Coi|oIism ond cbeo Iobour-ower

in 8ou|b A|rico: |rom seqreqo|ion |o

oor|beid
1
uorolu Wolo
Abstroct

Conentionally, Apartheid is regarded as no more than an intensiication o
the earlier policy o Segregation and is ascribed simplistically to the -
particular racial ideology o the ruling Nationalist Party.
In this article substantial dierences between Apartheid and Segregation
are identiied and explained by reerence to the changing relations o
capitalist and Arican pre-capitalist modes o production. 1he supply o
Arican migrant labour-power, at a wage below its cost o reproduction, is a
unction o the existence o the pre-capitalist mode. 1he dominant capitalist
mode o production tends to dissole the pre-capitalist mode thus
threatening the conditions o reproduction o cheap migrant labour-power
and thereby generating intense conlict against the system o Segregation. In
these conditions Segregation gies way to Apartheid which proides the
speciic mechanism or maintaining labour-power cheap through the
elaboration o the entire system o domination and control and the
transormation o the unction o the pre-capitalist societies.

l. lotroucctloo
1here is undoubtedly a high degree o continuity in the racist ideological
oundations o Apartheid2 and o the policy o Segregation which preailed
in the Unionn o South Arica prior to the election o the Nationalist Party
to power in 1948. It is, perhaps, this continuity which accounts or the widely
held iew that undamentally Apartheid is little more than Segregation under
a new name. ,See, or example, Legassick 192, \alshe, 1963: 360, Bunting,
1964
:
305., As Legassick expresses it:

Ater the Second \orld \ar segregation was continued, its
premises unchanged, as aartbeia or separate deelopment` ;ibia
: 31,.

According to this iew, such dierences as emerged between Segregation
and Apartheid are largely dierences o degree relating to their common
concerns-political domination, the Arican reseres and
=2 uorolu Wolo


Arican migrant labour. More particularly, the argument continues, in the
political sphere, Apartheid entails a considerable increase in \hite
domination through the extension o the repressie powers o the State, the
Bantustan policy inoles the deelopment o limited local goernment
which, while alling ar short o political independence and tearivg vvcbavgea
tbe ecovovic ava otiticat fvvctiov. of the Reseres, neertheless, in some ways,
goes beyond the preious system in practice as well as in theory, and, in the
economic sphere Apartheid modernises` the system o cheap vigravt labour
and perects the instruments o
labour coercion:

.artbeia, or separate deelopment, has meant merely tightening the
loopholes, ironing out the inormalities, eliminating the easions,
modernizing and rationalizing the inter-war structures o
segregationist` labour control. ,Legassick, 192: 4,

\hile it will be necessary, at a later stage, to question this characterisation
o the dierences between Segregation and Apartheid, it is releant to
consider at this point how the ariance between the two systems`
summarized aboe has been explained.
Generally, the explanations adanced account or the increased racial
oppression maniested by Apartheid on the basis o the contention that the
goerning Nationalist Party`s ideology is more racist than that o its
predecessors, and or the intensiied political repression by reerence to the
Party`s totalitarian ideology. According to this iew, the Goernment, in
pursuance o its racist ideology, and een at the cost o economic
rationality, introduced a series o measures which extended racial
discrimination to its limits. 1he eect o this was to produce widespread
opposition which the Goernment met, acting in pursuance o its
totalitarian ideology, by a drastic curtailment o political rights and an
elaborate system o state security. 1his set in train a icious cycle o
resistance and repression which led, in due course, also to international
condemnation o, and pressure on, South Arica. 1he Bantustan policy o
separate deelopment was the response to these combined internal and
external political pressures and was ,and is, designed both to diert
opposition and to transer conlict out o the white` urban areas to the
Arican rural homelands` ,Szetel, 191,
.
Although such explanations are open to a number o objections, it is
suicient to reer here to only one. As I hae argued elsewhere in relation
to South Arica ,\olpe, 19o,, since a racist ideology may be actualized in a
number o alternatie ways, it is not suicient merely to spell out the
ideology in order to explain speciic political policies which are being
pursued. 1his is all the more obious when dierent policies ,Apartheid
and Segregation, are said, as in the present case, to low rom the same
basic ideology. !bat is necessary or an adequate explanation is a
speciication o the historical conjuncture between
Coltolls oou cooo lobocr-owor lo 8octo AIrlco. Iro sorootloo to oortoolu =27



ideology, political practice and the mode o production. In Section II this
point will be elaborated with speciic reerence to the South Arican
context.
Legassick ,192,,

howeer, has proposed a ar more complex account o
Apartheid, at least insoar as the control o the labour orce is said to be the
main area o change, but ultimately his explanation is also unsatisactory.
le argues that the main components o the policy o segregation are :

... restrictions on permanent urbanisation, territorial separation o
land ownership, and the use o traditional institutions as proiders o
social serices` and means o social control ... ,and, Along with other
mechanisms o labour coercion ... the system o migrant labour which
characterized South Arica`s road to industrialisation ;ibia : 30, 31,.

1his sytem, which emerged in a period in which gold` and maize` were
the dominant productie sectors o the economy, undergoes rationalisation
and modernisation` in the context o an economy in which massie
secondary industrialisation` is occurring. Apartheid is the attempt o the
capitalist class to meet the expanding demand or cheap Arican labour in
the era o industrial manuacturing captital, at the same time it is the
realisation o the demand o \hite workers or protection against the
resulting increased competition rom Black workers. 1he outcome o the
modernization` o segregation in the Arican rural areas ,the Bantustans, is
to leae the economic and political unctions ,o the Reseres, ...
unchanged` ,Legassick, I92: 30, and thus to presere the economic and
social oundations o the system o cheap migrant labour ;ibia : 46,. 1his is
complemented in the urban industrial areas by the reinement o the
mechanisms o labour coercion which guarantees the cheapness o Arican
labour. Legassick describes the situation in graphic terms:

... aartbeia has meant an extension to the manuacturing economy o
the structure o the gold-mining industry. In the towns, all remnants
o Arican land and property ownership hae been remoed, and a
massie building programme o so-called locations` or townships`
means that the Arican work orce is housed in careully segregated
and police controlled areas that resemble mining compounds on a
large scale. All the terms on which Aricans could hae the right to
reside permanently in the towns hae been whittled away so that to-
day no Arican . . . has a right to permanent residence except in the
reseres` . . . ,192:

4,.

1he attempt to relate alterations in policy to changes in social
conditions-primarily the deelopment o a class o manuacturing
industria-
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lists-unquestionably represents an adance oer the simplistic iew that
Apartheid is the result o ideology. Intense secondary industrialization aoe.
hae a bearing on the deelopment o Apartheid but the mere act that it
occurs does not explain why it should lead to the attempt to extend the
structures o gold-mining` to the economy as a whole ,just as the mere act
o industrialisation o itsel does not lead to the opposite result-
democratisation, elimination o racial discrimination, etc.-as asserted by the
industrialism thesis`,. Legassick is clearly correct in arguing that secondary
industrialization intensiies the demand or a cbea Arican labour orce at
arious leels o skill and that this is accompanied by new problems o
control or the capitalist state. 1he problems o control ,including the
control o wage leels, are vot, howeer, simply or primarily a unction o
the aevava or labour-power which is cheap, but crucially a unction o the
conditions o the production and reproduction o that labour-power. It is in
this respect that the crucial gap in Legassick`s analysis appears, or by
ocusing largely on the deelopment o secondary industrialization and by
assuming that the economic and political unctions o the Reseres
continue unchanged and, thereore, that the migrant labour system remains
what it has always been, he ails to grasp the essential nature o the changes
which hae occurred in South Arica. 1he analysis o these essential
changes-the irtual destruction o the pre-capitalist mode o production o
the Arican communities in the Reseres and, thereore, o the economic
basis o cheap vigravt labour-power and the consequent changes in and
unctions o tribal` political institutions-will constitute the subject matter o
the third and subsequent sections o the paper.

ll. luooloy, lollcy oou Coltolls lo 8octo AIrlco
A ew exceptions apart ,e. g. Legassick, 191, 192, \olpe, 190, 191,
1rapido, 191, Johnstone, 190, the literature-radical, liberal and racist alike
,e.g. Simons and Simons, 1969,.Asherson 1969, Van der lorst 1965, Van
den Berghe, 196, Rhoodie, 1969,-analyzes and describes the society in
terms o racial concepts. Len where the relationship between classes is
incorporated into the discussion, race is neertheless treated as the
dominant and dynamic orce ,e.g. Simons and Simons, 1969: 614-15,.
Racial segregation`, separate deelopment`, racial discrimination`, racial
groups` ,Arican, \hite, Coloured and Asiatic,, colour-bar` , \hite ruling-
class`, race-relations
,
, etc., etc.-these are the concepts o the analysis o
South Arica. 1he predominance o these concepts can, no doubt, be
attributed to the opaqueness o racial ideology, which is relected, inter alia,
in the ormulation o laws in racial terms, in the content o the mass media,
in the policies and ideological statements o all the political parties and
organisations
Coltolls oou cooo lobocr-owor lo 8octo AIrlco. Iro sorootloo to oortoolu =29


,both black, white and also mixed, and in almost the entire intellectual
product o the society.
1he oerwhelming importance accorded to race in these approaches is
apparent, aboe all, in their treatment o the relationship between racially
oriented action and the economy`. 1hus, on the one hand, the content o
Natie` or Bantu` policy ,to use the oicial terms, which can be ound in
the legislatie programmes, goernment policies and commission reports
both beore and ater 1948,
3
is analyzed in its own terms and treated as
being concerned solely with the regulation o race relations`. On the other
hand, whether the economy is conceied o in terms o liberal economics
,Van der lorst, 1965, Van den Berghe, 196, lutt, 1964, lorwitz, 196, or
in Marxist terms as a capitalist mode o production ,Simons and Simons,
1969, Asherson, 1969,, racial belies are treated as a orce external to, but
productie o, distortions in the otherwise rational economic system.
4
In its
most adanced orm this leads to the theory` o the plural society which
both relects the dominant ideology and proides an apparently scientiic
corroboration o it. 1his approach ,see e.g. Kuper and Smith, 190, Van
den Berghe, 196, accepts, precisely by reerence to the racial or ethnic
content o the laws, policies and ideologies current in the society, the
critical salience o race to the exclusion o the mode o production. 1he
basic structure o the society is seen, in this and the other analyses reerred
to, in the relationship between a dominant \hite group and a dominated
Black group.
It is o undamental importance to stress that in this perspectie the
State in South Arica comes to be treated as the instrument o oppression
o \hites oer Blacks but ,precisely because class relationships are not
normally included in the analysis, as neutral in the relationship between
classes. It in no way detracts rom the conception o the State as an
instrument o \hite domination, howeer, to insist that the South Arican
state is also an instrument o class rule in a speciic orm o capitalist
society. Indeed, while there hae been, o course, ariations in emphasis
and detailed policy ,ariations which stem, in part, rom the speciic class
composition o and alliances in the parties which hae ruled rom time to
time, rom the conlicts between class and segments o classes and rom
changing socio-economic conditions,, neertheless, since the establishment
o the Union o South Arica in 1910 ,to go back no urther,, the State has
been utilized at all times to secure and deelop the capitalist mode o
production. Viewed rom this standpoint racist ideology and policy and the
State now not only appear as the means or the reproduction o segregation
and racial discrimination generally, but also as what they really are, the
means or the reproduction o a particular mode o production.
5

It is not possible in this paper to discuss in detail the historical eidence
which demonstrates this,
6
but, insoar as it is necessary the
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point can be suiciently established by a brie reerence to dierent
unctions the State has perormed since the ormation o the Union o
South Arica.
lirstly, the State has acted directly through the law ,e.g. Land Bank Act
which proides or subsidies and grants to \hite armers,, through special
agencies ,or example, the Industrial Deelopment Corporation which has
been important in the growth o, ivter atia, the textile industry,, through the
deelopment o State enterprises and in other ways to oster capitalist
deelopment. lorwitz ,196: 355, has summed up some o the processes as
ollows :

1here has been a signiicant structural change in the South Arican
economy in the last twenty-ie years, when an increasing share o the
domestic market has been secured to domestic manuacturers as a
deliberate objectie o state policy. 1he instruments employed-
ranging rom tari: duty protection at higher rates, adance
guarantees o tari protection to induce large-scale, otherwise high
risk inestments, import controls to compel oreign manuacturers-
exporters to ranchise or participate in South Arican plants, state
inance and other inducement-aids or strategic import-substitution,
heaily-capitalized industries-hae helped industrialize the country.

Secondly, the repressie apparatus o the State ,police, army, prisons,
courts, etc., has been used broadly in two ways. lirst, as the occasion arose,
to coerce workers, whether black or white, on behal o or in support o
employers. A small selection o the more dramatic examples o this would
include the 1914 white mine-workers strike, the 1922 general strike ,Rand
Reolt, o white workers, the 1946 Arican Mine-workers strike and the
192 Oambo workers` strike. Second, to enorce the laws which either
oertly guarantee the perpetuation o capitalism-laws such as the Industrial
Conciliation Act 1924, the Masters and Serants Act, the Natie Labour
,Settlement o Disputes, Act 1953, the Natie Labour Regulation Act 1953,
and so on-or ,as in the case o most laws aecting Aricans, which coertly
perorm the same unctions-or example, the Natie Lands Act 1913, and
the Natie ,Abolition o Passes and Co-ordination o Documents, Act
I952.
It is precisely rom the racial terms that are employed in these laws that
their ideological unction can be determined. 1he enactment o laws, the
express purpose o which is the regulation o relationships between racial
groups and the ordering o the conduct o the members o legally deined
racial categories, is both an expression o racist ideology and a means o
reinorcing that ideology. 1his is so because not only do racial laws, in
common with other laws, appear as neutral to the capitalist structure o the
society by taking that structure as gien, but more importantly, like other
laws but in a dierent way, they
Coltolls oou cooo lobocr-owor lo 8octo AIrlco. Iro sorootloo to oortoolu =3l


actiely operate to mask both the capitalist nature o the society altogether
and the consequences o their proisions or the unctioning o that system.
It ollows rom what has been argued in this Section that, in order to
break through the mask o racial ideology, it is necessary to show how these
racial prescriptions articulate with the mode o production or, more
precisely, the modes o production in South Arica.
Laclau`s ,191, distinction between the concept o mode o production`
and the concept o economic system` is o particular importance in this
context.

le distinguishes between the two as ollows:

\e understand by mode o production` an integrated complex o
social productie orces and relations linked to a determinate type o
the means o production. ...

An economic system`, on the other hand, designates the mutual
relations between the dierent sectors o the economy, or between
dierent productie units, whether on a regional, national or world
scale. . . . An economic system can include, as constitutie elements,
dierent modes o production-proided always that we deine it as a
whole... ;bia: 33,.

1he economic system in South Arica has always included dierent
modes o production and, beore proceeding urther with the analysis, the
constitutie elements` o the system in the period with which we are
concerned need to be identiied.
In the period under consideration the economic system or social
ormation has been comprised o at least three dierent modes o
production. 1he history o South Arica
8
shows the emerging aovivavce, irst
through British imperialism, and then also through internal capitalist
deelopment, o the capitalist mode o production. 1he deelopment o
this dominant mode o production has been inextricably linked with two
other modes o production-the Arican redistributie economies and the
system o labour-tenancy and crop-sharing on \hite arms. 1he most
important relationship is between capitalism and the Arican economies and
although it is not entirely satisactory to do so, or reasons o space, the
discussion which ollows is restricted to this relationship. 1hese two modes
o production may be briely characterized as ollows:

,a, lirst, the capitalist mode o production in which ,i, the direct labourers,
who do not own the means o capitalist production, sell their labour-power
to the owners o the means o production who are non-labourers and ,ii,
the wages the labourer receies or the sale o his labour-power are met by
only a portion o the alue o the product he actually produces, the balance
being appropriated as unpaid labour ,surplus alue, by the owners o the
productie means.
=32 uorolu Wolo


,b, Second, the mode o production in the areas o Arican concentration
,particularly, but not exclusiely, the Reseres, in which ,i, land is held
communally by the community and worked by social units based on kinship
,the enlarged or extended amily, and ,ii, the product o labour is
distributed, not by exchange, but directly by means o an allocation through
the kinship units in accordance with certain rules o distribution.

1his is vot to argue either that other orms o production were not
deeloping in the interstices o the Arican societies
9
or that they were not
continuously undergoing proound changes in their relations o production.
On the contrary, as will be elaborated later, the central argument o the
present paper is based on the occurrence o such transormations. \hat
must be stressed, howeer, is that in the period o capitalist deelopment
,rom say 180, Arican redistributie economies constituted the
predominant mode o rural existence or a substantial ,or much o the
period, a majority,, but continuously decreasing number o people.
1he simultaneous existence o two modes o production within the
boundaries o a single state has gien rise to the notion o the dual
economy` ,e. g. lobart loughton, 1964,. As lrank ,196, 1969, and others
hae shown or Latin America, howeer, the assumption that dierent
modes o production can be treated as independent o one another is
untenable.
In South Arica, the deelopment o capitalism has been bound up with,
irst, the deterioration o the productie capacity and then, with increasing
rapidity, the destruction o the pre-capitalist societies. In the earlier period
o capitalism ,approximately 180 to the 1930`s,, the rate o surplus alue
and hence the rate o capital accumulation depended aboe all upon the
maintenance o the pre-capitalist relations o production in the Resere
economy which proided a portion o the means o reproduction o the
migrant labour orce. 1his relationship between the two modes o
production, howeer, is contradictory and increasingly produces the
conditions which make impossible the continuation o the pre-capitalist
relations o production in the Reseres. 1he consequence o this is the
accelerating dissolution o these relations and the deelopment, within
South Arica, towards a single, capitalist, mode o production in which
more and more o the Arican wage-labour orce ,but neer the whole o it,
is reed` rom productie resources in the Reseres. 1his results in
important changes in the nature o exploitation and transers the major
contradiction rom the relationship betreev dierent modes o production to
the relations o production ritbiv capitalism.
lere we arrie at the critical point o articulation between ideology,
racial political practice and the economic system. \hereas Segregation
proided the political structure appropriate to the earlier period, Apartheid
represents the attempt to maintain the rate o surplus alue
Coltolls oou cooo lobocr-owor lo 8octo AIrlco. Iro sorootloo to oortoolu =33


and accumulation in the ace o the disintegration o the pre-capitalist
economy. Or, to put it in another way, Apartheid, including separate
deelopment, can best be understood as the vecbavi.v .ecific to ovtb .frica
in the period o secondary industrialization, o maintaining a high rate o
capitalist exploitation through a system which guarantees a cheap and
controlled labour-orce, under circumstances in which the conditions o
reproduction ,the redistributie Arican economy in the Reseres, o that
labour-orce is rapidly disintegrating.

lll. Joo AIrlcoo kosorvos. Joo 8oclol oou |cooolc
osls oI Cooo Vlroot Lobocr-lowor
In the article already cited Laclau ,191: 23,, in commenting on the
conceptions o the subsistence` economy in the dual economy thesis,
stressed that:

1he latter ,i.e. the subsistence` economy, was presented as
completely stagnant and inerior to the ormer in capital, income and
rate o growth. All relations between the two were reduced to the
proision by the backward sector o an unlimited supply o labour to
the adanced sector. It has now been repeatedly shown that this
model underestimates the degree o commercialization which is
possible in rural areas, as well as the degree o accumulation in
peasant enterprises.

Arrighi ,190,, Bundy ,191, and others hae shown that the processes o
commercialization and accumulation were, no less than in Latin American
societies, occurring in Arican rural economies in Rhodesia and South
Arica. It is, nonetheless true, that by not later than 1920 the oerwhelming
economic and political power o the capitalist sector had succeeded,
whether through unequal terms o trade or otherwise, in under-deeloping
the Arican economy so that it no longer presented any signiicant
competitie threat to \hite armers. Production, in the Arican Reseres,
o a marketable surplus became increasingly rare, inally disappearing
altogether.
11
Unlike some other situations elsewhere, thereore, the capitalist
sector was unable to extract the ,non-existent, surplus product airectt, frov
tbe Arican pre-capitalist sector. 1he relations between the two sectors were,
indeed, . . . reavcea to the proision by the backward sector` o a supply o
labour-power to the capitalist sector. 1he peculiar eature o this labour-
orce is that it is migrant and temporary, returning to the Reseres in
between periods o work, and retains means o production in the Arican
economy or has a claim on such means. 1he exploitation o migrant labour-
power o this kind enables the capitalist sector to secure an increased rate
o surplus alue. low is this eected
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A number o attempts hae been made to explain why it is that Aricans
who are in possession o agricultural means o production in the Reseres
neertheless enter wage employment in the capitalist sector. It is
unnecessary or present purposes to consider these explanations which, in
any eent, are generally inadequate.
12
\hat i. releant is the conentional
conceptualization o wage-labour as the means o supplementing
deiciences in the income deried rom production in the Reseres. In this
iew the need to supplement income arises rom ineicient arming
methods, inappropriate alues, an outmoded social system and so on which
lead to under-production-the only relationships between the capitalist
sector and the traditional economy are territorial and through the market
or \estern consumer goods which
capitalism introduces into the latter economy. Underlying this
conception is, thus, the dual economy thesis in which there is no place or
an analysis o the way in which capitalism enters into, lies o and
transorms the rural Arican economy.
I, howeer, the Arican economy and society is treated as standing in an
ancillary relationship to the capitalist sector, then a dierent analysis
ollows. \hen the migrant-labourer has access to means o subsistence,
outside the capitalist sector, as he does in South Arica, then the
relationship between wages and the cost o the production and
reproduction o labour-power is changed. 1hat is to say, capital is able to
pay the worker betor the cost o his reproduction. In the irst place, since in
determining the leel o wages necessary or the subsistence o the migrant
worker and his amily, account is taken o the act that the amily is
supported, to some extent, rom the product o agricultural production in
the Reseres, it becomes possible to ix wages at the leel o subsistence o
the indiidual worker. Arrighi ,190, has shown this to be the basis o
cheap labour in Rhodesia and Schapera ,194, has argued this or South
Arica on the basis o the ollowing quotation rom the Chamber o Mines`
,the largest employer o migrant labour, eidence to the \itwatersrand
Natie Mine \age Commission ,21,1944,:

It is clearly to the adantage o the mines that natie labourers should
be encouraged to return to their homes ater the completion o the
ordinary period o serice. 1he maintenance o the system under
which the mines are able to obtain unskilled labour at a rate less than
ordinarily paid in industry depends upon this, or otherwise the
subsidiary means o subsistence would disappear and the labourer
would tend to become a permanent resident upon the \itwatersrand,
with increased requirements...

In the second place, as Meillassoux ,192: 102, has pointed out:

1he agricultural sel-sustaining communities, because o their
comprehensieness and their rai.ov a`etre are able to ulil
Coltolls oou cooo lobocr-owor lo 8octo AIrlco. Iro sorootloo to oortoolu =35


unctions that capitalism preers not to assume ... the unctions o
social security.
1he extended amily in the Reseres is able to, and does, ulil social
security` unctions necessary or the reproduction o the migrant work
orce. By caring or the ery young and ery old, the sick, the migrant
labourer in periods o rest`, by educating the young, etc., the Resere
amilies reliee the capitalist sector and its State rom the need to expend
resources on these necessary unctions.
1he portion o the product o the Reseres which is thus indirectly
appropriated by the capitalist sector is represented in ligure I.

/|quc
Joo kolotlvo lroortloo oI 8crlcs to Nocossory Lobocr
lo too Coltollst 8octor wooro.
,a,
1he \orking-Class is \holly
dependent upon \ages or its
Reproduction

S
N
,b,
1he \orking-Class deries a portion
o its means o Reproduction rom the
Resere Lconomy

S
1

N
2

N
1


,Note: 1his igure is not drawn to scale,
\here: S ~ surplus labour time,product
N ~ labour time,product necessary or reproduction o
labour-power
^
1
~ the decreased proportion o labour time,product
deoted to the reproduction o labour-power by the capitalist
sector where portion o the necessary means o subsistence is
proided by the Resere Lconomy ,^
2
,
S
l
~ the increased surplus labour time,product.

lor the product o Arican agricultural production to be indirectly
aailable to the capitalist mode o production in this way, two conditions
are necessary-means o subsistence must actually be produced by the non-
capitalist economy and these means must be accessible to the migrant
worker and his kin in the Reseres.
1he accessibility to the migrant-worker o the product ,and o the social
serices`, o the Reseres depends upon the cov.erratiov, albeit in a
restructured orm, o the reciprocal obligations o the amily. 1he interest
o the capitalist sector in presering the relations o the Arican amilial
communities is clear-i the network o reciprocal obligations between
migrant and amily were broken neither the agricultural product nor the
social serices` o the Arican society would be aailable

=3 uorolu Wolo

to the worker. It is no accident that the South Arican State has consistently
taken measures, including the recognition o much o Arican law and
custom, the recognition o and grant o powers to chies, the reseration o
areas o land, etc., aimed at presering the tribal` communities.
In passing it may be noted that the pressures towards retaining the amily
communities in a restructured orm came also rom the migrant labour
orce. As Meillassoux puts it:

... the capitalist system does not proide adequately or old-age
pensions, sick leae and unemployment compensations, they hae to
rely on another comprehensie socio-economic organization to ulil
these ital needs ... it ollows that the ... preseration o the relations
with the illage and the amilial community is an absolute requirement
or wage-earners, and so is the maintenance o the traditional mode o
production as the only one capable o ensuring surial. ,192: 103,.

loweer, the preseration o the social relations o the amilial
community is, quite obiously, only one aspect o the migrant cheap labour
system. 1he social obligation to proide subsistence and security is only o
releance to both migrant and employer i that obligation can actually be
met rom the agricultural product. But this requires both the retention o
the pre-capitalist mode o production, at least insoar as this guarantees the
allocation o productie land to all members o the community, and the
maintenance o certain leels o production. Both o these raise strategic
problems or the capitalist sector.
1he irst problem relates to the tendency in capitalist deelopment or
ownership o land to become concentrated and the consequent
deelopment o a landless class ree` o means o production. 1he
importance o this stems rom the obious act that landless amilies would
be unable to supplement the migrant`s wages.
1he drie towards land acquisition came rom sections o both the
Arican and \hite groups and the threat that this might lead to a landless
class o Aricans was met by two dierent sets o measures.
1he Natie Lands Act 2,1913 deined ,or scheduled, certain areas as
Arican Reseres and laid down that no Arican could henceorth purchase
or occupy land outside the Reseres. Simultaneously the Act prohibited
\hites rom acquiring, or occupying, land in the Reseres. It was stated in
Parliament, at the time, that the purpose o the Act was to ensure the
territorial segregation o the races. 1his stated purpose has generally been
accepted, by politicians as well as social scientists, as a suicient
explanation or the Act which has come to be regarded as the cornerstone
o territorial segregation. Recently, howeer, some writers ,\ilson, 191,
Legassick, 192,

hae argued that the Act can be interpreted as an attempt
to remedy the shortage o Arican labour
Coltolls oou cooo lobocr-owor lo 8octo AIrlco. Iro sorootloo to oortoolu =37


on \hite arms and to preent Aricans, utilizing communal or priate
capital, rom re-purchasing Luropean owned land which had been acquired
by conquest.
Be that as it may, the consequences ,possibly unintended, o the section
o the Act which prohibits the purchase and occupation by \hites o land
in the Reseres, hae been consistently ignored or misconstrued. 1he eect
o this proision was ery ar-reaching-it halted the process, whether
through the market or otherwise, by which more and more land was
wrested rom or made unaailable to Aricans. Since the Reseres
,particularly with the additions made in terms o the Natie 1rust and Land
Act 1936, roughly coincided with the rural areas into which Aricans had
already been concentrated, the Act had the eect o stabilizing the existing
distribution o land. Liberal historians hae stressed the protection` this
proided against a urther diminution o the land held by Aricans, but the
importance o this protection` in preenting the economic basis o migrant
labour-power rom being undermined through landlessness has been almost
completely oerlooked.
1he remoal o Resere land rom a market open to \hite capital did
not eliminate the possibility o land becoming concentrated in the hands o
a relatiely small class o .fricav land-owners. Indeed, the act, already
mentioned, that Aricans were beginning to re-purchase land outside o the
then ae facto reseres`, is proo that some Aricans had the necessary
resources or land purchase. No doubt, an immediate eect o the Natie
Lands Act would hae been to lead these potential purchasers to search or
suitable land in the Reseres, but here, there were other obstacles in their
way. 1he Glen Grey Act o 1894 and arious other proclamations and
enactments ,which were to be extended and elaborated rom time to time
until the 1930s, laid down the rule o one-man-one-plot in the Reseres.
1his rule ,which impeded but did not halt the concentration o land
ownership, applied both to areas o indiidual and o communal land
tenure. 1he rule was enorced by Natie Commissioners who controlled
land transactions between Aricans.
1he second strategic problem arises rom the necessity to maintain
production in the Reseres at a leel which, while not too low to contribute
to the reproduction o migrant workers as a class, is yet not high enough to
remoe the economic imperaties o migration. \hile, as Arrighi ,191, has
shown, there is no simple relationship between production leels in the
rural economy and the rate o migration-social, political and other economic
conditions may eect this-nonetheless low leels o agricultural and crat
production constitute a necessary condition o labour migration. 1his is so
because both the demands o and the economic returns rom high output
arming would tend to render the population immobile. At the same time, i
output is allowed to drop too low then the Resere product becomes
relatiely
=38 uorolu Wolo


a less important element in subsistence and, unless wages are increased,
threatens the reproduction o migrant workers.
In the earlier period ,roughly prior to 1930, the State in act did
extremely little to deelop or assist agriculture in the Reseres. Statistics o
ood and other agricultural production are extremely sparse. Clearly, by the
mid 1920s surpluses were either extremely small or non-existent and
continued to decline.
13
1hus the Director o Natie Agriculture estimated
that the income rom the sale o produce ,ater consumption needs had
been met,, or a amily unit o ie in the 1ranskei, to be & per annum in
the period beore 1929. In the Northern 1ransaal, Van der lorst ,191:
305, points out:

1he extent to which grain was purchased to supplement domestic
production resulted in there being practically no income rom the sale
o arm produce or the purchase o other ood, and clothes, or or
the payment o taxes and school ees.

Neertheless, the eidence as a whole shows that the drop in the leel o
production to this point did not yet threaten the migrant system.
1he leel o production is not, howeer, the only point. \hat is equally
important is the extent to which productie actiities and, thereore, means
o subsistence are distributed among all the amilies in the Reseres and, in
particular, among the amilies with which migrant wage-workers are
connected. 1his is so since the product o the Resere economy will only be
aailable to contribute to the reproduction o the migrant labour orce, i
the migrant`s amily ,gien that he remains in a relationship o reciprocal
obligation with them, is in act producing means o subsistence in the
Reseres. 1he releant question, thereore, is whether wage-labourers in the
capitalist sector stem rom amilies which not only hae means o
production but which also continue to produce means o subsistence , or
whether they originate rom amilies already cut o rom subsistence in the
Reseres either through landlessness or through the deterioration o the
land etc.
1here is irtually no data speciically on this point but it neertheless is
possible to iner rom the situation as a whole that ew wage-workers, up to
say 1920 or so, did not hae a supplementary source o subsistence or
themseles and their amilies in the Reseres.
lirstly, it is unlikely that at this stage the process o land accumulation by
some Aricans and the corresponding landlessness o others had proceeded
ery ar. It seems reasonable to assume, thereore, that there was still a
relatiely een distribution o land-at least in the sense that there was no
large group o people who were completely cut o rom the land or rom
amilies still producing agricultural products.
14

Secondly, an inerence can be drawn rom the distribution o Arican
workers in dierent sectors o the capitalist economy. 1able I shows this
distribution or the period 1910 to 1940.
1able I shows the clear predominance o Aricans in the mining
Coltolls oou cooo lobocr-owor lo 8octo AIrlco. Iro sorootloo to oortoolu =27

!ob|c
AIrlcoo |loyoot lo Vlolo, lrlvoto loucstry oou too
8octo AIrlcoo kollwoys oou uorbocrs
l5

ovtb .fricav
Year Mivivg Prirate vav.tr, Raitra,. ava
arbovr.
1910 255,594 24,631
1915 240,39 35,065 29130
1918 255,89 51,80 3,218
1919 250,953 29,286
1920 265,540 32,I04
1925 266,912 1,858 34,620
1930 312,123 69,895 25,415
1935 355,563 89613 16,49
1940 444,242 130,59 45,413
1hese igures include Coloured and Asiatic workers as well, numbering
probably about 6,000 in each year shown.

industry as compared to other major sectors o the economy in the period
1910 to 1935. 1here is eidence that many, i not the majority, o Arican
workers employed in priate industry and by the railways and harbours were
migrants. Len i this is not so, howeer, the oerwhelming majority o
Arican workers in the capitalist sector, neertheless, must hae been
migrants. Practically all Arican mine-workers were ,and are, recruited
through the Chamber o Mines recruiting organizations rom the Reseres
,and also rom territories outside South Arica-up to 50 in the years
coered by 1able I,, and returned to their homes on completion o a term
o serice o a year or so. lrom this, and rom our knowledge o the general
economic situation o the areas rom which mine-workers were recruited, it
can be inerred that they retained economic ,largely consumption, links
with their kin in the Reseres.
1he conclusion can thus be drawn that in the early period o
industrialization in South Arica ,the period o gold mining, the Resere
economy proided the major portion o Aricans employed in capitalist
production, at any gien moment, with supplementary subsistence and was
thus a crucial condition o the reproduction o the migrant working-class.
1he crucial unction thus perormed by the policy o Segregation was to
maintain the productie capacity o the pre-capitalist economies and the
social system o the Arican societies in order to ensure that these societies
proided portion o the means o reproduction o the migrant working-
class.

lv. Joo Corrosloo oI too 8oclol oou |cooolc osls
oI Cooo Vlroot Lobocr-lowor
1he production and reproduction o the migrant labour-orce thus
depended upon the existence o a rough equilibrium between production,
==u uorolu Wolo


distribution and social obligation in the Reseres-the leel o production in
the Reseres together with wages being vore or te.. suicient to meet the
,historically determined, subsistence requirements o migrants and their
amilies, while land tenure and amilial community relationships ensured the
appropriate distribution o the Resere product. 1his equilibrium was,
howeer, inherently ragile and subject to irresistible pressures.
Gien the deeloped incapacity o the Reseres to generate a surplus
product, the limited area o land aailable ,ixed by the Natie Land Act,,
the increasing pressure o population and, thereore, congestion on the
land, the loss, at any gien time, o a large proportion o the economically
actie adults to temporary employment in the capitalist sector, the relatiely
backward and ineicient arming methods, and the tendency ,related to the
traditional culture and economy, o Aricans to accumulate cattle and
thereby oerstock the land aailable, the only possibility o ensuring
appropriate leels o agricultural production is through inestment by the
capitalist sector. As the 1omlinson Commission ,1956, is later showed, soil
conseration measures, irrigation schemes, encing, mechanisation and
agricultural training require heay capital outlay. Large scale inestment,
howeer, ,unless it could be met rom the resulting surplus, a situation
which would itsel create other intractable problems since it implies the
deelopment o an economically powerul class o Arican agricultural
producers, a retardation o the low o migrants or, at least, the seerance
o the economic link between Aricans moing into urban industrial
employment and the product in the Reseres, would negate the ery
purpose sered by a migrant labour orce. 1hat is to say, the eect o large-
scale inestment in the Reseres would be to make cheap labour-power
costly in the sense that the accumulation adantages to capitalism deriing
rom such labour-power would be lost or reduced i the surplus was utilized
in the Arican rural areas. In act, as was pointed out earlier, the State`s
expenditure on agricultural deelopment in the Reseres has always been
extremely low, increasing only marginally as conditions o production
worsened. 1he immediate consequence o all this was a rapid decline in the
agricultural product in the Reseres.
By the 1920s attention was already being drawn to the deterioration o
the situation in the Arican areas and in 1932 the Natie Lconomic
Commission Report ,1930-32, commented at length on the extremely low
productiity o arming in the Reseres, on the increasing malnutrition and
on the real danger o the irreersible destruction o the land through soil
erosion. Lery subsequent Goernment Commission dealing with the
Reseres reiterated these points and drew attention to the decline in
output.
l
Report No. 9 o the Social and Lconomic Planning Council ,1946,
showed, or example, the decline in production o the staple crops-maize
and kaircorn-during the period 1934 to 1939. 1hus maize production
dropped rom 3. million bags in 1934 to
Coltolls oou cooo lobocr-owor lo 8octo AIrlco. Iro sorootloo to oortoolu ==l


1.2 million in 1936 and then rose slowly to 3.0 million in 1939. Kair-corn
likewise declined rom 1.2 million bags in 1934 to 0.5 million in 1936, rising
to 0. million in 1939.
1he aboe-mentioned reports and numerous other studies
18
bear witness
to the eer-increasing total and irredeemable destruction, through soil
erosion, o ast tracts o land, to the decline o production and to the
impoerishment o the people to a point at which staration, malnutrition
and disease cause a high rate o death and debilitation. Gerassi ,190: 43,
has summed up the situation:

1he economic situation o many Aricans is now quite desperate.
1here is good eidence that the standard o liing o Aricans in the
Reseres has actually allen oer the last two decades. 1he 1omlinson
Commission estimated in the mid-1950s that income per head in the
Reseres was approximately R. 48 ,>6,. A recent estimate places per
capita income in the Reseres at R. 53 ,>4,. Since the rise in prices
has been steady and rapid, the real income o Aricans liing outside
the cities must hae allen considerably.

1he condition o the Reseres can only be described as one o abject
poerty. 1here is a mass o other eidence corroborating the income
statistics. According to a surey conducted in 1966, almost hal the
children born in most Reseres were dying beore the age o ie. In
act mortality o this kind is unknown in any other industrial country.
It can only mean that the ast mass o the population in the typical
Resere is liing well below the leel o subsistence most o the time.

1he conclusion which emerges is that, oerall, production in the
Reseres proides a declining raction o the total subsistence o migrant-
labourers.
1he leel o production, howeer, is not the only releant aspect, the
way in which the product is distributed must also be considered. 1he
important question is whether or not the amily in the Resere is able to
ulil its obligation o producing agricultural means o subsistence, or
consumption in the Reseres, to supplement the wages earned by a member
o the amily in the capitalist sector It was pointed out aboe that in the
earlier period o capitalist deelopment, the system o land tenure and the
mode o distribution o the product ensured that supplementary means o
subsistence were aailable to the migrant labour orce. loweer, capitalist
deelopment produced urther changes which had the eect o altering the
pattern o distribution so that the diminishing agricultural product became
more and more unequally distributed and less and less aailable to wage-
labourers.
In the irst place, the deelopment o classes in the Reseres ,or,
perhaps, strata within classes,, which had already begun in the nine-
==2 uorolu Wolo


teenth century, was intensiied and broadened. At least three distinct classes
hae emerged.
lirstly, those who own or occupy land, secondly, those who are both
landless and who own no cattle, many o whom appear to lie in rural
locations and thirdly, landless rural dwellers who own cattle which are
grazed on common land.
It is not possible, at this stage, to proide accurate inormation o the
distribution o the Resere population in these categories, but there can be
little doubt that the processes leading to the concentration o land holding
in the hands o a relatiely restricted class hae been
continuous and that, correlatiely, the class o landless rural dwellers is
substantial and growing. 1he Natie Laws Commission ,1948,, among
other studies already reerred to, has proided some data concerning these
deelopments. 1he Commission reported, or example, on the Ciskei:

\hat goes on in the Reseres Nearly 3 o all amilies hae no arable
land. 1he aerage land-holder works, what is, under the climatic
conditions obtaining in the Ciskei, a sub-economic unit o land. le
owns what is, because o its poor quality, sub-economic numbers o
stock. Aboe him is a relatiely small aoured class o bigger owners.
It is known that there are indiiduals who own too head o cattle and
as many as a thousand sheep. Below him are thousands who own
nothing. In Keiskama loek, beore the drought, 29 o all married
men owned no cattle, another 33 rom one to ie head.

Such other igures as are aailable indicate that the position in
Keiskama loek is typical o the whole Ciskei. Accepting this, ... two
prime acts ... hae ... emerged...

,a, 1hat nearly 30 o amilies are landless. ..
,b, 1hat oer 60 o amilies own 5 or less cattle including 29 who
own none.

1he 1omlinson Commission ,1956,, also reported inding substantial
numbers o landless inhabitants o Reseres. In addition the Commission
proided eidence o striking inequalities ,12. o the amilies earn 46.3
o the total income accrued inside the Reseres, thus adding to the picture
o income-less or ery low income groups.
It ollows rom this that a proportion o the amilies liing in the
Reseres produce either ery little or, in the case o the landless and
cattleless, no means o subsistence.
1hus ar I hae discussed the economic changes in the Reseres which
undermined, to a signiicant degree, the economic basis o the migrant
labour system and, by the same token a substantial economic prop o cheap
labour-power. 1he essence o the argument has been that the amount o
subsistence aailable to the migrant labour orce
Coltolls oou cooo lobocr-owor lo 8octo AIrlco. Iro sorootloo to oortoolu ==3


and their amilies in the Reseres has either diminished because the oerall
decline in production has resulted in a decrease in the product per capita or
has irtually disappeared because o the partial or total loss, in the case o
some amilies, o means o production.
1his, howeer, is only one aspect o the process, or, in the second place,
the product o the Reseres may no longer be aailable to the migrant as a
means o subsistence or himsel and his amily in the Reseres by reason
o the termination o the reciprocal social obligations o support between
the migrant and his kin in the Resere, een where the latter continues to
produce subsistence. An important condition or this change is the
permanent urbanisation o a substantial number o workers. 1he process o
secondary industrialization and the deelopment o the tertiary sector o the
economy, proided the opportunity or the deelopment o, and was
accompanied by an eer increasing, permanently urbanized, industrial
proletariat.
1he irst point to note is that the percentage o the Arican population in
the urban areas increased rom 12.6 in 1911 to 23. in 1946 and by
191 was approximately 38.
It is unnecessary to detail the growth o manuacturing-it contributes
today more than gold mining and agriculture combined to the national
product. \hat is more pertinent is the data showing the changes in Arican
urbanization and employment in manuacturing.
In 1able I igures o Arican employment in priate industry were set out
or some years in the period 1910-1940. 1he changes between 1940 and
190 are shown in 1able II ollowing:
!ob|c !!
AIrlcoo |loyoot lo lrlvoto loucstry
Year ^vvber
11: 20,
1:0 0,1
1:: 1,0:

10 1,00

1he signiicance o these igures deries rom the act that, in contrast to
Aricans employed in mining, those employed in secondary industry are not
brought into employment ,or returned to the Reseres, through recruiting
organizations. 1hey are, o course, subject to the pass laws and other legal
proisions restricting their right o residence in urban areas, laws which
hae become increasingly rigorous oer time. Neertheless, employment in
manuacturing coupled with residence in locations` and townships
undoubtedly enabled large numbers o Arican workers to settle
permanently in the urban areas and in due course to raise amilies there.
It is, once again, extremely diicult ,c. lobart loughton, 1964: 86-, to
calculate with any accuracy what proportion o urban industrial
=== uorolu Wolo


workers hae become ully dependent upon wages or subsistence, that is to
say, how many are ully proletarianized. Not only are the statistics
incomplete and unsatisactory but in addition ery little analysis has been
made o the relationship between permanently urbanized workers and the
Arican societies in the Reseres.
19
Despite this, howeer, there can be no
doubt that during the period 1910 to 190 ,and particularly in the period
during and since \orld \ar II, the number o Aricans in the urban areas
haing no releant links with the Reseres has grown steadily and rapidly
and that they today constitute a signiicant, i not major, proportion o
Arican industrial workers.

v. Aortoolu. Joo Now osls oI Cooo Lobocr
1he ocus in the two preious Sections has been largely on the economic
oundation o cheap migrant labour-power in the Resere economy and on
the processes which hae continuously and to an eer increasing degree
undermined this oundation. 1he immediate result o the decline in the
productie capacity o the pre-capitalist economies was a decrease in the
agricultural product o the Reseres resulting, thereore, in a decrease o the
contribution o the Reseres towards the subsistence necessary or the
reproduction o the labour orce. 1his threatened to reduce the rate o
surplus alue through pressure on wages and posed, or capital, the
problem o preenting a all in the leel o proit.
1he solution, or capital, to this problem must take account o the
complementary eect o the erosion o the economic oundations o cheap
migrant labour-power, upon both the Arican rural societies and the
urbanized industrial proletariat. I hae already shown that the system o
producing a cheap migrant labour orce generated rural impoerishment,
while at the same time it enabled extremely low wages to be paid to
Aricans in the capitalist sector. But increasing rural impoerishment, since
it remoes that portion o the industrial workers` subsistence which is
produced and consumed in the Reseres, also intensiies urban poerty.
1his twoold eect o capitalist deelopment tends to generate conlict, not
only about wages, but about all aspects o urban and rural lie and to bring
into question the structure o the whole society. 1his broadening and
intensiication o conlict is met by political measures which in turn lead to
an increasingly political reaction. Clearly, the nature, orm and extent o the
conlicts generated by the structural conditions will depend not only upon
the measures o state control but on the complex conjuncture o political
ideologies and organization, trade unions, the cohesion o the dominant
sector, and so on. Although these may ary, what is continuously present, it
must be stressed, is the tendency or the structural conditions to generate
conlicts, in one orm or another, which centre on the system o cheap
labour.
Coltolls oou cooo lobocr-owor lo 8octo AIrlco. Iro sorootloo to oortoolu ==5


1his struggle began long beore 1948 when the conditions discussed aboe
began to emerge ,and control measures to be taken,, but the particularly
rapid urbanization and industrialization ostered by the Second \orld \ar
sharpened and intensiied the trends we hae been discussing and the
resultant conlicts. 1he 1940s were characterized by the ariety and extent
o the industrial and political conlicts especially in the urban, but also in
the rural areas. In the period 1940-49 1,684,915 ,including the massie
strike o Arican mineworkers in 1946, Arican man-hours were lost as
compared with 11,088 in the period 1930-1939. 1housands o Arican
workers participated in squatters` moements and bus boycotts. In 1946 the
irst steps were taken towards an alliance o Arican, Coloured and Indian
political moements and this was ollowed by mass political
demonstrations. 1owards the end o the 1940s a new orce-militant Arican
intellectuals-appeared on the scene. 1here were militant rural struggles at
\itzieshoek and in the 1ranskei. 1hese were some o the signs o the
growing assault on the whole society ,and the structure o cheap labour-
power which under-pinned it, which conronted the capitalist state in 1948.
lor Lnglish dominated large-scale capital ,particularly mining but also
sections o secondary industry,, the solution, both to the problem o the
leel o proit and to the threat to their political control implicit in growing
Arican militance was to somewhat alter the structure o Segregation in
aour o Aricans. Indeed, the 1948 recommendations o the Natie Law
Commission ,appointed in 1946 by the United Party Goernment precisely
in response to the changing nature o Arican political struggle, or an
alternatie mode o control o Arican labour which included certain
restricted reorms and modiications o the racial political-economic
structure, were accepted by the United Party as its policy in the 1948
election in which it was deeated by the Nationalist Party. 1he
implementation, had it occurred, o that policy might possibly hae had
consequences or both the Arikaner petit-bourgeoisie and, also, the \hite
workers which would hae led them into a collision with the State. 1he
point is that reorms which would hae resulted in higher real wages and
improed economic conditions or Aricans could only be introduced
without a corresponding all in the rate o proit proided they were bought
at the cost o the \hite working-class-that is to say, either through a drop
in the wages o \hite workers or the employment o Aricans, at lower
rates o pay, in occupations monopolized, until then, by white workers.
listorically the latter aspect has been at the centre o the conlicts and
tension between the \hite working-class and large-scale capital-conlicts
which also reached their peak in terms o strikes in the 1940s.
1he alternatie or the Arikaner working-class, resisting competition
rom Arican workers, or the growing Arikaner industrial and inancial
capitalist class, struggling against the dominance o Lnglish monopoly
capital, and, perhaps, or a petit-bourgeoisie threatened with proletari-
== uorolu Wolo


anization by the adance o Arican workers ,and the Indian petit-
bourgeoisie,, was to assert control oer the Arican and other Non-white
people by whateer means were necessary.20 lor the Arikaner capitalist
class, Arican labour-power could be maintained as cheap labour-power by
repression, or the \hite worker, this also guaranteed their own position as
a labour-aristocracy`.
1hus the policy o Apartheid deeloped as a response to this urban and
rural challenge to the system which emerged inexorably rom the changed
basis o cheap labour-power. \hat was at stake was nothing less that the
reproduction o the labour orce, not in general, but in a speciic orm, in
the orm o cheap labour-power. \ithin its ramework Apartheid combined
both institutionalizing and legitimating mechanism and, oerwhelmingly,
coercie measures.
It is beyond the scope o the present paper to set out in any detail the
structure o coercie control erected by the Nationalist Goernment. In a
uller account it would be necessary to do this and to show how Apartheid,
as a response to the principal contradiction between capital and cheap
Arican labour, ramiies out and penetrates into the secondary
contradictions which in turn hae, to some extent, a reciprocal eect on the
system. It will be suicient at this point to reer to three aspects o the
mainly coercie mechanisms o Apartheid.
It is true, as was pointed out in the Introduction, that Apartheid diers
rom Segregation in the degree to which it perects the mechanisms or
ordering the Non-white population. 1his applies particularly to the coercie
apparatus o the State.
At the most general leel, that o control o the Arican political
challenge, Apartheid entails the remoal o the limited rights which
Aricans and Coloureds had in the Parliamentary institutions o the \hite
State, the reision o old and the introduction o a whole complex o new
repressie laws which make illegal militant organized opposition ,e.g.
Suppression o Communism, Unlawul Organisations and Sabotage Acts,
etc.,, and the building o all-powerul agencies o control-security police,
Bureau o State Security, the army, and police and army ciilian reseres,
etc.
In the economic sphere measures hae been introduced to preent or
contain the accumulation o pressure on the leel o wages. Most obious
in this regard is the Naties ,Settlement o Disputes, Act which makes it
illegal or Aricans to strike or higher wages or improed working
conditions. 1his, coupled both with the act that Arican trade unions are
not legally recognized and that their organization is impeded also by other
measures, has eectiely preented the emergence o an Arican trade
union moement capable o haing any signiicant eect on wages. 1he
decline in industrial strikes since 1948 and the tendency o real wages or
Aricans to all indicates the success o Goernment policy.
Less obious, but haing the same purpose o controlling the deelop-
Coltolls oou cooo lobocr-owor lo 8octo AIrlco. Iro sorootloo to oortoolu ==7


ment o strong Arican pressure or higher wages, are the important
measures introduced by the Nationalist Goernment relating to Arican job
and geographical mobility. 1he nature and meaning o these measures has
been obscured by the terms o the releant laws and the Goernment`s
policy statements to the eect that Aricans were to be regarded only as
temporary migrants in the urban areas, there only as long as they ministered
to \hite needs.
1he Pass Laws and the Natie Urban Areas Act 1925 which regulated
the right o residence in urban areas, were, o course, aailable in 1948. 1he
modernization` o the Pass Laws ,under the Natie ,Abolition o Passes
and Coordination o Documents, Acts, and the establishment o labour
bureaux which sere to direct Arican workers to where \hite employers
require them has been eected through a battery o amendments to old
laws and the introduction o new laws which gie the State exceptionally
wide powers to order Aricans out o one area and into another. 1here are
practically no legal limitations on these powers which can be used to
remoe excess` Aricans rom areas where their labour is not required or
troublesome` Aricans to outlying, isolated areas where they will be
politically harmless. All Aricans are, legally, only temporary residents in the
urban areas.
1hese acts hae been interpreted as meaning that the Goernment has
elaborated and perected the migrant labour system. Control oer residence
and moement is clearly one essential element o a system based on a
migrant labour orce, but it is not the only one. 1hereore, to treat the
increase in the State`s legal power to declare Aricans temporary sojourners
in the urban area and to moe them as exigencies demand as constituting
the modernization` o the system, without taking account o changes in its
economic basis, is insuicient. In the present case it results in the ailure to
grasp the essential changes in the nature o capitalist exploitation in South
Arica. It has been the main contention o this paper that in South Arica
the migrant labour-orce, roert, .ea/ivg, did not mean veret, a mobile
labour orce, or a labour orce that could be made mobile, that is that could
be directed and redirected to where it was required. Aboe all, a vigravt
labour-orce is labour-orce which is both mobile ava which has a particular
economic basis in the pre-capitalist Resere economy. \ith the
disappearance o that economic basis, I hae argued, the problems o
curtailing industrial action and o political control oer Aricans in the
urban areas became extremely acute. 1hat control is exercised, in part, by
repressie measures including, importantly, the elaboration o the State`s
power oer the residence and moement o labour. 1hat is to say, the
extension o the State`s power oer the residence and moement o the
labour orce, which adds to the State`s repressie control oer it ,precisely,
one eature o Apartheid, is a unction o the economic changes in the
Reseres which generate a threat to the cheapness o labour-power.
==8 uorolu Wolo


1he pressure or higher wages has also been combated by largely
ideological mechanisms. 1wo o the most important are, on the one hand,
the calculation o the minimum wage required by Arican workers and, on
the other, Bantu Lducation.
In regard to the ormer it need only be noted that all the calculations
,whether made by the South Arican Institute o Race Relations, industry or
academic inestigations, are based on the gien, historically determined,
need` o Arican workers calculated on the basis o the existing enorced
low standards o liing. 1hat is why the minimum ound to be required` by
Aricans is so many times lower than that required by \hites. In this way
low wages or Aricans are legitimated.
1he pressure on wage leels does not arise only rom the economic
conditions already discussed but is intensiied by the ery nature o the
changes in the diision o labour brought about by the expansion in
manuacturing. One o the eects o this expansion is a new and
acknowledged demand or Arican semi-skilled and een skilled labour-
power which brings with it higher wages ,although still much lower than
\hite wages, and prookes demands or increased wages. 1he employment
o Aricans in these occupations results also in the expansion, at the lowest
leels, o Arican education which in the orm o Bantu Lducation`
reproduces through its ideological content the subjection o Aricans.
In its application to the urban areas, Apartheid neertheless appears
predominantly and with eer increasing thoroughness in its coercie orm.
In its application to the Reseres it has undergone a number o changes in
content-culminating in the programme o sel-deelopment -in which the
attempt both to establish orms o control which Aricans would regard as
legitimate and to instititutionalize conlict has been an increasingly
important ingredient although coercion is neer absent. 1his policy towards
the Reseres has been, whateer other purpose it may hae had in addition,
centrally concerned, as in the past, with the control and supply o a cheap
labour orce, bvt iv a ver forv.
1he idea o the total separation o the races although an integral element
o the Nationalist Party`s programme, was not regarded as an attainable
objectie by the Goernment. 1he impossibility o achieing total
separation was underlined by the 1omlinson Commission which estimated
,or rather, as we now know, grossly oer-estimated, that by the turn o the
century, i all its recommendations or the reconstruction o the Reseres
were implemented, there would be arit, o \hites and Aricans in the
\hite` areas.
Nor, in the early years o its regime, did the Goernment accept the
possibility o the Reseres becoming .etfgorervivg ava avtovovov. areas. In
1951 Verwoerd ,then Minister o Natie Aairs, told the Upper louse o
Parliament that the Opposition had tried to create the impression that:
Coltolls oou cooo lobocr-owor lo 8octo AIrlco. Iro sorootloo to oortoolu ==9


I had announced the orming o an independent Natie State ... a sort
o Bantustan with its own leader ... that is not the policy o the Party.
It has neer been that, and no leader has eer said it, and most
certainly I hae not. 1he Senator wants to know whether the series o
sel-goerning areas will be soereign. 1he answer is obious. low
could small scattered states arise \e cannot mean that we intend by
that to cut large slices out o South Arica and turn them into
independent states.

1here is, in act, little to suggest that, in the irst ew years o rule, the
Nationalist Party had a ully worked out policy in relation to the Reseres
or one which diered signiicantly rom that o earlier goernments. 1here
are, howeer, two important points to be noted.
lirstly, the Goernment already had clearly in mind the establishment o
an apparatus o control which would be cheap to run and acceptable to the
Arican people. 1he 1951 Bantu Authorities Act which strengthened the
political authority o the ,compliant, chies, subject to the control o the
State-indirect rule-was the irst ,and, at the outset, ery conlictual, step in
that direction. Secondly, political control in the Reseres was obiously
recognized to be no solution to the problem o the neer-ending
enlargement o a working-class totally remoed rom the Reseres. In this
the Goernment accepted, by implication, the contention, emphasized by
the Natie Laws Commission ,1948,, that the low o people o the land
and into the urban areas was an economic process and in 1949 the
1omlinson Commission was established to:

conduct an exhaustie enquiry into and to report on a comprehensie
scheme or the rehabilitation o the Natie Areas with a iew to
deeloping within them a social structure in keeping with the culture
o the Natie and based on eectie socio-economic planning ,p.
xiii,.

Neertheless, the rather modest proposals o the Commission to spend
_104 million oer ten years or the reconstruction o the Reseres, to end
one-man-one-plot in order to create a stable class o armers and a landless
class o workers, and to deelop the Reseres economically through \hite
capital inestment on the borders and in the Reseres themseles, were not
accepted by the Goernment. 1here are probably two reasons or this
rejection. lirstly, acts brought to light by the Commission showed that to
implement the Commission`s recommendations relating to agricultural
deelopment would hae sered simply to hasten the ongoing processes
which were obiously resulting in the ormation o a class o landless rural
dwellers and to intensiy the migration o workers to the urban centres
resulting in a class o workers unable to draw on the Reseres or additional
subsistence. Consequently,
=5u uorolu Wolo


expenditure on agricultural improement may hae seemed pointless and
een dangerous since it would exacerbate the pressures and conlicts in the
towns. Secondly, the abolition o restrictions on land-holding and the
assisted deelopment o a class o kulaks`, as recommended by the
Commission, also carried with it certain possible dangers. On the one hand,
this could lead to a resurgence o Arican competition to white armers
which it had been one o the purposes o the Natie Land Act o 1913 to
destroy. On the other hand, the emergence o an economically strong class
o large peasants, presented a potential political threat to white domination.
\hateer the reasons, by 1959 the Goernment`s policy began to change
in signiicant respects. \ithout attempting to set out a chronological
record, I want to analyse the emergence ater 1959 o separate deelopment
as the mode o maintaining cheap labour in the Reseres ,complementing
that in the urban areas, which takes as gien the changes in the Arican
tribal` economies and erects, under the oer-arching power o the capitalist
state, an institutionalized system o partial political control by Aricans.
1hat is to say, the practice and policy o Separate Deelopment must be
seen as the attempt to retain, in a modiied orm, the structure o the
traditional` societies, not, as in the past, or the purposes o ensuring an
economic supplement to the wages o the migrant labour orce, but or the
purposes o reproducing and exercising control oer a cheap Arican
industrial labour orce in or near the homelands`, not by means o
presering the pre-capitalist mode o production but by the political, social,
economic and ideological enorcement o low leels o subsistence.
In 1959, in the Parliamentary debate on the Promotion o Bantu Sel-
Goernment Act, the Prime Minister Dr. Verwoerd stated:

... i it is within the capacity o the Bantu, and i those areas which are
allocated to him or his emancipation, or rather, which are already his
own, can deelop ivto fvtt ivaeevaevce, then it will deelop in this way.
,lansard, 1959, Cols. 65zo.,

1his was echoed by Vorster in 1968 ,lansard Col. 394,:

\e hae stated ery clearly that we shall lead them to independence.

Signiicantly, the ideological shit rom \hite supremacy to sel-
determination and independence was accompanied by a parallel alteration in
the ideology o race. 1hus, whereas in all its essentials Nationalist Party
ideology had preiously insisted upon the biological ineriority o Aricans
as the justiication or its racialist policies, as the Goernment was impelled
towards the Bantustan policy so it began to abandon certain o its preious
ideological positions. Now the
Coltolls oou cooo lobocr-owor lo 8octo AIrlco. Iro sorootloo to oortoolu =5l


stress ell upon ethnic aifferevce. and the central notion became dierent but
equal`. Already in 1959 the Minister o Bantu Aairs and Deelopment, De
\et \el stated: ,lansard 1959, Col. 6018.,

1here is something ... which binds people, and that is their spiritual
treasures, the cultural treasure o a people. It is those things which
hae united other nations in the world. 1hat is why we say that the
basis o our approach is that the Bantu, too, will be linked together by
traditional and emotional bonds, by their own language, their own
culture, their national possessions. . .

More and more the term race` gies way to nation`, ethnic group`,
olk`. A airly recent example appears in the Congress Report ,191,, o
the National Party`s ideological organization, the South Arican Bureau o
Racial Aairs, in which it was stated that the Bureau had rom the
beginning proceeded upon the principle that separate deelopment was the
only basis or good relations between

... the dierent races as it was preiously reerred to, but rather
dierent peoples ,olk, as we now put it...

1here is an obious necessity or this ideological change since a policy o
ethnic political independence ,or each o the eight ethnic groups identiied,
was incompatible with an ideology o racial ineriority. Nor would the latter
hae acilitated the attempt to set up the complex machinery o goernment
and administration intended, in act, to institutionalize relations between
the State and the Reseres ava to carry out certain administratie unctions
necessary or economic deelopment in the Reseres. \hat all this amounts
to, as one writer has expressed it, is racialism without racism`.
1he 1ranskei Constitution Act was passed in 1963
21
and proided or a
legislatie assembly to exercise control oer inance, justice, interior,
education, agriculture and orestry, and roads and works. 1he Republican
Goernment retains control, ivter atia, oer deence, external aairs, internal
security, postal and related serices, railways, immigration, currency,
banking and customs. It need hardly be stressed that this arrangement in no
way approaches political independence. At the same time it must not be
oerlooked that within limits, set both by the Constitution and the aailable
resources, the 1ranskeian Goernment exercises real adminstratie power.
By this means the South Arican State is able to secure the execution o
certain essential social control and administratie unctions at low cost
particularly as a considerable portion o Goernment expenditure can be
obtained through increased general taxes. 1hus in i9i the 1ranskeian
Goernment`s budget was _18 million o which _3' million was obtained
through taxation o 1ranskeian citizens.
=3= uorolu Wolo


It is, howeer, in the sphere o economic deelopment that the emerging
role o the Reseres can be seen most clearly. I am not here reerring to the
rather minor role o the arious deelopment corporations ,Bantu
Deelopment Corporation, Xhosa Deelopment Corporation and so on, in
ostering economic deelopment in the Reseres. In act, up to the present
they hae largely sered to assist small traders and commercial interests by
means o loans that is, they appear to be instruments or the nurturing o a
petit-bourgeoisie and hae little to do with economic growth in the
reseres. lar more important is the State`s policy o industrial
decentralization.
1his policy which has been the subject o goernment commissions and
legislation is also the concern o a Permanent Committee or the Location
o Industry. At all times the policy o decentralization has been tied to the
Bantustan policy and this meant, at irst, the establishment o white`
industries on the borders o the black homelands`. Between 1960 and 1968
some _160 million was inested in industrial plant in the border areas and
approximately 100,000 Aricans were employed in these industries which
were absorbing 30 o Aricans entering jobs each year by 1969. By 191
there were plans or a rapid expansion ,including car actories and chemical
plants, o industrial deelopment in the border regions. 1he point has
correctly been made that to date most border industries hae been
established in areas close to the main industrial regions o South Arica
including Johannesburg, Pretoria and Durban. 1his is due to the act that in
remoter border regions the State, in the main, has not proided the
necessary inrastructure o transport, communications and so on. But, why
decentralize to the borders in any eent One answer has been to suggest
that the purpose o border deelopment is to stem the drit o Aricans into
\hite` South Arica. 1he question is why I would suggest that the policy
o border industrial deelopment can only be understood i it is seen as an
alternatie to migration as a mechanism or producing cheap labour-power.
1here are three aspects o the situation which need to be stressed.
lirstly, neither the proisions o the Industrial Conciliation Act nor
\ages Act determinations made or other regions apply to the border
industries. 1his is extremely important in two respects. Since the Industrial
Conciliation Act is inapplicable, Section which empowers the Minister o
Labour to resere certain jobs or particular racial groups also does not
apply and neither do the proisions o industrial agreements which resere
the higher paid skilled jobs or \hite workers. 1his being so it becomes
possible to employ Aricans in jobs which, in the \hite` areas, are the
exclusie presere o white workers. 1he eect o this, in conjunction with
the inapplicability o wage determinations or other areas, is that a totally
dierent and much lower wage structure becomes possible and has arisen.
Secondly, as elsewhere, Arican trade unions are not recognized and the
proisions o the Naties ,Settlement o Disputes, Act apply.
Coltolls oou cooo lobocr-owor lo 8octo AIrlco. Iro sorootloo to oortoolu =53


1he third, and in some ways perhaps the most important aspect, relates to
the conditions o lie o the Arican workers in the Border industries. Not
only, as has already been indicated, is the leel o subsistence extremely low
in the homelands` but in addition there are irtually no urban areas which
might tend to increase this leel. 1he assessment by the State, employers`
organizations and so on, o Arican subsistence requirements in the
Reseres is much lower than in the main industrial centres. 1his act is not
altered ,or, at least will not be altered or a considerable period, by the
necessity o establishing townships o some kind or the housing o workers
employed in industry. It is an interesting index o the State`s policy that a
major item o expenditure or the so-called deelopment o the Reseres
has been or town-planning. A United Nations Report ,No. 26, 190: 15,
stated:

1own planning has throughout been a major portion o expenditure.
1hus in 1961 a ie-year deelopment plan or the reseres was
inaugurated which projected an expenditure o _5 million, but two-
thirds o this amount was allocated or town-planning, while the next
largest item-_.3 million-was or soil conseration.

1he towns planned will be, no doubt, simple in the extreme, supplying
little in the way o the complex serices and inrastructure o the \hite`
urban areas. Despite the State`s expenditure all the indications are that what
will be established will be rural illage slums
22
alleiated marginally, i the
1ranskei is typical, by the allocation o garden allotments or the purpose o
the production o egetables, etc., which, incidentally, will no doubt proide
the rationale or lower wages.
Recently, the Goernment reersed its preious rejection o the
1omlinson Commission`s recommendation that \hites be allowed, under
certain conditions, to inest capital in the Reseres. As in the case o the
Border industries arious incenties are held out to induce inestment.
1hese include tax-holidays`, tari reductions, deelopment loans and so
on. All the considerations discussed aboe in relation to the Border
industries apply with equal orce to industrial deelopment within the
Reseres. It is still too soon to say anything about the likely leel o
inestment inside the Reseres although some inestment has already
occurred. Neertheless, the change in policy must be seen as a urther
signiicant step towards the establishment o an extensie structure o
cheap labour-power in the Reseres.

vl. Cooclcsloo
1he argument in this paper shows that Apartheid cannot be seen merely
as a relection o racial ideologies and nor can it be reduced to a simple
extension o Segregation.
=5= uorolu Wolo


Racial ideology in South Arica must be seen as an ideology which sustains
and reproduces capitalist relations o production. 1his ideology and the
political practice in which it is relected is in a complex, reciprocal ,although
asymmetrical, relationship with changing social and economic conditions.
1he response o the dominant classes to the changing conditions, mediated
by these ideologies, produces the two aces o domination-Segregation and
Apartheid.
1he major contradiction o South Arican society between the capitalist
mode o production and Arican pre-capitalist economies is giing way to a
dominant contradiction within the capitalist economy. 1he consequence o
this is to integrate race relations with capitalist relations o production to
such a degree that the challenge to the one becomes o necessity a challenge
to the other. \hether capitalism still has space ,or time, or reorm in
South Arica is an issue which must be let to another occasion.

Notos
1. In reising an earlier drat o this paper I hae beneited rom criticisms and
comments made by a number o people. I am particularly grateul to S. leuchtwang,
R. lallam, C. Meillassoux and M. Legassick.
2. Although the term Apartheid` has more or less gien way to sel-deelopment` in
the language o the Nationalist Party, it remains the term most widely used to
characterize the present system in South Arica. In this paper I intend to use
Apartheid` as the generic term to reer to the period ,its policies, practices and
ideology, since the Nationalist Party took oice in 1948-in this sense it subsumes the
policy o separate deelopment`. Racial Segregation` or Segregation` is employed
throughout, unless the context indicates a contrary intention, to reer to the ideology,
policies and practices prior to 1948. It need hardly be added that although 1948 is
obiously a year o great importance it is not intended to suggest that in that year
Apartheid replaced Segregation.
3. See or example:
1ransaal Local Goernment Commission o 1922 ,Stallard Commission, 1.P. 1-
122
Natie Land Commission ,Beaumont Commission, 26-1916
Natie Lconomic Commission 1930-1932 ,U.G. 22, 1932,
Social and Lconomic Planning Council-Report No. 9:
1he Natie Reseres and 1heir Place in the Lconomy o the Union o
South Arica ,U.G. 32,1946,
Report o the Commission or the Socio-Lconomic Deelopment o the Bantu
Areas \ithin the Union o South Arica ,Summary, ,U.G. 61,1955, ,1omlinson
Commission,
Natie Lands Act 1913
Natie 1rust and Lands Act 1936
Natie ,Urban Areas, Consolidation Act 1945 and subsequent amendments Bantu
Authorities Act 1951
4. lor a critique o this approach see \olpe ,190,.
Coltolls oou cooo lobocr-owor lo 8octo AIrlco. Iro sorootloo to oortoolu =55


5. Althusser`s ,191, essay Ideology and Ideological State Apparatuses is releant
on this point. Althusser ,p. 124, suggests that :
. in order to exist, eery social ormation must reproduce the conditions o its
production at the same time as it produces, and in order to be able to produce.
It must thereore reproduce:
1. the productie orces,
2. the existing relations o production.
1he reproduction o both the orces ,that is, labour power, and the
relations o production are secured or the most part
... by the exercise o State power in the State Apparatus, on the one hand
the ,Repressie, State Apparatus, on the other the Ideological State
Apparatus. ,Althusser 191: 141.,
See also, Poulantzos, N., 1he Problem o the Capitalist State,` New Let
Reiew, Noember-December 1969, No. 58, p. 6. 6. Considerable historical
material on this point can be ound in Simons and Simons ,1969,.
. lor a more rigorous and somewhat dierent treatment see Charles
Bettelheim`s 1heoretical Comments in Lmmanuel, A., Unequal Lxchange: A
Study o the Imperialism o 1rade, London, New Let Reiew Lditions, 192.
8. lor a good outline o this history see Legassick ,192,
9. 1here is a serious lack o adequate material on, or analysis o, Arican societies. It is
clear that no adequate account o the dynamics o South Arican society can be
arried at without a proper history o these societies.
10. \hile the present paper is restricted to a consideration o Arican rural economy
in the Reseres, to some extent Arican agriculturalists outside the Reseres on \hite`
land had a similar relationship to migrant labour. Both this aspect and, as pointed out
to me in a personal communication by M. Legassick, the relationship o Resere
migrants to \hite capitalist agriculture, would need to be incorporated in a ull study.
11. 1he explanation o why this occurred rather than an intensiication o trade
relations aderse to the Reseres is related both to the interest o mining capital
in labour rather than in the agricultural product and to the utilisation o State
power by Arikaner armers ulnerable to competition rom Aricans. lor an
elaboration o this aspect see Legassick ,192,.
12. Arrighi ,190, has oered the most complex analysis but in the end his
explanation in terms o opportunity cost` is tautological.
13. On this point see the arious Commission Reports cited in note ,3,.
14. See Commission Reports cited in Note ,3,.
15. Adapted rom Section G, Union Statistics or lity \ears, Pretoria,
Goernment Printer, 1960.
I6. See Note ,3, or the ull reerence. 1he Commission was appointed to enquire
into the socio-economic deelopment ,sic, o the Reseres.
1. See also, in addition, to the reports reerred to in Note ,3,, the ollowing:
Natie Laws Commission, ,U.G. No. 28,1948,
18. See \ilson, M. ,191, and \ilson, l. 191, and reerences there cited.
19. One o the ew studies dealing with this question is Mayer, P. ,1962,.
20. A number o dierent analyses hae been made o the position o dierent
classes in the deelopment o Apartheid. See, or example, Legassick ,I92, and
Clenaghen ,192,. It is not necessary in the present paper, gien its concern with the
central relationship between \hite capital and cheap Arican labour, to pursue this
point here.
21. Other Bantustans are in arious stages o ormation.
=5 uorolu Wolo


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in Rhodesia`, ,;ovrvat of Deretovevt tvaie.,
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Asherson, R. ,1969, South Arica: Race
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Congress, September 190.

22. In a new appendix to the new 191 edition o his book Mayer ,1962, proides an
account o a dormitory town` which shows that this is exactly what is happening.

koIoroocos