Gender

Mainstreaming
Conflict & Crisis Management
O.J. Para-Mallam, PhD

2 [GENDER MAINSTREAMING]Conflict & Crisis Management/Para-Mallam O.J/2012 [G

Table of Contents
TABLE OF CONTENTS 1 INTRODUCTION: THE IMPERATIVE FOR GENDER MAINSTREAMING IN CONFLICT MANAGEMENT 2 A CONCEPTUAL ANALYSIS
2.1 What is Gender and How Does it Mediate Social Reality? 2.2 Conflict as a Gendered Experience

3 5
5 7

3 LEGISLATIVE FRAMEWORKS FOR GENDER-SENSITIVE CONFLICT MANAGEMENT 4 GENDER MAINSTREAMING: WHAT, WHY & HOW? 5 CONCLUSION BIBLIOGRAPHY APPENDIX A: UNHCR FACT SHEET

10 13 17 18 20

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Introduction: The Imperative for Gender Mainstreaming in Conflict

Management

Conflict is not a gender-neutral space. Thus, the impetus for gender mainstreaming in crisis prevention and conflict management needs to be set in its everyday context. Four anecdotes from real-life examples of gendered experiences in conflict will suffice: 1.) A 15- year old girl was returning from escorting her friend one evening and was raped by a member of the military task force deployed in the wake of ethno-religious violence in Jos. He threatened to kill her if she told anyone. She became pregnant and was kicked out of the The varied experiences of men and house by her parents for bringing shame on the boys, women and girls in crisis family. 2.) Between 2008 and 2010, a mentally situations underscore the gendered ill woman living alone in a zinc shack near character of conflict. Abattoir, Jos was raped repeatedly at night by an unknown soldier, to the hearing of neighbours who heard her yelling. She became pregnant and gave birth to a baby whom a womens NGO, with the assistance of the Plateau Social Welfare Unit, helped to get adopted. In both instances the military denied culpability and provided no measures for investigation or redress to victims. 3.) The high rate of sexual assaults by peacekeeping forces during the Liberian and Sierra Leonean wars prompted the United Nations, since 2006, to despatch contingents of Indian female combat officers to enhance the security of women and children in those areas. 4.) A woman and others travelling in a car from Jos to Cameroon in January 2012 was waylaid at Damaturu, Yobe state by Boko Haram militants. She escaped and hid in a nearby open gutter only to be found by the attackers who said they would not kill her because she was a woman. This underscores the widely acknowledged fact that males, whether or not they are combatants, are deliberately targeted for elimination in conflict situations (Lindsey, 2001). These are not isolated incidents but illustrations of a worldwide trend (UNIFEM, 2010). Examples abound of children, especially boys, compelled to become combatants or child- soldiers, women and girl-children gang raped and/or forced into sexual slavery as comfort women to guerrilla fighters and of sexual assault against prisoners of war or refugees and internally displaced persons (IDPs) either in camps or while fleeing scenes of violent conflict. The varied experiences of men and boys, women and girls in crisis situations underscore the gendered character of conflict. Contemporary Africa is rife with conflict and insecurity. Therefore, peace and security, being the critical foundation for sustainable development, probably represent the single most urgent collective yearning of Africans. Conflict has come closer and become more relevant to womens interests and concerns to warrant the increased international recognition of their involvement in conflict situations, peace building and post-conflict reconstruction processes at community and state levels (Heyzer, 2004). As a result,

4 [GENDER MAINSTREAMING]Conflict & Crisis Management/Para-Mallam O.J/2012 [G especially within Africa, the last two decades have witnessed the increasing visibility of women in conflict situations, and conflict resolution peace building. In view of this reality, in 2000 the United Nations Security Council passed Resolution 1325 calling, inter alia for the mainstreaming of a gender perspective in all conflict management and peace building processes. According to the Institute for Democracy and Electoral Assistance (1998:20) Conflict management is one of the most difficult and complex tasks than can face human beings, both individually and collectively, particularly in the context of the new face of conflict. In modern-day conflicts, non-military combatants wage wars and violent skirmishes within national borders and incur higher civilian casualties than was the case in conventional cross-border warfare (Wallensteen, 2007; Heyzer, 2004). It has been pointed out severally, that 21st century conflicts, particularly in Africa, are primarily identity-based and deeply rooted in historical communal, ethnic and religious animosities in which factions struggle over economic and political resources (Hagg and Kagwanja, 2007; IDEA, 1998). These intra-state conflicts tend to be more frequent and more numerous and as Heyzer (2004:15) incisively underscores, It is no longer soldiers who comprise the largest number of casualties, but civilians. Heyzer estimates the proportion of civilian to combatant deaths to be up to 75%, with women and children as the largest category. Lindsey (2001:27) points out that in modern-day armed conflicts where there are no frontlines, uniforms or easily recognizable military structures, it is becoming increasingly difficult to differentiate between combatants and non-combatants. In addition, it is often overlooked that conflict is fundamentally gendered and occurs in both public and private spaces. Men and women experience conflict differently and disproportionately in diverse social contexts. Most belligerents are male; the victims of conflict are both male and female. Yet, while the comparative number of men and women who die in conflict is debatable, women and girls are more likely to have to live with its lingering effects as destitute widows, survivors of rape and forced sex labour. Hence, Heyzer poignantly asserts that,

The nature of the battlefield has changed. Warfare is no longer fought in remote battlefields between armies but in our homes, our schools, our communities, and increasingly on womens bodies. This paper discusses the conceptual and practical rationale as well as the strategic modalities for gender mainstreaming in conflict and crisis management. It underlines the gendered nature and implications of conflict. In addition, it draws on examples from Africa to demonstrate that gendered experiences of conflict situations provide the justification for a critical review of all national policies especially those that relate to human security and conflict response.

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2 A Conceptual Analysis
2.1 What is Gender and How Does it Mediate Social Reality?
Human beings, with few exceptions, are born either male or female. Often, the first piece of information people want to know about a newborn, or even unborn, baby is the sex Is it a boy or a girl? The biological sex of an individual constitutes a fundamental part of his or her identity. But, how does a sexual fact become a gendered reality? In sociological terms sex refers to those aspects of being male and female that are universal and unchangeable (barring a surgical/hormonal sex change) such as pregnancy, lactation and impregnation. Gender, on the other hand, is not a synonym for sex, women or women empowerment as is commonly believed. It relates to how the prevailing culture of a given society interprets biological sex and accordingly assigns a different set of values and roles to boys/men and girls/women. Hence, biological-sex difference becomes a basis for gender differentiation and discrimination. In x-raying the Bosnian-Serb conflict, Volf (1996) demonstrates how difference and differentiation (or otherness) are deployed as a basis for social inequality and injustice, and thereby trigger identity-based conflicts. Through the process of socialization or acculturation children imbibe the interpreted gender code by learning acceptable ways of being male or female from significant others such as parents, siblings, other family members, teachers and peers. Social learning is reinforced through interaction with the formal and informal rules of social engagement embodied in cultural norms, public policies, laws and organizational behaviour. More specifically, prevailing social ideologies, expressed through religion and culture, seek to explain, justify and reinforce sex stereotyping and the gender inequality it breeds. This explains why sociologist Vander Zanden (1990:43) refers to sex as a master status in those societies where the biological sex of a person carries primary weight for assigning social roles, rights, entitlements and determining social aspirations as well as access to socioeconomic resources and opportunities. A master status (in this case sex) is also the basis for social stratification or hierarchy (i.e. gender hierarchy). However, unlike sex that is largely a fixed biological fact, gender is a fluid social construct as it takes on a variety of expressions across different cultures and changes over time (Williams, 1994). Kabeer (2003:1), summarizes gender concisely to refer to, The rules, norms, customs and practices by which biological differences between males and females are translated into socially constructed differences between women and men and boys and girls. This results in the two genders being valued differently and in their having different opportunities and life chances. According to Womens Watch (www.un.org, 2012), the social attributes and opportunities associated with being male or female determine what is expected, allowed or valued in a man or woman in a given social context. Thus, sex like race, ethnicity, class etc., - is an evaluative criterion for determining social status based on differential access to societal

6 [GENDER MAINSTREAMING]Conflict & Crisis Management/Para-Mallam O.J/2012 [G resources and benefits thereby creating a gender caste system. In cultures where patriarchy and conservative gender perspectives predominate, such as in Nigeria, womens roles as wives, mothers and domestic servants/managers are prioritized and females experience varying degrees of social exclusion owing to their differential incorporation into the socioeconomic order (Para-Mallam and Oloketuyi, 2011). Men on the other hand are still construed to be primary breadwinners and decision-makers with higher mobility and privileges in domestic and public life. The rights and entitlements of women in patriarchal societies are markedly circumscribed compared to mens leading to noticeable gender hierarchy in economic capacity and political participation. Consequently, social ills affect men and women differently. Poverty, for instance, is often referred to as wearing a womans face because it tends to be more prevalent and intense among them. Poverty is also multidimensional having tangible and non-tangible elements, and female experience of poverty cuts across both with equal intensity. Sometimes it is boys and men who are disadvantaged by socio-cultural perspectives and practices. For instance, in parts of the South East, notably Anambra State, preference for quick economic returns threatens boys education as many are withdrawn early from school to pursue business. Similarly, gender and culture intersect to influence the character and dimensions of conflict (Para-Mallam, 2004). For example, military forces often conquer the enemy by killing their males and raping their females or forcing them into some form of sexual and/or domestic slavery. Yet, the roles that men and women play in society are not static because culture itself is dynamic adapting to new technological economic and political realities. For example, in Ancient Egypt men stayed at home and did weaving while women handled family business. Women inherited property and men did not. Furthermore, in a study of 224 cultures, there were five in which men did all the cooking, and 36 in which women did all the house building (Williams, 1994). In Nigeria, ancient Efik and Afizhere cultures gave precedence to the female and her relatives in family life and decision-making and they still bear traces of matriarchal and matrilineal authority, lineage and inheritance. These examples underscore the fact that historical forces, linked not only to human biology but also to economic and political events, shape the gender architecture of society. Laslett and Brenner (1989) trace the evolution of social reproduction in light of changing gender roles in response to changes in the organization of the family, market, community and the state. In the context of globalization, todays market is a highly global and competitive space (Fareed Zakaria, GPS, 23/09/2012) creating new opportunities and constraints for women and men and impacting on their roles and power relations. The fluidity of gender in todays global village is made manifest by the counter-cultural roles a woman or man may play, for instance, as an army officer or househusband respectively. Nevertheless, fundamental gender inequality persists across most societies and cultures. Consequently, the essence of gender mainstreaming is necessary to promote gender equality by ensuring that government policies, legislations and institutions are equally responsive to the distinct interests, needs and priorities of women and men. The gender equality objective of mainstreaming should not be taken to imply sameness. Men and women are different and as Phillips (2000) correctly argues this difference ought to be

 celebrated but not used as a basis for deprivation or the denial of rights and privileges. Difference and equality, she asserts, are not mutually exclusive. The discourse on sex and gender reveals that human reality is gendered reality. Therefore, virtually everything about human existence, including conflict, is mediated by gender. And every issue is a gender issue. The next sub-section looks more closely at the gender dimensions of conflict.

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2.2 Conflict as a Gendered Experience

It bears repeating that conflict is not a gender-neutral space. Yet, the role gender plays in conflict, particularly masculinity, is often obscured by the issues and conditions relating directly to a given conflict context. Men and women interact with and are impacted by conflict in different ways (Bastick and Daniel de Torres, 2010). In general, conflict is simply the interaction of different and opposing aspirations and goals in which disputes are processed, but not definitely resolved (Harris and Reilly 1998:17). Conflict emerges when two or more actors are pursuing (real and perceived) incompatible goals at the same time. It is always present and is a natural part of human relationships and can be a positive force. In other words, most conflicts are not violent. However, where incompatibilities become entrenched conflict may degenerate into various forms of aggressive behaviour. Armed or violent conflict has often been associated with notions of masculinity, in this case referring to an aggressive type of masculinity that is embedded as an integral and symbolic part of military training (Lindsey, 2001:). Alemika (2001) asserts that it is this social construction of masculinity which he also labels patriarchal or hegemonic masculinity - that promotes violence and human rights violations against women, children and other men in peace times or conflict situations. Citing, Cock (2001), Valasek (2008:12) presents the South African Defence force as a clear example, In many countries, the institutional culture of the armed forces enforces certain masculinised values and behaviours, which in turn impact on the whole societys notion of masculinity. For instance, during the 1980s The SADF [South African Defence Force] was a crucial source of ideas about what behaviour was appropriate for white South African men. A number of SADF conscripts have emphasised that the core of military training was to inculcate aggressiveness and equate it with masculinity. This is not to suggest that men are naturally or always more aggressive than women. In fact, Shaffer (2005) examines genetic and other scientific evidence to reject biological determinism in favour of a more nuanced explanation based on personality, family upbringing, environmental and socioeconomic factors. Thus, it is possible to speak of competing masculinities (and femininities) where men and women do not always conform to culturally prescribed modes. Examples abound in Rwanda, the Middle East and other countries of women taking up arms, carrying out suicide bombings and torturing prisoners of war. In such instances of gender crossing, the costs of lack of gender conformity may be quite high. For example, in some societies when men refuse to join hostilities they are

8 [GENDER MAINSTREAMING]Conflict & Crisis Management/Para-Mallam O.J/2012 [G ridiculed, ostracized or killed. Likewise, women who cross the gender line to become soldiers, guerrillas or killers are labelled and regarded as deviant, de-sexed, unfeminine or unnatural (Lindsey, 2001:24). Widely acclaimed forms of masculinity and femininity usually showcase socially acceptable attributes attached to being male or female respectively, and reflect the dominant cultural ideology. Para-Mallam (2011) discusses how various Nigerian cultures privilege a command-and- control styled masculinity versus a passive and submissive femininity, which intersects with other socioeconomic forces to shape the material conditions of men and women as well as other social interactions such as the nature of governance and political leadership. Hence, it is possible to discern gendered character and impact of conflict through an examination of the roles of men and women in conflict and its differential effects on them. As noted earlier, men and boys constitute the majority of combatants in any armed conflict. In conventional inter-state wars, they also normally make up the first and highest number of fatalities. The larger proportion of civilian populations at risk during intra-state conflicts now means that women and girls feature high on the list of casualties. Lindsey (ibid.) identifies the nature of women and girls participation and ordeals in conflict depending on whether they are voluntary or involuntary participants or civilians as shown in Fig. 1 below. Fig. 1 portrays the varied and complex character of gender as a significant variable in conflict. It shows that women are not exclusively civilians or victims but may also play an active role in waging, supporting or inciting war. It further highlights the fact that their participation as direct combatants or behind-the-scenes supporters could be by compulsion whereby they are forced to serve as cooks, sex slaves and human shields to warring factions. Male participation and hardships in conflict span all these three categorizations. However, owing to the sexual division of labour underlying gender, they are less likely than their female counterparts to be victims and more likely to be the perpetrators of certain forms of violence. For instance, statistics show that about 49% of refugees and over 50% of IDPs are female in certain countries, with a significant number being children (El-Bushra and Fish, 2004:5,7). Women and children together comprise 75- 80% of all refugees (and possibly more of IDPs see UNCHR fact sheet in Appendix A). Finally, Fig. 1 shows that women are often the ones whose caregiving roles predispose them to initiate peace moves to end conflict and rebuild the bases of post-conflict social life. Conversely, after the initial peace overtures, men usually takeover peace negotiations and they are the primary actors and decision makers in post-conflict resolution processes. Indded, this was found to be the case in African states such as Rwanda, Somalia, Liberia and Sierra Leone (King, 2001). The Liberian Womens movement led by the Women in Peace Network (WIPNET) was central to ending the 14-year civil war (UNIFEM, 2010). Womens peace movements were instrumental in getting gender parity incorporated into the Arusha Agreement. Somalian women activists were instrumental in bringing warring factions to peace talks. Notwithstanding, their cardinal role in waging peace, womens peculiar experiences, interests and needs are often left out of dispute settlements and post-conflict reconstruction processes.

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Voluntary participants
Combatants * soldiers, guerillas *suicide bombers Supporters *Providers(e.g. shelter) *Cooks *Spies, informants, couriers *Inciters * Sex workers

Involuntary participants

Civilians

Combatants Child soldiers

IDPs

Caregivers to victims

Supporters * Cooks *Healthcare *Sex slaves or 'comfort women'

* Widows * orphans

* Human shileds *Traumatized wounded, maimed or dead victims

Peace initiators/ advocates

Fig. 1: Roles of Women and Girls in Conflict Situations

It is important to point out that the peculiar adversities women and girls (and indeed children in general) encounter during conflict are often an escalation of the sexual and gender-based violence that subsists in society during peace times. Until recently, SGBV was not acknowledged as a pervasive reality that affects overall human security and requires concerted official attention and action. According to a 2009/10 UNIFEM report (2010:7), it is an invisible yet critical impediment to peacebuilding. Table 1 below is culled from Valasek (2008:4) and displays various forms of SGBV in peace and conflict situations.

10 [GENDER MAINSTREAMING]Conflict & Crisis Management/Para-Mallam O.J/2012 According to a study carried out under the auspices of former United Nation Secretary- General, Kofi Anan, titled Ending Violence Against Women: From Words to Action (2006:1), violence against females, whether perpetrated by the state and its agents, family members and strangers in public and private spheres in peacetime or times of conflict, is a pervasive violation of human rights that persists in every country and undermines global progress towards equality, development and peace. SGBV warrants urgent global concern and action. In light of this, the international community developed a number of international agreements to govern the conduct of hostilities in relation to the right treatment of combatants, non-combatants, women and minors. In addition, since the 1990s a variety of gender-aware conflict and crisis management approaches have evolved in the search for peace and security. These treaties and approaches constitute the body of international laws and strategies that ought to inform gender-mainstreaming policy.

3 Legislative Frameworks for Gender-Sensitive Conflict Management

There is now a robust corpus of international war, humanitarian and human rights law to protect people in conflict and peace times as well as a growing body of knowledge on how conflict can be effectively managed at various stages to prevent or mitigate escalation. Major international conventions and treaties that specifically deal with the treatment of persons in conflict situations include: 1949 Geneva Convention and its 1977 Protocols International Convention Against Torture 1956 Convention on the Status of Refugees with 1967 Protocol 1979 Convention on the Elimination of all Forms of Discrimination against Women Various conventions on the use of weapons, mines and harmful substances Four UN Security Council Resolutions on women, peace and security o Resolution 1325 (2000) o Resolution 1820 (2008) o Resolution 1888 (2009) o Resolution 1889 (2009)

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Table 1SSR : Sex and Gender Based Violence in Peace and Conflict Situations Gender and Toolkit
Box 2 Examples of gender-based violence Men and boys
Gun violence Globally, it is estimated that every year over 1,000,000 people are injured by guns, over 200,000 are gun homicide victims and 50,000 are gun suicide victims.15 According to WHO, 90% of the casualties attributed to firearms are male.16 See Box 7 for more information. Child abuse WHO cites international studies that document sexual abuse of boys at a rate of 5-10%.18 Rape A 2000 survey of inmates in seven US mens prison facilities showed that 21% of the inmates had experienced at least one episode of pressured or forced sexual contact and at least 7% had been raped.20 Sex-selective massacres The Srebrenica massacre of July 1995, involved the killing of an estimated 8,000 Bosnian Muslim males.

Women and girls

Domestic violence A 2005 multi-country study by the World Health Organization (WHO) found that in most countries between 29% and 62% of women had experienced physical or sexual violence by an intimate partner.14 Human trafficking Annually, 500,000 to 700,000 women and girls are trafficked across international borders. 17 Sexual violence Increases in sexual violence have been documented before, during and after armed conflicts; for instance in Rwanda where estimates of the number of women and girls raped range from 15,700 500,000.19 Genital mutilation According to the United Nations Population Fund (UNFPA), 130 million girls and women have undergone female genital mutilation, and 2 million girls are at risk every year.

Source: Culled from Valasek (2008:4) Gender mainstreaming is the process of assessing The general body of international humanitarian law for women and men of any planned the implications action, Gender The general body of internal law including legislation, policies or programmes, strategies forhuman rights in all areas and at all levels. It is a strategy for making security sector reform womens as well as mens concerns and experiences In addition to these, the United Nations High an Commission for Refugees has instituted a integral dimension of the design, implementation, monitoring and evaluation of policies and programmes number of provisions and guidelines for the prevention and response to SGBV. There are in all spheres so that women and men benefit equally Two complementary strategies can be used to also new tools tailored towards managing deep-rooted, identity-based, intra-state conflicts and inequality is not perpetuated.23 integrate gender issues the particular needs and characteristic of modern-day situations in Africa. According to the realist roles of men, women, boys and girls conflict into SSR and Gender mainstreaming means the useful impact of all security institutions: gender mainstreaming and theoretical perspective adopted by IDEA (1998), in such contexts it is that more and SSR policies and programmes on women, men, boys promoting the equal participation of men and women. pragmatic to talk about conflict management rather than conflict resolution. The former is and girls should be considered at every stage of the These strategies can be applied both to the SSR a process that addresses conflict in a series programme cycle, including assessment, planning, process itself (e.g. by ensuring gender training forof how-tos: implementation, monitoring and evaluation. For personnel responsible for SSR policy and planning) example, mainstreaming gender into an SSR and to the institutions undergoing SSR (e.g. by including gender How to deal with it in a constructive way, how to bring opposing assessment involves including questions to identify training for new recruits as part of a police reform process). sides together in a co-operative the process, how to faced design a women, girls different insecurities by men, and boys.for The the results of the assessment might in turn practical, achievable, co-operative system constructive highlight the need to include gender initiatives, and/or management of difference. IDEA (1998:20 emphasis added) initiatives that address the particular security needs of 4.1 Gender mainstreaming women, men, boys or girls within the SSR process. Gender initiatives focus on enhancing the security Understanding the role of women is important when Conversely, Omeje (2008) argues from a critical theory perspective in favour sectors awareness of and response to of theconflict different building stability in an area If women are the daily security experiences, needs and roles of men, resolution and conflict transformation, which respectively emphasise the need to deal with breadwinners and provide food and water for their women, girls and boys. the underlying causes of conflict and transforming its wider social, economic and political families, patrolling the areas where women work will

Anti-gay violence A study by the Russian Lesbian, Gay, Bisexual or Transgender Network of over 3,500 gay and lesbian participants revealed that 26.5% of respondents had been victims of physical violence motivated by hatred based on sexual orientation.21

increase security and allow them to continue. This is a tactical assessment Creating conditions for a functioning everyday life is vital from a security perspective. It provides a basis for stability. Brigadier Karl Engelbrektson, Force Commander of

Examples Integrating gender issues into the core training for justice sector personnel including lawyers, judges and administration staff. I Initiating a gender budget analysis of government public security spending to ensure that funds are
I

12 [GENDER MAINSTREAMING]Conflict & Crisis Management/Para-Mallam O.J/2012 contexts so as to produce lasting peace. This papers is not concerned about the process of managing actual conflicts but how the different gendered interests, needs and priorities of men and women can be equitably factored into various conflict stages (and attendant management processes). Brahm (2003) outlined seven widely discussed stages and shown in Fig. 2. Suffice it to note here that women and men have unique needs at each conflict stage, which must be considered for effective gender mainstreaming.

Source: Eric Brahm (2003) Conflict Stages

Fig. 2: The Seven Stages of Conflict

For the purposes of gender mainstreaming in conflict and crisis Reimann (2001) collapses conflict into three phases: Pre-conflict situation Open conflict, and Post-conflict situation Omeje (2008) provides further definitional clarity by providing analytic distinctions that are useful for understanding the gender dimension of conflict. Citing Fisher et al. 2000:6, Omeje (2008:70) explains that, [O]pen conflict is deep-rooted and very visible, and may require actions that address both root causes and the visible effects; latent conflict occurs underground or below the surface and may need to be brought into the open before it can be effectively addressed; and surface conflict has shallow or no roots and may only be a misunderstanding of goals that can be addressed by means of improved communication.

2012/Para-Mallam, O.J/Conflict & Crisis Management [GENDER MAINSTREAMING] 13 The analysis of Fisher et al. sheds more light on engagements between gender and conflict. Gender-related conflicts are often latent, taking place in the privacy of homes or intimate relationships and obscured from public view or censorship by the normalizing effect of tradition (cultural and religious) and institutionalized bias. This is why issues like sexual exploitation; domestic violence and other forms of gender discrimination must be brought into the open and situated within the discourse on conflict and crisis management. Bearing the analytic distinctions of Fisher et al. in mind, the next section employs Reimanns three- stage model to discuss gender mainstreaming as a strategy for instituting effective gender- sensitive conflict management approaches.

4 Gender Mainstreaming: What, Why & How?

Gender mainstreaming is a multi-dimensional and cross-sectoral political strategy or process that seeks to rectify the imbalances brought about by gender difference, discrimination and inequality. It is increasingly being adopted by international agencies and national governments to address a broad range of social, political and economic problems produced by entrenched gender bias. However, it is not merely an exercise in political correctness (Valasek, 2008:1). It is also a pragmatic growth and efficiency process that envisions a specific end-state, which is gender equality as a precursor to holistic human development. This is why women and girls appear to be the specific targets of gender mainstreaming in the bid to provide remedies for historic, systemic and structural disadvantage. The gender equality objective of mainstreaming should not be taken to imply sameness. Men and women are different and as Phillips (2000) correctly argues this difference ought to be celebrated but not used as a basis for deprivation or the denial of rights and privileges. Difference and equality, she asserts, are not mutually exclusive. In summary, gender mainstreaming involves factoring the diverse ways that gender affects social status and well-being into all policy processes and frameworks. Gender- mainstreaming tools and techniques have been developed for every sector including broad- based security sector reform (SSR) with a view to improving the chances for equity, justice and peace. Gender mainstreaming in conflict and crisis management is important because it acts as a lens that exposes the hidden role of masculinity in the nature and evolution of conflict as well as the distinct challenges conflict presents for men and women respectively. Moreover, it draws attention to the various forms culture-induced gender behaviour and bias may take as well as their impacts in both public and private spaces (Reimann, 2012). Combatants are not just people but men (or women) with gendered attitudes, behaviours and experiences. Furthermore, female biology and social positioning make women and girls vulnerable to peculiar forms of violence. Consequently, wherever gender mainstreaming pinpoints or provides measures to remedy plays these it plays a crucial role in promoting human security. A 2001 ECOSOC fact sheet presents a salient point that aptly summarizes what gender mainstreaming does and does not involve,

14 [GENDER MAINSTREAMING]Conflict & Crisis Management/Para-Mallam O.J/2012 Mainstreaming is not about adding on a womens component, or even a gender equality component, to an existing activity. It involves more than increasing womens participation. Mainstreaming situates gender equality issues at the centre of policy decisions, medium-term plans, programme budgets, and institutional structures and processes. Mainstreaming entails bringing the perceptions, experience, knowledge and interests of women as well as men to bear on policy- making, planning and decision-making. Mainstreaming can reveal a need for changes in goals, strategies and actions to ensure that both women and men can influence, participate in and benefit from development processes. It can require changes in organizations structures, procedures and cultures to create organizational environments which are conducive to the promotion of gender equality. Let us consider how this may be achieved in light of the three conflict stages referred to earlier as well as best practices that exhibit cardinal gender mainstreaming requirements: Pre-conflict situation: coincides with the Brahms latent and emerging conflict phases before the eruption of hostilities. At this point certain forms of SGBV (e.g. incest, domestic violence, rape) may be hidden from public view. Also, underground incitation to engage in conflict may take place through the construction or resurgence of destructive narratives that demonize the enemy. The Justice Niki Tobi report observed this in its 2002 report on the Jos conflict where it noted that political, community and ethno-religious leaders were inciting youth to take up arms long before the outbreak of violence. Another key aspect of conflict present in this phase (and indeed often underlying every phase) is what Galtung (1990) identifies as structural violence described in Omeje (2008:70) as, violence of an insidious nature, such as exploitative and oppressive relationships typically built into the diverse social structures and institutions of a society. This is an excellent characterization of the unequal power relations and established arrangements underlying the gender dimensions of conflict. It typifies the socially sanctioned web of constraints that enable gender-based violence to thrive. o Gender Mainstreaming Requirements: Comprehensive security sector reform (SSR) involving gender aware and human rights education and (re-)training for all security personnel, particularly the police Grass roots awareness creation and information dissemination on the real issues underlying conflict Sensitization of the media to gender issues in conflict Creation of gender focal points (in clinics, hospitals, schools, police stations) where vulnerable people have access to support services

2012/Para-Mallam, O.J/Conflict & Crisis Management [GENDER MAINSTREAMING] 15 delivered by professionals (psychotherapists, clinical psychologists, counsellors, lawyers etc.) who are well-trained in gender and conflict management Effective law enforcement mechanisms to prevent and punish SGBV Early response system providing effective communication channels to users as well as prompt gender-specific services easily accessible to men and women. This is essential to effective humanitarian assistance during crises Open conflict situation: Coincides with the conflict escalation, hurting and initiation of peace negotiation phases. Open conflict is characterised by visible physical violence, internal displacement, military deployments and family breakdown. During this phase there is usually psychological trauma from direct involvement or witnessing conflict or from experiencing loss. o Gender Mainstreaming Requirements: Training and inclusion of female security personnel among all peace- keeping personnel deployed Establishment of itinerant and stationary trauma counselling, rape crisis centres, shelters and telephone helplines for survivors/victims of violence Early response and relief materials and services that target gender- specific needs Creation of gender focal points (e.g. clinics, schools and other public institutions) where vulnerable groups have access to support services Effective law enforcement mechanisms to punish SGBV in IDP/ refugee camps and other spaces Deliberate policy to provide platforms for a cross-section of grassroots groups to participate in peace talks and be represented in decision-making bodies

Post-conflict situation: Coincides with the de-escalation of hostilities, dispute

settlement and post-conflict peace building. This phase is marked by increased peace moves, talks and varying degrees of return to normalcy. o Gender Mainstreaming Requirements: Intentional inclusion of vulnerable groups such as minorities, women and youth in all peace negotiation processes. Recognition for womens conflict management styles in such processes All conflict mediation, resolution, negotiation and truth and

Structural violence refers to violence of an insidious nature, such as exploitative and oppressive relationships typically built into the diverse social structures and institutions of a society.

16 [GENDER MAINSTREAMING]Conflict & Crisis Management/Para-Mallam O.J/2012 reconciliation/ bodies and processes should include women as to facilitate transitional justice to healing and closure. African experiences with peace building underscore the importance of indigenous approaches to promote reconciliation and post-conflict rehabilitation at the grassroots level (Malan, 2008; Omeje, 2008). Examples of relative success with indigenous peace building approaches include gacaca in Rwanda and Ubuntu in east and southern Africa Create a culture and a climate characterized by the rule of law and due process so that people gain access to societal resources based on clearly defined unbiased criteria Comprehensive SSR with gender impact assessment (GIA) as a key component Special needs packages for amputees, widows, orphans and the destitute

WHO (20?) makes the crucial point that gender (and by implication gender mainstreaming) is not something that can be consigned to "watchdogs" in a single office, since no single office could possibly involve itself in all phases of each of an organizations activities. Neither should it be relegated to a womens ghetto as the sole responsibility of a womens ministry or similar office. This does not preclude gender desks to monitor gender compliance in all public institutions. It emphasizes a system-wide approach with all hands on deck (Bastick and Daniel de Torres, 2010). At all phases of conflict, as well as during peace times, gender-mainstreaming strategies must, therefore, include the following: Conscientization and mobilization of women at all levels, particularly the grassroots to ensure build female capacity to strategize for long-term structural transformation of inequitable gender power relations Gender-aware planning and training for all public and security sector personnel. Deliberate involvement of men and boys in human rights/ sexual and reproductive rights education, mobilization and campaigning. This serves the dual purpose of awareness creation and getting men, as gatekeepers to the political power required for effective policy implementation, to speak to men and get them to take responsibility for change (Chant and Gutmann, 2000) Media and cultural advocacy using gender-sensitive language and symbols to counteract pervasive gender stereotyping and bias entrenched by culture and religion. Sardar (2008) articulates the centrality of language use as a form of social action to underscore the salient role of gender-inclusive language in producing attitudinal and behavioural change. Promotion of public dialogues on SGBV in order to remove the shroud of secrecy and the culture of shame that fosters a blame-the-victim culture and perpetuates impunity in perpetrators of violence Appropriate legislation and law enforcement mechanisms to ensure compliance with gender mainstreaming policy objectives

2012/Para-Mallam, O.J/Conflict & Crisis Management [GENDER MAINSTREAMING] 17 These strategies are essential for transforming the gender architecture of institutional norms and behaviour and for building or strengthening institutional capacity to produce gender equitable policy outcomes. With specific reference to security sector policy, Valasek (2008:12) provides an analytical framework for assessing the suitability of policy objectives in terms of the extent to which they mainstream gender concerns. The framework consists of the following questions: What is the policy trying to achieve, and who will benefit? Does the policy meet the different security needs of men, women, boy and girls? Are GBV issues such as domestic violence and human trafficking, being addressed? Is prevention included? Is the emphasis on national or human security? Is the policy in line with international, regional and national mandates on gender issues? Is the policy meant to overcome gender inequalities or eliminate barriers and, if so, should there be a gender equality objective? Is gender-specific and gender-sensitive language included? What do men and women, including gender/womens CSOs or other Ministry of Women, say about the issues and outcomes?

5 Conclusion

In this paper I have demonstrated the gendered character of conflict as a premise for mainstreaming gender issues, interests, needs and priorities in all conflict management and policy processes. This is essential for securing genuine and lasting peace. The final point left to be made about gender mainstreaming in conflict and crisis management is that the structural change in gender power relations that mainstreaming envisages is part of a process towards a gender-inclusive democratic culture where the principles of good governance hold sway. For this reason, a gender mainstreaming process that is both vertical (i.e. addresses issues of structural inequality embedded in social institutions and processes) and horizontal (i.e. remedies dysfunctional relations between men and women) is likely to be most effective.

18 [GENDER MAINSTREAMING]Conflict & Crisis Management/Para-Mallam O.J/2012 ALEMIKA, Etannibi E.O. (2001). Pattern of Gender Violence and Gender Discrimination in the North Central States of Nigeria paper presented at the workshop on Gender Violence and Poverty organised by the Office of the Special Adviser to the President on Women Affairs, at the Hill Station Hotel, Jos, Nigeria, 11th July, 2001. BASTICK, Megan and de TORRES, Daniel (2010) Implementing the Women, Peace and Security Resolutions in Security Sector Reform Gender and SSR Toolkit INSTRAW & DCAF: Geneva. BRAHM, Eric (2003) Conflict Stages http://www.beyondintractability.org/bi- essay/conflict-stages CHANT, Sylvia and GUTMANN, Matthew (2000) Mainstreaming Men into Gender and Development: Debates, Reflections and Experiences.. Oxfam Working Papers. Oxfam: Great Britain. LASLETT, B and BRENNER, J. (1989) Gender and Social Reproduction: Historical Perspectives in Annual Review of Sociology. Vol 15 pp 381-404. http://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pubmed/12316382 EL-BUSHRA, Judith and FISH, Kelly (2004) Refugees and Internally Displaced Persons in Inclusive Security, Sustainable Peace: a Toolkit for Advocacy and Action. Pp 1-17. International Alert, UK and Women Waging Peace, USA. HAGG, Gerard and KAGWANJA, Peter (2007) Identity and Peace: Reconfiguring Conflict Resolution in Africa African Journal for Conflict Resolution Vol. 7 No. 2. Pp. 9-38 HARRIS, Peter and REILLY, Ben (1998) Democracy and Deep-Rooted Conflict: Options for Negotiators. IDEA: Stockholm, Sweden. HEYZER, Noeleen (2004) Women, War and Peace: Mobilising for Peace and Security in the 21st Century The 2004 Dag Hammarskjld Lecture. Dag Hammarskjld Foundation: Uppsala, Sweden. LINDSEY, Charlotte (2001) Women Facing War. International Committee of the Red Cross: Geneva, Switzerland. KABEER, Naila (2003) Gender Mainstreaming in Poverty Eradication and the Millennium Development Goals: A handbook for policy-makers and other stakeholders. Commonwealth Secretariat: UK. KING, Angela (2001) Women and Conflict Management in Africa being a keynote address delivered at the 3rd International Conference of the Africa Leadership Forum and the Africa Womens Forum, in Uganda on 22/01/2001 by Assistant General and Special Advisor on Gender Issues and the Advancement of Women to the UN Secretary General. MALAN, Jannie (2008) Understanding Transitional Justice in Africa in David J. Francis (ed.) Peace and Conflict in Africa. Zed Books: London, New York. OMEJE, Kenneth C. (2008) Understanding Conflict Resolution in Africa in David J. Francis (ed.) Peace and Conflict in Africa. Zed Books: London, New York. PARA-MALLAM, O.J. (2004) Gender Dimensions of Peace and Security: Issues for Nigeria. In D. A. Briggs and J. Sanda (eds.) Issues of Peace and Security in Nigeria. NIPSS Press: Kuru, 2004.

Bibliography

2012/Para-Mallam, O.J/Conflict & Crisis Management [GENDER MAINSTREAMING] 19 PARA-MALLAM, O.J. (2011) No Woman Wrapper in a Husbands House: The Cultural Production of Hegemonic Masculinity in Nigeria. In Olufemi Obafemi and Ahmed Yerima (eds) Cultural Studies: Concepts, Theories and Practice. National Institute Press, Kuru & Haytee.Press and Publishing Company, Ilorin REIMANN, Cordula (2001) Towards Gender Mainstreaming in Crisis Prevention and Conflict Management: Guidelines for the German Technical Cooperation. Deutsche Gesellschaft fr Technische Zusammenarbeit (GTZ) GmbH: Germany. SARDAR, Ziauddin (2008) The Language of Equality. A Discussion Paper. Equality and Human Rights Commission, Arndale House: Manchester. SHAFFER, David R. (2005) Social and Personality Development. Fifth Edition. Wadsworth: USA. UNCHR, (2003) Sexual and Gender-Based Violence Against Refugees, Returnees and Internally Displaced Persons: Guidelines for Prevention and Response. UNCHR: Geneva. UNIFEM (2010) Annual Report 2009-2010. UNIFEM: New York, USA. VANDER ZANDEN, James W (1990). Sociology: The Core. 2nd Edition, USA: McGraw-Hill Publishing Company. VOLF, Miroslav (1996) Exclusion and Embrace. A Theological Exploration of Identity, Otherness and Reconciliation. Abingdon Press: USA. WALDORF, Lee with INGLIS, Shelley (?) Pathway to Equality: CEDAW, Beijing and the MDGs. UNIFEM: New York. WALLENSTEEN, Peter (2007) Understanding Conflict Resolution. 2nd edition. Sage: London. WILLIAMS, Suzanne with Janet Seed and Adelina Mwau (1994) The Oxfam Gender Training Manual OXFAM: UK.

Internet Pages and Fact Sheets

http://www.who.int/gender/mainstreaming/en/ http://www.un.org/womenwatch/osagi/gendermainstreaming.htm http://www.un.org/womenwatch/osagi/conceptsandefinitions.htm http://www.ivillage.co.uk/women-refugees-the-facts-and-statistics/80018

20 [GENDER MAINSTREAMING]Conflict & Crisis Management/Para-Mallam O.J/2012

Appendix A: UNHCR Fact Sheet

Women refugees: The facts and statistics The following facts, supplied by the United Nations High Commission for Refugees, illustrate the startling truth about the suffering of women There are approximately 50 million uprooted people around the world - refugees who have sought safety in another country and people displaced within their own country. Between 75-80 per cent of them are women and children. The United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees cares for 21.8 million of these people. Around half of them are women and girls. The majority of people flee their homes because of war and the proportion of war victims who are civilians leaped in recent decades from five per cent to over 90 per cent of casualties. Eighty per cent of casualties by small arms are women and children, who far outnumber military casualties. Domestic violence is the most widespread form of abuse against women, with between one quarter and one half of women having been abused by a partner. Only 44 countries specifically protect women against domestic violence. Females are subjected to widespread sexual abuse. In Bosnia and Rwanda rape became a deliberate aim of war. More than 20,000 Muslim women were raped in Bosnia in a single year, 1992, and a great majority of the female survivors of Rwanda's 1994 genocide were assaulted. One in five women worldwide are victims of rape, many by known attackers. Between 40-60 per cent of sexual assaults are committed against girls younger than 16. More than 300,000 youngsters, many of them female refugees, are currently serving as child soldiers around the world. The girls are often forced into different forms of sexual slavery. More than 16.4 million women today have HIV/AIDS and in the last few years the percentage of women infected has risen from 41 to 47 per cent of the affected population. In sub-Saharan Africa, teenage girls are five times more likely to be infected than boys. The introduction of sex education and safety procedures can have dramatic results. In

2012/Para-Mallam, O.J/Conflict & Crisis Management [GENDER MAINSTREAMING] 21 Uganda, the rates of sexual infection among educated women dropped by more than half between 1995 and 1997. The majority of trafficked people are women, especially those bound for the world's sex industries. Females are particularly vulnerable to trafficking because many have little individual security, economic opportunity or property or land ownership. Many victims are kidnapped or sold into slavery by their own families. An estimated 45,000 households in Rwanda are headed by children; 90 per cent of them girls. An estimated 1.3 billion people worldwide, 70 per cent of them women, live in absolute poverty on less than $1 a day. * Extract taken from REFUGEES magazine, produced by UNHCR http://www.ivillage.co.uk/women-refugees-the-facts-and-statistics/80018 24/09/2012 Read more: Women refugees: The facts and statistics | iVillage UK http://www.ivillage.co.uk/women-refugees-the-facts-and- statistics/80018#ixzz27Orfvn3u Parenting: Information & advice