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Culture & Psychology

http://cap.sagepub.com Review Essay: Racial Relations and Racism in Brazil: Telles, Edward Eric, Race in Another America: The Significance of Skin Color in Brazil. Princeton, NJ/Oxford: Princeton University Press, 2006. 324 pp. ISBN 9780691127927 (pbk)
Marcus Eugnio Oliveira Lima Culture Psychology 2007; 13; 461 DOI: 10.1177/1354067X07082805 The online version of this article can be found at: http://cap.sagepub.com/cgi/content/abstract/13/4/461

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Review Essay
Abstract Edward Telles book Race in Another America: The Signicance of Skin Color in Brazil (2006) has contributed to the understanding of racial and skin color relations in Brazil. The main aspects of the past and present of racism in Brazil are discussed, such as whitening, mestizaje, and the ideology of racial democracy, and some additional data are presented. This work reects on and brings to light the reections of Telles and of other researchers of racism about a future of more equalitarian racial and social relations in Brazil. Key Words afrmative-action policies, comparative perspective, racism in Brazil, whitening

Marcus Eugnio Oliveira Lima


Universidade Federal de Sergipe, Brazil

Racial Relations and Racism in Brazil


Telles, Edward Eric, Race in Another America: The Signicance of Skin Color in Brazil. Princeton, NJ/Oxford: Princeton University Press, 2006. 324 pp. ISBN 9780691127927 (pbk) Edward E. Telles has intensively studied racism in Brazil since the beginning of the 1990s with many publications on that topic. In his work Telles examines variables that are essential to the understanding of racial issues, such as gender, social class, the industrialization levels of society, income inequities and racial classication, among others. Against this background, the book Race in Another America: The Signicance of Skin Color in Brazil is a fundamental work for the understanding of the phenomenon of racism in Brazil and also the similar and contrasting expressions of this same phenomenon in the United States and in South Africa. The book was rst published in 2004 and received a number of international awards, which included Best Book on Brazil in English. The importance of Telles book lies not only in the profound comparison that it permits of racial relations in Brazil and the United States, but also in its very well-based statistical analysis of the social and historical aspects of Brazilian racism, overcoming more traditional and somewhat Manichean perspectives that, in the theorizing of skin color issues in Brazil, were likely to oppose the thoughts of Gilberto Freyre to those of Florestan Fernandes.
Culture & Psychology Copyright 2007 SAGE Publications (Los Angeles, London, New Delhi and Singapore) http://cap.sagepub.com Vol. 13(4): 461473 [DOI: 10.1177/1354067X07082805]

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Telles makes a convincing meta-analysis of the researches conducted on racism and, through the sharp viewpoint of a social scientist, shows how Freyres theory stems from its emphasis on the horizontality of racial relations in Brazil, based on his experience of living in Northeastern Brazil, one of the most racially mixed regions of the country, and also from his travels, when he was a visiting professor at Indiana and Stanford universities, across the segregated South of the United States. In contrast, Florestan Fernandes analyzes racism in So Paulo, a state where the African inuence on the ethnographic composition was not as intense as in the Northeast, and the racial relations have always been more vertical. Telles analysis makes evident the importance of considering, in a continental country with as many regional disparities as Brazil, both proximal and distal contexts of racial relations as a variable of evaluation. In fact, there are no more correct or less correct analyses on racism; there are different types of racism and some analytical focuses are more adequate to some contexts of racial relations than others. The main point that motivates Telles reections on racism in Brazil, or the great enigma of its racial relations, is to understand how racial mixing can co-exist with exclusion, or even how racial inclusion and exclusion can co-exist. Telles structures his arguments in an attempt to answer that question in ten chapters that, together, draw a history of racism in Brazil as well as the main perspectives from which to analyze this phenomenon: racial democracy and white supremacy, racial classication, economic inequalities and development possibilities for Whites and non-Whites, discrimination, residential segregation, interracial marriages, and also the planning and executing of public politics adequate to the diversity of the complex Brazilian reality.

Mestizaje,1 Whitening and Racial Democracy in Brazil


Racial relations in Brazil are strongly marked by the type of colonization that was established in its history and by the racial composition of its people today. Brazil was colonized by the Portuguese, who, besides their history of mestizaje with the Moors, came to Brazil without their wives and with their uid and ritualistic Catholic ethics. Against this background, indigenous and black women were used as sex objects by the white Portuguese colonizers, commencing racial mixing in Brazil and, therefore, loosening social distances. Observing this peculiar character of racial relations and the more contemporizing (contemporizador) style of the Portuguese, in comparison to the British and the Spanish, Gilberto Freyre (1933/1983) 462

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formulated the theory of Brazilian racial democracy. The implicit corollary of this theory is the idea of the absence of racial prejudice and discrimination, permitting egalitarian economic and social opportunities for Whites and Blacks in Brazil (Andrews, 1991; Hasenbalg, 1985). The myth of racial democracy started to collapse when Florestan Fernandes and Roger Bastide, as requested by UNESCO, carried out a series of researches on the situation of black people in Brazil. The main conclusion from these studies drawn by the authors is as follows:
The alteration of the social status of the black people after abolition was merely legal. Racial prejudice was still being softly and discreetly expressed. Under the mantle of judicial and political equality not only did economic and social inequality continue between Whites and Blacks, but so did the old racial ideology, with all the illusions that it used to cover. (Fernandes & Bastide, 1951, pp. 1314)2

In Edward Telles analysis of these two theories of racism in Brazil, he argues that there are horizontal elements in the inter-racial relations in Brazil which make these relations peculiar, as Freyre acknowledged. However, this horizontality in interpersonal relations is established parallel to a strong verticality in the distribution of power and social resources between Whites and non-Whites, as exposed by Fernandes. Telles even afrms that the two main arguments that support racial ideology in Brazil are miscegenation and the myth of racial democracy. We can also include in this analysis whitening, which was mentioned by Telles but deserves some special emphasis, since it is not only an ideology in Brazil but also the national policy that is the basis for miscegenation. Whitening can be understood on at least three levels: (a) institutional relations towards national eugenics; (b) social perceptions and inter-group relations; and (c) self-perception and interpersonal relations. At the rst level, institutional relations, attention is merited to the Brazilian governments strategy of changing black labor to white labor. This was accomplished between 1890 and 1914 as more than 1 million Europeans crossed the Atlantic destined for So Paulo, with more than the majority of tickets paid for by So Paulos state government, while the recently liberated population was thought of as non-qualied (Alencastro, 1998). This form of whitening of Brazil brought about the effects noted in the constant decline of the population of African origin since the census of 1872 (when the Blacks composed 19.2% of the population) until 1990 (when they were already less than 5%, though this was to rise swiftly to 6.2% by the time of the 2000 census). 463

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On the level of social perceptions the strong correlation between social class and skin color in Brazil deserves attention, with a heightened appreciation of the white skin color and depreciation of black skin. In Brazil, there is, as referred to by Harris (cited by Degler, 1971, p. 116), a racial economic pyramid, a sort of pigmentocracy:
A black person is any of the following: A A A A A A A A A A A A very poor white very poor mulatto poor mulatto very poor black poor black well-off black wealthy white well-off white poor white wealthy mulatto well-off mulatto wealthy black

A white person is any of the following:

The relative uidity in the color classications in Brazil is true in all environments of everyday national life, no matter how different they are. Srgio Adorno (1996), in a study carried out in the great So Paulo area in 1990, in which criminal reports of felonies that had been committed during that year were analyzed (e.g., thefts, rapes, extortion through kidnappings, drug trafcking, etc.), veries a tendency to change the skin color of the population of those who were accused of crimes and found guilty, according to the progress of the case. In the authors words:
If in the course of the process, it is veried that the suspect is a working citizen, respecter of the family, a good father and an exemplary spouse, who was accidentally involved in a crime, it is possible that in the procedural outcome he is seen as having a light brown skin, the inverse is also true. (Adorno, 1996, p. 268)

In this sense, we conducted a study with four experimental conditions. In the rst one we have a scenario with photographs of a group of well-dressed Blacks with a description attached referring to the social and economic success of the group. In another condition a photo was presented of a group of well-dressed Whites with the same description of social success. In the third condition a photo of badly dressed Blacks was presented that included a scenario of social and economic failure. Finally, the fourth experimental condition consisted 464

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of a photo of badly dressed Whites and the same scenario of failure. There were only two photos, one for the Whites and another for the Blacks. The only change made was that in the success condition, the three persons in the photo were in more sophisticated clothes while those in the failure condition were more simply clothed (see Figure 1). The dependent variables were the attribution of natural or cultural traits (dehumanizers) and the racial classication of the groups, in an ordinal scale of 7 positions (1= Blacks, 2 = very dark mulattos, 3 = dark mulattos, 4 = mulattos, 5 = light mulattos, 6 very light mulattos, 7 = Whites). The study, conducted in AracajuNortheastern Brazilinvolved white university students, and showed that there is a main effect of success on the perception of color: those presented as successful were

Blacks who fail:

Whites who fail

Figure 1. Photographs of experimental conditions

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Blacks who succeed:

Whites who succeed

Figure 1. continued

considered whiter than the failures (see Figure 2). More interesting, however, was the mediation of the hetero-perception of color, which is here called whitening, in attribution of personality traits to the groups represented in the photos. The traits described could be positive or negative, cultural or natural, as follows: positive cultural (intelligent, wise, progressive), positive natural (happy, sharp-minded and spontaneous), negative cultural (deceitful, ignorant and childish) and negative natural (aggressive, uncontrolled and impulsive). We did not nd direct effects of negative or naturalizing stereotyping of Blacks in relation to Whites. Nevertheless, when the whitening mediation effect on the group stereotyping was analyzed, we found that that the socially and economically successful Blacks were whitened the more positive characteristics were given to them, especially the positive cultural traits. The inverse situation may be noticed for the Blacks who fail, who are perceived as darker and more dehumanized (Lima & Vala, 2004b). This study was replicated in Goinia (the mid-eastern region of 466

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7 6 Whitening 5 4 3 2 1 Groups that suceed


Figure 2. Average of whitening as a function of success* * Comparison of conditions was found statistically signicant (F(1, 70) = 5.41, p = .02; standard deviations for success = 1.85; for failure = 1.80). The magnitude of these standard deviations relative to the averages renders the comparison of averages uninterpretable, hence the data here are not necessarily sufcient for interpretation

3.78 3

Groups that fail

Brazil) and in So Paulo (the south-eastern region of Brazil), with similar results (Lima & Vala, 2005). Finally, whitening can also be expressed on the level of self-perception and of interpersonal relations. In the 19th century, supported by scientic racism, which considered Blacks to be genetically inferior, the whitening ideology was thought to be the best means of escape by Brazilian Blacks. As is known, ideologies act as social norms that, when accepted, are interiorized even by those who may become the preferential victims of their logic. It is in that context that racism, as a social norm, may be interiorized together with the whitening ideology, affecting black peoples self-concept. In fact, many Blacks have been assimilated into the whitening ideology, up to the point where Black racial identity is lost on purpose, with the intention of looking for people with a different skin color with whom to have intimate relationships, thus trying to escape from or minimize the consequences of the skin color burden. It is according to this logic that a Black journal afrmed in the early 20th century: We do not intend to perpetuate our race, but in fact to inltrate in the core of the privileged racethe white race, because, we repeat, we are not Africans, but purely Brazilians (O Getulino, September 30, 1923). In this context miscegenation is turned into a sort of solution for the symptoms of national racism. This miscegenation makes the 467

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national Black identity difcult and can even destroy it. Degler (1971) denes the mestizaje solution as the mulatto escape hatch. Whitening is seen as an emergency exit, simultaneously personal and social, for the condition of inferiority of black people in Brazil. Telles himself comments on research conducted by the Instituto Brasileiro de Geograa e Estatstica (IBGEBrazilian Bureau of Statistics) with a representative sample of the national population in 1976, in which it is veried that, when required to classify themselves by their skin color, Brazilians used 135 different colors. A kaleidoscope is composed, which varies from sulfur color to reddish-brown and even dirty-white and white. Even if Telles demonstrates in a quantitative analysis that the vast majority of the self-denitions involve more usual color categories (white with 42%, brown with 32%, pardo [mixed-color or mestizo] with 7%, negro or black with 8%), a more qualitative analysis demonstrates a tendency to avoid the black color and a pursuit of lighter colors. In the lexicon of the 135 Brazilian skin colors there are many more terms related to the white color (really white, really light-colored, white, reddish-white, smeared-white, brownedwhite, pale-white, burned-white, freckled-white, dirty-white, whitey, whitened, light, lighty light and tend-to-white) than terms related to the black color (almost-black, dark, darkened, black, blackened and darkish). The perception of the symbolic values associated with color and its correlated pursuit of whitening may be veried in children from ve years old. In a study carried out in Aracaju with 238 white, black and mixed-race Brazilian children aged ve to ten years old, Frana and Monteiro (2002) found 23 different labels of skin color and the same tendency to whitening that was found in adults. These authors veried that self-denition of skin color presents greater irregularity in relation to the classication made by three judges (hetero-dening) for black children rather than for white children. In fact, 79% of the children hetero-dened as white considered themselves to be white, 54% of those hetero-dened as mixed-race considered themselves to be of a mixed race and only 40% of the hetero-dened as black said they were black. In a more recent study, similar results of idealization of the white skin color were found (in a smaller proportion) among indigenous children as well as black children from a remaining Quilombo, that is, a rural community for descendants of slaves, located in Sergipe (Lima, 2006).

Where is the Cordiality in Cordial Racism in Brazil?


Telles analyses and data demystify the ideology of racial democracy in Brazil, but at the same time pinpoint the peculiarities of Brazilian 468

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racism in contrast to racism in the United States and in South Africa. Specically in the third chapter, Telles focuses on the role of social movements and of international pressures in questioning the racial democratic myth and on ideological and political changes in the racial relations in Brazil, culminating in the arousal of afrmative action policies on the 1990s. It is in this context that 1995 DATAFOLHA research shows that almost 80% of Brazilian people still believe that there is racism in Brazil, although less than 10% consider themselves to be racists (Turra & Venturi, 1995). The prejudice of being prejudiced is similar to the aversive racism concept of Gaertner and Dovidio (1986). As Florestan Fernandes (1966) had already observed:
The most evident thing in the Brazilians attitudes towards the color prejudice is the tendency to consider it demeaning (for those who suffer from it) and degrading (for those who practice it). As a result, people worry more, become apprehensive and even obssessive by the prejudice of being prejudiced. (p. 33)

Telles considers the subtlety and indirectness of Brazilian racism to be inuenced by many factors, including the great importance of mechanisms based on class to reproduce racial inequalities and the apparent absence of violent racial segregation in schools and in organizations in general. On the other hand, there is no subtlety or cordiality in the discrimination against non-Whites and mainly against Blacks in the different aspects of Brazilian society. Telles believes that, even though the dissemination of negative racial stereotypes in Brazil is not as intense as it is in the United States, being expressed mainly in jokes and popular sayings, the invisibility of Blacks in the media and their near absence in the middle and upper classes in Brazil are more drastic than in the USA. Something similar is found when intermarriages are analyzed. Telles presents data that show that the ideology of miscegenation is not only restricted to sexual relations. Marriages between Whites and nonWhites occur in Brazil much more frequently than they do in the United States and South Africa. More than one fth of white Brazilians marry someone with a different skin color. This is a consequence of the closer contact between Whites and non-Whites in Brazil and also of the fact that in this country, for historical reasons of the ethnographic formation of our people, marriages between people with a different skin color are not as stigmatized as they are in those countries with clearly segregationist cultures such as the United States and South Africa. Nonetheless, in Telles words, when intermarriage occurs, love does not always trump racism (p. 193). In the market of matrimonial choices 469

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the white product is still the most valuable, while the black is rejected, mainly when we consider the black woman. Telles concludes, however, by acknowledging that there is less residential segregation in Brazil than in South Africa and in the United States and that there are more networks of horizontal sociability between Whites and nonWhites, which results in more friendships between the different groups and enhances the possibility of love relationships. Thus, the existence of friendships between the different groups does not reduce racism, but simply camouages its means of expression, making them more subtle. As noted by Allport (1954), in his classical hypothesis of contact, only inter-racial contact with institutional support and under ideal conditions of equity seems to be effective in overcoming racism. But this is not the case in Brazil. In point of fact, the slight difference in the residential borders between Blacks and Whites in Brazil is also inuenced by social class. Poor Whites are spatially closer to Blacks and mixed-race people; upper- and middleclass Whites hardly ever have black neighbors. Nevertheless, if in the eld of the expressions of prejudice it is possible to feel the pressures of the anti-racist norm producing subtle or cordial expressions of racism, in the eld of objective discrimination of Blacks and mulattos in Brazil what is observed is another scenario. Indeed, the situation of social and economic exclusion of nonWhite citizens is alarming, despite the development of capitalism in Brazil (Hasenbalg, 1985). Telles compares the racial inequities in Brazil, the United States and South Africa, focusing on income distribution according to race in each context of racialized relations. Supported by substantial empirical evidence, the author concludes that the socio-economic structure in Brazil is strongly split along racial lines. It is undeniable that there is racial discrimination in Brazil, even when the effects of the inequities based on the class or on the region of the country are controlled for. In effect, comparing the data on discrimination of Blacks in Brazil to those of the United Kingdom, South Africa and the United States, it can be observed that in Brazil the inequities between Blacks and Whites, in terms of income, the provision of education and social mobility, are greater than in these other countries (Lima, 2003; Munanga, 1996). However, when the expressions of racial prejudice in these contexts are compared, it is possible to notice that new or modern expressions of prejudice, more hidden and subtle, started in Europe and in the United States in the late 1960s (cf. Gaertner & Dovidio, 1986; Kinder & Sears, 1981; McConahay & Hough, 1976; Pettigrew & Meertens, 1995; Vala, Lopes, & Brito, 1999), while in Brazil, 470

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after the abolition of slavery (1888), racial relations have always been marked by the epidermal cordiality of racial democracy and by the subtle, aversive and hidden expressions of prejudice (Lima & Vala, 2003, 2004a). In the 1990s this background brought social pressures which organized internal and external movements in the country demanding action from the government on the control of racial discrimination. Since 1994, Afrmative-Action Policies (AAP) have been introduced, including quotas for Blacks in university admissions. The AAP have faced substantial resistance in Brazil. One of the arguments against them suggests that they result in the racial segregation of Brazil and that in our country it is hard to determine who is black. The debate over the racial quotas is at a boiling point. A deadline has been imposed on the public universities to implement a system of admissions to those who benet from the quotas. Most institutions have chosen a mixed system of social quotas (for poor or public school students) with racial subquotas directly proportional to the percentage of Blacks and pardos in the local population.

The Future of the Racial Relations in Brazil: Sociability and Public Policies on Racial Equality
Despite the resistance of many groups to the quotas, including university students and even representatives of the black movement, the fact is that Brazil is living in a unique moment in its racial relations. Never in national history has racism been so debated in our everyday conversations as it is nowadays. There have never been so many discussions about who is black and who is not black in Brazil and about the criteria of racial equality and equity. Theses on racial democracy and on class-over-race are discussed by common citizens, Blacks and non-Blacks, in public or private segments of society. We think that this can produce a newer and more widely open form of socialization over racial themes. However, the impacts on this socialization in the future will depend on the articulated efforts of knowledge and intervention by social scientists and civil society representatives to pressure the government to apply and equalize public policies that promote equality. All of these factors are shown to be important in building a more socially inclusive reality in Brazil. Public policies when joined with the racial mixture and segregationist non-racialism can be important tools to promote positive changes in the status quo of racial relations in Brazil. However, as Telles afrms, to create mechanisms that ght the 471

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still very resistant racial culture, it is necessary to consider, when outlining the public policies in Brazil, the singularities of each region of the country as well as the relation between race and social class. Notes
1. Mestizaje, mestiagem in Portuguese, meaning the process of miscegenation. 2. Although Florestan Fernandes conclusions point to Brazilian racism, Gilberto Freyres thesis on racial democracy had the most signicant international repercussions (Schwarcz, 1996).

References
Adorno, S. (1996). Violncia e racismo: Discriminao no acesso justia penal. In L.M. Schwarcz & R. da S. Queiroz (Eds.), Raa e diversidade (pp. 255275). So Paulo: EDUSP. Alencastro, L.F. de. (1998). Vida privada e ordem privada no Imprio. In L.F. de Alencastro (Ed.), Histria da Vida Privada no Brasil/Imprio: A corte e a modernidade nacional (Vol. 2, pp. 1194). So Paulo: Companhia das Letras. Allport, G.W. (1954). The nature of prejudice. 3rd ed. Wokingham: Addison-Wesley. Andrews, G.R. (1991). Negros e brancos em So Paulo (18881988). Bauru: EDUSC. Degler, C.N. (1971). Nem preto nem branco: escravido e relaes raciais no Brasil e no EUA. Rio de Janeiro: Labor. Fernandes, F. (1966). O Negro no mundo dos brancos. So Paulo: Difuso Europia do Livro. Fernandes, F., & Bastide, R. (1951). Preconceito racial em So Paulo. So Paulo: Publicaes do Instituto de Administrao da USP. Frana, D.X., & Monteiro, M.B. (2002). Identidade racial e preferncia em crianas brasileiras de 5 a 10 anos. Psicologia, XVI, 293323. Freyre, G. (1933/1983). Casa-grande e senzala: Formao da famlia brasileira sob o regime de economia patriarcal. Lisbon: Edio Livros do Brasil. Gaertner, S.L., & Dovidio, J.F. (1986). The aversive form of racism. In J.F. Dovidio & S.L. Gaertner (Eds.), Prejudice, discrimination, and racism: Theory and research (pp. 6189). Orlando, FL: Academic Press. Hasenbalg, C. (1985). Race and socioeconomic inequalities in Brazil. In P.M. Fontaine (Ed.), Race, class and power in Brazil (pp.2541). Los Angeles: Centre for Afro-American Studies, University of California. Kinder, D.R., & Sears, D.O. (1981). Prejudice and politics: Symbolic racism versus racial threats to the good life. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 40, 414431. Lima, M.E.O. (2003). Normas sociais e racismo: Efeitos do igualitarismo e do individualismo meritocrtico na infra-humanizao dos negros. Unpublished doctoral thesis, Instituto Superior de Cincias do Trabalho e da Empresa, Lisbon. Lima, M.E.O. (2006). Racismo, socializao das atitudes intergrupais e identidade

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tnica de crianas Negras e Indgenas no Nordeste. Technical report for CNPq, Universidade Federal de Sergipe, So Cristvo. Lima, M.E.O., & Vala, J. (2003). Racismo e democracia racial no Brasil. In J. Vala, M. Garrid, & P. Alcobia (Eds.), Percursos da investigao em psicologia social (pp.233253). Lisbon: Colibri. Lima, M.E.O., & Vala, J. (2004a). As novas formas de expresso do preconceito e do racismo. Estudos de Psicologia,9, 401412. Lima, M.E.O., & Vala, J. (2004b). Sucesso social, branqueamento e racismo. Psicologia: Teoria e Pesquisa, 20, 1119. Lima, M.E.O., & Vala, J. (2005). A cor do sucesso: Efeitos da performance social e econmica no branqueamento e na infra-humanizao dos Negros no Brasil.. Psicologia USP, 16(3), 143166. McConahay, J.B., & Hough, J.C., Jr. (1976). Symbolic racism. Journal of Social Issues, 32, 2345. Munanga, K. (1996). As facetas de um racismo silenciado. In L.M. Schwarcz & R. da S. Queiroz (Eds.), Raa e diversidade (pp. 213229). So Paulo: EDUSP. Pettigrew, T.F., & Meertens, R.W. (1995). Subtle and blatant prejudice in western Europe. European Journal of Social Psychology, 25, 5775. Schwarcz, L.M. (1996). As teorias raciais, uma construo histrica de nais do sculo XX: O contexto brasileiro. In L.M. Schwarcz & R. da S. Queiroz (Eds.), Raa e diversidade (pp. 147185). So Paulo: EDUSP. Turra, C., & Venturi, G. (1995). Racismo cordial: A mais completa anlise sobre preconceito de cor no Brasil. So Paulo: tica. Vala, J., Lopes, D., & Brito, R. (1999). A construo social da diferena: Racializao e etnicizao das minorias. In J. Vala (Ed.), Novos racismos: Perspectivas comparativas (pp. 145179). Oeiras: Celta.

Biography
MARCUS EUGNIO OLIVEIRA LIMA graduated from the Universidade Federal da Paraba. He received his doctorate in Social Psychology from Portugal at the ISCTE in 2003. Presently he is a Professor at the Universidade Federal de Sergipe, Brazil. His areas of scientic interest are group processes and inter-group relations, focusing specically on social norms, racism and the dehumanization of minorities. He has researched into the relation between social norms and the modern expressions of racism, specically the impact of egalitarianism and competition on automatic prejudice against Blacks and on Brazilians attitudes to racial quotas. ADDRESS: Marcus Eugenio Oliveria Lima, Cidade Universitria Professor Jos Alosio de Campos, Av. Marechal Rondon, s/n, Departamento de Psicologia, So Cristvo- Sergipe/Brasil CEP: 49100. [email: meolima@uol.com.br]

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