis
provinciarum,
licia,^

principalibus

praicipitur

patiantur
collegia

esse
in

collegia
castris

soda-

neve

milites

habeant.

Sed
ne

permittitur tenuioribus

stipem
in

conferre,

dum tamen
praetextu

semel

menstruam mense coeant,


collegium
sed
in

sub

ejusnnodi

illicitum
in

coeat.
Ltalia

Quod
et

non

tantum

Urbe
habere

in

provincia
rescripsit.
:

locum

Divus
hoc

quoque Severus
coire

Sed

religionis causa

non
fiat

prohibentur
senatus

dum tamen
licet

per

non

contra

consultum, quo

illicita

collegia
'

prohibentur.

Non
meant

autem amplius
it

Sodalitas or sodalicium
{cf.

originally table-fellowship, then

sacred brotherhood
for

epavos).

In the later Republic


State
(cf.

was used
Licinia).

unions dangerous to the

e.g.

the

Lex

Under the Empire the words changed


quite harmless,
Cf.

their

meaning and became


vi.

being used synonymously with collegia as here.


vi.

Corpus Inscr. Lat.

612,

"collegium sodalicium," and

10231.

Collegium was originally the technical word for guilds, while


corpus was the recognised expression for a lawful corporation with
the privileges of a person with legal rights
page).
{cf.

Gaius on preceding
interchangeable.
pp.
i

Later,
p.

corpus

and collegium

became

Liebenam,
cf.

supra,

p.

164 ff; cf. Mommsen, de Coll. 10, notes 2 and 3.

et Sodal.,

and 117

i84

THE AGAPE
collegium Hcitum habere ut est con.
.

quam unum

stitutum a divis fratribus.

2.

De

pcena.
officio

Ulpianus Lib.

vi.

de

Proconsulis.

Ouisquis illicitum collegium usurpaverit, ea poena


tenetur qua tenentur, qui hominibus armatis loca

publica vel templa occupasse judicati sunt.

Gains Lib.

iv.

ad legevt

xii.

Tabul.

^Sodales sunt qui ejusdem collegii sunt,


Graeci kraipiav vocant.

quam
facit

His autem potestatem

lex pactionem

quam

velint, sibi ferre,

dum

ne quid

ex publica lege corrumpant.

Sed hsec lex videtur ex lege Solonis translata


esse,
r]

nam
rj

illic

ita est
rj

'Kuv Se
;

Stj/mog
?

t]

(ppdrope^
t]

lepcov

opyioov
eTrJ

vavTai

crvcrcnTOi
rj

ojULOTaipoi,

6ta<TU)Tai

Xeiau f olxofxevoL

el<s

ejUTropiav, oti
eivai,

av TOVTMV, SiaOwvTai irpo? aX\)']\ou<; Kvpiov


fjLi]

eav

uTrayopevcri] Stjjuoaia ypajuLjuaTa.

So

far for the general

view of the Republican and

Imperial legislation on the subject.


legislation
^

As

to Imperial

we

find

more
and

specific

statements in
Liebenam,

It is clear that sodalicia

collegia included fellowships for

religious purposes, burial unions,

and trade

guilds.

Cf.

pp.

6, 17.

APPENDIX
Suetonius' Life ofJulius Caesar (cha.p.
xlii.), "

185

Cuncta
"

collegia praeter antiquitus constituta distraxit."

Casaubon's note on the passage says


paucis ante annis P. Clodius tribunus
pi.

Qua^

lege lata

partim restituerat, sub


.
.

S. C.

partim nova adjecerat

novem annis prius facto ex omni faece urbis ac


alii."

servitio.

Cicero, Asconius, Dio,


in

Again
"

the Life of Augustus

(chap,

xxxii.),

Plurimae factiones titulo collegii novi ad nuUius


facinoris
. . .

non

societatem
:

coibant.

Igitur

gras-

satores

inhibuit

collegia

propter antiqua et

legitima dissolvit.'

This

is

illustrated

by an

Inscription

{Corp.

Inscr. Lat. vi.

2193) which mentions a "collegium


"

symphoniacorum,"
cogi

quibus senatus coire convocari,


Julia

permisit

lege

ex auctoritate
similarly

Augusti ludorum causa."


{Digest, xxxiv.
5,

And
"

we read
licet,"

20) of a

corpus cui coire

and of a

"collegium dendrophorum Romanorum


(Orelli,
.

quibus ex senatus consulto coire licet"


4075), and
in civitate
"

ut corpus

quod appellatur neon


in Asia).

sua auctoritate amplissimi ordinis con^

firmetur

" (at

Cyzicus

That there were at the time forbidden collegia existing in the Empire appears from the Digest
^

Ephetncris Epigraphica,

iii.

156.

"

i86
(xlvii.

THE AGAPE
22,
3),

"collegia

si

qua

fuerint

illicita

mandatis

et constitutionibus et

senatus consultis
to

dissolvuntur,"
in

and the State seems

have stepped

whenever any improprieties showed themselves. A specially strict watch was kept upon the
which promoted the worship of
service of
Isis,
e.g.,

religious unions

foreign gods.
trolled

The

was con-

exiled the Jews from

by the State under Augustus.^ Tiberius Italy and showed himself


"

very intolerant of foreign religions.

Externas

casrimonias, yEgyptios Judaicosque ritus compescuit.

Judaeorum juventutem per speciem sacrain

ment!

provincias

gravioris

caeli

distribuit

(Sueton., Tib. 36), thus, temporarily at least, interfering

with the

remarkable toleration and

for-

bearance which had been shown to the Jews since


the days of Julius Caesar.^

Caligula^ seemed to have given a good deal


of freedom to the formation of collegia.
Claudius,* on
'

the
6.

other hand, showed


Cj.

great

Dio LIII.

2,

LIV.

Liebenam,
p.

p. 33.

Hardy, ChrisFreller,

tianity

and
ii.

the

Roman Govern vient,


3,
;

13 fL

Roman

378 ff. Cf. Joseph., Ant. xiii. Joseph., Antiq. xiv. 10, 6
p.

Mythol.

xviii.
;

xiv.

10, 12
ii.

4; Tac, Ann. ii. 85, with xiv. 10, 17 and Sueton.,


;

Cissar, 84.
3
*

See Plaidy,

11. s.

chap.

Dio LIX. 38. Dio LX. 6, 6.

Sueton., Claud. 38.

APPENDIX
strictness

187

against

the

hetcerice,

though

without

much

success.

Nero, under the influence of Poppaea/ seems to

have favoured the Jews, and


to
" collegia

is

commonly supposed
at the Juvenalia the
in the

have himself ^inaugurated


country towns
but,

juvenum," which spread rapidly


;

Roman

on the other hand, he

attacked and abolished under the Lex Julia certain


collegia at

Pompeii which were of seditious tendency.^

At

this point a considerable


;

gap occurs
to

in

the
of

evidence

and

this

continues

the

time

Trajan (A.D. 98-117).

This Emperor, though he


"

had established a
distinctly
re"

collegium
to

pistorum
a

"

at
"

Rome,^

fused

sanction

collegium

fabrorum

in

Nicomedeia on the ground that


sations,
hetcsricE,^

all

such organito

however
i.e.

originated,

tended

become

social

the

proposed

and political clubs, although membership was only 150, and


strict surveillance

Pliny guaranteed

over

it.

And

Trajan, while making


^Joseph., Aiit. XX.
-

some

rare exceptions, lays

8,

ii.

Prof.

Ramsay

disciedils this, Hist.

Comment, on Corinthians
leges instituerant

XXXV.

'Tac, Ann.
*
^

xiv. 17,

" Collegiaque qua: contra

(Pompeiani) dissoluta."

Liebenam,

op. cit. p. 37.


;

Pliny, Epist. Traj. 34

Hardy,

p.

171

Liebenam,

p.

38.

i88

THE AGAPE
distinctly the principle " in ceteris civitati-

down

bus quae nostro jure obstrictse sunt res hujusmodi

prohibenda

est."

The evidence
it

furnished by Pliny, in addition to


ii.),

the light which, as already shown (in chapter

throws on the immediate history of the Agape,


interesting as

is

indicating
in

the general lines of


the provinces
at

policy towards
time.

collegia

the

Clearly the permission of collegia depended

on the Emperor himself, and not on the governor,

and

this

seems to have prevailed even


^

in

the case of

the senatorial

provinces.

This, and the severity of

the penalty^ attached to illegal collegia


illicitum

"quisquis

collegium usurpaverit

ea

poena tenetur

qua tenentur qui hominibus armatis loca publica


vel

templa occupavise

iudicati sint"

points to the

suspicion with which they were regarded, but does

not necessarily prove that collegia were not already


decidedly widespread.*
'

"-

Epist. 93 This was

Ep. 96, 7 (referred

to in chap.

ii. ).

known

as Auctoritas Augusti.

In the case, e.g., of

Bithynia, which was a senatorial province, the


'^Digest,

ut supra,

xlvii. 22.

Cf. xlviii.

Emperor is consulted. " Majestatis autem 41.

crimen
*

illud est

quod adversus populum

Romanum

vel

adversus

securitatem ejus committitur," etc.

Liebenam (p. 39) thinks. See contra Intiod., supra, Ramsay, op. cit. xxxv., in spite of the enaclments quoted, Iiolds that "only in the case of soldiers was the Imperial
As, e.g.,
ff.

p.

10

Prof.

policy resolute against clubs."

APPENDIX

189

Under Hadrian (i 17-138 A.D.), certain privileges seem to have been given to the " collegia tenuiorum," as is seen by a comparison of the famous
Lanuvian Inscription
(xlvii.

(A.D.

133),

with the Digest

22,

i),

as quoted above.
coire

The

Inscription

has

"

qui(bus)
liceat

(co)nvenire

collegiumq(ue)

habere

qui

stipem

volen(t in fun)era in

menstruam conferre mense c(oeant co)nferendi


"
;

causa unde defuncti sepehantur


'*

the Digest has

permittitur

tenuioribus stipem

ferre

dum tamen
Agape
quod

semel

in

menstruam conmense coeant."


is

The

similarity of TertuUian's language in speak-

ing of the
great to
"

to both these statements

too
:

be accidental {Apologet. chap, xxxix.)


si

Etiam

arcae

genus

est,

non de honoraria
die
vel

summa
cum
fert
.

quasi

redemptae religionis congregatur

modicam unusquisque stipem menstrua


velit,

apponit,
. .

et si modo velit, et nam nemo compellitur,

si

modo

possit,

sed sponte con-

Nam

inde non epulis nee potaculis nee

ingratis voratrinis dispensatur, sed egenis alendis

humandisque,
destitutis."
^

et pueris et puellis re ac parentibus

Cf.

Pliny, Ep.,

and Traj.

93,

"ad sustinendam tenuiorum

in-

opiam."
consultum

Mommsen
at

thinks these were "collegia funeraticia," and


a senatus

that they were specially

exempted from the Lex Julia by some time between Augustus and Hadrian.

190

THE AGAPE
technical
(?)
^

The
"

terms

used
" stips,"

such as
"

" area,"

honoraria

summa,"

menstrua die

conferre,"

and the great resemblance to the words


referring to the further grants

of the Digest, almost force one to the conclusion


that TertuUian
to
is

the

collegia

tenuiorum
1),
:

by the

rescript

of

Severus (A.D. 193-21


in
.
.

which the same passage


" permittitur tenuioribus

the Digest mentions


.

Quod non tantum

in

urbe sed in Italia et

in

provinciis
rescripsit.

locum habere Divus quoque Severus Sed religionis causa coire non pro-

hibentur

dum tamen
."
.
.

per hoc

non

fiat

contra

senatus consultum

But

this

is

anticipating.

Meantime,

under

Antoninus Pius (138-161

A.D.), the

State control

over the collegia was greatly increased, but they

seem

in

some
-

cases to have been impressed into

the service

of the government.
(A.D. 161-180) "collegia

Under Marcus Aurelius


licita"

were given legal


^

rights,

such as emancipation

and receiving
restriction
"

legacies,
licet

and the already existing

non

amplius
i,

quam uiium
2)
190

col-

legium habere" {Dig.


'

xlvii. 22,

was reinforced.
-\^.
;

Hardy, Christianity aud the Ro>nan Empire,


vi.

Liebenam,

pp. 40, 41. Cf. Corp. Inscr.


^

1012 and

ii.

1167.

Dig.

xl.

3,

Dig. xxxiv.

5, 20.

APPENDIX
Septimius Severus,
in

191

addition to the very import-

ant enactment already mentioned, added another


against unlawful collegia:^ "eos etiam qui illicitum

collegium

coisse

dicantur apud

pra^fectum

urbi

accusandos."

The decree
lupinariorum,

of

Alexander Severus
et

(a.d. 222-235)

by which "corpora omnium


caligariorum

constituit vinariorum,

omnino omnium
'

artium, atque ex sese defensoris dedit, et jussit


qui,

ad quos indices pertinent,"


to.

has been already

referred

does not

mean

Liebenam (p. 49) thinks that this that Alexander gave a new conhe simply
in

stitution to these trade guilds, but that

developed further the policy of his predecessors


definitely connecting the

work

of such collegia with

the public service of the Empire.


It is significant that

from henceforward the ex-

pression
is

"

quibus ex senatus consulto coirc licet"

no longer found.

For the next hundred years there is practically no important record of legislation towcVwK^ collegia^ but the general tendency was to bring them more
completely under State control, while encouraging

membership by the exemption of members from


"sordida munera."
^

*
-

Liebenam, p. 47. See Liebenam, p.

Vita

Lampridii,
*

chap, xxxiii.
xi.

Cf. p. 9S.
;

50.

Cod. Theodos.

16

xiii.

4, 2.

192

THE AGAp6
the
toleration

Almost contemporary with


Christianity

of

by the
as

edict of Milan in 313 A.D.

was

a decree of Constantine,
guilds,
tonarii,"

by which members of
and "cen-

such

the

"

dendrophori,"

and

" fabri,"

should be united, and better

provision for the State service thus gained.^

The preceding outline of the Roman legislation as to collegia makes it clear that the Emperors
were opposed to
in
all

spontaneous

developments

the

large.

way of association among the people at The Augustan legislation, which is naturbe taken as the type of such procedure, not
collegia,

ally to

only abolished a large number of

but

re-

quired for the future that every collegium should


receive

special

licence

from the Senate,^ the

penalty of failure to do so being the same as that


for jnajesias.

This law appears gradually to have

extended beyond the senatorial provinces.*

There

is

no evidence of the Christian Agape

being influenced by the restrictions of the earlier


^

Cod, Theodos.

xiii. 5, 7, etc.

Though they encouraged their development when under their own supervision. Cf. Augustus' institution of the Atigitstales or
-

Ramsay, op. cit. xxxv. Which, as we have seen, practically meant the Emperor time went on.
Cultores Augusti.
* '

as

Cf. supra, p. 184.

APPENDIX
Emperors,
If,

193

as there

is

reason^ to think, the


rather inclined to pro-

Roman Government were


tect the Christians at
first,

one can imagine both


practised

the

Eucharist and

the

Agape being
if
xlvii.,

without molestation, more especially


visions

the proTit. xxii.,

mentioned

in

the Digest,

viz. " religionis

causa coire non prohibentur," were

already in force.

At

this point the question naturally arises

how

far the Christian

communities were

identified with

collegia or sodalicia.

Leaving aside the question


eirlcrKOTroi,

of the irpecr^vrepoL and


dentes^ or patroni,

and the

pr<2si-

who do

not appear to have


all,
it

been

oflScials distinctive

of the collegia at

may

be well to refer to the ingenuity which has


in

been exercised

finding resemblances between

the earliest Christian communities, especially the


Corinthian, and the

heathen

associations.^

Ex-

pressions such as (piXoTi/xeca-Oac, ^^Xog,


^

^t]\ovv, Kvpovv,

See Hardy, Christiatiiiy and the Koniaii Government, chap, It was between 68 and 96 a.d., according to Professor Ramsay, that the nonien itself became a crime {Church in the Roman Empire,
iii.

p. 245).
"^

See Liebenam,
See,
ff.

p.

272.
Zeitschrift fiir wiss.
Theol.,

e-g't

Heinrici,
cf.

1876,

p.

506
66,

And
:

67

Moeller, Hist, of the Church (Eng. Trans.), pp. " these cultus-associations afforded a pattern after
. .

which those who believed

in Christ

might organise themselves."

"
;

194
SoKifxa^eiv,
V(TX*]l^ovo)g,

THE AGAPE
TrpoOufxia,

kut
as

ewiTayt]!',

/caXco?

koi

as

well

avTi\r]^\lreig,

Kv^epvrjarei^,

SiaKOPia,

have been quoted as instances of such


little

resemblance, but with

evidence to support

them.

But

in addition to the

terms already quoted from

TertuUian, there were undoubtedly other points of


contact between the early Christian communities

and the

collegia or Olacroi

around them, although

not such as to be clearly connected with the origin


of the Agape.^

The word

collegium itself seems to have been

studiously avoided

by the Christians

^
;

but they

designate themselves a " corpus


(Tertull.,

Christianorum
de niorte

Apol.

chap,

xxxix., Lactant.
" (Tertull.,

persec. xlviii.), as "


vii.), "

ordo

de Exhort. Cast.

ordo ecclesiasticus

" (Tertull.,

de Monog.

vii.)

eKK\r}(Tia

Inscrr. Gr. 2271, etc.);

was used by the Greek associations (Corp. and uvvayoiyy'], (Tvvo^o<i and
are used

TO
vii.

Koivov-,

by Eusebius

(//.

E.

vi.

19 and

32, 27) of the Christian


xi.) calls

Church.

Lucian {de

morte peregr.

the president of the Christian


"^"^

community
Olaa-o?,

Oiaa-dpx^?

cruvayeoyeu^,
c.

as

if

of a

and Celsus (Origen


'

Cels.

iii.

22) speaks of

See above, Introd.


Cf.

p.

19.
iii.

"

De

Rossi,

Roma

Soiia:

512.

APPENDIX
Christians
as
^iSioi

195

Oiaa-wrai

of

Jesus

and a

Christian inscription in Africa speaks of "ecclesia


fratrum, cultor, area, cella"
sions in heathen collegia}

all

familiar expres-

But

in spite of these expressions,

which

may

to

some extent be only


to

coincidences, or at
is

any

rate

epithets used untechnically, there

no evidence

show how

far the Christian

communities were

regarded as collegia before the time of Trajan.

The Jews according


xiv. 10, 6)

to

Josephus {Antiqq. Jud.


Oiaaoi, but they

were regarded as

were
to
If,

expressly exempted from


collegia;

the

laws

relating

the Christians, however, were not.-

then,

we
it

are to seek an explanation of the apparent


first

immunity of the Christian associations of the


age,

seems to be partly

statements of the Digest

" religionis

in

the already quoted

causa coire

non prohibentur," partly


the enormous

in the fact, that

amongst

number

of collegia to which extant

inscriptions point as existing (in the face of the


legal
restrictions

already quoted), the Christian


still

meetings, which were


cant,
^

comparatively

insignifi-

might escape
p.

notice, especially as the adminisff.


;

See Liebenam,

272

Hardy,

p. 184.

"

Tertullian repudiates the charge that the Christians took shelter


"
licitae

under the wing of Judaism " sub umbraculo religionis certe


{Apologet. chap, xxxix.
).

196

THE AGAPE
seems to
strictness

tration of the laws relating to collegia

have been carried out with very varying


in

different parts of the

empire.^

But as time

went

on,

it

is

clear that certain features in Chrisit

tianity

would bring

into conflict with the

Roman
its

policy towards
epavo? or area,

collegia.

The Agape, with


the
JietisricE

would be perhaps the chief of


of
in

these.

In

this

they resembled

which
;

Trajan,!?.^.,

was so suspicious

Bithynia

and

occasion might always be found against them by

a vigilant governor such as Pliny.It is clear,

as

we have

seen, that Trajan set his


;

face against collegia, at anyrate in Bithynia

but
^
;

how
it

far this policy

was extended, and how


it is

strictly
tell

was enforced elsewhere


that

impossible to

so

the

separation

of the

Agape from
is

the

Eucharist

may have

taken place at different times


All

in different provinces.

we know

that the

1
'^

See Hardy, chap.

ix.

Cf. Philo, adv. Flacc. p. 966,

who

says that Flaccus, Prsefect of


crvvodovs
at eVi
irpo(paafi

Egypt, with Tiberius, rdj eraipelas Kai

dvcriwv eiffTLUVTO rots Trpdyfiaciv einrapoivrjtxat. dteXve.


* In spite of the general principle laid down by Trajan, Plin., /. 93 (quoted above). Professor Ramsay {Historical Commttitary on Corinthians, xxxv. ) thinks that " Bithynia had been in an excep-

tional

and disturbed
. . .

condition

and

exceptional

strictness

was

needed of Amisus

but even in that province Trajan recognised the right

to maintain its collegia."

APPENDIX
Digest

197

exemption from the Lex Jidia mentioned in the (xlvii. 22) was not yet in force in Bithynia^
in Pliny's time.

But by the time of Hadrian


privileges already

(A.D.

11 7- 138)

the

mentioned had been extended

to the collegia temiioruni, at least in

Rome

itself
;

and

Italy,
it

and possibly the senatorial provinces


is
^

and so
on
to

quite possible that in Justin Martyr's

time the Agape


it

was

held.

His not dwelling


natural
to
desire

might be due
the
lately

to

not

call
till

Emperor's
illegal,

attention

what had
lately

been

and

was

only

tolerated.

When we come
case
(a.d.
is

to Tertullian's time the

whole

altered.

The wide indulgence


legislation

of Severus' the
collegia

193-21

i)

towards

tenuionun

was now recognised throughout the provinces; and Tertullian evidently seeks to put
^

According to Professor Ramsay, ii.s., the Emperors did not press Roman law in the Eastern provinces so strictly as in the West. They allowed the Greek laws great scope, and especially so in the
the

Senatorial provinces such as Asia and Achaia.


-

Cf. his expressions o/jLodiairoi, cvve<xfiev, etc.,

quoted

in

chap.

ii.

was not held, the repression would probably be due to the stricter administration of the Roman law in the West. Dr. Armitage Robinson thinks Justin's description "leaves no place
If
it

for " the

Agape (Encycl.
in

Biblica, s.v. Eucharist).


is

Clement's silence

seems hardly

point

he

silent

about so

many

characteristic

Christian practices.

Cf. T.

Harnack, op.c,

p. 256.

198
the

THE AGAPE
this

Agape under employment of the


collegia,

category.

Hence

his

familiar terminology^ of the

writing as he did shortly after the rescript

of Severus.
"

The

Christians, in Tertullian's view,


'

had the
because
less

right to be regarded as
their

licitr^ factiones,'

objects

were the

same, though with


social

admixture of luxury and

enjoyment, as

those of the collegia tenuioruni?-

Nor does

there

seem any reason


garded
in

to suppose that such a claim on

the part of the Christian communities to be rethe

eye

of

the

law as a collegium

tenuiorum would be disallowed by the authorities.

Such a recognition would not


and the Government

in the slightest de-

gree affect the general relations of the Christians


:

it

was no recognition of
In
all

Christians and Christianity.

probability the

Christians would describe themselves as ^fratres


cultores dei'
'^

or in

some such way


in

at anyrate, the

designation of Christiani,
^

the face of the

name

See above,
Professor

p. 1S9.
(zi.s.

Ramsay

xxxv.) thinks that the

Roman
'^

benefit societies called collegia

whole system of tenuiorum may perhaps be


Apol.
xxxix.

as old as Augustus.
Cf.

Corpus I.L.
appellatione
.

viii.

9585.

Tertull.,

"quod
xxxi.,

fratrum

censemur."

Minuc.
ut unius dei

Felix.,

Ont.

"Sic nos
Liebenain,

fratres

vocamus

parentis homines."

p.

273.

APPENDIX
being a punishable
offence,

199

would be avoided.
no

And

therefore their position as a recognised or

tolerated

collegium
'

would

in
'

way

prevent

persecution

for

the

name
It

or accusation under

the law of majestas.


various

would merely give the


a
certain
;

Christian
for

communities

locus

standi

their

ordinary meetings
for

it

would
purto

facilitate

their

combination
it

charitable
for

poses,

making

more

possible

them

approximate, without

the suspicion

of

danger-

ous or anti-social communism, to their principle


of

having

all

things

in

common

(^

omnia

in-

discreta sunt

secure

to

apud nos''^); and, finally, it would them the right of common burial,

and the
places,

possibility of possessing

common
of

burial

which

the

vast

system

catacombs

round

Rome
ApoL
:

proves to have been so essential an


Indeed, the un-

element of early Christianity.


^

Tert.,
i.

xxxix.

Cf.

Moeller, Church Hist. (Eng. Trans.),

"The possibility of corporate rights and collective 195 property for the Christians in the pre-Constantinian period consisted
vol.
p.

in their application to their

own

uses of the exceptions to the laws


;

against

Hetaireiai in favour of the so-called collegia tenuiorum

they therefore took the character of a sort of burial and charitable


society.
. .

These

latter

were allowed

to

assemble once a month,

but were nevertheless obliged to give notice to the authorities and


give the
. . .

names of the

presidents.

In this way, therefore, appeared

Christian collegia frahuin, which had their triclinia and also

their burial places."

200

THE AGAPE

doubted possession by the Christians at the end of the second century of arca^ or ccemetcria of their

own seems

necessarily to imply that in

or other they had corporate rights

munities ranked as juristic persons

a result which
that their

some way com-

could only follow from their being generally or


specially licensed."
-

With

this

account of Tertullian's claims on be-

half of the Christian communities and their probable relation to the Imperial legislation on collegia

the record

is

practically closed.

In the time of Clement of Alexandria the legislation of


this

Alexander Severus

had taken

effect,

and

may

partly account for Clements' frequent

mention of the Agape, which


practically tolerated.

may now have

been

Origen's comparative silence about the


is

Agape

very possibly due to the renewed feeling of

hostility to Christians at the time that

he wrote
^

against Celsus (a.d. 249^); and his admission


1

of

Cf. Hippolytus,
vii.

quoted on

p.

104,

note,

and Eusebius, Hist.


are called
191.

Eccl.

13,

who mentions an

ordinance of Gallienus in which he

grants permission to other bishops


the cemeteries."
*

"to recover what


'*

Hardy,

p.

Which seemed

to give larger toleration than

its

wording im-

plies.
^

98 and 191. The date of the Decian Persecution. Contra Cels. i. I.


Cf. supra, pp.

APPENDIX
the illegal character of the

20I

Agape may perhaps be


anterior
^

taken as
toleration

referring to a period

to the

of Severus to the collegia tcnuiorum,


the
further

and
time.

to

enactments

of

Alexander
Origen's

Severus, which were no doubt

in force in

Otherwise quoted above.


'

it

certainly

makes

against

Mr.

Hardy's view

?.s

Celsus himself, as previously pointed out, seems

to have written a century earlier.

INDEX
AcHELis,

Dr {Can. Hipp.), io6n., lion., iiin., Ii6n., 129, 132-5, 13911., 140 Acts of Paul and Thekla, 75

Agape continued In theN.T., 36


,,
,,

ff

second cent., 52 third 78 ,,


fourth
,,

ff ff ff

AgapeAnalogues of Introd., I ff Comparative table, Justin (Euch.) Tertullian and (yJgapt'), 66


Degeneration, 47-51, 67-8, 98, 146-155
Description,
(Tert.),

,,

141

At marriages, 156
Memorial. See Funeral Moral tone, comparison of,
7, 9,

6,

12, 15,

19

Name, 40

n., 50,

16

(Tert.),

29

86

ff.

31, 62-9 (Tert.), (Clem. Alex.), ici-2

126-8, (Cyprian), 116-7, 133, 141-4 (Chrysost.) Direction for Comparative tables of

Egypt. Caw. and Can. Hipp., 111-14; Egypt. Can., Can. Hipp., Egypt. Ch. Order (L. ), Test, of our Lord wiii\\ TertuIL, 126-7 Can. Hipp. and Tertull., 127-8; Can. Hipp., 115-7; Egypt. Ch. Order (L.), 118-122, 129; Test, of our Lord, 122-6 Funeral, 75 n., 99, 125 n.
;

138,

139,

140,

147,

155,
of,

Origin of, 37 ff., Place of celebration, 38 n., 44 n., 45 n., 46, 62, 86, 88, 103, 112, 116 n., 118, 130, 132, 142-4, 146, 152, 154 Public and private, 44 n., 79, 87, 128-9 Relation to Eucharist, 36,38 43n.,49, 56,74, 79 ft"., 100, 116, 133, 173, 180, 196 Relation to Roman law, 56 ff., 95 ff., App. II Religious character, 38-9, 83, 88-9 (Clem. Alex.), 101-2 (Cypr.),i04, 133-4, 145, 175 Separation from or union with Euch., 44, 50-9, 66, 74, 79, 86, 90, 91, 104, 116 n., 165-70, 175, 196
ft'.

175-6 159 ff

156 n., 157 Geographical distribution 59

Time

of celebration, 69, 85, 92, loi ff

n., 61, 73-4, 104, 126, 135, i54-5> iV7> 196-7 In Ch. Ordinances, 107 ft

Alexander
98, 191

Severus

{Collegia),

Alexandrian Church, 91-3

204
Allen, Prof., 78

INDEX
Caligula {Collegia), 186 Carpocratians, 82 Carthage, Council of, 154 Casaubon, 185 Chalice, mixed, 100 Chase, Dr F. H., 176 n
St, 49 n., 141-4, 148, 166-8 Claudius (Collegia), 186 Clement of Alexandria, 52, 7893, 98, 200

Ambrose, St, 153 Ampere, I\I., 93 Analogues Heathen, 1-19


Jewish, 20-35

Antoninus Pius, 190 Apocryphal vision of Paul, 75

Chrysostom,

Apology of

Aristides, 74 Apostolic Constitutions, 107 -1 10, 1 18-21, 130, 136-8


I, 165 ff iSoff Aristotle, 9, 61 n

Appendix
II,

Clement of Rome,
Coenobites,
4-19,
1

52, 197

Associations, religious, 96-8, App. II Augusti, 39 n., 40 n

Common

Augustine, 1-3, 50 n., 68 103 n., 150-3, 156-9 Augustus, 186, iS8n., 192

n.,

180-201 meals, 20-24, 32-33, ^35, 39, 47-5i> 61 Constitutions, Apostolic. See Apostolic
Collesria, 8, 9, 96-8,

Basil, St, 151, 174 Benson, Abp. 100, 102 n


,

l^igg. 79, 82-5, 90-1

Biggs, 171
vi, 140, 175 Binterim, vi, 21 n., 39 n., 152 n Bithynia, 59 n., 196-7 Blass, 41 n., 43 Boissier, 8 n., ion., 11, 12, 14, 15

Bingham,

Constantine {Collegia), 192 Conybeare, F. C, 25 n., 30 n., 31 n., 66 n Corpus Juris {Collegia), 181-84 Cox, Homersham, 168 " Cuiia " (Tertullian), 66 Cyprian, St, 100-3

De

Diiplici Jllartyrio, 149 Selnvov, KvpiaKov, 39 n., 170

ff

Bread, breaking
46, 133-5 Brightman, 107,
.44.

of,

39

n.,

43,

Didache, 32 109, 177

n.

53, 54, 60, lOO,

no

n., 131

n
n.,

Bunsen, Analecta, io9n.,iii

Didascalia, 1 09, 131, 136, 137 Diognetus, Ep. to, 61 Drescher, vi, 2 n., 39 n., 170 n

"8, 137
Canons of Hippolytiis, 26
n.,

no, 111-22, 123, 126-8, 132-3, 135, 139-40, 173, 174


(Dr Achclis),ii6n., 129
132, 140
n.,

F^DERSHEIM, 26n.,34n., 35 43 n-, 45 n Edict of Caracalla, 98


Milan, 98, 192

n.,

Egyptian Canons, 132, 134-5 Church Order (Lagarde),


118 fif., 126, 129, 134, 136 Encratites, 82
^pavoi, 5, 8,

Canoman

Egyptt. Keliqq. (Hauler), no, in-ii4,n5n., n6 n., 119-21, 123-4,126-7, 132, 134-5

Epiphanius, 25 n 48 n., 196

INDEX
Erub, 34
Essenes, 25, 27-8, 31, 36 Eucharist, 38 n., 41, 46-7, 50,
53-6, 61, 66, 70, 73, 83 ft"., loi ft"., 132, 142, 152, 164 ff. and breaking of bread, 42-6

205

and Agape. See Agape Comparative tables, Justin {Euch.) TertuUian and {Agape), 66 Fasting reception, 49 n.,
126 n., 133 n., 167 Time of celebration, 56-7; 70, 71, 101-2, 116 n., 168 Eulogia, 130-2, 134 Eusebius, 24, 25, 28 Eustathians, 146
70, 91,

n., 39 n., 42 n., 197 n Hastings' Did. B., xi, 30 n., 31 n., 50 n., 131 n., 161 n., 176 n Hatch, E., 3, 6 n Hauler {Can. Egypt KelL), no, m-14, 116 n., 126, 131, 132
^

Harnack, Th.,19

Herzog, 40

n.

Hetaerias, 97, 187, 199 n

Hey, Dr, 67 Hippolytus, 27 200 n


Ignatius,
13 n.,
52,

n.,

31 n., 104 n.,

53

n.,
6,

55
8,

n.,

171
n.

Inscriptions,

3 n.,

11

14 n., 90 n., 157 n., 180, 183 n., 185, 189, 190 n.,
194, 198

Faustus
I. 2,

(on origin of Agape)

n
7,

Introduction, Irenreus, 61

fF

First fruits, 23, 136-7

Foucart, x,

Fourmont

[Itiscrr.),

Jerome,

ii n., 25, 143


n.,

Freeman, 161 n
Funeral meals.

See Agape

Josephus, 28, 32 187 n., 195


Julian,
Julius,

34 n.,i86n.,

Funk,

107,

no
of,
,

Emp., 18, 144-5 Emp., 185

146 Gardner, DrP., ix, 9 n. 160 n Gellius, A., 14 n


Gieseler, 147-8

Gangra, Synod

38

n.,

Justin, Martyr, 5 n., 59, 60, 65, 66, 72, 73, 76, 90, 91, 169 n.,

197

Kaye,
/cXdcrts

Bp., 67, 74

n.,

82

Godet, 48 n Gregory the Great, 158 Gregory of Nazianzus, 147-8, 156, 158 Guilds, Trade, etc., 3, 17, iS3n., 184 n
Religious, 4-19, 96-8,

Kenyon, F. G., x
Tov dprov, 39 n

Knowling, 45 n
Koivwvia, 38 n., 42

KvpiaKov deiTTOv, 39 n., 170-180

1840

Lagarde

Hadrian,

189, 197

{Egypt. 118 ft" Laodiceea, Council

Ch.

Ord.),

Hardy, E. G., 56, 186 ft" Harnack, Dr A., 107 n., loSn.,
165 n

Liebenam,
15
n.,
ff

of, 151, 155 8 n., 10 n., 12 n., 28 n., 184 n., 186-S,

7,

190

206

INDEX
Piatt, Y.'Caxo^ic Didascalia, \\\xy

Lightfoot, Bp., 39 n., 51 n., ^2, 53. 55 n., 57 n., 58, 59, 61, io8 n., 164, 171, 176 Lightfoot, Dr John, 43, 49 n.,

54-59. 11. 91, 96, 188-9 xi, 161 n Plutarch, 7


I'liny,

Plummer, Dr,

168

" Presidents" (Tert.), 72


(Justin M.), 73

Lommatsch, 98
Lord's vSupper, 37-41, 49, 174-5 Lucian, 76, 77, 194
173,

Probst, 38 n. , 42 n PrudentiuS; 170 n

QUINESEXTAN COUNCIL,
Rahmani.
Ramsay,
Prof.

54

Maclear,

161 n

'S>eeTesta/>ie>!tum,e\.c

M'Giffert, 38 n., 43 n Marcus, Aurelius, 61 n., 190 Maue, 15 n

W.

M.,

viii,

Meals,

Social.

See

Common

II n., 12 n., 54, 56 n., 59 n., 75 n., 96 n., 125 n., 157 n.,

Meals
Memorials.

See Agape Funeral Minha, 22, 49 n Minucius, Felix, 18, 58, 68 Mishna, Pesachhn and Beracoth, 32, 33. 34 n-, 49 n Mithraism, ix, 5 Moeller, 193 n., 199 n

167 n., 179, 187 n., 188 n., 192 n., 193 n., 196 n., 197 n., 198 n Rangabe, 8 Renan, 4-6, 7, 12 Robertson, Smith, 22 ff

Mommsen,

10 n., 12, 92, 93 n.,

Robinson, Dr Armitage, xi, 42, 56 n., 108, 165, 180, 197 n Roman Legislation on Collegia, etc., App. II, 180 ff
Sacramenhiin, 55 Sanday, Dr, xi, 50 161 n
Scripture references

183, 189 n

Mosheini, 55 n

n.,

54 n.,

Neander,
Nero, 187

177

O.T.

Gen.
7-11
;

xxxi.
;

54
;

Deut.
ix.

Oblations, 67
Oehler, 71 n
Orelli, II n., 13 n., 185 Oriental religious systems, 5
ff

xvi.

Sam.
;

12

Tobit ii. i Gen. xxi. 8 Judg. xiv. lo Gen. xl. Tobit viii. 20 20, xxiv. 33
(20)
; ;

Origen, 57, 93-5, 98, 99,


194, 200

100,

vi.

Orleans, Council

of,

155

Passion of St Perpetua, 76 Paul, St (Lord's Supper), 2, 49, 167, 168, 169, 171-73, 50, 174, 179 n Paulinus of Nola, 153, 157 Philo, 24-8, 76

xx. 6 ; 2 Sam. 12 ; Neh. viii. ID ; Ezek. xxxix. 17 ff. ; Zeph. i. Amos iv. 7 ; n.); Isa. liii. 7 5 (21 (161 n.), Iviii. 7 ; Jer. xvi.
(21)
;

Sam.
XV.

19,

Lam. iv. 4 ; Ezek. 7 ; xxiv. 17 ; Hos. ix. 4; 2 Sam.


iii-

(172).

35 (43 li-) Apocr.


:

Mai. Esdras

i. i.

7
4;

INDEX
Scripture References Sirach xxix. 21 2 Mace. 10 ;
contd.
;

207

v.

Sap.
xiv.

Sibylline Oracles, 105-6 Social meals (O.T.), 20

fl.

See

19 (p. 47n.), XV. 36 (172 n.); Cant. JViui/i. Flier, v. 9


(47 n.)
xi.

Meals Socrates, 91, 92 n


Sodalicia, 9-II, 59, 180-201 Spitta, 40 n

Common

N.T. Malt.
(37 n.)
xiii.
;

19,
iv.

xv.

26

Luke

20-1 (46),

(32 n.),
15,
vi.

i (37 n.), xiv. 12 (172 n.), xiv. xxii. 30 (37 n.), xxiv.
;

26

Stapfer, 33 n Stier, R., 161 n Suetonius, 185-6


Syssitia,

28

30 (3^)
35

John

i.

29,
xiii.
;

36,

ff.

(161 n.),

18

(37 n.), xxi.

13 (38)

Acts

i4 (45 n-), ii- 42 (41), ii42-46 (40), iv. 32, v. 42 (43), X. 41 (37 n.), xii. 12

" Table-kellowship," 37, 44, 160, 183 n Talmud, Beracoth, 34 Tattam (Apost. Constt.), iii n.,
118 n., 123 n., 124 n., 130 n Teachinsj of the twelve Apostles.

(57
vi.

n.),

XX.

7,

II,

20,

See Didachc
Tertullian
17,

xxvii.

35 (43),
{46),
xii.

XX.

8 (44),

xviii.

Romans

7 (169) ; 23 (170), xiii.

(Agape), 15 n., 16, 55-7, 62 ft'., 67-9, 72, 73, 126-S, 156 n.,
27,

29-31,

13 (51 n.), xiv. 3(83), xvi. I Cor. V. 5 1-23 (168); 16-19 (43). xi. (171), X.
33, 34 (47), 24 (40). 25 (43), xiv. 23 (46, 161 n.), xii. 8 (46 n.) ;
17,
18,

174,

189,

194,

195,

197,

198-200
(Eucharist), 70, 71, 74 Test amentum Domini Nostri,

20,

2 Cor. i. 14 (171), ix. 10 (37 n.); Gal. ii. 9 (42), v. 21 (51 n. ); Eph. v. 13 (51 n.); Col. iv. I5(44n.); I Tim. V. 10 (170) ; Heb.
ix.

no, 122-7, '29, 135 Thanksgiving, 32 n., 127 Theodoret, 154, 155
dlacroi, 5, 8, 9,

n.,

135

Titer apeiiti, 24-6, 28, 30, 31, 36 28, 194, 195

n.), xiii. 22 (47 5 I Pet. i. (46 n.); 19 (161 n.), iv. 3 (51 n.), v. 14 (50 n.) ; 2 Pet. ii. 13 (50, 176); Jude 12 (50); Rev. i. 10 (171), iii. 20

Tiberius, 186, 196 n Trajan, 54 ft"., 97, 187, 196 Trullan Council, 154 Twelve Tables, 181-184

Weizsacker,
Wescher, 7 Winer, 21 Wordsworth,
164 n

39,

49

(37 n.)

Bp.

J.,

69

n.,

Scudamore, 173, 174.


Sedulius, 2 Septimius Severus, 98, 191, 197 Severus, Alexander, 98, 191, 200, 201

Xenophon, 60
Zahn,

n.,

178

177 n Ziebarth, 9 n., 179, 180

rRINTED BV

TURNUULL AND SPEARS, EDINBURGH

A CATALOGUE OF BOOKS
AND ANNOUNCEMENTS OF METHUEN AND COMPANY PUBLISHERS LONDON
:

36

ESSEX STREET
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CONTENTS
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THE PEACOCK LIBRARY,


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OCTOBER

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October

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THE LIFE AND LETTERS OF OLIVER CROMWELL.


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