Introduction

The right to expression of views, including dissent, through public demonstrations and social mobilization is a democratic right enshrined in international law and practiced throughout the world -- from demonstrating against multilateral trade regimes, to rallying for the protection of the environment, to protesting against illegitimate regimes. The voicing of differing views and political debate over policies is a healthy feature of any modern democracy. As the Human Development Report 2002 notes:

Changes in the world have shifted human development priorities and made political freedom, participation and collective action much more important as public policy issues.... Open space for free political debate and the diverse ways in which people can express their views are the essence democratic life and are what make decision making work in democracies

In this context, the right to call a hartal -- a particular form of protest used in Bangladesh and in other parts of South Asia -- could be viewed is a legitimate democratic right. However, when this right impinges on the rights of individuals to earn a living and to go about their daily lives in peace and security, a situation of conflict of competing rights arises. Hartals are often called in the name of the people, but it is ordinary people whose movements are restricted, property endangered, and progress curbed. Children miss school, the sick miss treatment, and business miss targets. In addition, the reality in Bangladesh is that the success of hartals often rests on coercion, or even the use of payment to hired hands by hartal organisers to mobilise support. At the same time, hartals can also be viewed a symptom of the frustration of opposition parties at the lack of space for them to play a constructive role in democratic dialogue and the winner takes all style of successive Governments. In this respect, promoting a more constructive role for opposi tion in Parliament, and enabling greater freedom of expression through peaceful demonstrations and through the media could take away much of the impetus for hartals .

Background of the Research

It is a matter of debate about the impact of hartal on poor people in Bangladesh. Because there is no previous specific research about this matter. Most people believe that hartal has a negative impact on poor people. But some other think it can also increase the income of low income people like rickshaw pullers because most other vehicles stop at hartal day. We always say that hartal creates insecurity, reduce income level and changes lifestyle but we have not found any research that which factors play the vital role in reducing the income of low income people, creating insecurity, changing lifestyle. These contradictory matters, assumptions help me to select this research problem.

Objectives of the Research

The purpose of the study is to find the impact of hartal on low-income people. The study will find out how much the poor are in favor or against the hartal. The study will help to get a clear idea which helps the government and political party to remake their policy. The study will help to create a consciousness among people about hartal. The study will give a proved document to those who always against the hartal.

DEFINITION OF HARTAL The literal translation of the word hartal, derived from Gujarati, is closing down shops or locking doors. However, in Bangladesh today hartals are usually associated with the stoppage of vehicular traffic and closure of markets, shops and offices for a specific period of time to articulate agitation (Huq, 1992). In todays context of contentious politics hartals can be described as: The temporary suspension of work in business premises, offices and educational institutions and movement of vehicular traffic nationally , regionally or locally as a mark of protest against actual or perceived grievances called by a political party or parties or other demand groups.

The description above captures the essential features of hartal and is the working definition of hartal used in this paper. As noted in other sections of the paper -- people involved in staging hartals are often hired to demonstrate and citizens who participate in the hartal may be doing so more out of coercion or fear of violence than from genuine belief in the issue for which the hartal is being called.

The History of Hartals This chapter provides a historical analysis of hartals in Bangladesh, examining their changing patterns from the colonial period until today. It tallies the frequency of hartals in different periods of Bangladeshs political history, noting the causes for which they were called and who they were called by. It also examines the social basis for the legitimacy of hartals in the past and their present decline. The data for this chapter come from both primary and secondary sources. Dasgupta (2001) has painstakingly prepared a database of hartals in Bangladesh from 1947 to 2000. This has been used as a basis, but for the purpose of this paper that data has been revised by adding information for 2001-2002,

THE ORIGINS OF HARTALS AS A FORM OF PEACEFUL PROTEST

Protest movements are part of the historical process through which democracy has been strengthened in South Asia. Hartals emerged as a key instrument of political protest in response to colonial rule in India, and generally speaking, have been a feature of anti-colonial struggles and pro-democracy movements.

Hartals should therefore be considered within the broader spectrum of protest movements that mushroomed during the colonial period. A common form of protest in this period was the boycott. A decisive historical moment was 7 August 1905, when a boycott was called to protest the partition of Bengal by Lord Curzon (Tripathy2000). Boycotts were also deployed in the militant nationalist movement that followed.

The political culture of protest in India persisted over time. A full-blown nationalist movement over time. A full-blown nationalist movement was spearheaded by Mohandas K. Gandhi, who devised satyagraha, or non-violent resistance, as a form satyagraha, or non-violent resistance, as a form political protest against the Black Act in South Africa in September 1906 (Erikson, 1969). This was used in India in 1918, and a year later Gandhi called a day of fasting and hartals to protest against the Rowlatt Bill, an act passed by the Imperial Legislative Council in 1919 to curb terrorism (Hardgrave, 1980). This is possibly the first instance of the use of hartals in modern India.

When Gandhi called for a total boycott of British goods and institutions, it was similar to a hartal and in 1921, when he called for a boycott of the visit of the Prince of Wales, in most towns and the Prince cities only saw closed shutters (Bose and Jalal, 1999: 141).

For Gandhi hartals were an important instrument of passive resistance. He called off the non cooperation movement, however, after a police station was attacked, set ablaze and policemen killed at Chauri Chaura. Gandhi again began a Civil Disobedience memovent with the famous Salt March on 12 March 1930 to defy the Salt Law and with a view to achieving independence but again halted the movement amidst escalating violence (Majumdar, 1996). What Gandhi did achieve was the fruitful use of an extremely innovative instrument of non-violent political protest. However, as noted above, from the 1930s it was often the case that sporadic violence occurred and it was not possible even for a leader like Gandhi to steer it above the

turbulent waves of violence.

THE CONTINUATION OF THE HARTAL PHENOMENON IN SOUTH ASIA

In the postcolonial period hartals have persisted and even escalated in most countries of South Asia. It is not an exaggeration to suggest that South Asia is a theater of hartals, or bandhs , as the phenomenon is known in some areas. They have become an inexorable part of the political culture of South Asia. In India, strikes, hartals and student unrest increased over three successive decades. In the early phase of benign democracy under Nehru from 1952 to 1963, work days lost to strikes and hartals amounted to 5.26 million a year. For the next 11 years, under Shastri and Indira Gandhi, there was what Rudolph and Rudolph call the growth of demand politics, spearheaded by different political groups and leading to a sharp rise in strikes and bandhs (1987). As a result, there was a more than threefold increase in lost workdays, averaging 18.16 million days a year during this period. During the two years of emergency rule under Indira Gandhi this figure declined a little, to 17.35 million days per year but during the eight years of Desai and Indira Gandhi, the number of work days lost nearly doubled, to 33.06 million days each year on average (ibid.).

Although comparable data were not available for more recent periods, various reports suggest that bandhs are still a significant feature of political life in India. In West Bengal, the ruling Left Front has repeatedly called bandhs: there were three bandhs in the province within the first six months of 2002 (Bandh Blues, 2002).

A report in 2002 pointed out that bandhs are spreading like wildfire. A most ominous development in recent times is the state sponsored bandh. If the establishment which is supposed to prevent a bandh itself organizes one for its political well-being, we are in serious trouble (Nadkarni2002). Even the police have called bandhs in India.

Perhaps the Indian situation can be best described in the words of Myron Weiner, an authoritative source on Indian politics Indians have perfected the art of protest, and as one journalist wrote, Indians have as many native words for protest as Eskimos have for snow. There can be satyagraha, or civil disobedience; gherao, or forcibly locking an official in his office; dharna, or general strike;

morcha, or march; and there can be fasts, black flag demonstrations, work stoppages across the state... (Weiner, 1987: 53).

Nepal also suffers from frequent bandhs. Between February 1990 and December 2000, nearly 50 bandhs were called in Nepal and only twice did the organizers withdraw them. Only 16 of the strikes were limited to Kathmandu Valley (The Kathmandu Post, 2000)

HISTORICAL PATTERN OF HARTALS IN BANGLADESH

The analysis of the data on hartals shows that between 1947 and 2002, an estimated 1172 hartal were observed in the country -- Figure 2.1 shows the geographical distribution of regional or local hartals as per division of Bangladesh.

Figure: Resonal and Local Hartal in Bangladesh By Division: 1947-2002

Barisal Syhlet Khulna Rajshahi Chittagong Dhaka 0 50 100 150 200 250 94 94 168 238 283 290 300 Dhaka Chittagong Rajshahi Khulna Syhlet Barisal

The trend over time in the frequency of calling hartals is mapped out in Figure 2.2. As can be seen from Figure 2.2 during the first three years that Bangladesh was part of Pakistan, there was only one hartal. It was called by Tamaddun Majlish and the East Pakistan Muslim Student League on 11 March 1948 to demand the recognition of Bangla as a state language. Although it was called to take effect all over the country, the hartal was only observed in some of the major cities and towns, which suggests that hartals had yet to become a popular vehicle of protest.

Figure: Hartal in Bangladesh: 1947-2002

350 300 250 200 150 100 50 1 0 5 38 16 1 6 36 1 48 52 245 216 229 332

The Language Movement of 1952 triggered a number of hartals. In 1952, a hartal was observed for a longer period, from 22 to 24 February. Another hartal was observed on 21 February 1953, in response to a call by the Central Language Parishad. There were no hartals during the next few years while the country was under the governors rule. During the twenty years Bangladesh was part of Pakistan, only 29 hartals took place; the number peaked during the mass movements of 1969. The month of March 1971 was marked by almost continuous hartals until the crackdown of the Pakistani army. Far from what might be expected, the number of hartals has not decreased since the ushering in of Independence in 1971. Although there were relatively few hartals in the early years following Independence, the number of hartals began to escalate sharply from 1979, particularly during the Ershad period. There were about 100 hartals between 1979 and 1986. The number of hartals rose sharply after 1987 with some 245 hartals between 1987 and 1990. Since 1990, during parliamentary democracy, the number of hartals have continued to rise steadily, with the latest period for which data are available experiencing some 332 hartals (1999-2002). Thus, the democratic period of the country has experienced by far the largest number of hartals.

Figure 2.3 titled The Landscape of Hartal details the locations where regional and local hartals were called during three historical periods: 1947-1971 (pre-Independence), 1972-1990 (postIndependence) and 1991-2001 (Parliamentary democracy). It indicates that the largest number of hartals --142-- took place in Chittagong, followed by Dhaka and Sylhet. Barisal had the lowest incidence. Jessore with 48 hartals had nearly as many hartals as Khulna, a metropolitan city, and Rajshahi with 33 was close to Bogra in the number of hartals. When one looks into demand groups that called or participated in hartals it is clear that political parties together have called or supported the largest number of hartals -- in the period 1991-2002 (see Figure 2.4)

Jubo Dol AL BNP Civic / Business/ Consumer Alliance Led By BNP Uncentered Alliance Led By AL Local Parties Chatra League Other Students Parties Trade Unions Jatiya Party Chatra Dol Chatra Shibir Freedom Fighter Association Left Parties Other Parties Jamat Jubo League Jubo Dol 0 12 12 12 10 9 7 7 5 6 3 3 4 2 2 2 2 1 1 1 5 10 15 Jubo League Jamat Other Parties Left Parties Freedom Fighter Association Chatra Shibir Chatra Dol Jatiya Party Trade Unions Other Students Parties Chatra League Local Parties Alliance Led By AL

The bulk of hartals were called by the two major political parties -- the Awami League and the Bangladesh Nationalist Party, who both account for 12% of all hartals called. The students or student groups, which constitute a major demand group have also called a large number of hartals and in total account for 17% of hartals. Consumer groups civic groups, business and trade organizations have been associated with 12% of hartals. Labour unions, employee associations and trade unions observed about 3% hartals. This data, however, should be used with caution due to the complex nature of hartals as often a hartal is called by one group and subsequently backed up by one or other groups nevertheless the data gives a clear indication of the politics of hartals.

Figure: Reasons for Calling in Bangladesh:19472002

Others Caretaker Government Issue Preservation of National Resources Price Issues Education Related Issues International Issues Protest against Legislature Election Related Issues Protest for Withdrawl of Cases Economic Demands Demand for Better Governance Religious Issues Political Killing Inter Party / Intra Party Conflict Administrative Re-arrangement Law and Order/ Human Security Demand for Services Anti-AL Call Anti-Jamat Call Anti-BNP Call Anti-Ershad Call Anti-Ayub Call Laguage Movement 0 57 22 7 3 42 8 55 56 101 48 72 15 212 154 52 144 62 28 16 13 37 7 5 50 100 150 200 250

Figure 2.5 illustrates the reasons for which hartals were called. Hartals are called to protest many issues, and often a single hartal is called for multiple reasons. An assessment of the primary issues driving hartals over the period 1947-2002 shows that the single most common issue, especially at the local level, was political killings (212 hartals). Inter-party and intraparty conflicts were the reasons for 154 hartals. The third most frequent set of issues underlying hartals were law and order and the human security situation vis--vis the law enforcement agencies (144 hartals). A demand for better governance and public utilities and services were the reasons for 134 hartals. These figures suggest that improvement in respect for human rights, governance, law and order, and public service delivery could be crucial in reducing frequency of hartals.

HARTALS AND DEMOCRATIC TRANSITION IN BANGLADESH

The continuing use of hartals in India, Nepal and Bangladesh underscores that nations in the midst of transition to democracy experience many difficulties, obstacles and reversals. The process is inevitably intertwined with the broader process of modernization, which gives rise to a variety of contradictory social and political forces. While our understanding of this complex process is far from adequate, it is not difficult to recognize that the pervasiveness of hartals in a country like Bangladesh is an obstacle to democracy and that their persistence is related to the way political mobilization takes place and political demands are articulated.

Mobilization politics gives rise to what Rudolph and Rudolph call demand groups, in contrast to interest groups, in institutionalized democracy (1987). Business groups, trade unions, professional organizations, or citizens banding together to pursue a particular cause or issue are examples of interest groups (Berry, 1995). In a stable democracy demands are articulated by such interest groups on the basis of professional expertise and lobbying skills within defined areas of public policy. They are used to influence or promote specific policies. Demand groups rely more on symbolic protests and agitation. Sanctioned by indigenous political tradition, such groups tend to operate in the political space outside the boundaries of institutional politics. Demand groups assume that there is no institutional mechanism for the redress of their grievances, and believe they must stage great spectacles of protest to bring about regime or policy changes. Strikes in educational institutions, hartals and bandhs are the preferred forms of protest by demand groups. Self-immolation in India, which caused the deaths of 1451 people in 2000 alone, is a tragic example of such protest and demand articulation

(Venkatesan 2002). This simple analytical framework can fruitfully explain the pervasiveness of hartals in Bangladesh.

Historically, Bangladesh emerged as a Westminster type of democracy at the end of British rule in 1947 type of democracy at the end of British rule in 1947. But an immediate transition to institutionalized democracy did not occur. Rather, an illiberal democracy dominated by a bureaucratic, military oligarchy slumped into an authoritarian polity under Ayub Khan within about a decade. It led to what has been called internal colonialism between the western provinces of Pakistan and Bangladesh in the east and fueled the War of Liberation. Thus, from the very beginning of the Pakistani era, political forces in Bangladesh took the shape of mobilization politics, first surfacing in the Language Movement of 1952, which actually started in 1948, and becoming critical in the mass movements of 1969 to 1971.

In 1971 Bangladesh began its journey towards democracy as a new nation. However, the period between 1971 and 1990 was marked by both democratic and authoritarian regimes. A massive popular movement in 1990 finally caused the overthrow of the authoritarian regime of General Ershad and signaled a new stage of democratic transition for Bangladesh. The following are some critical difficulties the country faces in its process of deepening of democracy.

The countrys political culture still contains many authoritarian features, embodied in the behavior of its political leaders and actors. Personalities still dominate the political scene. A pervasive pattern of patron-client relationships remains an active force in the political parties and affects their bureaucracies. The continuing strength of patron-client relationships in particular gives rise to widespread factionalism and conflict in the political terrain and a deep-rooted crisis of governance.

The two major political parties of the country-- the Bangladesh National Party and the Awami League -- and their political allies seem to be locked into a pattern of antagonistic dialogue that does not allow political differences to be settled on the basis of dialogue and negotiation among competing political actors, but rather tends to perpetuate the old political fault lines.

As a consequence of this antagonistic dialogue and polarized political situation, a strong

tradition of mobilization politics remains in place and continues to shape political behavior. The party in power often uses coercion to contain the opposition. The opposition, in turn, resorts to mobilization politics, which in turn escalates political conflict. Given all these factors, hartals are perceived by many to be the best instrument for the articulation of the perceived grievances and various claims of demand groups. Although Bangladesh is a formal democracy, it still suffers from this legacy of authoritarianism and, at the same time, retains a strong tradition of protest. This has led to the perpetuation of hartals as a major characteristic of the nations political culture.

CHANGING VIEWS ON THE LEGITIMACY OF HARTALS

Although hartals found spontaneous support among people during anti-colonial, anti authoritarian movements, concerned citizens all over South Asia have begun to raise their voice against their unjustified and unnecessary use. The Daily Chasi underscored this demand as early as 1956 and its words are even more relevant today. The Englishmen, it is true, were driven out, but the hartal has remained in this country....It is undeniable that our leaders of different parties have been skilled in imposing hartals, if not in anything else. If anything does not suit the interests of a political party, there is no escape. The public has become convinced that as a consequence, they will certainly enforce a hartal. We advise the leaders to articulate discontent or protest in alternate forms. There is no lack of open fields in Dhaka....they can assemble people and voice all their discontent there. We request them not to stop the sources of daily income for the innocent laborers and disrupt the livelihood of people by deploying the weapon of hartal (The Daily Chashi, 30 September 1956 cited in Dasgupta, 2001: 26).

A survey conducted by Daily Bhorer Kagaj found that 51% of respondents did not support the hartal called at that time (9 March 1995). About 13% had no opinion. In 1999 Prothom Alo conducted another survey of 7370 people from all walks of life and more than 63% of the respondents did not support the call for the resignation of the government through hartals (23 September 1999). A little over 11% had no opinion. An opinion poll done by News Network

in 2000 showed that over 80% of the respondents thought that under the present socio-economic condition of the country, there was no need to call hartals. Over 88% of them held that frequent hartals contributed to the deteriorating law and order situation in the country (News Network, 2000). In the most recent opinion poll carried out for this publication in early 2003 70% of respondents said that they believed there are constructive alternatives to hartals and preferred more peaceful means of protest.

The press has been particularly active in advocacy against hartals. A large number of editorials and letters to the editor reflect the growing public outrage against hartals. A large number of editorials and letters to the editor reflect the growing public outrage against hartal.

An editorial in The Daily Sangbad in 1998 pointed out:

Once hartal was the climax of political movement. When movements reached the peak then only hartals were called to force the government to accept the demands. Political parties used to call hartals on the basis of popular support, by associating mass with it and bringing them along with it. The workers an leaders of political parties used to be on the streets as well as masses on many occasions.

Nowadays political parties do not at all consider if there is any popular support for or popular participation in hartal. It is now the easiest thing to call a hartal. It does not require any preparation at all. There is no need for popular support or popular participation. The preparation for the hartal can be taken by simply announcing the program, giving press statement and sending news to the BBC.

The hartal takes place due to throwing of bombs at main points before the day of hartal and on the morning of hartal....All groups move on to the streets with their arms and bombs. Now hartal means getting engaged in violent conflicts.

We appeal to the political parties, please quit this violent path of hartal....[It] does not help politics, rather damages it. It ruins the economy of a democratic society and results in the death of innocent people (Sangbad, 12 November 1998)

A similar view was voiced by A.K. Azad Chowdhury, at the time the Vice-Chancellor of Dhaka University, in a seminar entitled Why Hartals?, held on 10 November 1997.

We must free ourselves from revengefulness and intolerance. The lack of tolerance has created the tendency for calling hartals. The distance between being in power and not being in power has been the cause of hartals. These activities are due to the psychologically conditioned conflicts of our political parties (cited in Hannan, 2000: 643).

When an injunction was sought against Mamta Banerjees call for a bandh in West Bengal on 7 June 2002, the Calcutta High Court, seeing no point in it as the injunction could not be Enforced, made the scathing comment that protests without purpose and the philosophy of no work were the twin contributions of Bengal (Bandh Blues, The Times of India, 17 October2002)

CHANGING THE COURSE OF HISTORY?

In this age of globalization, hartals are not only economically damaging to the country but politically ineffective and are hardly enjoy any popular support. The end of hartals demands a new vision and the commitment of the political elite. Escalating public pressure is a key element in achieving this goal. Also important is improving the state of governance in the country, which would reduce the killings, conflicts, and violence - which is a major source of hartals, especially at the local level.

The consequences of hartals in terms of economic social and political costs are huge. While the negative economic consequences of hartals draw a great deal of attention, its social consequences should not be overlooked. According to Dasgupta (2001), over a period of 52 years from 1947, about 250 deaths during hartals could be identified from newspaper reports. Over 13,000 people were injured and 10,000 arrested and most often it is the poor who are victims of these conflicts.

The historic pattern of hartal thus far exposes the paradox of increasing hartals and the continued polarization of politics ever since the formal establishment of a democratic regime in Bangladesh The author of this chapter would like to conclude by posing the question will Bangladesh continue to take this destructive path, or is it time for someone to change the course of history?

Research Methodology: Factor analysis has been used to analyze the data of this research. The other matters are given below:

Area of Research: The selected area of research is Dhaka city.

Techniques of data collection: (a)Primary source: Face to face interview scheduling has been the conducted in collecting primary data from respondents. Primary information is provided directly by the selected different professionals in the Dhaka area. Primary data is collect by means of standardized used in interviewing the sample respondents. It is acquire through direct interviews.

(b)Secondary source: Secondary data is collected through various sources, such as-literature and publications available in national and international documents, publications, NGOs, different types journal, newspaper, magazines, books, internet etc. The information collect through the interview schedule survey has been compiled for analysis through a standard data entry form.

Sampling procedure and sample design: At first, It has been used the cluster sampling in this research. Then a systematic sampling is conducted in the selected clusters. The area of low income people of Dhaka city is divided into 20 clusters. Then 2 cluster is selected randomly from the clusters. Then a systematic sampling is conducted in these 2 cluster. The sample person would be the main earning people of a family

Factor Analysis Basic Concept: Factor analysis is general name denoting a class of procedure primarily used for data reduction and summarization. In research, there may be a large number of variables, most of which are

correlated and which must be reduced to a manageable level. Relationship among sets of interrelated variables are examined and represented in terms of a few underlying factors. In analysis of variance, multiple regression, and discriminate analysis one variable is considered as the dependent or criterion variable, and the others as independent or predictor variables. However, no such distinction is made in factor analysis. Rather, factor analysis is an interdependence technique in that an entire set of interdependent relationship is examined. (Malhotra, 2010)

Terminology Associated with Factor Analysis: (a) Barletts test of sphericity: Barletts test of sphericity is a test statistic used to examine the hypothesis that the variables aer uncorrelated in the population. In other words, the population correlation matrix is an identity matrix; each variables correlates perfectly with itself (r=1) but has no correlation with other variables (r=0). (b) Correlation matrix: A correlation matrix is a lower triangle showing the simple correlations,r, between all possible pairs of variables included in the analysis. The diagonal elements, which are all 1, are usually omitted. (c)Communality: Communality is the amount of variance a variables shares all the other variables being considered. This is also the populations of variance explained by the common factors. (d)Eigenvalue: The eigenvalue represents the total variance explained by each factor. (e)Factor loadings: Factor loadings are simple correlations between the variables and the factors. (f)Factor loading plot: A factor loading plot is a plot of original variables using the factor loadings as coordinates.

(g) Factor matrix: A factor matrix contains the factor loading of all variables on all the factors extracted. (h)Factor scores: Factor scores are composite scores estimated for each respondent on the derived factors. (i) Factor scores coefficient matrix: The matrix contains the weights, or factor score coefficients, used to combine the standardized variables to obtain factor scores. (j) Kaiser-Mayer-Olkin (KMO) measure of sampling adequacy: The Kaiser-Mayer-Olkin (KMO) Measure of sampling adequacy is an index used to examine the appropriateness of factor analysis. High values (between 0.5 and 1.0) indicate factor analysis is appropriate. Values below 0.5 imply that factor analysis may not be appropriate. (k) Percentage of variance: This is the percentage of total variance attribute to each factor. (l) Residuals: Residuals are difference between the observed correlations, as given in the input correlation matrix, and the reproduced correlations, as estimated from the factor matrix. (m) Scree plot: A scree plot is a plot of the eigenvalues against the number of factors in order extraction. (Malhotra, 2010)

Factor Analysis Model: Mathematically, factor analysis is somewhat similar to multiple regression analyses, in that each variable is expressed as a linear combination of underlying factors. The amount variance a variable shares with all variables included in the analysis is referred to as communality. The covariation among the variables is described in terms of a small number of common factor plus a unique factor for each variable. These factors are not overtly observed. If the variables are standardized, the factor model may be represented as:

Xi = ai1F1 + where =ith standardized variable = standardized multiple regression coefficient of variable i on common factor j F= common factor =standardized regression coefficient of I on unique factor i = the unique factor for for variable i =number of common factors

The unique factors are uncorrelated with each other and with common factors. The common factors themselves can be expressed as linear combinations of the observed variables.

Where = estimate for ith factor = weight or factor score coefficient K= number of variables

It is possible to select weights or factor score coefficients so that the factor explains the largest portion of the total variance. Then a second set of weights can be selected, so that the second factor accounts for most of the residual variance, subject to be uncorrelated with the first factor. The same principle could be applied to selecting additional weights for additional factors. Thus the factors can be estimated so that their factor scores, unlike the values of original variables, are not correlated. Furthermore, the first factor accounts for the highest variance in the data, the second factor the second highest, and so on. Several statistics are associated with factor analysis. (Malhotra, 2010)

Conducting Factor Analysis: The steps involved in conducting factor analysis are given in the following figure:

Formulate the problem

Construct the correlation matrix

Determine the method of factor analysis

Rotate the factor

Interpret the factor

Calculate the Factor Scores

Select the surrogate variables

Determining the model fit (Malhotra,2010)

Formulate the problem: Problem formulation includes several tasks. First, the objectives of factor analysis should be identified. The variables to be included in the factor analysis should be specified based on past research, theory, and judgment of the researcher. It is important that the variables be appropriately measured on an interval or ratio scale. An appropriate sample size should be used. As a rough guideline, there should be at least four or five times as many observations (sample size) as there are variables. In many research situations, the sample size is small and the ratio is considerably lower. In these cases, the result should be interpreted cautiously. (Malhotra,2010)

Construct the Correlation Matrix: The analytical process is based on a matrix of correlations between the variables. Valuable insights can be gained from an examination of this matrix. For the the factor analysis to be appropriate, the variables must be correlated. In practice, this is usually the case. If the correlations between all variables are small, factor analysis may not be appropriate. We should except the variables that are highly correlated with each other would also highly correlate with the same factor or factors.

Formal statistics are available for testing the appropriateness of factor model. Barletts test of spericity can be used to test the null hypothesis that the variables are uncorrelated in the population; in other words, the population correlation matrix is an identity matrix. In an identity matrix, all diagonal terms are 1, and all off- diagonal terms are 0. The test statistic for spricity is based on a chi- square transformation of the determinant of the correlation matrix. A large value test statistic will favor of rejection of the null hypothesis. If the hypothesis cannot be rejected, then the appropriateness of factor analysis should be questioned. Another useful statistic is the Kaiser- Meyer-Olkin (KMO) measure of sampling adequacy. This index compares the magnitudes of the observed correlation coefficients to the magnitudes of the partial correlation coefficients. Small values of the KMO statistic indicate that the correlations between pairs of

variables cannot be explained by other variables and that factor analysis may not be appropriate. Generally, a value greater than 0.5 is desirable. (Malhotra, 2010)

Determine the Method of Factor Analysis: There various method of factor analysis. The two basic approaches are principle component analysis and common factor analysis .In principle component analysis, the total variance in data is considered. Principle components analysis is recommended when the primary concern is to determine the minimum number of factors that will account for maximum variance in the data for use in subsequent multivariate analysis. The factors are called principle components. In common factor analysis, the factors are estimated based only on the common variance. This method is appropriate when the primary concern is to identify the underlying dimensions and the common variance is of interest. This method is also known as principle axis factoring. (Malhotra, 2010)

Determine the Number of factors: Several procedures are have been suggested for determining the number of factors. These are given below: A PRIORI DETERMINATION: Sometimes because of prior knowledge, the researcher knows how many factors to expect and thus can specify the number of factors to be extracted beforehand. DETERMINATION BASED ON EIGENVALUES: In this approach, only factors with eigenvalues greater than 1.0 are retained; the other factors are not included in the model.

DETERMINATION BASED ON SCREE PLOT: A scree plot is a plot of the eigenvalues against the number of factor in other extraction. This shape of plot is used to determine the number of factors. DETERMINE BASED ON PERCENTAGE OF VARIABLES: In this approach, the number of factors extracted is determined so that the cumulative percentage of variance extracted by the factors reaches a satisfactory level. DETERMINATION BASED ON SPLIT-HALF RELIABILITY: The sample is split in half and factor analysis is performed on each half. Only factors with high correspondence of factor loading across the subsample are retained. DETERMINATION BASED ON SIGNIFICANCE TEST: It is possible to determine the statistical significance of the separate eigenvalues and retain only those factors that are statistically significant. A drawback is that with large samples (size greater than 200), many factors are likely to be statistically significant, although from a practical viewpoint many of these account only a small portion of total variance. (Malhotra, 2010)

Rotate Factors: An important output from factor analysis is factor matrix, also called the factor pattern matrix. The factor matrix contains the coefficients used to express the standardized variables in terms of the factors. These coefficients, the factor loadings, represent the correlation between the factors and the variables. A coefficient of the factor matrix can be used to interpret the factors

The rotation is called orthogonal rotation if the axes are maintained at right angles. The most commonly used method for rotation is the varimax procedure. This is an orthogonal method of rotation that minimizes the number of variables with high loading on a factor, thereby enhancing the interpretability of the factors. Orthogonal rotation results in factors that are uncorrelated. The rotation is called oblique rotation when the axes are not maintained at right angles, and the factors are correlated. Sometimes, allowing for correlations among factors can simply the factor

pattern matrix. Oblique rotation should be used when factors in the population are likely to be strongly correlated. (Malhotra, 2010)

Interpret factors: Interpretation is facilitated by identifying the variables that have large loading on the same factor. The factor can then be interpreted in terms of variables that load high on it. Another useful aid in interpretation is to plot the variables using the factors loading as coordinates. Variables at the end of an axis are those that have high loading on only that factor, and hence describe the factor. Variables near to origin have small loading on both the factors. Variables that are not near any of the axes are related to both the factors. If a factor cannot be clearly defined in terms of the original variables, it should be labeled as an undefined or a general factor. (Malhotra, 2010)

Calculate Factor Scores: Following interpretation, factor scores can be calculated, if necessary. Factor analysis has its own state-alone value. However, if the goal of factor analysis is to reduce the origin set of variables to a smaller set of composite variables (factor) for use in subsequent multivariate analysis, it is useful to compute factor scores for each respondent. A factor is simply a linear combination of original variables .The factor scores for ith factor may be estimated as follows:

The weights, or factor score coefficients, used to combine the standardized variables are obtained from the factor score coefficient matrix. Most computer programs allow you to request factor scores. Only in the case of principle components analysis, these scores are uncorrelated. In common factor analysis, estimates of these scores are obtained, and there is no guarantee that the factors will be uncorrelated with each other. (Malhotra, 2010)

Determine the model fit: The final step in factor analysis involves the determination of model fit. A basic assumption underlying factor analysis is that the observed correlation between variables can be attributed to common factors. Hence, the correlation between the variables can be deduced or reproduced from estimated correlations between the variables and the factors. The differences between the observed correlations (as given in the input correlation matrix) and the reproduced correlations (as estimated from the factor matrix) can be examined to determine the model fit. These differences are called residuals. If there are many large residuals, the factor model does not provide a good fit to the data and the model should be reconsidered.(Malhotra,2010)

References
Malhotra, Naressh K. & Dash, Satyabhushan, Marketing Research, New Delhi, Dorling Kindersley (India) Pvt, Ltd. Kothari,C.R.,Research Methodology, New Delhi, New Age International Publishers,2012 Islam,Aminul The history of hartal,The University Journal, Dhaka, October, 2010, p.76

Tazeen,murshid, Political parties and civil society: Restoring, Dhaka, Panjaree Publications Pvt. Ltd.,2010. Mohammad,Zayed & Hossain,Manzoor, Hartals and the law, University Press Pvt. Ltd.,2011. Ahmed,Iraz & Mortoza,Golam, The Anatomy of Hartals, Dhaka, Bangla Academy, 2012

Chawdhury,Dr.Haider , A survey on the impact of hartal on the poor of Dhaka city,The Desh, Dhaka, September, 2009, p.123 UNDPS report, Beyond hartals:towards democracy in bangladesh- The Independent July 15, 2011 January 5, 2009,The daily star Thought on Hartal July 5, 2011, Daily Sun-Hartal Pushes up vegetable price sharply in capital September 2, 2002, Prothom Alo But why this destructive hartal? December 15, 2003, The Daily star All terns to Hartal stunt uplift www.wikipedia.org/wiki/hartal www.weeklybitz.net

Appendix1:

Questionnaires

(1)Name: (2)Age: (3)Sex: Male \Female: (4)Marital status: (5)Religion: (6)Education: a. Illiterate b. Literate c. Primary d. Secondary e. Higher secondary (7)Occupation: (8)Family size: (9)No. of dependents: (10)No. of earning member in family: (11)What is your income per day a. 100-300 Taka b. 300-600 Taka c. 600-800 Taka d. Others (12) Where are you living? a. Slum b. Relative House c. Rent House d. Others Married Unmarried Hindu Divorce Christian Widow Others

Islam

(13)Attitude measurement by Likert-Scale: Strongly Disagree Disagree Factors of reducing income: (a) In hartal day day labors do not get any work. (b) At hartal , farmers cannot send their vegetables to Dhaka market and as a result that are damaged. (c) At hartal , the hawkers cannot get out for their business. (d) At hartal , the poor footpath vendor cannot carry on their business. (e) Small shopkeepers, groceries cannot open their shop at hartal. Insecurity creating factors: (f) In hartal , tokai , slum dwellers, floating people are used in picketing which falls lives in danger. (g) Hartal causes damaging of public property. (h) Hartal is the reason for lot of injuries and disablement of people. (i) Hartal is the reason of financial loss in terms of increase expenditure and decrease in income. (j) Hartal spreads conflict among society. (k) Hartal creates violence. (l) Patients cannot go to hospital at hartal. (m) Hartal causes price hike of goods due to short supply. (n) Hartal delays/obstruct education system. Lifestyle changing factors: (o) Hartal renders persons adverse to the work. (p) Hartal increases laziness among people. (q) Hartal enhances inefficiency in people. Not Sure Agree Strongly Agree

(r) Hartal makes student inattentive in study. (s) Hartal is reason of postponement of exam. (t) Hartal increases the tendency of getting anything without any labor. (u) Hartal enhances on businessman the tendency to stock. (v) Hartal makes person cost centered. Hortal as a right of political party: (w) Hartal is a political right of political party. (x) Hartal is a effective tool of political party to realization of their demand. (y) Hartal creates public awareness among people about public interest. (z) Hartal is the protest of governments unjust action. Releasing from hartal: (aa) I support hartal. (bb) Political party should find out alternatives line of actions of hartal. (cc) Hartal should be banned by legislation.