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John XXIII: Pacem in Terris A Summary Article by Gerald Darring Pope John calls attention to certain characteristics of his

age, the "signs of the times" which will form the basis of his analysis and proposals in this encyclical: -- people have become increasingly conscious of their human dignity (a. 79) -- workers are claiming their rights in the socio-economic sphere (a. 40) -- women are claiming the rights and duties that befit a human person (a. 41) -- nations are achieving their independence (a. 42) -- more and more nations are basing government on constitutions (a. 76) and are including in their constitutions charters of fundamental human rights (a. 75) -- people are showing an increasing interest in the affairs of all other people, and they are becoming more aware that they are living members of a world community (a. 145) -- the interdependence of national economies has grown deeper (a. 130), and no country can pursue its own interests and develop itself in isolation (a. 131) -- leaders of nations, working through normal diplomatic channels or top-level meetings, are no longer able to solve world problems (a. 133-35) -- people are becoming more and more convinced that disputes which arise between states should not be resolved by recourse to arms, but rather by negotiation (a. 126) -- the human family has entered the era of the atom and the conquest of space on its new advance toward limitless horizons (a. 156) The chosen topic of the encyclical is peace. Pope John says that the consolidation of peace is a profound aspiration shared by all people of good will (a. 166), and yet we face an immense task of bringing about true peace in the order established by God (a. 163). The challenge is to take the fundamental principle on which the present peace depends-the fear and anxious expectation of war--and replace it with another, which declares that true world peace can only consist in mutual trust, not in equality of arms (a. 113). The fundamental thesis of the encyclical is that peace will only be an empty-sounding word unless it is based on the order founded on truth, built according to justice, integrated by charity, and put into practice in freedom (a. 167). In developing this thesis, John reminds Christians that Jesus Christ is the author of peace (a. 117), the Prince of Peace (a. 167) who brings us peace and leaves us peace (a. 170), and he reminds everyone that there can be no peace among people unless there is peace within each one of them (a. 165). John sees reigning in the world an astonishing order which humans can understand (a. 2). The source of this order is the personal and transcendent God (a. 38). Conscience reveals God's order to us and enjoins us to obey it (a. 5), and we can establish peace only if we observe the order laid down by God (a. 1). This social order is by nature moral: it is grounded in truth, guided by justice, inspired by love, and refined in freedom (a. 37); or, to put it another way: its foundation is truth, its measure and objective is justice, it driving force is love, and its method of attainment is freedom (a. 149).

This social order is based on the principle of human dignity: every human being is a person, endowed with intelligence and free will, and having rights and duties which are universal, inviolable and inalienable (a. 9). It requires, therefore, that we recognize and observe mutual rights and duties (a. 31). The goal is the achievement of the common good, which embraces the sum total of those conditions of social living whereby people are enabled to achieve their own integral perfection more fully and more easily (a. 58). The common good can never exist fully and completely unless the human person is taken into account (a. 55), and even the public authority of the world community must have as its fundamental objective the recognition, respect, safeguarding and promotion of the rights of the human person (a. 139) What are the basic human rights? John lists them in this order: the right to life, bodily integrity, food, clothing, shelter, rest, medical care, necessary social services (a. 11); the right to respect for one's person, good reputation, freedom to search for truth, freedom of speech, freedom of information (a. 12); the right to share in the benefits of culture, education (a. 13); freedom of worship (a. 14); freedom to choose one's state of life and to form a family (a. 15); freedom of initiative in the economic field, the right to work (a. 18); the right to adequate working conditions (a. 19), proper wage (a. 20), private property, even of productive goods (a. 21); freedom of assembly and association (a. 23); freedom of movement and residence, the right to emigrate and immigrate (a. 25, 106); the right to active participation in public affairs (a. 26); the right to juridical protection of rights (a. 27); and the right to act freely and responsibly (a. 34). John points out that people possessing these rights have the duty to claim them as marks of their dignity (a. 44). Moreover, these rights must be acknowledged and respected by others, and also effectively fulfilled (a. 32). They should be regulated so as not to threaten others in the exercise of their own rights, and when they are violated, they should be completely restored (a. 62). Exiles are persons, and they do not lose their human rights simply because they have lost their citizenship (a. 105). John praises the United Nations' Universal Declaration of Human Rights, which he says represents an important step on the path toward the juridico-political organization of the world community (a. 144). The pope makes clear that each right obligates others to acknowledge and respect that right (a. 30) and also that each right carries with it a corresponding duty (a. 28). For example, there is a social duty inherent in the right of private property (a. 22). The encyclical, then, stresses personal rights, but it also stresses personal obligations: individuals and groups must make their specific contributions to the common welfare (a. 53), and this means not only their own countries but also the entire human family (a. 146); individuals should take an active part in government (a. 73); people should carry on their worldly activities competently but also as the exercise of a right, as the performance of a service, and as a response to God's providence (a. 150). Communities of people also have rights. Each country has the right to existence, to selfdevelopment and the means to attain it, to primary responsibility for its own development, to a good name and the respect which is its due (a. 86). It has the

corresponding duty to respect these rights in other countries (a. 92), and it has the duty to accept immigrants and to help integrate them as new members (a. 106). Pope John addresses the principles of national governance, since they are essential to peace in the world. He points out that it is inhuman to base a human society on force (a. 34). People have the right to choose who governs, the form of government, and the manner and extent of governing authority (a. 52), and all members of the political community are entitled to share in it (a. 56). The best form of government is that which best reflects the historical background and circumstances of the particular political community and which embodies the three principal functions of government (a. 68). Public authorities derive their authority from God (a. 46), and obedience to them shows reverence to God (a. 50). Public authority must derive its obligatory force from the moral order (a. 47), so that its first appeal is not to fear of punishment or promise of reward but to individual consciences (a. 48). The chief concern of civil authorities is to insure that personal rights are acknowledged, respected, coordinated with other rights, defended and promoted (a. 60). When a government disregards personal rights, its orders completely lack juridical force (a. 61). Civil authorities must promote both the material and the spiritual welfare of citizens (a. 57), and sometimes civil authorities must give more attention to the members of the community less able to defend their rights and assert their legitimate claims (a. 56). Government should concern itself with social as well as economic progress (a. 64), intervening in economic, political and cultural matters to limit the inequalities among citizens (a. 63) but without curtailing an individual's freedom of personal initiative (a. 65). Addressing the matter of law, Pope John speaks on one level of natural law, pointing out that every fundamental human right derives its moral force from the natural law (a. 30). He asserts that laws governing human relationships are based on human nature, and they are different from the laws governing the irrational forces of the universe (a. 6). On the practical level of legislation, John insists that laws should conform to the needs of a given historical situation (a. 54); legislators should never forget the norms of morality, the constitution, or the requirements of the common good (a. 69); and laws contrary to the moral order and the will of God are not binding on the consciences of citizens (a. 51). Every discussion of world peace must address the issue of the world community. All countries are by nature equal in dignity (a. 86, 89). They all have rights and duties, John says, and their relationships must be harmonized in truth, justice, solidarity and freedom (a. 80). Countries with a higher level of development should not take unjust advantage of their superiority over others (a. 88), and no country should develop itself by restricting or oppressing other states (a. 92). Indeed, economically developed nations should come to the aid of those which are in the process of development (a. 121), respecting the moral heritage and ethnic characteristics peculiar to those countries and avoiding any intention of political domination (a. 125). The common good of each country cannot be divorced from the common good of the entire human family (a. 98). No country may unjustly oppress others or unduly meddle in

their affairs (a. 120), and indeed what should reign among nations is not fear but a love expressing itself in productive collaboration (a. 129). In this spirit, countries should facilitate the circulation from one to the other of capital, goods and manpower (a. 101). Noting that the promotion of the common good demands effective authority (a. 136), and that the universal common good poses problems of world-wide dimensions (a. 137), Pope John proposes that a public authority, having worldwide power and the means to pursue its objective, be set up by common accord and not imposed by force (a. 138). The public authority of the world community must have as its fundamental objective the recognition, respect, safeguarding and promotion of the rights of the human person (a. 139). It should facilitate the work of national governments, and in no way should limit their sphere of action, much less take their place (a. 141). The pope expresses the hope that the day may come when every human being will find in the United Nations an effective safeguard for the rights derived from one's dignity as a human being (a. 145). The worst offense against peace, of course, is war, and Pope John quotes Pope Pius XII, who said: "Nothing is lost by peace; everything may be lost by war" (a. 116). John himself asserts that it is hardly possible to imagine that in the atomic era war could be used as an instrument of justice (a. 127). He notes that nations are spending fabulous sums for armaments, not for aggression, they say, but to dissuade others from aggression (a. 128). This stockpiling of armaments depletes intellectual and economic resources and deprives other countries of needed collaboration (a. 109). He also notes that even though the monstrous power of modern weapons acts as a deterrent, the mere continuance of nuclear tests may have fatal consequences for life on earth (a. 111). He concludes that the arms race should cease, stockpiles should be equally and simultaneously reduced, nuclear weapons should be banned, and there should be an agreement on progressive disarmament and an effective method of control (a. 112). Avoiding war is one thing; building peace is quite another. John proposes certain actions and approaches which we might consider his directives for peace. He teaches that the equal dignity of all people means that racial discrimination cannot be justified (a. 44), and every trace of racism should be eliminated in international relations (a. 86). He teaches that it is for the common good to respect the ethnic characteristics of different groups (a. 55). The betterment of minority ethnic groups should be promoted by government (a. 96), and their strength and numerical increase should never be limited (a. 95). At the same times, ethnic characteristics should not be placed above human values (a. 97), and ethnic characteristics must not be transformed into a watertight compartment in which people cannot communicate with people from other ethnic groups (a. 100). He teaches that international differences must be settled, not by force, nor by deceit or trickery, but by assessing the conflicting positions and reconciling the differences (a. 93).

He teaches that world leaders should seek an adjustment founded on mutual trust, on sincerity in negotiations and on faithful fulfillment of obligations assumed (a. 118). He teaches that those who are inclined to change things through revolution should be aware that to proceed gradually is the law of life in all its expressions (a. 161-62). Before closing his encyclical, Pope John provides a Christian perspective on the search for peace. He points out that many institutions in Christian countries do not reflect Christian values (a. 151). In John's opinion, this is so because of an inconsistency between Christians' faith and their life in the world (a. 152), an inconsistency resulting from the lack of a solid Christian education (a. 153). He explains that, because the principles outlined in this document are from the natural law, Catholics should be able to come to an understanding with other Christians and with non-Christians (a. 157). He says that in dealing with others, we must never confuse error and the person who errs: the person who errs always retains his dignity as a person and should be treated in accord with that dignity (a. 158). Moreover, we must distinguish between false philosophical teachings and the historical movements they spawn, since the movements are always subject to change (a. 159). It may opportune and prudent, therefore, to arrange for meetings to achieve economic, social, cultural and political ends which are honorable and useful (a. 160). In the end, he encourages every believer to be a spark of light, a center of love, and a leaven among people (a. 164). Leo XIII: Rerum Novarum A Summary Article by Gerald Darring

One reason compelling Leo XIII to write Rerum Novarum was his conviction that the present age has handed over the working poor to inhumane employers and greedy competitors (a. 6). He saw the working poor as needy and helpless (a.66) and insufficiently protected against injustices and violence (a. 32). His sympathy went out to these poor, who have a "downcast heart" (a. 37). There has been a strong tendency under capitalism to judge the poor harshly. Leo was not party to such judgment. He felt that most of the working poor live undeservedly in miserable and wretched conditions (a. 5). The poor work so that they can procure and retain property and in order to get the means necessary for livelihood (a. 9), and most of the working poor prefer to secure better conditions by honest toil, without doing wrong to anyone (a. 55). The pope did, however, acknowledge that the working poor are envious of the rich (a. 7), and he thought that the minds of the working poor are inflamed and always ready for disorder (a. 66).

Leo was careful to point out that the poor are equal in citizenship to the rich (a. 49) and that their work is the source of the nation's wealth (a. 51). In making these points, he challenged the position of those who belittle and look down on the poor, considering the poor, even the working poor, a burden on society. Even more significantly, he challenged the position of those who use religion to support their oppression of the poor. In a clear anticipation of what would later be known as the preferential option for the poor, Leo XIII let it be known that the favor of God seems to incline more toward the poor as a class (a. 37). Those, therefore, who favor the poor in attitude and action are God-like. The working poor, Leo asserts, should be liberated from the savagery of greedy people (a. 59). Those who seek to assist the working poor can do so through three types of institutions: associations for giving material aid, privately-funded agencies to help workers, and foundations to care for dependents (a. 68). In speaking to the working poor, Leo XIII had much to say out of his concern for order in society. He wanted the poor to understand that the lowest in society cannot be made equal with the highest (a. 26) and that poverty is no disgrace (a. 37). To suffer and endure is human (a. 27), even if the suffering presents itself in the form of poverty, and anyway, what counts from the perspective of eternity is not how much we have but how we use what we have (a. 33). The working poor are told not to injure the property or person of their employers (a. 30) and not to seize forcibly the property of others (a. 55) because private ownership must be preserved inviolate (a. 23). The message to the working poor up to this point seems to be aimed at calming and consoling the poor, encouraging them to accept their position in society without rancor and without doing harm to others. Leo XIII was particularly concerned about harmony in society, and he sought to enlist the aid of the working poor in preserving good order. But there was something else that concerned him very much: the material well-being of the working poor. He told them in no uncertain terms that they should receive what will enable them to be housed, clothed, secure, and to live without hardship (a. 51). He made it clear that they were not to accept unjust treatment as though it were inevitable, and that they were to stand up for their rights at the same time that they helped to preserve good order in society. Protect your own interests, but refrain from violence and never riot (a. 30); your demands should be reasonable (a. 37); press your claims with reason (a. 82); form unions (a. 69) but do not strike (a. 56). The message about preserving good order is clear and unmistakable, but so is the message about standing up for rights. Leo XIII wanted the working poor to protect their interests, to make demands, to press their claims, and the principal means for doing this was the formation of unions. In their efforts to claim their rights, the working poor should find in the government an ally, and Leo made it clear that the working poor should be given special consideration by the government (a. 54). The social activist component of Leo's program for dealing with the working poor was matched with a moral component. Christian morals must be re-established (a. 82), Leo felt, for true dignity resides in moral living (a. 37). For the worker, morality consists in doing one's work entirely and conscientiously (a. 30), in contributing to the sum total of

common goods (a. 50), in working harmoniously with one's wealthy employer (a. 28), and in not associating with vicious people (a. 30). Leo unites these worker obligations with the universal Christian obligations of religious practice and a simple lifestyle, and he proclaims that "if human society is to be healed, only a return to Christian life and institutions will heal it" (a. 41). Rerum Novarum also contained a message to those who deal with the working poor. Early on in his encyclical, Leo XIII declared that the working poor must be cared for (a. 5). This immediately put him at odds with those proponents of laissez faire who held that industry should not be burdened with moral concerns about the welfare of workers. For Leo, employers have clear moral obligations: workers are not to be treated as slaves (a. 31); the dignity of your workers' human personality must be respected (a. 31); do not use people as things for gain (a. 31); do not oppress the needy and wretched for your own profit (a. 32). The approach to employers is on a high moral plane, but it is also very practical: you need your poor worker, so work with him harmoniously (a. 28). It is immoral to treat workers unjustly, and it is also not in the best interest of ownership and management. Employers are not to give impossible or inappropriate work (a. 31). They are to give every worker what is justly due him (a. 32), and they are not to harm the savings of workers or regard their property as anything but sacred (a. 32). Leo combines these employer obligations with the duty to consider the religious interests and spiritual wellbeing of workers (a. 31) and to refrain from exposing workers to corrupting influences (a. 31). The result of this combination is a message of concern for the worker as a full human being, a person with physical, spiritual, psychological, moral, and familial needs. Since employers have wealth, Leo has something to say to them about their wealth and their position in society as wealthy people. He warns them against the pitfalls of being wealthy, pointing out that wealth does not end sorrow and that it is a hindrance to eternal happiness (a. 34). In view of eternity, what counts is not how much we have but how we use what we have (a. 33), and we will have to account to God for our use of wealth (a. 34). The wealthy are told that their goods are for their perfection and the benefit of others (a. 36), and they are encouraged to share their goods when they see others in need: when the need is extreme, the demand is of justice; otherwise, the demand is of charity (a. 36). Leo tells the wealthy the same thing he told the working poor: Christian morals must be re-established (a. 82), for true dignity resides in moral living (a. 37). Morality for the wealthy employers consists in coming to terms with their "proud spirit" (a. 37) and being "moved toward kindness" (a. 37). They are to be mindful of their duties (a. 82), which means that they are not to oppress workers with unjust burdens or inhuman conditions (a. 53). Leo XIII deals in Rerum Novarum with a number of specific issues relating to the condition of workers.

Workers have a natural right to form unions, and this right is beyond the authority of government (a. 72). The associations that Leo envisioned could be of workers alone or of workers and employers (a. 69), for he dreamt of a harmonious society in which the different levels of society cooperated rather than competed. The encyclical comes down strongly in favor of unions, stating that their increase is to be desired (a. 69).The immediate object of unions is the private advantage of those associated (a. 71), so that workers are to use their unions to secure increase in goods of body, soul and prosperity (a. 76). In keeping with the spiritual tone of Leo's worldview, the encyclical states that the principal goal of unions is moral and religious perfection (a. 77).Wise direction and organization are essential to the success of unions (a. 76). Members are free to adopt any organization and rules, but they should keep in mind that the organization should suit the purpose (a. 76). The proper operation of unions involves offices, funds, and arbitration (a. 78), and the union should seek to insure that every worker has sufficient work and that workers in need are helped (a. 79). Leo XIII wanted very much for workers to claim their rights, but he also wanted harmony and peace in society. He took the position that strikes are evil and should not be permitted (a. 56), placing his hopes on the ability of employers and employees to sort things out amicably with the help of the government and the Church. Wages must go beyond the free consent of the employer and employee; they must go beyond the personal desire of the employer; and they must satisfy the right to secure things to sustain life (a. 61-62). Wages should never be less than enough to support a worker who is thrifty and upright (a. 63): a worker should receive "a wage sufficiently large to enable him to provide comfortably for himself, his wife and his children" (a. 65). If a worker accepts less than this, he submits to force: he is the victim of injustice (a. 63).Work should not be so long that it dulls the spirit or that the body sinks from exhaustion (a. 59). The factors in the establishment of hours are listed as: the nature of the work; the circumstances of time and place; the physical condition of the workers (a. 59). A worker should "cease from work at regular intervals and rest" (a. 59), and he should be given "as much leisure as will compensate for the energy consumed by toil" (a. 60). Writing at a time when it was commonplace to work people in factories seven days a week, Leo used religious obligations as a weapon in the struggle for a six-day work week, and he insisted that there should be rest combined with religion (a. 58). Special care must be taken that women and children are not treated unjustly in the workplace (a. 60), and health safeguards are to be provided for all workers in the workplace, especially in factories (a. 64). Leo XIII took a strong stand on the private ownership of property. Private ownership must be preserved inviolate (a. 23) and it must be regarded as sacred (a. 65). It is wrong, however, for ownership to be limited to a small number of people, and private property must be spread among the largest number of population (a. 65). In line with this, Leo declared that there should be "a more equitable division of goods" (a. 66), in other words,

less of the wealth should be in hands of the few rich and there should be fewer poor people. The purpose of government is to cause public and individual well-being (a. 48). The government must protect the community and its constituent parts (a. 52), and it should protect equitably each and every class of citizens (a. 49). Equitable protection of all citizens means that government should give special consideration to the weak and poor (a. 54), and this special care should include the working poor (a. 54). The government should seek to improve the condition of workers (a. 48) because part of its task is to safeguard the well-being and interests of workers (a. 49) and because it is in the government's self-interest to improve workers' conditions (a. 51). The government's care for workers should include protection of the goods of the worker's soul (a. 57). The government's intervention in matters of wages, hours, and working conditions should be avoided (a. 64), since these matters should be worked out between employers and employees. The government does not have the authority to forbid unions (a. 72), but it can oppose, prevent, and dissolve unions when their objective is at variance with good morals, justice, or the welfare of the state (a. 72).As custodian of good order in society, the government should see to it that there are no strikes (a. 56), but more than that, it should seek to remove the causes of strikes (a. 56). It should also protect private property: "the masses ought to be kept within the bounds of their moral obligations" (a. 55). The government must permit freedom of action to individuals and families (a. 52). It cannot abolish private property but it can control its exercise, although crushing taxes should be avoided (a. 67). Civil power should not enter arbitrarily into the privacy of homes, but the government can and should give public aid to families in extreme difficulty (a. 21). It can restore rights within the family, but it is not the government's job to care for children (a. 21). Public authority should intervene whenever "any injury has been done to or threatens either the common good or the interests of individual groups, which injury cannot in any other way be repaired or prevented" (a. 52). Specifically, the power and authority of law should be employed if strikes or work-stoppages threaten disorder, if family life begins to disintegrate, if opportunities for religious practice are not provided workers, if working conditions threaten the integrity of morals, or "if the employer class should oppress the working class with unjust burdens or should degrade them with conditions inimical to human personality or to human dignity" (a. 53). If the Church is disregarded, human striving will be in vain (a. 25). The contributions of the Church to the solution of social problems include the following: a. The Church draws from the Gospel teachings that will solve or ameliorate the problem (a. 25). b. The Church regulates the life and morals of individuals (a. 25). c. The Church ameliorates workers' conditions through her institutions (a. 25), for she excels in works of mercy (a. 43) and religious societies care for all forms of human misery (a. 44).

d. The Church seeks to unite classes in protecting the interests of workers (a. 25). She can bring together the rich and the poor (a. 29), and she seeks to join the two social classes in closest neighborliness and friendship (a. 33). e. The Church points to the cure and administers the remedy (a. 40). John XXIII: Mater et Magistra A Summary Article by Gerald Darring

Pope John XXIII situated his encyclical within the tradition of social documents that included Leo XIII's Rerum Novarum, Pius XI's Quadragesimo Anno, and Pius XII's radio broadcast of Pentecost, 1941. He says that Rerum Novarum can be regarded as a summary of Catholic social teaching (a. 15). Its major points include the following: work is more than a mere commodity, and therefore wages should be based on principles of justice (a. 18); private property is a natural right possessed by all, but with a social aspect (a. 19); the government should be actively involved in economic matters, including the rights of workers (a. 20); workers have the right to organize (a. 22); unregulated competition and the class struggle should give way to solidarity and brotherhood (a. 23). John then points out that Quadragesimo Anno reaffirmed and updated Leo's encyclical. Its major points include the following: work agreements should include partnership arrangements (a. 32); wages should be based on the needs of the worker and his family, the condition of the business, and the public good (a. 33); the views of communists and Christians are radically opposed, and Catholics cannot approve of even moderate socialism (a. 34); economic power has been substituted for the free marketplace (a. 3536); economic life cannot be based on self-interest, unregulated competition, the power of the wealthy, or national vainglory (a. 38); there should be established a national and international order inspired by social justice (a. 40). Pope Pius XII's radio broadcast in honor of the fiftieth anniversary of Rerum Novarum focused, John indicates, on three interdependent issues: the use of material goods, labor, and the family. Its major points include the following: the right to use material goods to satisfy basic human needs has priority over all other economic rights, including the right to private property (a. 43); labor matters should be regulated by the parties concerned and only by the government as a last resort (a. 44); families must have the necessary material goods and the freedom to migrate (a. 45). Pope John calls attention to significant changes since 1941: scientific and technological (atomic energy, synthetic products, automation, mass communication and transportation, space exploration; a. 47); social (social security systems, worker awareness, educational improvements, increased affluence and mobility, growing imbalances among sectors of society and regions of the world; a. 48); and political (citizen participation, decolonization of Asia and Africa, widespread democratization; a. 49). In the light of this

changed world, John XXIII sets out to say some new things about the old topics raised in the previous documents. Private initiative should receive first place in economic affairs (a. 51), and political tyranny and economic stagnation prevail wherever private initiative is lacking (a. 57). All individuals have the right and duty to provide the necessities of life for themselves and their dependents (a. 55). Individuals should be considered and treated as persons and they should be encouraged to participate in the affairs of the community (a. 65). Government intervention should encourage, stimulate, regulate, supplement, and complement (a. 53). The absence of appropriate state intervention leads to social disorders and exploitation of the weak (a. 58). Public authorities should understand the common good as embracing the sum total of those conditions of social living, whereby people are enabled more fully to achieve their perfection (a. 65), and so they should work to reduce imbalances in society, to keep economic fluctuations within bounds, and to avoid mass unemployment (a. 54). Public authorities should not restrict the freedom of private citizens (a. 55). Private citizens and public authorities should work together in economic affairs (a. 56). A proper balance should be kept between the freedom of individual citizens and the regulating activity of the government (a. 66). John spoke of the contemporary phenomenon of "a multiplication of social relationships" (called "socialization" in all of the translations, a. 59). He saw this socialization as both a symptom and a cause of growing public intervention in aspects of personal life (a. 60). The advantages of increased socialization are found in the areas of basic human necessities, health services, education, housing, labor, recreation, and mass communication (a. 61). The disadvantage is found in the restriction of opportunities for individual freedom of action (a. 62). Wages. Pope John asserts that the basis for judging economic prosperity is not how much the country produces but how well the goods of society are distributed among the populace (a. 74). It is unacceptable, he says, for the wealth and conspicuous consumption of a few to stand out in open contrast with the extreme need of the majority (a. 69). The normal means for proper distribution of wealth is remuneration for work, and the problem is that too many workers are earning too little (a. 68) while others have huge incomes from performing less important and less useful tasks (a. 70). A just wage structure cannot be left entirely to unregulated competition or the arbitrary will of the more powerful. A just wage is one that makes possible a decent human life and the care of one's dependents. Individuals should be paid according to the contribution they make to the economic effort, and their wages and salaries should conform to the economic condition of the enterprise and the need for the community to provide jobs to as many as possible (a. 71). Where possible, workers should be given a share in the ownership of the enterprise (a. 75).

Managers, owners, and stockholders should receive earnings in light of the demands of the common good. Pope John lists these demands as follows: on the national level, -- the provision of employment for as many as possible, -- the prevention of privileged groups among workers, -- the maintenance of a balance between wages and prices, -- universal accessibility to goods and services for a better life, -- the elimination or reduction of inequalities among agriculture, industry, and services, -- the balancing of increases in output with advances in services, -- the adjustment of the means of production to technological progress, -- and concern for future generations (a. 79); on the international level, -- the removal of bad faith from the competitive striving of peoples to increase output, -- the fostering of harmony and cooperation in economic affairs, -- and effective aid for the economically underdeveloped nations (a. 80). Just wage principles are universal in nature, but they require concrete application in light of the resources at hand (a. 72). Worker organizations. An economic order is unjust, the pope asserts, if it compromises the human dignity of workers, weakens their sense of responsibility, or removes their freedom of action. Developing this principle, he advocates the promotion of artisan enterprises and cooperative associations (a. 85-90), the participation of workers in the decision-making processes of the company (a. 92), and an active role for unions in the political life of the country (a. 97-99). Private and public property. Like his predecessors, Leo XIII and Pius XI, John XXIII defends the right to private property as permanently valid, based on the priority of the person over society and the right to individual freedom of action (a. 109). But he deals with private property within what he recognizes to be a changed context: ownership and management have often become separated (a. 104); property is no longer the universal guarantor of security (a. 105); the earning of income has become for many more important than the owning of property (a. 106). Because of this changed context, the pope sees fit to stress the importance of the distribution of ownership among the greatest number of citizens (a. 113-115); the responsibilities attached to ownership of property (a. 119-120); and especially, the increasing role of government ownership of property, which, he points out, is lawful as long as it does not infringe too far upon the right of individuals to own property (a. 116-118). After addressing the topics that had been taken up by his predecessors, John XXIII now turns his attention to a series of new topics. Agriculture. In order to prevent productive imbalances between agriculture, industry, and the services; and in order to equalize the standards of living in city and country; and in

order to increase farmers' self-esteem, Pope John lists approaches which he thinks society must take (a. 125): -- Rural dwellers must receive all essential public services (a. 127); -- Farmers should be enabled to increase output through an orderly introduction of new technology (a. 128-30); -- The government should tax farmers in accordance with their peculiar circumstances (a. 132-33); -- Farmers should have available to them: capital at reasonable rates of interest (a. 134); social security and insurance (a. 135-36); price protection (a. 137-40); the means to strengthen farm income (a. 141); -- Farming should be organized appropriately, and especially in support of the family farm (a. 142-43). In working for these improvements, the principal agents should be the farmers themselves (a. 144), who should organize mutual-aid societies and professional associations (a. 146). Government should work to bolster less economically developed areas of the country (a. 150), making sure that people feel responsible for their own progress (a. 151) and promoting private enterprise (a. 152). International concerns. John challenges the world to come to grips with the dire poverty and hunger in countries that are in progress of development (a. 157) as well as with the wasting and destruction of surplus goods while masses of people experience want and hunger (a. 161). He locates the main causes of poverty and hunger in the primitive states of some economies (a. 163), but at the same time he asserts that we all share responsibility for the fact that populations are undernourished (a. 158). His proposals for dealing with these problems include emergency assistance with surplus food (a. 161-62) and scientific, technical, and financial cooperation (a. 163). He warns, however, that all aid to developing countries should reflect respect for the individual characteristics and cultural traditions of those countries (a. 169-70) and that such aid should not be given to serve political aims (a. 171-72) or with domination in mind (a. 173). Population increase and economic development. The pope addresses the view of some that procreation needs to be kept within limits or else greater economic imbalances will occur (a. 186) and a serious crisis will develop (a. 187). He dismisses their arguments as inconclusive and controversial (a. 188), and he professes confidence in God, who has provided nature with almost inexhaustible productive capacity, and in science and technology, which give almost limitless promise for the future (a. 189). He warns against using methods and means contrary to human dignity (a. 191, 199), and he encourages respect for the laws of life (a. 193-95). In working to solve these and other problems, countries have become more independent and should cooperate more closely (a. 200-202), but instead they distrust and stand in fear

of one another (a. 203). The reason for this is a failure to acknowledge the moral order (a. 205-06) and God as the foundation of the moral order (a. 207-11). Pope John concludes his encyclical with some thoughts on Catholic social teaching, which he says is valid for all time (a. 218). It is based on the principle that individuals are the foundation, cause, and end of all social institutions (a. 219), and it cannot be separated from the church's traditional teaching regarding human life (a. 222). He encourages increased attention to the social teaching of the church among clergy and laity (a. 223-25) and application of this teaching in economic and social affairs (a. 226-32). He warns against the obstacles to such application: self-interest, a materialistic philosophy of life, and the difficulty of discerning the demands of justice in given situations (a. 229). He suggests that people apply the social teaching of the church using the method of: observe, judge, act (a. 236), and he tells them not to get bogged down in useless controversies (a. 238). Paul VI: Populorum Progressio A Summary Article by Gerald Darring

Paul VI notes that today the social question has become world-wide (a. 3), and social conflicts have taken on world dimensions (a. 9). His international concerns are several. He is disturbed by the capitalist system accompanying industrialization, a system which contains such abuses as profit being the key motive for economic progress, competition the supreme law of economics, and private ownership of the means of production an absolute and unlimited right (a. 26). He worries that the destitution of whole populations tempts people to have recourse to violence (a. 30), although a revolutionary uprising produces new injustices unless there is an established tyranny damaging human rights and harming the common good (a. 31). He notes with disapproval that with so many people hungry and destitute, lacking education and health care, money is squandered on national or personal ostentation and the arms race (a. 53). One of his major concerns is the gap between the rich and the poor: glaring inequalities exist not only in possessions but also in power (a. 9). The hard reality of modern economics works to widen differences: rich peoples enjoy rapid growth while the poor develop slowly (a. 8). The distance is growing that separates the progress of some and the stagnation and regression of others (a. 29), and as a result of uneven trade relations, the poor nations remain ever poor while the rich ones become still richer (a. 57). The pope warns that in promoting development, we must avoid the risk of adding to the wealth of the rich, the misery of the poor, and the servitude of the oppressed (a. 33), and he insists that programs to increase production should reduce inequalities (a. 34 ). There exists in this the traditional Christian concern for the poor, and Paul reminds us that Christ cited the preaching of the Gospel to the poor as a sign of his mission (a. 12). He teaches that our goal is not just to eliminate hunger or reduce poverty: the goal is to build a world in which the poor man Lazarus can sit down at the same table with the rich

person (a. 47). But there is in addition a strong concern for problems in developing countries. The pope worries that industrialization is breaking down traditional structures which do not adapt themselves to the new conditions (a. 10). He notes that there is some evidence of a neo-colonialism, in the form of political and economic pressures aimed at complete dominance (a. 52). Within the underdeveloped countries, he calls attention to two problems: nationalism and racism. Asserting that the Church offers people what is her characteristic attribute: a global vision of humanity (a. 13), he says that legitimate feelings of concern for national unity and pride in cultural heritage should not be demeaned by an isolating nationalism (a. 62), and that racism is an obstacle to collaboration among disadvantaged nations and a cause of division and hatred within countries (a. 63). The pope had experienced first-hand the problem of development during travels to Latin America, Africa, the Middle East, and Asia (a. 4), and he seeks to convey a sense of the seriousness of the problem. He says that the world is sick, its illness consisting of the lack of kinship among individuals and peoples (a. 66). More and more people seek to do more, know more and have more in order to be more, but their living conditions prevent them (a. 6). In whole continents countless people experience hunger, infant mortality, retarded mental development, and depressing despondency (a. 45). He insists that no one can remain indifferent to the lot of those still buried in wretchedness, the victims of insecurity and the slaves of ignorance (a. 74). People need to grasp their serious problem in all its dimensions (a. 1). The present situation must be faced with courage and the injustices linked with it must be fought against and overcome (a. 32). The present moment is crucial, and the work to be done is urgent (a. 80). We must make haste: too many are suffering (a. 29). Paul's response to the demands of this crucial moment is contained in the concept of development, and he says that his encyclical is a solemn appeal for concrete action towards people's complete development and the development of all people (a. 5). He notes that the Church's interest in development focuses primarily on the hungry and miserable, the diseased and ignorant, those who share less in the benefits of civilization (a. 1). He teaches that development must be integral, promoting the good of every person and of the whole person (a. 14), and that authentic development involves a transition from less human to more human conditions (a. 20), from the less human conditions of poverty, selfishness, oppression and exploitation to the more human conditions of faith and unity in the love of Christ (a. 21). Development should mean social progress as well as economic growth (a. 34), and in fact economic growth depends in the first place on social progress, such as education (a. 35). He asserts that development is not assured by private initiative and competition (a. 33), and that it calls for more technical work as well as more reflection on higher values (a. 20). The pope makes sure we understand that the solution is not merely economic, but human development (a. 73), and a major theme of his encyclical is the fully human, the truly human. He speaks of the construction of a more human world (a. 54), of being on the road towards a greater humanity (a. 79). Time and again he returns to this theme: the Church fosters the human progress of nations (a. 12); through the use of intellect and will

a person can grow in humanity (a. 15); newly independent nations seek to assure their citizens a full human enhancement (a. 6); technology alone cannot render the world a more human place in which to live (a. 34); people are truly human only when they are the authors of their own advancement (a. 34); better-off nations should work to bring about a world that is more human towards everyone (a. 44); the goal is not just to eliminate hunger or reduce poverty: the goal is to build a world in which everyone can live a fully human life (a. 47). The pope translates this into a call for humanism: what must be aimed at is complete humanism: the fully-rounded development of the whole person and of all people. It must be a humanism open to the values of the spirit and to God who is their source (a. 42). Wise people are in search of a new humanism (a. 20), and the highest goal of personal development is a transcendent humanism achieved through union with Christ (a. 16). The development of which Paul speaks demands the simultaneous development of all humanity in the spirit of solidarity (a. 43), and the encyclical refers to the formation of a world which is better organized toward a universal solidarity (a. 62) and the desire to build a civilization founded on world solidarity (a. 73). The reality of human solidarity means that we have obligations towards everyone, even those who will come after us (a. 17), and better-off nations have obligations that reflect the duty of human solidarity (a. 44). The sign of human solidarity is peace, and it is no wonder that Pope Paul VI, writing at the height of both the Cold War and the Vietnam War, would have peace in the forefront of his thoughts. The pope notes that in the struggle for development, civil peace in developing countries and world peace itself are at stake (a. 55). Excessive economic, social and cultural inequalities among peoples arouse tensions and conflicts, and are a danger to peace (a. 76). Paul expresses the hope that the violence which often characterized international relationships will be replaced with mutual respect and friendship as well as interdependence in collaboration (a. 65). He teaches that peace is not the mere absence of war: it is built up day after day in pursuit of a more just order among people (a. 76), an international morality based on justice and equity (a. 81). He expresses his conviction that the way to peace lies in the area of development (a. 83); that the new name for peace is development (a. 87); and that the person who struggles against underdevelopment is a creator of peace (a. 75). In the course of presenting his thoughts on development, solidarity, and peace, Paul VI touches on several economic issues which impact on the pursuit of development. Aid. Human solidarity obligates the better-off nations to aid the developing countries (a. 44). There needs to be a dialogue between the donor nations and the receiving countries to insure proper terms of loans without political strings attached (a. 54). Trade. Unfavorable trade relations between rich and poor countries cannot be allowed to nullify any aid that might be given (a. 56). The industrialized nations have an advantage, because their exports--for the most part manufactured goods--have steadily rising prices, while the under-developed countries' exports--mostly food and raw materials--are under-

priced and subject to wild fluctuations (a. 57). Social justice obligates the better-off nations to rectify inequitable trade relations (a. 44). The rule of free trade, taken by itself, is no longer able to govern international relations because economic conditions differ too much from country to country (a. 58); freedom of trade is fair only if it is subject to the demands of social justice (a. 59). Without abolishing the international competitive market, it should be kept within the limits which make it just and moral, and therefore human (a. 61). Property. The desire for necessities is legitimate, but acquiring property can lead to greed (a. 18), which is the most evident form of moral underdevelopment (a. 19). Everyone has the right to obtain what is necessary, and all other rights are subordinate to this right, including the rights of property and free trade (a. 22). In other words, private property is not an absolute and unconditioned right, and one is not justified in keeping for oneself what one does not need, when others lack necessities (a. 23). Sometimes the common good may even demand the expropriation of landed estates (a. 24). Work. Work is willed and blessed by God, but it can be given exaggerated significance (a. 27). Everyone who works is a creator, and work with others unites people as brothers and sisters (a. 27). Work is human only if it remains intelligent and free, and sometimes it produces undesirable effects in people (a. 28). Unions. All social action involves an ideology (a. 39). Many professional organizations and trade unions are acceptable, but only those whose ideology is not materialistic and atheistic (a. 39). Immigrants, migrant workers. Human solidarity and Christian charity oblige us to welcome immigrants (a. 67), and this same welcome should be extended to migrant workers (a. 69). Family. Rigid family frameworks are gradually relaxing their hold on the people in developing nations, but it is important that the natural family remain as willed by God: monogamous and stable (a. 36). Population increases can create problems, but parents should be free to decide on the number of children they will have, following their consciences enlightened by God's law authentically interpreted (a. 37). Earlier we noted the negative international indicators which caused Paul VI to be so concerned. There were also some positive international circumstances and activities which seemed to please the pope and give him some hope. Among these positive indicators: private individuals, public authorities, and international organizations are doing good work in promoting literacy (a. 35); the Food and Agriculture Organization is being supported, and Caritas Internationalis is at work everywhere (a. 46); experts are being sent on development missions by institutions and private organizations (a. 71); young people are undertaking social service in developing nations (a. 74). Buoyed by these activities, Paul VI concludes that in spite of its ignorance, its mistakes and even its sins, its relapses into barbarism and its wanderings from the road of salvation, the world is taking slow but sure steps towards its Creator (a. 79).

Having identified the negative and positive aspects of the world problem of underdevelopment, the pope issues some challenges to rich people and rich countries, pointing out that peoples in hunger are making a dramatic appeal to peoples blessed with abundance (a. 3). The wealthy should come to realize that the poor stand outside their doors waiting to receive some left-overs from their banquets (a. 83). Those with education, position and opportunities for action should respond with generosity and give of their own possessions (a. 32). Let all examine their consciences: are they ready to pay, through charitable donations, higher taxes, and higher tariffs in order to help the destitute (a. 47)? Better-off nations have obligations that reflect the duties of human solidarity, social justice, and universal charity (a. 44). A developed nation should devote a part of its production to meet the needs of under-developed nations (a. 48); the superfluous wealth of rich countries should be placed at the service of poor nations (a. 49). Industrialists entering less developed countries should display the same social sensitivity in those countries as they do in their own country (a. 70). Paul VI also issues challenges to developing countries. He says that developing nations must know how to assess critically and eliminate those things which would lower the human ideal, and to accept those values that are sound and beneficial (a. 41). People in these countries must be helped and persuaded to work for their own betterment (a. 55). They should organize among themselves areas for concerted development (a. 64), establishing regional agreements among themselves for mutual support (a. 77) In the end, the pope tells everyone that the world situation demands action based on a clear vision of all economic, social, cultural, and spiritual aspects (a. 13). The present situation calls for concerted planning (a. 50), especially in the form of a worldwide collaboration in the establishment of a development fund (a. 51) and in the establishment of equality in discussions and negotiations between rich and poor countries (a. 61). The goal is not just to eliminate hunger or reduce poverty: the goal is to build a world in which everyone can live a fully human life, in which freedom is not an empty word and the poor man Lazarus can sit down at the same table with the rich person (a. 47). ENCYCLICAL OF POPE PIUS XI ON RECONSTRUCTION OF THE SOCIAL ORDER Pius XI: Quadragesimo Anno A Summary Article by Gerald Darring Pius XI made several positive judgments about the society of his day. He saw that the poverty which Leo XIII beheld in all its horror was less widespread, and the condition of workers had been improved (a. 59). The ranks of the workers were showing signs of a social reconstruction (a. 140): workers' associations of all types had been formed (a. 3136) and associations of farmers and other middle-class people were flourishing (a. 37). Many leaders of workers' organizations were striving to satisfy workers' demands and to

harmonize those demands with the prosperity of everyone involved in their occupation (a. 140). Meanwhile, rulers of nations were promoting a better social policy than before (a. 26), and laws had been passed protecting life, health, strength, family, home, workshops, wages, etc. (a. 28) The pope's negative judgments about contemporary society were more numerous. Associations of employers were uncommon (38), and the number of the non-owning working poor had increased enormously (a. 59). Capital had been able to appropriate too much to itself, so that economic institutions had moved in the direction of giving all accumulation of wealth to the rich (a. 54). The result was a huge disparity between the few rich and the many poor (a. 58, 60). Free competition had destroyed itself; economic dictatorship had supplanted the free market (a. 109). A despotic economic dictatorship was consolidated in the hands of a few (a. 105), and the characteristic mark of contemporary economic life was a concentration of power and might (a. 107). This concentration of power generated conflict on the economic, political, and international planes (a. 108) with the result that society was in a violent condition and was unstable and uncertain because it was divided into opposing classes (a. 82). One section of socialism had degenerated into communism, which sought unrelenting class warfare and absolute extermination of private ownership (a. 112). All existing forms of communism and socialism were incompatible with the Gospel (a. 128). Capitalism, on the other hand, was not to be condemned in itself; it was not of its own nature vicious (a. 101). And yet, capitalism was laboring under the gravest of evils (a. 128). Some people had come to believe that they could use any means to increase their profits and protect their wealth against sudden changes of fortune. In uncontrolled business dealings, they raised or lowered prices so as to make quick profits with the least expenditure of work (a. 132). Corporations gave individuals the opportunity to perpetuate injustice and fraud under the shelter of a joint name (a. 132), and governments had been delivered to the passions and greed of individuals (a. 109). An economic imperialism had developed on the international level (a. 109). The rich social life that was once highly developed through associations of various kinds had collapsed into a situation in which there remained virtually only individuals and the government (a. 78). The social order that once existed, an order that met to some extent the requirements of right reason, had perished because people had become too selfish and disrespectful of authority (a. 97). Many people involved in economic life had fallen away from the Christian spirit (a. 127). The social and economic system had become an obstacle to people's eternal salvation (a. 130), and people were confronted with a world that had almost fallen back into paganism (a. 141). A body of economic teaching had arisen which gives completely free rein to human passions (a. 133). Families were being torn apart by poor housing conditions (a. 135). People and raw materials entered factories, which ennobled the raw materials and

degraded the people (a. 135). The sordid love of wealth was the shame and great sin of the age (a. 136). These negative judgments about society led Pius XI to see the need for a reconstruction of society. He decided that two things were especially necessary: a reform of institutions, and the correction of morals (a. 77). On the one hand, economic life must again be subjected to and governed by a true and effective directing principle (a. 88), and it must be led back to sound and right order (a. 136). The members of the body social should be reconstituted and the directing principle of economic-social life should be restored (a. 90). Economic activity should return to right and sound order (a. 110). On the other hand, there needs to be a reform of morality (a. 97). There must be a renewal of the Christian spirit (a. 127), and we long for a full restoration of human society in Christ (a. 138) Pius XI laid down a number of guidelines for solving contemporary problems. Quadragesimo Anno is an encyclical by Pope Pius XI, issued 15 May 1931, 40 years after Rerum Novarum (thus the name, Latin for 'in the fortieth year'). Written as a response to the Great Depression, it calls for the establishment of a social order based on the principle of subsidiarity. Bibliography