Connecting Immigration, Terrorism and Security: To What Extent Has 9/11 Acted as a Catalyst for the Securitization of Immigration

in the UK? A dissertation submitted to the University of Manchester for the degree of BA (Econ) Politics Student number: 74457662 Word Count: 14,349 Abstract The securitization of immigration in the aftermath of the terrorist attacks of 9/11 has acted as a major point of contention in modern security discourse. From a British perspective, the securitization of immigration is a nuanced issue that this dissertation will cover in a suitably considered approach that will aim to satisfy the complexity of such an issue. An exploration of the links between immigration, terrorism and security this dissertation will seek to analyse the role of 9/11 as a catalyst for the securitization of immigration in the UK. Through an analysis of securitization theory this dissertation will endeavour to cover potential shortcomings in existing literature to examine the securitization of immigration from a considered and reasoned viewpoint that will address the issue from a subtly different viewpoint. In considering the link that has been constructed between immigration, terrorism and security this dissertation will build on existing securitization theory whilst expanding on the lack of discussion that has made the securitization of immigration in the UK a reality. Contents Introduction: Continuity, Crisis and Rupture.......................................................................... 4

Time, temporality and radical discontinuity.. 9 Connecting Security, Terrorism & Immigration: A review of existing literature..18 An analysis of media representations of immigration in the UK, pre and post9/1129 Government reaction in the aftermath of 9/1140 Public perception of immigration 47 Conclusion: 9/11 as catalyst or continuation? ..52 Introduction: Continuity, Crisis and Rupture. Although it is only with the benefit of hindsight and history that the full gravitas of events that occurred on the morning of Tuesday September 11 th 2001 can be fully understood, the fact that such attacks have entered the English language as a signifier of the day the world changed for ever speaks volumes for true impact of such horrific events. The statistics alone are shocking: 2,749 dead, over 17,000 injured or hospitalized with the clean up and rescue operations of what immediately become known as Ground Zero requiring the efforts of 18,000 individuals to try and lift the city back on to its feet. The attacks destroyed far more than the buildings and the lives of those caught up in the tragedy, they also acted to destroy the notions of security and identity that the West relies on to forge its identity. The Twin Towers were carefully selected as

targets representing the hegemonic dominance of the West in the post Cold War era, bringing into question the Western discourse of power for which the US most prominently represented. Such an event illustrated that the hegemonic power of the West was vulnerable, calling into question the security enjoyed that was previously accepted as a normalised truth and it is this consideration that opens up a multitude of research paths. This paper will seek to analyse the effects of 9/11 on the connection between security, immigration and terrorism through the study of four bodies of understanding, separate in their individual scope but bound by their relevance to understanding the ways in which 9/11 has acted to incubate this connection. An analysis of the concept of time will act as the first target for examination. The theories of radical discontinuity and temporality espoused by Lee Jarvis will serve as a reference point to the study of 9/11 as a turning point in British policy and opinion towards immigration. This paper will not seek to simply define the extent that attitudes towards immigration have changed since 9/11 but also to ascertain whether 9/11 truly acted as a break from traditional policy or merely as a factor that served to accelerate the securitization of immigration as a continuation of existing legislation. The ways in which immigration has been securitized will act as a base for the further points of study. A dissection of the role that media has played in the securitization of immigration will contribute further to an understanding of the impact of 9/11 on the securitization process. If securitization relies on the acceptance of public opinion that an issue is worthy of special political attention then it is clear that the media plays a hugely influential role in such an acceptance. The cyclic relationship between public opinion and the media is thus an issue that cannot be ignored, a key influence in the organization of society that will permeate this study. Through a study of the way in which minority groups are depicted as a threat to the naturalised order of a given society, in this case a British way of life

threatened by immigration the nature and impact of 9/11 as a catalyst on such a process will be explored. Linking neatly into the role of the media and its impact on public opinion, the actions of the British government through rhetoric and policy to proliferate the belief that immigration and security are directly linked will be considered as the third area of study. After an analysis of the Copenhagen School of securitization theory, the role of speech dominant actors who will move to securitize an issue through speech acts will form an integral part of my research. I view the state as a formidable example of a speech dominant actor and thus the role of the British government in depicting immigration as a threat before and after 9/11 will broaden this study. Particularly important to consider is the changing nature of government policy towards immigration in the period immediately after 9/11, with the idea that the attacks acting as a catalyst for the change we have witnessed a central line of enquiry that I will cover. Finally, the perception of the British public in regards to immigration will be addressed as perhaps the true benchmark into understanding whether 9/11 indeed acted as a catalyst for the securitization of immigration in the UK. The securitization of an issue can be seen as resting on the acceptance of a threat by the audience to whom it is pitched and thus without a study of public opinion a true understanding of the extent of securitization is limited. It is clear that the vast amounts of literature already published on the subject of 9/11 and immigration make the need for original analysis and dissection all the more important. I aim for this dissertation to address the issues in something of an original light and to avoid the dogma that is attached to research of this kind. Put simply, this paper is concerned with the notion of change in the connection of security, immigration and terrorism and the ways in which such a connection has been linked with the British situation in the post-9/11 era. In considering this concept of change the notion of 9/11 acting as a catalyst for this change will be

explored in depth. Furthermore, the ways in which the three phenomena have become to be so synonymous with each other will act as a serious route of inquiry to ascertain how and indeed why their connection has been made so prominent. Though also important avenues of research, this paper does not deal directly with the American approach to immigration nor will any examination of American policy be made. References to the American situation and immigration are inevitable in a study such as this but it is important that the focus on the British situation is clearly articulated as a benchmark for this paper. In assessing the impact of 9/11 on three distinct yet interconnected aspects of the securitization process and also in relation to the concept of time, a matrix of analysis will be constructed and it is with such a matrix that the nuanced effects of 9/11 can be considered from a British perspective. The issue of whether immigration has been securitized at all must also be questioned, determining whether 9/11 did indeed affect the UK in the ways that have been claimed. Through such analysis I aim to consider the impact of 9/11 on immigration in a UK in a way that I feel has not been fully considered by present academic literature in a way that will contribute to the current body of work on the subject. Through exploring the links between immigration, terrorism and security and the ways in which they directly relate to a British reading of 9/11 and its impact on immigration I intend to expand on the existing debate to reach a new level of understanding that will in turn contribute to this field of study. Time, temporality and radical discontinuity. Any study of the effects of 9/11 must consider time as a central point of interest. The role that time plays in the discourse of crisis and security has crucial implications in the analysis of the effects of 9/11 on the British political landscape and this chapter will serve to explore the role that 9/11 played in facilitating a break from traditional immigration policy. This chapter will seek to introduce the

notion that 9/11 acted to facilitate a break from traditional past and sentiment, framed as an event that would prevent any return to a previous state of being. The role that notions of time and temporality inhabit in our study of social phenomena is clearly an issue that is worthy of special attention in the assessment of 9/11 and the War on Terror not just as a single event but as a political discourse that has served to unite disparate political aims and agendas into a single conceptual idiom. To claim a single framework on which we can base our conceptions of study is at best misguided and at worst dangerously nave. Any belief in a metanarrative that is in some way capable of linking our past to the future is a fundamentally flawed route of enquiry. Any structure is in fact the result of a multifaceted and complex system of historical struggle and conflict and in acknowledging this belief, it follows that any attempt to construct a single narrative linking different aspects of this structure is merely human construction. From this standpoint that the political discourse of the War on Terror must be considered using Laclau's approach. In contending that objects rely on the discursive field constructed around them to come into the reality that we associate with them we can use this framework to consider 9/11 in such a way as to distance the attacks from the furore that surrounded them and focus on the discourse that has been used to frame them as a facilitating break from existing policy. Time and discourse The discourse constructed in the aftermath of 9/11 is of crucial importance in assessing the role of 9/11 as a catalyst for the securitization of immigration. The aftermath of 9/11, one of almost unparalleled mourning and anxiety can be seen as allowing for the event to be framed with the use of time in such a way as to allow unprecedented action in a way not possible before. Lee Jarvis' exploration of social time provides a key tool in assessing the role of 9/11 as a complete break in traditional arrangements and as the legitimizing factor in an age now defined by exceptionalism. An exploration of social time can be seen as crucial in the way that

it allows an exploration into the significance of particular events or issues in relation to their position within defined socio-political contexts. Bash summarises the notion of social time as referring to: the temporal modalities which, integral to the reality constructions that inform everyday life in a given society, serve as part of an inquiry's substantivebase - its date source Manners of construing relations between past, present and future and weighing them in terms of their relative salience in everyday life. In considering such a description, the implications of time to a study of 9/11 and its role as a catalyst become clear. This paper aims to understand the role that 9/11 played in the changing UK landscape by analysing the situation regarding immigration in the periods before and after 9/11 and thus a notion of social time is important in the way that it allows an exploration of the meaning of events in relation to the timeframe in which they occurred, allowing for an exploration of theoretical questions of cultural relativity. The post 9/11 era can only be understood when analysed in comparison to the period before the attacks. Such a distinction is at the heart of this paper and will aim to drive forward the debate in a way I contend has not been sufficiently addressed. Radical discontinuity The consideration of time in assessing the role of 9/11 as a catalyst for the securitization of immigration in the UK can thus be seen as opening up new avenues in which such events can be more fully explored. Jarvis also explores a notion of narrative time, most notably in the form of radical discontinuity. In relation to 9/11, I view radical discontinuity as a crucial notion, articulating the process which has seen immigration securitized in the UK through three different stages:

1.

A claim to a semblance of calm and stability at a specific historical time.

The period of relative security in the years proceeding 9/11. Although the West clearly faced security threats at this time they had not manifested themselves in any concrete way and were thus not constructed as needing immediate and extraordinary attention.
2.

The occurrence of a significant event that acts to serve as a fracture in the previously stable configuration of events that in turn creates and brings something new into fruition.

The 9/11 attacks themselves and the mass hysteria proliferated by government policy, media hysteria and public opinion in the immediate aftermath followed by the articulation of the War on Terror.
3.

The return to a period of stability and uniformity. Crucially one that is entirely distinct from the original situation.

The situation in which we arguably find ourselves in the present day, with the issue of immigration securitized due to the efforts of speech dominant actors in politicizing such an issue. The presence of immigrants has now been turned from a low level social issue to a politicized one high on the security agenda. It can be seen then that the events surrounding 9/11 and the response by Western states can be framed in terms of radical discontinuity. 9/11 has become to be depicted as a clear and indisputable turning point in international relations, a buzzword referencing a change in events as clear and as total as to legitimize and justify the actions that have followed. In this light, the idea of a 9/11 as a catalyst for securitization is clear. Framed as a complete break from normality, 9/11 acted to legitimize extreme measures from speech dominant actors crucial in the securitization process. The process of securitization relies heavily on the ability to convince an audience that an issue is worthy of special treatment and it is only

when an event brings into question our conceptions of identity and self that the audience may be more easily convinced that certain issues, in this case immigration need to be recontextualised, thus allowing the securitization process to take place. The situation of mourning and anxiety almost universally prevalent in the 9/11 aftermath served to result in the perfect combination of event and emotion that set the wheels of securitization into motion. Departure and fracture in an irreversible post-9/11 era Building on this idea of 9/11 being framed as an example of radical discontinuity, the way in which the event was framed as being an irreversible departure from existing policy and outlook as an event of supreme historical significance and temporal discontinuity. Tony Blair's comments at the Labour party conference just weeks after the attacks are marked by the sense of absolute confidence and totality in depicting 9/11 as an event so significant that any regression to the world of old would be impossible. On October 2nd 2001 he stated It was the events of September 11 that marked a turning point in history, where we confront the dangers of the future and assess the choices facing humankind, proliferating the view that 9/11 acted not only as a rupture to the semblance of calm that existed before but as an event that prevented any possible return to the past and a moment that triggered a change from and old time to a new era of world politics. The American response to the attacks was similarly clear to frame a transition into a new world. Vice-President Dick Cheney's assertion from mid- September 2001 goes as far as to present 9/11 as a world defining event, asserting that The world shifted in some respects and mirroring the efforts of President Bush to depict the attacks in such an epoch defining light, himself declaring None of us will ever forget this day yet we go forward to defend freedom and all that is good and just in our world.Such rhetoric is a key component of the role of the speech dominant actor in the security process and it is clear that the issue of time was emphasized as a defining moment in history. Following on from this rhetoric, the framing of 9/11

as something of a warning for the possibility of future terrorist attacks served to create the idea that not only was terrorism a very real and imminent danger but also one filled with the insecurity of the emergence of a new and undefined challenge to our existence in Western liberal democracy. The positioning of 9/11 as essentially a shift in paradigm not only acted to frame the attacks as a wake up call to the existence of terrorism but as a harbinger of a new form of threat to the existence of the West and one that required a new form of measures to be successfully dealt with. It is this depiction of 9/11 as break from the past that has implications with the issue of immigration. The concept of time has acted and will continue to act as a key instrument in the securitization of immigration in the UK. If an enemy can be seen as causing a rupture in the procedural status quo of liberal politics then such a break from normality can be used to create a sense of emergency requiring exceptional and extraordinary measures to address the issue at hand and secure the survival of community or state. If 9/11 can be successfully framed as being a radical break from a formerly stable past then the actions taken by speech dominant actors to politicize immigration and secure the referent object have a significantly higher chance of being accepted by the audience. Time is a concept that will be referred to throughout this paper, the study of 9/11 as an absolute break from a formerly stable past being a key issue when considering the role of 9/11 as a catalyst for the securitization of immigration in the UK. Such notions of time are also useful when considering the discourse which has been created around 9/11 to depict it the way that it has, as an epoch defining event that demanded extraordinary measures to combat new threats. Such considerations also have implications for the methodology that will be employed in this paper as discussed below. In appreciating the nature of discourse used to frame 9/11 a methodological approach that appreciates this idea must be used. A dissection of the different ways in which the attacks have been framed in order to facilitate a

break from the past as well as the connections between immigration, terrorism and security lie at the heart of this dissertation and an appropriate methodology is outlined below. Methodology The multi dimensional nature of the research question that shall be explored in this paper necessitates a methodology that is suited to the breadth and variation of research material that is to be explored and it is to this end that a suitable methodology must be articulated to ground this paper in a systematic framework of analysis. The research material used will be obtained from a variety of sources ranging from academic journals to books to newspaper articles and political speeches. The bulk of the analytical side of this paper will revolve around exploring forms of text in order to deconstruct and draw new meaning from them before making new conclusions and to this end a hermeneutic approach seems most appropriate. Hermeneutics is centered around the interpretation of meaning and thus has clear relevance to the analysis of the written word that acts as an issue of primary concern in this paper. Gadamer asserts that language inhabits a central role in the understanding of the world around us, and this idea of language as the fundamental mode of operation in the interpretation of actions of others has particular relevance to the study of both securitization and immigration. The study of the securitization of immigration must concern itself with an examination of intolerance and the complex reasons behind such sentiments. As an extension of this point, an investigation into the transformative nature that language and its interpretation can have on the forming of identity and self relates directly to the articulation of threats in the securitization process: speech dominant actors must be able to persuade their audience that an issue is a threat to the relevant referent object and the language which they use to achieve this is of crucial importance in the understanding behind the politicization of an issue needed to move it to the

level of a security threat. In short, language clearly holds an important power in moulding our perceptions of the world and a hermeneutics approach will allow for the most useful deconstruction and understanding of this fact. Connecting Security, Terrorism & Immigration: A review of existing literature The UK has been depicted as something of a safe haven for terrorists in the period following 9/11 by the tabloid print media and this dissertation will prove that thelinking of immigration to terrorism and security following 9/11 has contributed to the securitization process. A thorough investigation into the ways in which security, terrorism and immigration have been connected is needed and through this literature review I aim to explore these links. Furthermore, the purpose of this literature review will be to explore existing academic works central to the securitization process whilst simultaneously seeking to link the concepts of security, terrorism and immigration in order to illustrate the ways in which these concepts interrelate to establish a matrix of security fears that has played a crucial role in the securitization of immigration in the UK. Although a great deal of attention has been directed towards immigration, terrorism and security as separate issues in the context of 9/11, the connections between these concepts and the ways in which they interrelate is an area of study that is has not been fully considered in existing works, especially when considering the crucial implications of such connections. To this end, a study of the way in which the issues can be connected through a review of existing literature will serve to not only confirm the premise that this is an area of study not sufficiently addressed but also to move the 9/11 securitization debate forward with a more fully realised conception of the ways in which immigration, terrorism and security are important as a connected network that has facilitated securitization. An analysis of the work of Barry Buzan and the Copenhagen School in defining a notion of securitization is at the core of literature that shall be considered to address not only

the process of securitization of immigration in the UK but also how dependent this securitization was on the events of 9/11 or whether there was a range of other factors that served to accelerate this process. The Copenhagen School The Copenhagen School will act as the main point of reference for securitization theory, outlining the framework for which the analysis of immigration in the UK will be based upon. The Copenhagen School can be seen as dealing with the way in which security is given meaning through the intersubjective processes that occur within security discourse. Security does not exist as an abstract concept but one that is constructed through negotiation between speech actors and a relevant audience, with those in positions of power issuing speech acts to depict a certain issue as one worthy of extraordinary political measures. Such a framework for analysis has specific relevance to the study of securitization of immigration in the UK and will be used to analyse the way in which speech actors in government and media have sought to depict immigration as a security concern. Connecting immigration, terrorism and security In order to explore the notion that 9/11 acted as a catalyst for the securitization of immigration in the UK the relationship between immigration, terrorism and securitization is of crucial importance. Historically, the ways in which states have acted to control and influence migration and settlements over time is important in initial understandings of the way in which immigration and security have become so closely linked. The evolution of nation states into welfare states in the post-war era can be seen as impacting on the influx and outflux of peoples, nurturing a stronger link between state and citizen. If a state is to provide care for its citizens in the form of healthcare, education and other similar provisions then it can be seen that the relationship between state and citizen is strengthened in so much as each has a vested interest in the other. The citizen will rely on the state for the

provisions it needs whilst the state will rely on the taxation and support of the citizen needed to continue these provisions and proliferate the state. The symbiotic nature of such a relationship allows for a strong link between citizen and state and it is this increased intensity in such a relationship that naturally provokes an important question: Who is entitled to come into a state to enjoy the advantages that resident citizens feel they alone are entitled to? Zolberg states: It is precisely the control which states exercise over borders that defines international migration as a distinctive social process. This arises from the irreducible political element, in that the process not only entails physical relocation, but a change of jurisdiction and membership The migration of citizens can be seen to have moved from an unpoliticised low level issue to a social process that has come to be politicised through the reciprocal nature of the relationship between citizen and state. Immigration has become constructed as an event that calls into question a plethora of principles concerning identity and security that both state and citizen rely on to define their existence. Foucault examines the idea of a state not as a unified whole or tangible object but rather as a creation of the discourses that revolve around the articulation of concepts central to our understanding of security. Thus, conceptions such as the other which are inevitable if one is to identify themselves as a citizen of a state act to exist as a direct opposition and threat to the idea of the state that has been created through an essentially self-perpetuating security discourse. The articulation of security is based upon the very existence of insecurity and it is this symbiotic relationship that serves to perpetuate such anxieties of the unknown. The social process of power and the way in which this power relates to security (or indeed, the lack of it) is a crucial one. Foucault outlines the claim that the social process of power lie not with any rigid notion of the state but infact in the social actions between individuals and the social relations between individual and state. In

exploring these notions that make up the state it can be seen as no more than a composite reality and a mythicised abstraction, whose importance is a lot more limited than many of us think. Thus, the rise of the Western liberal democracy and its role in strengthening links between citizen and state clearly has implications for (in)security. As immigration becomes increasingly common the physical manifestation of an influx of the other becomes more common place. Although this link may seem somewhat far removed from the notion raised in this paper's title, that 9/11 acted as a catalyst for the securitization of immigration in the UK, there are several crucial links that serve to show the importance in considering Foucauldian conceptions of the state and its relation to security. The state and immigration The social construction of the state as a body providing security and solace to the citizen has some interesting consequences. As the state assumes the role as the only actor that can legitimately express control and desires any other body that also wishes to express such aims is depicted as the outsider and as one that is seen to challenge the hegemonic domination and authority of the state. This outsider status is summarized by Slavoj iek, describing those who are condemned to a spectral life outside the domain of the global order, blurred in the background, unmentionable, submerged in the formless mass and this analysis goes a considerable distance in depicting the dichotomy between state power and those who choose to live outside of its reach or act to question its dominance. Such depictions of the terrorist as perhaps the ultimate example of `the other' and as a threat to the constructions of community and security that the state wishes to proliferate may seem obvious but it is in exploring why these notions have come to be applied to immigrants, regardless of their connections with terrorism or activities which may serve to undermine the power of the state that provides a base for the link between security and immigration.

The notion of 9/11 acting as an example of a foreign threat directly challenging the hegemonic dominance of the West and the values that we associate with such an idea acts as the first step in understanding the link between immigration and terrorism. If immigration is viewed as the manifestation of an influx of new peoples, ideas and concepts and thus as an issue that serves to challenge the sense of self that we associate with the notion of the state then this link to terrorism that has become to accepted almost as truth begins to become apparent. Although different in their aims, the immigrant and the terrorist inhabit a position that is at odds with the worlds they are attempting to enter. The lack of understanding of the intentions of migrants and the link between illegality and the entering of immigrants to a country also plays a part in linking their arrival to the fear of terrorism. Alexseev seeks to clarify the logic associated with such a fear in asking If so many migrants break the law to enter our country Should one be nave to think that many of them won't be terrorists?, illustrating the link that has been created between the illegal entering of immigrants and the connection that has been made to other forms of criminal activity, in this case terrorism, a reversal of the motto of immigration colonists, E pluribus unum to one of scaremongering antiimmigration paranoia: E unum pluribus. Towards securitization in the UK The link between terrorism and immigration has undoubtedly led to the securitization of immigration yet it is clear that the two concepts are not necessarily linked.Rather, the link between them has been constructed. In particular reference to the British situation, the depiction of Islam as the epitome of otherness is one that seems in many ways misplaced. Immigration can only be considered a threat in itself if it is proven to that migrants have aims to undermine the authority and security of a state and it is only due to the way that immigration has been presented as having inestimable, uncertain consequences that it has come to be accepted as such. The role of controversial radical Imams, particularly

in the UK can be seen as significantly contributing to this idea of immigration as a threat. Instead of framing the offending individuals and acting to securitize the actions of a tiny minority of radical Islamist views on a local level authorities have adopted extraordinary measures towards these figures, in the process framing their actions as international security threats and proliferating the notion that Islamic views are opposed to British values and security. In considering these notions of the state as a conceptual abstraction and the socially constructed values that go hand in hand with such a view, the link between notions of state, security and immigration are increasingly clear to see. As mentioned, through its increased links with the citizen the state has come to articulate and define itself as a benchmark of security, the barometer on which all aspects of society are judged. If a state cannot provide security and a sense of protection to its citizens from threats to the constructed truths that they associate with such a concept then the state as an institution can be seen as failing to fulfil the basic requirements that the citizen will demand. It is here that a crucial aspect of the debate regarding the state and its reaction to terrorism and its link to security must be raised. If security is prized at all costs then at what point and to what level should a state act towards protecting this idea? Of course, a state will naturally seek to depict itself as providing the foundations of security and community but the point at which this aim legitimizes the state as an instrument of oppression or at the very least an institution that acts to politicize certain issues with an ulterior motive in order to construct the meaning of a threat to national security is a crucial one. Constructing a threat In the times of terror that followed 9/11 states across the world were confronted with an existential threat that served to challenge concepts of authority and security that were previously considered untouchable. Linking back to the idea that the

articulation of security is infact paradoxically crucial in the perpetuation of insecurity, the role that 9/11 played in security discourse serves to illustrate the ways in which immigration was linked to insecurity and in turn securitized, the `us' vs. `them' discourse of binary opposition used effectively to articulate the threat of immigration as a direct challenge to Western models of security. Buzan et al stake the claim that security is primarily concerned with survival and this idea can be seen as acting as prerequisite for the securitization process. It is at the point when an event or issue is depicted as an existential threat to the continued survival of the referent object that the wheels of the securitization process are set in motion. The way in which issues can be articulated as threats and then potentially securitized lends the securitization process a distinctly constructivist slant. The construction of a threat, regardless of whether it poses a genuine threat to the security and survival of a referent object (often the state or its peoples) is crucial to the securitization process and a central point of enquiry that will be considered in this thesis. Based on the Copenhagen School's concept of securitization, the ways in which the threat of terrorism and immigration has been articulated and framed as a threat is clear to see. However, it is important to note that the articulation of a threat alone does not necessarily mean the threat is securitized. The articulation of a threat is merely a securitizing move and it is only when the threat is considered and accepted by the intended audience that it can be deemed to have been securitized. Solidum defines three types of threat that are crucial to the securitization process:

Actual threats - Existing conditions whose presence can reduce security at any time

Potential threats - Conditions again in existence and capable of compromising security but are not currently transformable to actual threats

Fictitious threats - Conditions that are believed to compromise security but do not actually exist or manifest themselves in any notable way

The ways in which the threats are to be securitized is also a crucial issue in linking terrorism to securitization and immigration. It can be seen 9/11 served to create a security discourse that articulated the War on Terror as a battle against a threat that arguably satisfied all three forms of threat that Solidum articulates. The very real nature and mass human casualty of the attacks themselves pointing to an actual threat, the perceived belief perpetuated by state and media alike that future attackspointing to a potential future threat with this creation and securitization satisfying the notion of a fictitious threat in an attempt to securitize immigration. Ultimately, the connection between immigration, terrorism and security will act as the key issue in ascertaining whether 9/11 acted as a catalyst for the securitization of immigration in the UK. The securitization process is not one that can simply come into action as an independent occurrence, instead relying on the actions of several bodies to initiate securitizing moves in order to legitimize the use of extraordinary measures in order to secure a referent object. The role of these actors in constructing such links will act to move the debate forward and it is this idea that will act as the foundation for the following analysis. An analysis of media representations of immigration in the UK, pre and post9/11 After considering the links that have been created between immigration, terrorism and security, the actors who have worked to construct these links must be explored. The ability to paint a picture of insecurity in the wake of 9/11 by the British media can be seen as in many ways incubating the move towards the politicization of immigration by framing the issue as one of security that could not be ignored. Insecurity can not be seen as an objective situation or environment that

must be acted upon but instead as a discursive rendition of that environment through security practice and it is clear that the British media contributed significantly to this rhetoric of fear that led to securitization. Analysing the role that the media has played in the securitization of immigration is a valid route of enquiry but it is the nature of change that must be considered. Instead of exploring merely the way in which immigration has been linked to terrorism and security, the role that 9/11 has (or indeed has not) played in such a link is the crucial element of study that will move the debate forward. This chapter will seek to compare, contrast and evaluate the nature of British media representation of immigration in the period before and after 9/11 in order to ascertain whether such an event served to allow British news sources to proliferate an anti-immigration sentiment to their readerships which in turn contributed to the securitization process. Important to also consider is the fact that many news sources have held anti-immigration standpoints long before the attacks and did not radically alter their message as a result as a result of 9/11, instead capitalising on the event in order to cultivate an anti immigrant sentiment by framing the issue of immigration in relation to terrorism. Terrorism has of course existed in various forms since the earliest conceptions of state and security yet it is when terrorism is contextualised in the discourse of immigration that connections between these concepts have been crystallised, accepted and normalised through communicative architecture that acts to frame such issues Power of the mass media It is first important to outline the effects and power that the mass media hold in the current political climate. Brigitte Nacos notes friends and foes of the mass media agree that the press has political power and this clearly lays out the role of the media that shall be explored in this chapter. However, to fully consider this complex position of power that the mass media commands, the idea of power being an entity that can be used to shape the decisions of others is a crucial one

worthy of further inspection. Indeed, power can be defined on a basic level as a simple quantitative phenomenon in which actor A will be able to persuade actor B into something they would otherwise not do yet the study of power in relation to the media is one that is altogether more elaborate. Whilst the power the media holds in directly influencing the opinions of those who consume it is important and will be considered in due course, the notion that the media plays a role in not just influencing opinions but in constructing a specific reality upon which a discourse can be built has several interesting impacts on conceptions of securitization within the UK setting. In day to day discourse the belief that the world is as it is and that differences in opinion are the result of subjective experience and perspectives acts as the prevalent assumption of reality that we envisage in line with a culturally and historically conditioned relativism. The decisions we make and opinions we espouse are effectively dictated by the sentiments developed through personal experience which in turn will continue to perpetuate itself through future events. In relation to the British context such assumptions of cultural relativism have been the subject of a conservative critique that serves to argue that Britain cannot lay claim to any existence of a truly multicultural society, important in illustrating the idea that the issue of immigration has always been at odds with the views of certain parts of the British social system and it is this notion that will be used in order to examine whether the anti-immigrant sentiment adopted by various news sources is in anyway a new development. Roger Scruton's conservative critique of the cultural relativist view in Britain can be seen as being based on rejecting the view of Britain as a multicultural society as long as the English language and customs continued to override other aspects of cultural difference. Scruton claims the adherance to a specific way of life can be seen as essentially a rejection and critique of the other systems that are being ignored and it is this notion that can be seen as in some ways summing up the British system, the cultural relativist view existing in conflict with the British experience.

Changing perspectives - The shift in media representation In order to illustrate the role that the media has played in bringing the issue of immigration to the forefront of national debate and connecting it to security and terrorism in the context of 9/11 a study of the changing nature of reporting on British Muslims must be considered. Despite foreign nationals initially being considered the main threat to national security, the existence of British Muslims was quickly raised to a level of equal threat and as a physical manifestation of the security problems that the UK faced in the post 9/11 era. It is clear to see from the statistics available that 9/11 contributed immeasurably to the frequency and importantly the nature and tone of media reports concerning British Muslims and their link to national security. Table 1 Stories about British Muslims 2000 - 2008

The sheer rise in the frequency of stories concerning British Muslims in the period following 9/11 acts as a clear indicator as to the huge coverage that such a community was subjected to by the news media, the 520% increase immediately

following 2001 acting as evidence in itself that that the issue of Muslims within the UK was considered an issue worthy of widespread coverage on a level previously unseen and as a direct result of 9/11. If we can accept the huge role that the media play in framing an issue to the public then such a notion goes some way to supporting the idea that 9/11 acted as a significant factor in the securitization of immigration with the UK. Under a certain set of circumstances the objectivity of reporting in the mass media is abandoned, allowing for a narrative stance that would otherwise be impossible. When arguing that security is a social construct I do not claim that there are is no tangible threat to citizen and state, instead the construction of security means that such threats are only able to be securitized when the move to securitization is framed by a context that depicts an issue as worthy of immediate and desperately needed attention to legitimize extraordinary measures. I refer to the work of Balzacq in this instance who notes the importance of the frame within the securitization model as a theoretical device that activates certain properties of the concept, while other are concealed to bring certain issues to the forefront of the security debate whilst leaving others obscured. From this, the importance of the media in contributing to the securitization of immigration is clear. By actively choosing to report stories concerning stories relating to British Muslims at previously unheard of levels the British media brought issue to the forefront of debate, with the nature in which such stories were reported, as explored below, framing immigration as one closely connected to terrorism in the context of 9/11. 9/11 raised questions regarding public danger and national security in the context of the immense tragedy relating to the mass loss of life and it is through this combination of circumstances that the catalytic nature of 9/11 on the securitization of immigration in the UK begins to become clear. Without the media, securitization would be not be possible. 9/11 is only a major event because it has been depicted as such The connection between the Muslim community, itself framed in the context of immigration and 9/11 is an intriguing one. I contend that

sections of the British media framed the Muslim community as a single homogenous people united under a single ideology that was constructed as opposed to a British way of life and intrinsically linked to terrorism and security. Perhaps even more crucial to this study is not just the amount of coverage that British Muslims received, but they way in which they were covered as the following section will seek to cover. Table 2 Most prominent discourse used in stories about British Muslims post 9/11

Quite declaratively the nature of stories covering British Muslims seems to point in one direction, cultivating a discourse that seeks to portray the Muslim community as one that is intimately linked to the threat of terrorism. As has been discussed, If an issue is to be successfully securitized then the audience must accept that an issue is of such importance as to allow extraordinary measures to combat it and such statistics go some way to supporting this argument. Clearly, if sections of the mainstream media with significant readership and influence direct their efforts towards depicting the existence of British Muslims as one that is linked to the threat of terrorism and thus security then the chances of successful securitization are much more likely as the construction of a Islam as a threat directly contributes to what Croft describes as a ratcheting effect upwards upon the processes of securitization. Continuing the exploration of media involvement in the securitization of immigration and its link to the events of 9/11, the way in which media newshooks altered dramatically in the period after 2001 again points to the

way in which various media organisations acted to use 9/11 as a factor in which to frame immigration and the existence of British Muslims as a threat to national security in the process of securitization. Graph 1 Changes in newshooks 2000 - 2008

In considering the change in the nature of reporting British Muslims in the post 9/11 era a cursory glance at the graph above paints a picture that again firmly indicates the role the media played in bringing the issue to the front of political debate. The huge jump in stories relating British Muslims to terrorism peaked dramatically in the months following 9/11, signifying the link between terrorism, security and immigration that was crystallised at this time. We can claim with a degree of certainty that these British Muslims had been in the country long before 9/11 and had acted and behaved in the same before the attacks and thus the connection made between them and terrorism acts to show the undisputable way in which 9/11 acted as a catalyst for the securitization of immigration in the UK. Without the events of 9/11 such a link would not have been made, with the links between immigration, terrorism and security essentially non-existent. Indeed, such links are still essentially fallacies and it is only through the way in which immigration has been framed in the context of terrorism and security by sections of the British mainstream media that securitization of immigration has been allowed to take place. The British media can be seen

essentially as both the instigator and perpetuator of securitization, introducing the idea to the British public that immigration was now an issue worthy of special attention by framing it in relation to security. The notion that the mass media in the UK have sought to proliferate the link between immigration and terrorism in the years following 9/11 is indisputable. The fear of hosting hostile enemies within British borders following 9/11 as well as the 7/7 bombings of the London Underground is an issue that will naturally galvanise strong public opinion yet it is apparent that such events were effective in allowing certain parts of the media to depict harmless asylum seekers with the terrorist minority who carried out these attacks. It can be seen that a certain form of `moral panic', a mass hysteria vehemently opposed to incoming aliens regardless of their intention has spread as a result of media depictions of foreign figures which has in turn acted to accelerate the securitization process in convincing the audience that the UK is a relevant object in need of protection from these foreign threats. Vasta notes Over the past few years there has been a widespread `moral panic' about immigration and ethnic diversity. Populist politicians and some sections of media have portrayed immigrants as a threat to security and it is through the creation of such a moral hysteria that the securitization of immigration has been allowed to take place. Proliferation of anti-immigrant sentiment in the mainstream media Numerous articles and campaigns by The Sun newspaper have sought to depict immigration as issue intrinsically linked to that of terrorism by framing the influx of foreigners as a threat to a British way of life, a state of being framed as inconsistent with the existence of immigrants depicted as an exterior threat. Simultaneously, the rhetoric and tone of various articles point to an implicit relationship between immigration and individuals who wish to commit terrorist acts. Most prominently, the papers 2007 campaign to end Britain's immigration free-for-all serves to illustrate the way in which such a connection is made, as

well as hinting at the role of such an article in the securitization process. If we take this process to rely not just on the speech dominant actors but also the acceptance of an issue as a threat by an audience being crucial for securitization to take place, the way in which the article quotes Conservative MP Julie Kirkbride hints at the relationship between media and political actors to frame immigration as an issue worthy of special measures. Perhaps most crucial in the linking of immigration and terrorism, the inclusion of a reference to hook handed extremist Abu Hamza acts to frame immigration in direct relation to actions of an extremist individual. In essence, the actions of the few are presumed to account for the actions of the many and it is such a link that is perhaps most effective in the proliferation of such anti immigrant campaigns, hinted at by the 528,000 who had signed the petition at the time of print. I contend that without the events of 9/11 the issue of immigration would not be considered such an imminent threat to media representations of security and thus would not figure nearly so prominently in the security discourse focused on by certain sections of the British mainstream media. The crucial point of contention in the debate rests upon whether 9/11 acted to facilitate a break towards securitization or whether anti-immigrant sentiment was already in existence. As a catalyst, 9/11 can be seen as allowing immigration to be framed in direct reference to security, the terror and casualty of the attacks allowing a reconceptualization of immigration that speech actors were keen to exploit. To this end, this analysis of the British media shows that 9/11 did indeed act as a catalyst for said securitization but it is only with the existence of the media and other actors that such a break from the past could be facilitated. It is through the way in which immigration was framed in the context of terrorism and security that its articulation as a problem was possible, an important distinction in understanding 9/11 as a catalyst. 9/11 only acted to facilitate a break from the past through the way in which it was framed, with the role of speech dominant actors such as the state contributing to this process.

Government reaction in the aftermath of 9/11 After considering the role that the media has played in the securitization of immigration in the post 9/11 era through the depiction of the issue as one intrinsically linked to terrorism and national security it can be seen that a picture has been painted serving to demonize immigrants and specifically British Muslims as threat to both national security and `British' way of life that must be protected at all costs. To study such a process as one involving solely the media is to ignore a crucial part of the securitization process however and thus the study of government policy and rhetoric is one that must also be considered. As noted in the theorization of securitization by the Copenhagen School, the role of speech dominant actors in such a process are key in framing an issue as a security problem. I take the stance that although world politics in the period after the 1990s has allowed a greater number of voices to be heard as speech actors, those in legitimate positions of elected office exist as the most prominent manifestation of speech dominant actors, possessing the foundations of political legitimacy as well as access to avenues of distribution to allow their messages to be heard and accepted as a legitimate voice. Furthermore, the power to formulate policy serves to illustrate the way in which elected officials may shape the securitization process through the implementation of legislature with a specific aim towards securing the state as a referent object. Williams observes that the ability of the state to declare an emergency and politicize an issue as one worthy of extreme politicization is the fundamental process that the Copenhagen School identifies as securitization and it is this light that an analysis of rhetoric and policy used by the Blair government in the period before and after 9/11 is crucial to ascertain the role (or lack of) that 9/11 played in the securitization if immigration in the UK. Building on this idea through the consideration of existing literature I cite James Hampshire's statement The securitization of migration has been largely government led to shape the direction of this chapter in an effort to explore the ways in which the Blair government sought to use 9/11 to facilitate a break in existing attitudes and policy towards

immigration in the UK, and through the use of immigration law focused on Arab and Muslim communities as likely sources of terrorism. The sheer number of policies and speeches relating to terrorism and immigration already in place make an exhaustive analysis of government policy an unrealistic task. Instead, a focus on the key legislation and speech acts will act as the most pragmatic approach to such a task, depicting the nature of current government stances towards immigration through the analysis of particularly important acts of legislation and rhetoric. A move towards securitization through legislature and policy. In assessing the most prominent forms of securitization, the role of the state in formulating policy that has served to limit immigration and place sanctions on those who have entered the UK as well as the way in which such policy has been accepted and enshrined into law serves to depict the way in which 9/11 has indisputably acted as a catalyst for securitization of immigration. Following 9/11 the Blair government acted quickly to address the issue of immigration, passing the Anti-terrorism, Crime and Security Act 2001. The act stipulated the indefinite detention of foreign nationals as well as facilitating the extraordinary move to permit detention as an anticipation of violence instead of as a reaction. Such a move can be seen as embodying the definition of securitization: The issue of immigration dealt with through a level of extreme measures previously unheard. Through the extreme politicization of immigration through the rhetoric employed by numerous members of the Blair government as discussed above such policy sought to depict immigration as very much a threat to national security and it is this assertion that supports my claim immigration was securitized, with 9/11 allowing an acceleration of such securitization. Following on from this, the Asylum, Immigration and Nationality Act 2002 also has implications for the study of the securitization of immigration. The relevance of the act in relation to the securitization of immigration is clear, permitting the British government to revoke

the citizenship of an individual who has done anything seriously prejudicial to the vital interests of the United Kingdom. Such ambiguous wording was intentionally used in order to address a wide range of concerns but I take the stance that in the wake of 9/11 such a policy was geared towards the securitization of immigration. A critical evaluation of post-9/11 policy Apap and Carrera of the Centre for European Policy Studies attest that policy introduced as a reaction to 9/11 across Europe was noticeable in its extreme measures and acceptance as they note All these radical measures were subject to less controversy and agreed (to) more quickly than could have conceivably been the case with the events of 11 September 2001 and indeed that such measures had an impact that extended beyond counter terrorism. It is the way in which these measures dealt with more than just the issue of terrorism by encroaching on the civil liberties and freedoms previously enjoyed and accepted by the British public that must be examined, affecting the lives of immigrants in a way previously unheard of. The extremity of post 9/11 policy in regards to immigration is clear to see and the ease in which such bills were passed and the level to which they were accepted goes some way to showing the successful securitization that took place. I contend that legislature such as the Asylum, Immigration and Nationality Act 2002 would not have been possible in the era before 9/11 and it is only due to the way in which the event was depicted as an absolute break from previously peaceful past as discussed in the earlier exploration of radical discontinuity that such policy was able to pass into law. The British government and indeed many others across Europe were highly successful in using 9/11 as a device in which to frame immigration as one with intrinsic links to terrorism, legitimising previously unheard of measures to sanction immigration. In direct reference to the notion of 9/11 acting as a catalyst for the securitization of immigration in the UK the way in which such policies were passed with minor levels of protest or questioning goes some way to supporting this idea.

A break from the past or policy continuum? In exploring the concept of 9/11 as a break from the past enabling the Blair government to adopt a noticeably politicized approach through rhetoric and policy the situation before 9/11 must be understood as to fully ascertain the extent of such a break. Although this chapter aims to illustrate the government's use of 9/11 as a tool to securitize immigration I do not claim that immigration was a depoliticised issue beforehand, or indeed that immigration was not an issue high on the agenda. Rather, I seek to prove that despite being a hotly contested topic in the period proceeding 9/11, immigration was not treated with the same fervour and hysteria that 9/11 allowed and was certainly not securitized in the way that we see it today. It is important to note that previous British governments have introduced policies that acted to prohibit immigration and depict it as an issue worthy of political measures. 1968 saw the introduction of the Commonwealth Immigrants bill that served to remove the rights of British citizens of Indian origin facing persecution following the Africanisation policies in Kenya and Uganda from entering the UK. Some parallels can be drawn with the raft of policy introduced post 9/11 with such an act serving to prevent immigrants from entering the UK and therefore indirectly indicating a problem with such an occurrence. More importantly, the fact that the immigrants denied entry were of British descent indicates that the idea of an `enemy at home' was present at the time, in line with the current depiction of British Muslims who have entered the country as immigrants and as a people in some way culturally incompatible with the UK. As a continuation of such policy, the Heath government replaced all existing legislation on immigration with the 1971 Immigration Act, distinguishing between citizens of the UK and its colonies and in turn positioning immigrants as a community worthy of special political attention and fulfilling criteria for the securitization process, contributing to the idea of Britain as a state ideologically opposed to the idea of immigration as one of the most impenetrable forces on earth.

In considering the stances that previous British government's have taken towards immigration it would be disingenuous to claim that 9/11 acted to legitimise a raft of new policies so far removed from those seen previously as to make them extraordinary. The nature of earlier policies serves to show that anti-immigrant sentiment, manifested in government policy has been a constant fixture on the British political landscape and an issue that has been considered by previous administrations. However, a depiction of 9/11 as some kind of declarative break towards the securitization of immigration is not one that this paper is aiming to prove and the belief held that the securitization-immigration nexus is a new creation is one that I refute. Instead, I contend that immigration was an issue in the period before 9/11 yet it was 9/11 that acted as an event which allowed policy makers to accelerate the securitization of immigration by depicting it as a threat with a frame of terror and security, brand new in its unprecedented level of death and destruction and one that implicitly and explicitly allowed immigration to be connected with the security and one that opened up a number of discursive opportunities to correlate terrorism with immigration. Public perception of immigration After considering the nature of government policy and discourse towards immigration and its securitization, the view taken by the public on the issue acts as a the final key step that must addressed in order to ascertain whether immigration truly has been securitized. If securitization of an issue is to be achieved then the relevant audience must accept the issue as a threat to the relevant object. If the British public have accepted immigration as a threat then we can succinctly claim that it has indeed been securitized. The role that 9/11 has played in such an acceptance is the key issue of contention in order to ascertain the extent that attacks contributed to this shift in public opinion. It is clear to see that opposition towards immigration in the UK existed long before 9/11. The British Election Study (BES) began public opinion polls on the issue as

early as 1964, indicating that immigration was an issue on the British political radar. From the statistics provided it will become apparent that immigration has been an issue of contention on the British political landscape for a considerable period of time and not just in the aftermath of 9/11. Although moves towards its securitization have been made since 9/11 the following COMPAS graph illustrates that the issue has long been a subject met with hostility from the British public that has continued into the post-9/11 era. Graph 2 Immigration to Britain: too many or `gone too far'

The graph cannot be taken to demonstrate a downward trend in negative opinion towards immigration due to the difference in questioning methods and options across the timeframe given. However, such a graph does illustrate that immigration has solicited negative opinions since at least the mid-1960s and has been an issue viewed in a negative light by significant sections of the British public long before the attacks of 9/11. In this to light, to claim that 9/11 was solely responsible for securitization of immigration in the UK is misguided. Instead it can be claimed that 9/11 acted to allow speech actors to reframe immigration in the context of

terrorism and security, safe in the knowledge that the issue was one that had perpetually been an issue of contention for British citizens. Despite the history of anti-immigration sentiment from the British public it is clear that 9/11 impacted upon existing opinion levels. The following graph illustrates this notion. Graph 3 Immigration among the public's most important issues

The immediate spike following in public consideration of immigration as an important issue following September 2001 points to the shift in public opinion following the attacks. Although the immigration was undeniably an issue on the public radar the graph indicates it was one that was of relatively low concern. An

examination of the statistics after 9/11 shows the rapid change in opinion with immigration ranking near the top of the most important issues cited by the public. By 2005, 40% of all polled ranked immigration as the most important public policy issue and more than 60% felt that too many immigrants lived in the UK. The rise in negative public opinion and concern towards immigration is neither accidental not incidental. 9/11 and the actions of speech actors undeniably contributed to such opinions through negative campaigns and policy to depict immigration as a threat to security. However, an investigation into immigration figures in the periods before and after 9/11 opens up a new line of enquiry in understanding the possible reason for the rise in negative public opinion towards immigration. Graph 4 Immigration to / from United Kingdom 1966 - 2004

The following graph points to the rapidly increasing levels of immigration in the UK since the mid 1990s due to the favourable economic conditions coupled with low unemployment at the time. I contend that this is itself an issue that may have sparked negative opinion towards such immigration, with increased competition

for jobs, welfare and housing contributing to anti-immigration sentiment, regardless of whether or not this is fact. Cooper and Somerville contend that 9/11 had little impact on British policy and opinion, citing the numerous policy in place before the attacks that served to shape public opinion on the issue. To conclude this chapter on public perception, it is clear to see that the period after 9/11 undeniably coincided with an increasingly negative public view of the issue. However, the graphs provided indicate that such negative opinion has been prevalent since at least the 1960s and thus the extent of 9/11 as a catalyst for the securitization of immigration in the UK is questionable. 9/11 undoubtedly allowed speech actors to frame immigration as an issue linked with terrorism and security, an idea that was likely accepted to a degree by the British public and one that would go onto affect public perception of the issue. By considering the level of anti-immigration sentiment before 9/11 as well as taking into the account the huge rise in immigration from the mid 1990s it can be seen that a range of other issues also sought to contribute to the securitization of immigration. Conclusion: 9/11 as catalyst or continuation? Over the course of this dissertation I have aimed to cover the main aspects I consider crucial to the understanding of the role that 9/11 has played in the securitization of immigration in the UK. By exploring the links that have been constructed between immigration, terrorism and security this study has touched upon an area of security discourse not fully considered by existing works and has aimed to explore the ways in which 9/11 was framed in the UK as an event that demanded a break from existing policy. In concluding this paper, I contend that with the examples of government policy, media coverage and public opinion covered, immigration has very much been securitized within the UK. Yet the role of 9/11 as a catalyst for this securitization is more of a complex issue. The undeniably large coverage of the issue by certain

sections of the British media coupled with increasingly strict government policy and negative public opinion in the period following 9/11 illustrates the way that coverage and perception of immigration in the UK has altered. Yet the role that 9/11 played in the shift in treatment and opinion towards immigration is they key issue that this dissertation has sought to explore. The concept of time and temporality is one that plays a central role in the understanding of 9/11 as a catalyst for the securitization of immigration in the UK. 9/11 was undeniably a major event in security discourse but only due to the way in which it was framed as a rupture in timeframe that made a break from existing policy a reality. Through constructing an image of relative peace in the period before 9/11, speech actors crucial to the securitization process were able to frame the attacks as an epoch defining event, facilitating a move towards securitization and facilitating a break from a previously stable security environment. In such a way 9/11 can undeniably be seen as a catalyst for the securitization of immigration in the UK, allowing for the move towards securitization that would otherwise have been impossible. In this light, 9/11 cannot be seen as the sole reason for the securitization of immigration in the UK. Rather, it acted as a device that allowed speech actors to frame immigration in relation to terrorism and security, facilitating an initiation of the securitization process. It is clear that an event on its own is not enough for securitization to take place. Instead the way that an event is framed by the relevant speech actors is the defining factor in the securitization process. Through a review of existing literature the link that has been made connecting immigration, terrorism and security is clear, central to an understanding of 9/11 as a catalyst for securitization in the UK. If immigration can be linked to terrorism and security then securitization of immigration can be initiated and accepted by the relevant audiences. By depicting immigration as an unknown threat that encompasses values at odds with Western notions of security and uniformity and linking this with the unknown dangers of terrorism the connection that has been

constructed is apparent. Immigration has been depicted as representing an external threat to preconceived notions of security and the line in which this idea crosses over to an external threat of terrorism has been blurred and exploited by speech actors to connect the two concepts as intrinsically linked. The ambiguous threat of terrorism and the undefined nature of possible future attacks have been constructed in such a way as to link into the issue of immigration, itself presented in a similar light as the influx of an unknown people at odds with British notions of security. The immigration-terrorism-security axis that has contributed to the securitization of immigration in the UK was possible largely because of 9/11, allowing for connections of the three concepts to be made and presented to the relevant audiences. Again, 9/11 served as a catalyst for such securitization but only due to the way in which was framed by speech actors. I contend that immigration was an issue on the British political landscape long before 9/11, as various examples of pre 9/11 policy and opinion have shown yet it was 9/11 that allowed the issue to be brought to the forefront of British political debate to be presented as a security threat warranting extraordinary measures. Analysis of the British government's reaction to 9/11 has further illustrated the way in which 9/11 has acted as a catalyst for the securitization of immigration in the UK whilst simultaneously hinting at the notion that immigration was an issue long before the attacks. Although the British government acted to securitize immigration through a raft of policy in the aftermath of 9/11, an exploration of previous policy indicates that immigration was already securitized to a degree. Again, 9/11 enabled speech actors to bring immigration to the forefront of political debate but to suggest that it was not already an issue is a misconception. The extent of 9/11 as a catalyst for securitization of immigration is not idea that can be quantified in any concrete way. Rather, the consideration of issues acknowledged throughout this dissertation that apply to the securitization process must be analysed to reach a conclusion. I do not claim that 9/11 was the sole

reason for the securitization of immigration in the UK, the process of securitizing immigration far too complex to rely on a single event. Rather, I view 9/11 as an event that facilitated a break from policy and sentiment, allowing immigration to be brought to forefront of political debate. There are undoubtedly limitations on the research conducted throughout this dissertation and this awareness points to future paths of research concerning this area of study. Reaching a definitive conclusion as to whether an issue has been securitized or not is in many ways problematic. Whilst opinion polls and statistics are a good indicator of public opinion, concrete proof that an issue has been accepted as a threat by an audience is almost impossible without widespread and exhaustive research, impossible to carry out when considering the length and timeframe of this dissertation. Furthermore, the word limit imposed on this dissertation has also acted as a limitation and it is clear that the issues covered could amount to dissertations in themselves as opposed to single chapters aiming to cover the key issues. As its focus, this dissertation has dealt with the issue of immigration and its securitization in a post 9/11 era in a light that has aimed to build upon existing literature within security and international relations discourse. Through exploring the connection that has been made between immigration, terrorism and security this approach has aimed to address the securitization debate in a way which remains relevant to progressive and rigorous security discussion whilst maintaining a consideration of existing viewpoints as a framework of analysis. Ultimately, I aim for such an approach to have fulfilled the need for a sustained and progressive debate on one of the key issues in the security discourse of the post-9/11 era. Bibliography

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