5th October 2000 Yugoslavian revolution and its outcomes Zoran Djindjic, an eternal dissident, became one of the

main organizers of Yugoslavian protest movement against Slobodan Milosevic after the war in Kosovo had been finished in 1999. In the late 70s he studied philosophy in Germany under direction of one of the brightest representatives of Jurgen Habermas Frankfurt School. In 1996 Djindjic even won the Belgrades mayoral elections, but fled to Montenegro, fearing that Milosevic would persecute him for his liberal views. When the Kosovo war was over in 1999, Djindjic immediately organized campaigns of street protests, skillfully manipulating the sense of humiliation suffered by the Serbs for NATO forces occupation of Kosovo and Metokhia. In June, in Kraljevo town, eight thousand people led by Djindjic not only appealed to resignation of Yugoslavian president Slobodan Milosevic, but also demanded that he should be brought for trial. The main charge was that it was through Milosevics fault that the Serbs had to leave Bosnia and then Kosovo. Protesters demanded early elections to be held in Serbia. However this time not all opposition groups agreed with the demands made to Milosevics regime. Soon, early presidential elections were announced to be held in September, 2000. In June 2000, Zoran Djindjic became one of the coordinators of the leading Serbian opposition association The Union of Changes. Djindjic, who never enjoyed popularity among Serbian politicians, went on remaining in the shadow; however, he managed to organize a successful electoral campaign for one of Vojislav Kostunicas candidates. Protest actions started immediately after the early elections had passed on the 24th of September 2000. Electoral Committee stated that no candidate managed to gather a minimum number of votes necessary for the second voting. According to the leaders of the Democratic opposition - the opposition bloc its candidate Vojislav Kostunica got more than a half of the votes. Kostunica also claimed that multiple violations occurred during the voting. For all this, voters turnout in Montenegro was minimum (however, among those who voted, the majority of votes were cast for Milosevic), and in Kosovo Slobodan Milosevic received the majority among Serbian voters. Slobodan Milosevic demanded the second voting round, what would have been in compliance with law. Milosevics demand sparked indignation in the ranks of opposition. On the 5th of October hundreds of thousands protesters came to Belgrade. At first, security forces put up a sort of resistance, used water jets and even government-issue weapons, for example, against a bulldozer, which was taking part in a TV center storm and which was driven by Cacka Vojislav Djokic. Police didnt put up resistance to the revolted people, the army stayed in barracks, the security forces representatives demonstrated unexpected loyalty. Zoran Djindjic described that in a following way: We came to agreement that they wouldnt fire at the people, and in case the police had suddenly begun to shoot, they would have protected the people. After a private meeting, Djindjic voiced certain conditions; neutrality was also maintained by the commander of the special forces unit of Serbian Ministry of Home Affairs - Je j (JSO) - Milorad Ulemek-Lukovic Legjia. Most likely, Legija got immunity guarantees for JSO and his parallel criminal business, in which a so-called Zemun clan was involved. JSO was tightly connected with that formation. Half a year before the October 2000 events, a Serbian politician, businessman and commander Zeljko Raznatovic Arkan was shot dead in Belgrade. The case is shady and tangled. It is still unknown who ordered this assassination. His murderer was detained and then released several times, but finally, in late December, 2011, he was arrested in the Republic of South Africa and now is to be extradited to Serbia. The thing is that Arkans authority was too great and his resources were too large. He was a real obstacle in the way of the forthcoming revolution. Arkan had too strong ties with Milosevic to take a side with the so-called democratic coalition. But in case he had supported Milosevic, most likely the same stand would have been taken by JSO a special unit commanded by the officer of Arkans Bosnian wartime guard, veteran of the Foreign Legion Milorad Lukovic-Ulemek, nicknamed Legija. It was exactly JSOs moving across to the opposition side, that became a turning point of revolution. Biography of Milorad Lukovic-Ulemek

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Milorad Ulemek was born on March, 18th, 1968. The surname Lukovic adopted by him several years ago, belonged to his wife. In 1985 he left for France and on April, 1986 he joined the French Foreign Legion, what was the reason for him to be later nicknamed as Legija. As the Legions member, he participated in military operations in Chad, Libya, Beirut, French Guyana and in the Gulf war in 1991. On March, 18th, 1992, on his birthday, he deserted from the Legion and returned to Serbia, where he joined Serb Volunteer Guard under Zeljko Arkan Razhnatovic. From 1994 to 1995 he commanded its elite unit - the Super Tigers. In 1996 all so-called paramilitary units, allegedly independent in the wartime, were brought together into JSO Jedinica za Specialne Operacije subordinate to the State Security (Drzavna Bezbednost). In 1999 he became the leader of the Red Berets. He brought JSO to Kosovo and commanded it throughout the whole war. On October, 5th, 2000, Legija supported Djindjic. In return, the new government didnt touch JSO and a parallel project/brand of Legija & Co Zemun clan, engaged in illegal criminal activity. He was arrested on May, 3d, 2004, on a charge of Zoran Djindjic assassination on the 12th of March of that year. A bit later JSO was dismissed, and Zemun clan was annihilated during the police operation called Sabre. The clans headquarters building in Zemun was leveled by bulldozers. At the moment there have been two trials (the prime minister Djindjic assassination, the former Serbian president Ivan Stambolic assassination, attempted assassination of the Serbian Renovation Movements leader Vuk Draskovic in Budva), which on different counts passed upon Legija two jail sentences, 40 years each. At present, the third trial is going on. In prison Legija wrote nine books: Gvozdeni rov, Legionar, Momci iz Brazila, Juda: Roman o prijateljstvu, Kraj, Sorog, Magionicar and others. Soon after Kosovos declaration of independence in 2008, Legija addressed a request to the Serbian authorities to send him to the front. The request passed unnoticed. In early February, 2009, Serbian mass media announced the foiled attempt made by Milorad Ulemek to escape from Belgrades county jail. On the night of the 10th of February, about one oclock in the morning, Ulemek feigned feeling bad high blood pressure and demanded to take him immediately to the Military Medical Academy (BMA). However, before the transfer, his cell had been searched and a plastic pistol was discovered, which was an exact copy of the combat one. Thereafter, prison management promptly got in touch with the Justice Ministry officials who gave an order not to take Legija off the county prison. It was decided to send for doctors from BMA. Team of six doctors, who arrived to the county prison, stated that Ulemek had very high blood pressure indeed; however, it was the result of some chemical medicines effect, which he intentionally taken. At the same time, a suspicious car was detected near BMA, which remained on that place the whole night with an engine started up and a driver inside. On the strength of all charges brought against Legija and in compliance with the law of Republic of Serbia, Milorad Lukovic wont be released from prison until 2044. The eyewitness, Balkan correspondent for Radio Freedom Andrey Sharyi wrote then the following:

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One of the Serb Volunteer Guard leaders, Velimir Ilic, brought from Cacak town to Belgrade a many thousands column of demonstrators, stretched along the highway for 20 miles. Its core consisted of undercover policemen sympathizing with the opposition, private security services officers and guys from sport clubs. Zoran Djindjic denied rumours that the opposition had created special paramilitary armed units, but admitted in an interview with Danas newspaper: Yes, demonstrators at Skupstina building knew what they had to do. Even video recording shows how adroitly the opposition supporters hurled tear gas capsules back into the ranks of embarrassed policemen. Velimir Ilic told that two demonstrators, disguised as policemen, were the first who began to fraternize with the people to give the lead for soldiers who cordoned off the parliament building. On October, the 6th, in the evening, Slobodan Milosevic resigned. On April, the 1st, 2001 Slobodan Milosevic was arrested in his own residence on a charge of authority abuse and corruption, and on June, the 28th, on the initiative of a new prime-minister Zoran Djindjic, he was handed over to the Hague Tribunal. The trial wasnt finished, since on March, the 11th, 2006 Milosevic died in prison under strange circumstances. Zoran Djindjic himself was assassinated on March, 12th, 2003. The prosecution established that the prime minister was shot dead by Legijas deputy, major Zvezdan Jovanovic. Immediately after the arrest, he claimed that thereby he hoped to stop bringing Serbian patriots to the Hague Tribunal. Russian reporter, a host of Vesti+ programme, Konstantin Semin commented Djinjic assassination in a live broadcast on the night from 21st to 22nd of February, 2008, in the following way: Several years ago this country, staggered by the liberal promises, mourning, paid the last tribute to the western puppet Zoran Djinjic, a man who destroyed legendary Serbian army and intelligence service, who sold to the Hague the heroes of national resistance for an abstract economic aid and got his deserved bullet. That statement, broadcast live, caused an international scandal, despite the fact that a lot of people in Serbia supported Russian reporter Semin and his point of view. Revolution for export In January, 2011, I published in the Russian Courier an article devoted to the main infantry of the revolution of October, the 5th, 2000 the Otpor movement and its todays activity. I was longing for an interview with Srdja Popovic, one of the Otpor leaders, who has now converted his experience into a commercial product of revolutions for export under the Canvas brand, but he refrained from contacts The epoch of idealist revolutionaries is over. Garibaldi and Che Guevara are not necessary any more. In a postindustrial information society not only goods, but ideas as well are produced on the conveyor. Seven years ago some of the former activists of the Otpor Serbian movement, which played a crucial role in toppling of Milosevic regime, created in Belgrade The Center For Applied Non-violent Actions And Strategies (abbreviated Canvas), which is involved in exporting peaceful revolutions, collaborating with organizations from 43 countries. The former members of the organization, Ivan Marovic and Srdja Popovic, have engaged in youth protest exporting. Having received in Serbia the orange revolution experience, they decided that revolution for export is an excellent business and a unique selling proposition on the international market. Today Canvas is operating as an expert organization in many countries of the world. Their record is quite impressive: Egypt, Palestine, Western Sahara, Western Papua, Eritrea, Belarus, Azerbaijan, Tonga, Burma, Zimbabwe. Even in the USA Canvas managed to find clients. At the home of democracy Serbian professional revolutionaries helped immigrants to fight for their rights. It was something like that, but with reversed polarity, that Vasily Yakemenko planned to implement to convert controlled by him youth movements into a factory of various social projects. Although, so far Yakemenko has just managed to create clones of NASI movement in terms of efficiency they are a long way off the Otpor and those movements which are controlled by the Canvas throughout the world.
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In 2000 the Otpor movements sign a stylized fist - was a symbol of resistance to Slobodan Milosevic regime. Similar resistance symbol was applied in Georgia, Venezuela, Kenya, Iran, and on Cairo demonstrations it represented an exact copy of the Serbian one, which was drawn in the late 90s by young Belgrade artist Nenad Petrovic. Egyptian variant Canvas instructors have a principle: they dont talk about countries where their experience is being learned until their followers themselves begin to speak about it. So it happened in Egypt only when Al Jazeera aired the statement made by the 6th April movement leader Ahmed Maher claiming that they had been using Serbian experience, it became known that the representatives of the Egyptian resistance movement visited Belgrade in 2010. Petar Milicevic, one of the Canvas activists, narrates: We had spent the whole day with our guests from Egypt, explaining them how to organize campaigns and youth protests, how to make digital media involved in that process. Later communicated with them via Internet, Facebook and other means of communication following the way they were developing the knowledge received from us. I suppose, Egyptians had other trainings besides ours, and other instructors as well. They certainly had financial donors and they certainly received help from other organizations worldwide. However, Im very pleased that we, in Serbia, laid our brick into the wall of revolution in Egypt. Undoubtedly, there is quite a curious fact that the alleged spontaneous unrest, broke out in Egypt in early 2011, after the Tunisian revolution and in some other countries, had been prepared beforehand and systematically. Director of the Belgrades Canvas organization Srdja Popovic is very content with the way the three main principles of the strategy had been applied: these are the principles of unity, planning and fight without violence. In an interview to Radio Freedom he said: Its was in Egypt where we could see in practice the principle of unity being implemented when all opposition groups left behind their slogans and symbols and stood under the national Egyptian flag. It was the only symbol on the square in the last days of the protest. Discipline of non-violence was a very important component of the protests. Mubarak tried to provoke clashes by means of attacks made by his supporters and the police. I think that the quality of the Egyptian struggle consists in the fact that its participants didnt succumb to provocation. They had been resisting till the end and plus one day more in order to celebrate the victory. Ideologically, we are absolutely neutral and spread free our knowledge. Our instructions might be copied from the Internet by dictator, fundamentalist or democratic fighter in any part of the world. We are just trying to convince the world that the only true way to carry out political changes is a strategic non-violent struggle. I guess that its those young secular people, seen on the demos throughout in the Middle East, who represent a new face of this religion. Id like to believe that they are strong and clever enough to conquer extremism of any sort, including Islamic one. Who is their theorist At the beginning, it was the works of Jin Sharp, American theorist of non-violent resistance, that served as a theoretic basis for the Otpor project. In the media he was often called Clausewitz of non-violent fighting. And in 2005 Srdja Popovic published in the USA his book titled Non-Violent Resistance In 50 Points. Its a sort of memoirs where he had generalized his experience of non-violent resistance to the regime. In the book there was elaborated theory and practice of non-violent resistance to undemocratic regimes. Non-violent methods of fighting are effective in those countries which regimes rely on the police or armys force. In the overwhelming majority of cases, these regimes justify repressions against the opponents of the government in power by claiming that they were the first who resorted to violence. The book could have become a manual, however, such skills cant be handed down by means of reading the book. It can be learnt only from real experience. In December of the previous year, Srdja Popovic was given a prestigious award by Danish Pol Lauricen fund for the contribution to development of democracy throughout the world. At present, this book is translated into 17 languages, including Arabic and Farsi. Its said to be especially popular in the Middle East recently. For example, its registered that in 2009 it was downloaded via Internet by 17 thousand Iraqis. By the way, the Otpor Serbian movement strategy is being studied in many outstanding Universities of the
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world, students of the prestigious American college of law and diplomacy Fletcher school which graduates make up one-third of US diplomats, familiarize themselves with the fundamentals of non-violent resistance in Serbia. Srdja reveals a secret: as Lenin said, for the revolution to be successful the three things are needed: organization, organization and one more time organization. I will add that the youth, the youth and one more time the youth are needed. Why? Because the young people are enthusiasts, they are courageous and the authorities have little influence upon them: they dont have neither children, nor job or wealth, they have nothing to value. There is one more reason, more pragmatic and even cynical: every time when the regime goes at the unarmed youth, beats up the young people and throws them into prison - says Popovic it turns its back to their fathers, grandfathers, uncles, aunts and friends In short, many, including its staunch supporters. And this is a sought-for goal. Tricks advised by Popovic are simple enough and at the same time effective. At manifestations, which promise to end in clashes, put in the frontline young girls in white shirts. And wait for the police attacks. The effect is guaranteed: after some blows the white blouses will be stained with a bit of blood (or a lot of it, unfortunately). Thus, you get excellent shots which will be spread all over the world. So the regime is discredited. One more former Otpor activist Ivan Marovic, jointly with an American software company, developed a computer game More powerful force, which became popular among activists of undemocratic regimes opposition. If one thoroughly brings this games strategy to practice, the ways of toppling a dictator or elimination of a corrupt politician can be learnt. I wonder, in which other countries diligent followers of the Canvas play this game and in which part of the world we will see next time the flag with a clenched fist over the crowd of spontaneous fighters against corruption and authoritarianism. Serbia 10 years after the 5th of October. Outcome For 10 years the population has decreased more than by 200 thousand people. Hundreds of thousands people moved from Serbia into different parts of the world in search of a living, the more so because the Serbian Diaspora is strong in the USA, Canada, Australia, the Western Europe and the South Africa. Now, in banks there can be seen people receiving remittances in the Canadian or Australian dollars many families live at the expense of their relatives abroad. After Milosevics overthrow, the secessionist tendencies in Montenegro intensified. In 2000 Montenegro switched from the Yugoslav dinar to the German mark, and in 2002 to the euro. In 2006 Montenegro finally seceded. Thus, the Yugoslav navy was lost. The fleet was partially sold off on the cheap, particularly to Libya, and partially converted into a scrap metal. Under pressure of the partners the new authorities decreased the army from 200 to 50 thousand of people. All portable surface-to-air missile systems were annihilated under the pretext that they could be stolen and might serve as a weapon for potential terrorists. New democratic authorities have finally recognized independence of Kosovo and Metokhia, in fact leaving Serbian population of the region to the merci of Albanian administration in Kosovo. Milosevic and, then, the Serbian Radical Partys leader Vojislav Seselj were handed over to the Hague Tribunal, and by the end of the decade the heroes of the Republika Srpska doctor Radovan Karadzic and General Ratko Mladic found themselves in the Hague as well. The number of Yugoslav armys officers participating in Bosnian and Kosovo wars, extradited to the Hague, amounts to hundreds. Whereas the number of Croats, Bosnian Muslims and Kosovan Albanians is many times smaller just some dozens. Live standards have fallen significantly. Utilities costs have increased. It came to the situation when 10 years after the revolution people have no money to pay for gas or electric central heating and the majority of them have shifted to firewood and coal usage. There are billboards standing along the roads, advertizing cast-iron moveable wood stove, and in December 2011 it was reported in the papers that in Central Serbia firewood was being sold not by cubic meters, but by kilograms, at a price of 75 dinar (30 roubles) per kilogram. People just dont have money to buy a cubic meter of firewood at once, so they have to buy by kilograms. The average salary in the country is about 200 250 euro. In Belgrade its a bit higher 350 400 euro. Yes, in 2000 everybody in Serbia was fed up with Milosevic and his regime. By essence, he lost the war in Slovenia, Croatia and
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Bosnia. He betrayed the Srpska Krajina Republic annihilated in the course of Bljesak and Oluja operations carried out by Croatian army in 1995. He accepted NATOs ultimatum and withdrew the troops from Kosovo in 1999, allowing the part of the country to be occupied. The place from where he delivered his famous speech in 1989 in front of the more than a million Serbs on the occasion of 600th anniversary of Kosovo battle, announcing: I wont let anyone offend you. Serbs had a lot of claims to Slobodan. But who are those people who had exploited their protest and whether the peoples life has become better? No it hasnt. National pride is trampled, economy became worse than under Milosevic in the time of international sanctions. The situation emerged after the 5th of October is most thoroughly described in the cables published by Julian Assange at Wikileaks. The book with a selection of these telegrams concerning Serbia came out at the end of 2011. In early 2012 The First Russian television channel devoted a story to this book. Ill cite the full text of this story as a conclusion. Recently in Serbia the book was published, which came as a bombshell Basic economic troubles, which in the nearest future both Europe and the USA will have to face, crisis in a social sector and acknowledged failure of multiculturalism all this dont prevent from lecturing, with maniacal obsession, other countries on how they should organize their lives. Promotion of values with the view of reaching specific goals in geopolitics this is todays Western diplomacy. Even by many forgotten exposures by Wikileaks website have turned out to be quite useful for analysis of the USA international policy towards a small country Serbia. The analysis all the more interesting for the reason that the current US ambassador to Russia Michael McFaul in his books and scientific articles repeatedly compared Vladimir Putin with Slobodan Milosevic, lamenting shortcomings in Russias democracy. Recently in Serbia the book was published, which came as a bombshell its author analyzes conversations on democracy and Kosovos secession which occurred at instigation of the Americans by common consent of the Western values adherents. On more than a hundred pages of bad paper, an unbelievable saga about political treason is printed. Protagonists are the representatives of the upper management of Serbia - the country which policy until recently seemed to be inexplicable and illogical. Wikileaks or Mysteries of Belgrades dispatches the books idea was quite a simple one to select from the vast amount of the classified American correspondence, published on the well-known Wikileaks website, everything what is one way or another related to Serbia. Evident difference between the statements made by Serbian politicians and real situation impelled a journalist Nikola Vrzic to sift through more than a quarter-million of documents. The result exceeded all his expectations. The dispatches, published by me, represent an unequivocal evidence of the fact that the financial, diplomatic and media support for the so-called pro-democratic forces having come to power, rendered in due time by the Americans, now has to be paid off by the current leadership by means of submission to the will of the USA, fulfillment of American demands and following their instructions, - says the journalist and author of the book Nikola Vrzic. All modern Serbian politics, both foreign and domestic, are tightly bound up with three crucial matters. Kosovo independence, EU entering and joining NATO. Judging by the American dispatches, these three points are very important for Washington as well. Make the Serbs put up with the loss of Kosovo forcefully taken away, for this promise them pipe dreams about European Union and on the quit involve the country in NATO. Vojislav Kostunica once was chosen by the West. He was that compromise personality who was decided to replace overthrown Milosevic in the course of the US-sponsored revolution. However, according to the dispatches, quite, modest and inexperienced in politics Kostunica, who first became the president of Yugoslavia and after its eventual breakdown Serbian prime-minister, didnt justify confidence given to him by the West. The final crucial point for me was the presidential elections in 2008. It was that very moment when it became clear that several foreign ambassadors in Belgrade have their arms in our domestic affairs up to their elbows. At that time, the participants of all those dirty businesses stopped hiding and began to brag of their successes. said Vojislav Kostunica, the prime-minister of Serbia, who served his term from 2004 to 2008. The Prime Minister and the President held conversation on the most crucial issues. The Prime Minister rejected to let
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us into the details. Within the next few days we are waiting for the detailed information from the President, - says one of the dispatches sent to Washington from the American embassy in Belgrade. Just try to imagine that an embassy is waiting for the President to report to them. Boris Tadic, an ambitious politician-democrat, having become a President, turned out to be much more compliant than his colleague from a democratic movement. On all three issues. Despite the Constitution of Serbia. Our authorities are constantly reiterating to the people that they are committed to the countrys military neutrality principle reflected in the Law. That they dont intend to promote the process of Serbias entry into NATO. The dispatches say quite the opposite in private talks the President vows his loyalty to the NATOs officials and claims that Serbias membership in NATO is a top priority, - says the journalist and books author Nikola Vrzic. Even 5 years ago in that private talks it was made clear to Mr. Tadic that Serbia would never get its hand near the European Union until it recognized Kosovo independence. The dispatches show that the only thing which worries the President its how to keep it secret making it public will bring to nought his presidential campaign, based, on the advice of ditto Americans, on the message that he is the only one who is able to bring Serbia into Europe. As regards Kosovo independence, at the time when tens of thousands of his compatriots are daily fighting for survival in the province leaved to the mercy of separatists, when Serbian diplomats all over the world are struggling with every word at a numberless negotiations, when Russia is breaking it spears for Kosovo in the Security Council, the President of Serbia let it know in a private talk that he wont be an obstacle for the international communitys efforts on stabilization of the region even including a sort of Kosovo independence. They were convincing us that the problem of our Kosovo is connected solely with Milosevic, that the victorious democracy would automatically clear up all these questions. Its a pity that then, with our own hands, we brought to power in Serbia those who converted the country into a colony governed from embassies, in the first place from the American and British ones, - said a deputy president of the Union of Serbian Communities of Kosovo and Metokhia Marko Jaksic. Active participator of Milosevics toppling and one of Kosovo Serbs leader, doctor Jaksic, until recently headed a clinic in Kosovska Mitrovica. Not long ago he was removed from his position, after what he was quite surprised to find out his name in one of the American dispatches with the recommendation to kick him out. Military expert of a very influential Politika newspaper Miroslav Lazansky had a skeptical attitude towards publication of these dispatches, until he read about himself in one of them. Labeled by the Americans as an inveterate opponent of Serbias entry into NATO, Lazansky has got evidence that his biography is impeccably recounted. Now he says that if the Americans wrote the truth about him, its unlikely that they will lie about others. I was finally convinced in truthfulness of the dispatches, when nobody of the mentioned politicians didnt even try to refute the information contained there. Now, on the 4th of July, there is a kilometer-long queue for a cocktail party in the embassy. Today one is nobody if he isnt on the invitation list for this stand-up party, - says military observer of the Politika newspaper Miroslav Lazansky. The queue for a cocktail party in Belgrades American embassy. With the blessing of ambassador Mary Warlick, the ministers, high-ranking general staff officials, members of parliament, leaders of opposition, including nationalists parties, are coming up. An idyll. Dispatches say that the Serbian governments minister Rasim Ljaic, for example, while making his weekly report to the embassy, lamented that he had no news for them at that time. Among the numerous folders with criminal cases in charge of which was Belgrade advocate Goran Patronievic, one was devoted to the current head of Serbian governmental delegation negotiating with Kosovo Borko Stefanovic. The American dispatch with reference to the high-ranking Serbian diplomats name appears in this folder as an evidence of a committed crime. Im not authorized by Kosovo Serbs to initiate criminal prosecution of Borko Stefanovic on the charge of espionage and treason. The dispatch of American embassy of December, 2007 gives evidence that Mr. Stefanovic handed over to Americans the detailed information on a Serbian governments secret plan of actions, which was to come into force in case of unilateral declaration of independence by Kosovo, - tells the advocate Goran Petronievic.

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According to the advocate, Prosecutor Generals Office has received the case for consideration, but it will be given the go-ahead only if the current countrys leadership loses the forthcoming elections. At present, this folder is the only one real outcome of the Belgrades dispatches disclosure. Its hard to believe, but until now, in the country positioning itself as Motherland of non-violent democratic revolutions, not a single high-ranking person, mentioned in the American dispatches, said a word to justify himselves. But what is more interesting its that nobody asked them a question. Author: Ilya Goryachev

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