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REGIONAL HIGH SCHOOL MODEL UNITED NATIONS


The 14 th Annual Conference ~ December 2-4, 2010
Dear Delegates, It is my pleasure to welcome you all to the fourteenth Regional High School Model United Nations conference in the beautiful Salt Lake City, Utah. Having lived in the state, I can honestly say that December is a wonderful time to congregate in the mountains for what will truly be a legendary conference this year. Let me introduce myself as the Under Secretary-General of the General Assembly Mains Committees. Under this position, I work very closely with all of your directors and your assistant directors throughout the year and at the conference to shape your committees and provide you all with an exciting, educational experience to last. Since February, the two (or three) exceptional people sitting at your dais have dedicated themselves to RHSMUN by creating topics, writing the background guides, and training for the conference day and night. In helping them all with this process, I hope that our hard work leads to the best conference yet and an unforgettable experience for you! For some interesting facts about myself: I was born in St. George, Utah and moved to Colorado when I was nine years old. Since then, I have become an avid Avalanche (hockey) fan who plays the guitar, runs a 5K everyday, and watched (secretly still watches) LOST. I can be found doing these things either at my parents' house in Fort Collins, or in my apartment in Boulder where I go to college at the University of Colorado. There, I study History and Economics, after having changed majors four times. Because of changing majors so many times, I am now struggling to graduate on time so I have given up some of the things I loved to do like playing rugby for CU (mostly the traveling) and working at the movie theater (mostly the free movies). Since quitting rugby, I have developed a spontaneous traveling problem that I pay for by doing research on environmental studies and climate change for the university. As if it may not already apparent, I am known as a workaholic. This year's conference will be my fifth RHSMUN and I have to say that it will be the best one yet. The Mains' committees, especially, have an impressive array of topics, as evidenced by these background guides, to be debated at the conference. I am particularly excited for the large groups and for the diverse ideas that will surface from all of your brilliant minds. Though your directors and assistant directors will have the joy in sharing committee experiences with you, I will be floating around sporadically to get a glimpse of your hard work. Please do not be afraid to approach me at any time during the conference. For the next coming months, it is imperative that you put quality work in your research in order to make an invaluable contribution to the committee discussion at the conference. On behalf of all the directors and assistant directors, the valiant effort that you do as delegates will not go unnoticed. As these background guides are an excellent starting point for your understanding of the topics, the discussions and solutions that you all come to in December will be entirely dependent on your creative prowess and your quality work in research. I am very excited to see all your bright and shining faces in Salt Lake! Never hesitate to contact me through email with any questions or comments before the conference. Sincerely,

Aaron Bothner Secretary-General University of Colorado Cassandra Wich Director-General University of Denver Adrien Anderson Conference Director University of Colorado Mathieu Ansell Chief of External Relations University of Toronto Nikki Rosychuk Chief of Staff University of British Colombia-Vancouver Mickey Ellenwood Under Secretary-General Substantive, Mains University of Colorado Sierra Sloan Under Secretary-General Substantive, Specials Brigham Young University !

Mickey Ellenwood Under Secretary-General of GA Mains Committees mains.rhsmun@imuna.org 970.310.4511

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REGIONAL HIGH SCHOOL MODEL UNITED NATIONS


The 14 th Annual Conference ~ December 2-4, 2010

Delegates, Aaron Bothner Secretary-General University of Colorado Cassandra Wich Director-General University of Denver Adrien Anderson Conference Director University of Colorado Mathieu Ansell Chief of External Relations University of Toronto Nikki Rosychuk Chief of Staff University of British Colombia-Vancouver Mickey Ellenwood Under Secretary-General Substantive, Mains University of Colorado Sierra Sloan Under Secretary-General Substantive, Specials Brigham Young University ! Welcome to the Special, Political and Decolonization Committee at RHSMUN 2010! My name is Brett Hunter Spielberg and I will be your director this year. This is my first time at RHSMUN and I am particularly excited to get a West coast perspective on MUN, as all my previous experience has been along the Eastern seaboard. Our topics this year: Peacekeeping in the Democratic Republic of Congo and The Sovereignty of the Falkland Islands, are both highly pertinent and substantial subjects for the Fourth Committee to debate. The Peacekeeping Operation in the DRC is the largest in the history of the United Nations and is unprecedented in numbers and its mandate. The Falkland Islands provides a unique situation of a modern day colony with ties to both its mother country and the United Kingdom. The opposition is claiming sovereignty over the land in Argentina, all while providing a relatively self-sustaining government and society. While The DRC has received an exponentially larger amount of press and exposure than the Falkland Islands, both topics remain highly pertinent as well as extremely extensive for this fantastic committee to debate! I am from Long Island, New York and currently am a sophomore at Adelphi University. I am majoring in communications with a concentration in journalism and possibly a minor in history. All of my time is not spent solely on MUN; in my free time I work as a certified baseball umpire for the American Federation of Umpires as well as with a home aquarium maintenance business. I have also trained in various martial arts over the past 14 years and hold various degrees in multiple arts ranging from Korean Karate to Brazilian Jiu Jitsu to Muay Thai Kickboxing. People seem to like me because I am polite and I am rarely late. I like ice cream and I really enjoy a nice pair of slacks. Though I have not yet experienced RHSMUN, I am a director at our sister conference NHSMUN and was in attendance last year as an assistant director. However, this new experience is extremely exciting to me and I cannot wait to meet with all of you. It is my goal for every delegation in this committee to grasp their unique policies and stay involved in the debate. Good luck with your research, have fun, and I will see you all in December! Brett Hunter Spielberg Director, Special, Political, and Decolonization Committee specpol.rhsmun@imuna.org 516.582.7016

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SPECIAL, POLITICAL AND DECOLONIZATION COMMITTEE 2010 REGIONAL HIGH SCHOOL MODEL UNITED NATIONS

HISTORY OF SPECPOL
The Special Political and Decolonization Committee (SpecPol) is the fourth of the six General Assembly (GA) Mains Committees and is commonly referred to as the Fourth Committee. The committee was created in 1993 as a hybrid of two former committees: the Decolonization Committee (formerly the Fourth Committee) and the Special Political Committee. The mandate of SpecPol allows it to address a variety of political concerns during its yearly meetings, like decolonization, self-determination, space exploration, or international peacekeeping issues (GA/ SPD/341). More recently, the Fourth Committee has considered the political ramifications of issues often similar to those addressed in the Disarmament and International Security Committee (DISEC), the Security Council (SC), and the Human Rights Commission. Past sessions of SpecPol have considered a wide variety of topics, ranging from the role of displaced persons in self-determination to the causes and effects of mine action. Despite the discussion of similar issues, SpecPol provides an unparalleled opportunity for representatives outside of countries permanent missions by providing them with a chance to participate in debate. This includes representatives from non selfgoverning territories which, in turn, enables the Fourth Committee to consider special cases relating to sovereignty and decolonization to be of the utmost importance. The jurisdiction of the Fourth Committee is such that it cannot directly command military activity or place sanctions or restrictions upon Member States. However, as with all GA committees, SpecPol can make recommendations to other agencies to take specific actions. Considering the similarities in the topics they both address, the Fourth Committee often makes recommendations to the Security Council. In its most recent sessions, the Fourth Committee has addressed a large variety of topics. Examples include the occupied Golan Heights, the general conflict between Israel and Palestine, and issues surrounding peacekeeping in general (A/C.4/64/L.15, A/C.4/64/L.17). The committee is critical to the UN because its mandate allows for the discussion of topics not under the purview of any other UN committee. This substantive accessibility, combined with the representation and participation of all UN Member States, provides the Fourth Committee with a notably strong credibility. Because the Fourth Committee discusses the political details and international relationships of topics from a unique perspective, SpecPol is an integral body within the GA. Recommendations from the committee topics are taken into serious consideration because of the specialized analysis SpecPol provides. In sum, SpecPol plays a crucial role in the resolution of key political issues within the international community.

SPECIAL, POLITICAL AND DECOLONIZATION COMMITTEE 2010 REGIONAL HIGH SCHOOL MODEL UNITED NATIONS

COMMITTEE SIMULATION
The RHSMUN 2010 simulation of SpecPol will replicate the actual committee closely. This means that we will be discussing each topic, formulating ideas, and then bringing together solutions into resolution format. While working in this committee, it is important to remember that SpecPol does not have the authority to demand action or impose sanctions. Thus, our power and success depend on our ability to generate comprehensive solutions reached through the process of consensus building. The enforcement of our resolutions can only happen when nations individually support them. Therefore it is imperative that all nations focus on innovative diplomatic solutions predicated on consensus building in session. This does not mean that national policy should be disregarded. On the contrary, a country should not sacrifice the policy of its national government for the sake of forming a consensus. Rather, each nation should work towards a compromise that encompasses the interests of both the global community and world citizens while maintaining the integrity of each nations policy. Primarily, SpecPol will rely on two forums for diplomatic negotiation: formal debate and the use of moderated and unmoderated caucuses. In formal debate, we will follow a speakers' list wherein each speaker will speak for a set amount of time on the issue at hand. While this is an extremely important part of debate, another very useful forum is the unmoderated caucus, during which countries are allowed to speak and work informally with each other. This allows for nations to work together in formulating working papers and resolutions, and can also be very effective in dealing with differences nations may have over specific points in a given topic. Another effective tool for this committee will be the moderated caucus, where the chair suspends the rules to recognize nations that wish to speak one after the other for a set amount of time. For example a five minute moderated caucus with a speaking time of 30 seconds would allow for 10 speeches to be given. This allows for several countries to assert their perspective in a focused and efficient way. When used maturely, the moderated caucus is one of the best methods of debating specific points quickly. Once the moderated caucus time is over, the speakers' list resumes. The topics in this committee are all challenging and will require a great deal of research. However, because RHSMUN emphasizes compromise and innovative solutions, pre-written resolutions are strictly prohibited at this conference. While your nation may have some informal ideas about possible solutions, you may not bring them to the conference in resolution form.

SPECIAL, POLITICAL AND DECOLONIZATION COMMITTEE 2010 REGIONAL HIGH SCHOOL MODEL UNITED NATIONS

THE POLITICS OF PEACEKEEPING IN THE DEMOCRATIC REPUBLIC OF THE CONGO


TOPIC A

INTRODUCTION
The Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC), an independent nation of Africa for the last 50 years, was formerly a colony of Belgium starting in 1906. For years, the Congolese people revolted calling for independence and self-government; in 1960 the Belgian government granted it (Martin). However, even after achievement of independence, Congos troubles were far from over. Without stable infrastructure, the government endured economic and social hardships from the very start. Subsequent civil wars and exterior conflicts only exacerbated these problems as the country continued to lack vital infrastructure and utilities. Due to the instability, Rwandan and Ugandan forces (among others) invaded and held certain areas of the country under their control. Because of this, not only is the DRC dealing with interior instability, but also outside attacks. These attacks have much to do with the DRCs rich supply of natural resources, as well as other conflicts constantly entering the DRC due to the presence of refugees and insurgents from surrounding countries (Afoaku). After years of widespread violence, the Lusaka Agreement was signed in 1999 establishing a peacekeeping operation (PKO) known as the UN Mission in the DRC (MONUC) in order to dissolve the conflict within the country as well as with neighboring countries. Although the government briefly gained stability with the 2006 election of Joseph Kabila, the current regime has lost the support of the people due to corruption, continued instability, and weak political institutions. Goals set out by MONUC were primarily focused on enforcing ceasefires, encouraging the continued transition into democracy, and establishing regional reconciliation (MONSUCO). As of 1 July 2010 MONUC changed its name to MONUSCO (the United Nations Organization Stabilization Mission in the Democratic Republic of the Congo) along with a new mandate facilitating increased military force and another year of PKOs. Opposition from the citizens in the DRC continues against the presence of the peacekeeping groups. This wariness is due not only to the desire for sovereignty, but distrust of the peacekeepers and the overall government opposition to the mission. Some peacekeepers have gone against the mission set out by the UN by participating, in some cases, in such actions as terrible as rape. In the international community, some countries support extending MONUSCOs mandate to keep peace, while others want the organization to withdraw as soon as possible. This PKO is chiefly criticized for infringing on the DRC (and surrounding countries) sovereignty. Loss of human life from violence, starvation, and disease is another cost of the conflict in the DRC. These three factors combined take approximately 45,000 lives each month (Afoaku). The international community is faced with the delicate task of balancing respect for national sovereignty with the preservation of peace and prevention of further loss of human life. The government needs stability in order to gain domestic and international legitimacy. Yet, due to the continued conflict, it is difficult to establish infrastructure, including the stabilization of the economy and the protection of human rights. Moreover, the lack of infrastructure and rampant corruption in the government are major causes of government inefficiency. ! While respecting sovereignty, the international community must work towards establishing peace within the country itself and also in the surrounding area. Peacekeeping measures that are in place 6

SPECIAL, POLITICAL AND DECOLONIZATION COMMITTEE 2010 REGIONAL HIGH SCHOOL MODEL UNITED NATIONS

need to be monitored in order to ensure the peacekeepers are actually fulfilling the mission as defined by the UN, rather than perpetuating the countrys problems. A legitimate and functioning government needs to be established by eliminating existing corruption. Thereafter, serious attention must be paid to infrastructure development that drastically reduces starvation and disease. Longterm peaceful solutions in the area are ambitious but necessary.

HISTORY AND DESCRIPTION OF THE ISSUE


EARLY HISTORY AND COLONIALISM Throughout the post-colonization period over the last 50 years, the DRC has attempted to establish domestic stability. For over 100 years the roots of foreign exploitation have manipulated the stability of the area. Situated in Central Sub-Saharan Africa, the nation-state borders nine African nations, as well as the Atlantic Ocean. The Belgian King Leopold II purchased the Congo Free State in May of 1885 (Martin). The rich deposits of untapped resources and a surplus of cheap labor made the nation profitable for the Belgian King. By establishing it as an independent nation Leopold ensured that a considerable amount of wealth would be extracted from controlling the territory. Moreover, because he used his personal funds to fund the land, he chose to incorporate the land into his personal family property. With complete control over the legal rights and profit, Leopold held a political and commercial monopoly on the country. The capital was founded as Leopoldville and Belgian mineral corporations moved in at once to extract the rich rubber, copper and cobalt deposits throughout the nation. Sadly, the uncontrolled exploitation of resources was matched with human rights atrocities. Civilians were exploited for labor and forced to work as slaves (Schroeder). After years of horrible conditions for the people of the Congo Free State, Western society recognized that the economic manipulation and exploitation of the people could no longer go unchecked. By October 1908, mounting pressure from Great Britain and other nations became too much for the Belgian government to ignore; on 18 October, Belgium annexed the Belgian Congo as its colony.. The move would preserve the necessary economic interests in the Congo while promising aid and protection to the country. Practices of forced labor were outlawed and a Western legal system and government was created. The true wealth of the colony was soon realized: with massive deposits of copper-ore, the Belgian Congo was a key resource for both World Wars I & II (Martin). INDEPENDENCE AND THE COLD WAR Post-World War II colonies across Africa, Asia, and South America began asserting their right to self-determination. Most colonies voiced support for either democratic capitalism or totalitarian socialism. In the 1960s, a political divide that reflected the geopolitical stage fractured in the Belgian Congo. After enduring mercantilist exploitation as a colony for nearly 50 years, a strong outcry for liberation dominated the Belgian Congo and many other nations across Africa. A rising nationalist political movement won the parliamentary elections and Patrice Lumumba became the Prime Minister (PM). Declaring independence from Belgium went smoothly, as Belgium had no longer wanted the responsibility of governing the large African nation. To avoid serious conflict, Belgium allowed the colony to become independent because in doing so they were able to easily preserve their domestic economic interests (Martin). At this point the government renamed the state as the Republic of Congo, though it was commonly referred to as Congo-Leopoldville. A parliamentary vote then elected Joseph Kasavubu as the nations first president. Soon after, feuding between the two powerful officials, Lumumba and Kasavubu would rapidly push the nation to civil war. Both men believed that they held individual authority over the state. President Kasavubu chose to dismiss PM Lumumba from office to assert the authority of the presidency (Fetter). However, this was an 7

SPECIAL, POLITICAL AND DECOLONIZATION COMMITTEE 2010 REGIONAL HIGH SCHOOL MODEL UNITED NATIONS

action Lumumba declared unconstitutional as the PM. Neither man yielded their position to rule and pushed the nation to civil war. The 100,000 Belgians living in their former colony fled from the violence within the nation, fearing for their lives and hoping to find a way home to Belgium. Greed and lust for power would stall the country in its tracks, but it was at this point that another key individual surfaced (Fetter). Appointed by Lumumba as Chief of Staff of the Army, Joseph Mobutu was in a strategic position to serve as a new liaison between the leadership of Congo and the international community. The international community believed that the current leadership partnership between the president and the PM could not garner enough support to keep the country together. Mobutu, on the other hand, was both a man of the people and in a powerful position to solicit foreign intervention (Fetter). As the internal strife weakened the infrastructure of the nation, American and Belgian forces privately funded Mobutus army to strengthen his and Lumumbas position in the nation. They did not publicly support Lumumba; rather they funded the army for Lt. General and Chief of Staff Mobutu in an effort to not just stabilize Congo, but to advance their cause in the Cold War (Fetter). At this point in history, American and Soviet involvement in the Cold War heavily guided international policy decisions. Both Soviet and American intervention was prevalent through former colonial powers across Africa, Asia, and South America. With a strict policy of containment, Mobutu, a stark opponent to communism, was embraced and endorsed by Western powers. Not soon after, in 1961, Patrice Lumumba was kidnapped and executed. Western nations were accused of taking part in the military operations to further destabilize the country and elevate Mobutus role within his political party (Fetter). With Lumumba out of the way and extensive funding and supplies from Western allies, Mobutu finally defeated President Kasavubu and his supporters in 1965, ending this power struggle. Immediately Mobutu assumed a firm stance against the spread of communism to Africa. This transition of power opened up relations with the West (Afoaku). Establishing a one-party democracy, Mobutu ensured that elections were regularly held with only one candidate on the ballot. Though the violence had ended, Mobutu engaged in policies of economic exploitation and social propaganda. His radical propaganda imprinted his likeness on every bank note, every businesses front wall, and even on youth t-shirts. While selling himself as a populist savior, he also allowed Western corporations to cheaply exploit the resource deposits in exchange for private payments. In the late 1960s, the nation underwent a nationalistic campaign to rename the nations cities from their colonial names. In 1971 he renamed the Republic of CongoKinshasa to the Republic of Zaire. Soon after in 1972 he renamed himself Mobutu Sese Seko Nkuku Ngbendu wa Za Banga, which loosely translates as The Great Unstoppable Warrior who goes from Victory to Victory. His nationalistic fervor was only superseded by accusations of his greed as critics claimed international aid and funding for unquestioned access to mineral deposits went to his Swiss Bank account rather than to maintaining his countrys infrastructure (Afoaku). During the Angolan Civil War, Mobutu and Congo/Zaire served as a key strategic point for the West in the establishment of an anti-communist government. Angola had declared its independence from Portugal in 1975. Immediately, the political division within the country came to fruition. The Popular Movement for the Liberation of Angola, (MPLA) a Communist faction was supported by the Soviet Union (USSR) and Cuba. The National Liberation Front of Angola (FNLA) was an anticommunist party who drew support primarily from the United States (US), the Peoples Republic of China, and Mobutus Zaire. As Angola and Zaire shared a border, Zaires strategic position within Africa served as the forefront and home base for Western intervention. Mobutu himself served as a figurehead for a new Democratic Capitalist Africa. Though he was basically Zaires monarch, his stark opposition to communism earned him respect and political clout from the West. Along with its 8

SPECIAL, POLITICAL AND DECOLONIZATION COMMITTEE 2010 REGIONAL HIGH SCHOOL MODEL UNITED NATIONS

geographic location, Zaires rich resources were core necessities to the sustenance of the FNLA war effort during the conflict. The war in Angola continued throughout the 70s and 80s, a key component of the Cold War on the African continent and technically was not officially resolved until 2002. The strategic significance of Zaire was ultimately linked to the Cold War and the fallout of former colonies becoming either capitalist or communist nations. The consequences of the Cold War allowed Mobutu to enjoy amicable relations with the West, because of his extreme anti-communist stance. One of his crowning political achievements was being the first foreign head of state to visit with American President George H.W. Bush (Logan). Along with these close relations came larger and larger amounts of aid from the West to Zaire. Mobutu had been suspected of pocketing a majority of financial aid intended for his nation. His questionable practices were left unopposed by the Western political supporters as the containment of communism superseded otherwise progressive standards of human rights (Meldon). Though Zaire and Mobutu did see progress and growth as an autonomous nation, in fact the largest in Sub-Saharan African, it was clear that the standard of living continued to be the same as when compared to its colonial origins. Zaire, one of the largest nations in Africa, utilized its independence to secure Cold War alliances with the West to ensure economic aid and military protection (Logan). However, that aid did not help to alleviate the biggest concerns of the nation. POLITICAL TRANSITION With the fall of the USSR and the end of the Cold War, Western interests waned in Zaire, and Mobutu saw opposition form against him for the first time. His one-party system, after decades in power with no legitimate opposition, finally began losing its legitimacy. As foreign aid began to dwindle, the standard of living within Zaire continued to decline. All the while, Mobutu continued to amass his offshore accounts making him one of the richest men in the world. However, he did recognize that without some form of change he would soon lose his power and legitimacy in the international community. Opponents of Mobutu had existed for decades, but never united enough to significantly oppose the absolute ruler. To show his willingness to change, he established the Third Republic in 1990, which was characterized by a new constitution promising democratic reforms. Nevertheless, the substantive changes that Mobutu promised never came to fruition. The Third Republic became a fraudulent ploy in a last ditch attempt to preserve the power that he recognized was slipping by the day (Afoaku). As factional fighting continued within Zaire, the state became afflicted with regional tension and conflict. The eastern border with Rwanda found spillover from the Rwandan Civil War in the mid 90s. The Rwandan Civil War was a conflict that stemmed from attempted ethnic cleansing and genocide. The Interahamwe was the Hutu faction that attempted to overthrow and eliminate all Tutsi citizens of Rwanda. More than 800,000 Tutsis and moderate Hutus were killed in a period of only 100 days. However, fearing retaliation from Tutsis and the military Hutu factions, persons from Rwanda numbering nearly 2 million fled across the border the majority fleeing to Zaire (Emizet). Hutu rebels utilized refugee camps along the border between the two states in order to lead antiTutsi insurgencies both against Rwandan Tutsis and Tutsi peoples living in Eastern Zaire. Mobutu immediately aligned himself with the Hutus and began a campaign against Tutsi peoples in eastern Zaire seeking to increase his power and influence domestically, as well as creating a new ally with military capabilities. In response, Rwandan and Ugandan forces aligned themselves with opponents of Mobutu in Zaire, namely Laurent Kabila. Kabila had been a figure in minority factions within Zaire throughout Mobutus entire reign. However, his politics had often been far left, alienating himself from Western powers. The First Congolese War was caused by the coalition of Uganda, 9

SPECIAL, POLITICAL AND DECOLONIZATION COMMITTEE 2010 REGIONAL HIGH SCHOOL MODEL UNITED NATIONS

Rwanda, and Mobutu opposition which overwhelmed Mobutu and his Interahamwe allies. In 1997, Mobutu was finally forced to flee Zaire, which upon his departure was again renamed this time as the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC) with Laurent Kabila taking the role as the new president of the DRC (Schroeder). As the Cold War came to an end, the political ties enjoyed with the West were less necessary in an international community scaling back in the fight between capitalism and communism. ALLEGED END TO AUTHORITARIANISM Though the DRC had found new leadership, the tides of war did not subside within the SubSaharan region. Stability was not ensured with the expulsion of Mobutu and the new democratic leadership. Seeking stronger domestic legitimacy, Kabila called for the immediate withdrawal of all foreign militaries, including Tutsi rebels (Afoaku). While he relied on foreign intervention to secure the downfall of Mobutu, he recognized that his allies interests were not simply aesthetic. Rwandan forces sought to install a Tutsi president in Mobutus stead to strengthen Rwandas position and economy, rather than allow for the DRC to pursue sovereign elections. The interaction between the Rwandan conflict and the political leadership of the DRC agitated regional tension. Uganda recognized that a strong Rwandan political influence within the larger and highly strategic DRC would create an imbalance of power. In response to this threat, Ugandan officials aligned themselves with Kabila and DRC nationalists in an attempt to prevent Rwanda from taking control of the DRC. The conflict expanded as Rwanda and Uganda further destabilized an already unstable Sub-Saharan Africa. Known as the Second Congolese War, the chain of events that followed eventually brought Angola, Zimbabwe, and Namibia into the conflict as well; each group sought a check to Rwandan aggression and manipulation within the DRC. Conflict remained ongoing for years, until Laurent Kabila was assassinated in 2001, and was succeeded by his son Joseph. Fearing for his life, President Joseph Kabila immediately called for multilateral peace talks. The ongoing regional tension revealed the perennial presence of corruption and violence within the DRC and its relationship with its neighbors (Afoaku). PEACE PROCESS To ensure peace, the government of the DRC used the multilateral peace talks to preserve domestic stability and temper hostile relations with its neighbors. While both Rwandan and Ugandan governments agreed to begin withdrawing their troops, the UN established MONUC in order to maintain stability, oversee the ceasefire, facilitate the exchange of prisoners of war (POWs) between warring bodies, and hold inter-Congolese dialogues to facilitate a democratic transition. Nevertheless, fighting quickly resumed in the northeast, mainly over the rich mineral deposits of not only copper and rubber, but zinc, diamonds and coltana highly valuable modern mineral used in electronic equipment. Rwandan troops halted their withdrawal and violence continued in the northeast provinces of the DRC. Throughout the first five years under Joseph Kabilas rule (1998-2003), the DRC had only a transitional government: the nation had yet to ratify a constitution or established a legislature. Kabila had the task of both preserving national unity and brokering peace with Rwanda. In July 2002, Rwanda and the DRC reached an agreement known as the Pretoria Accord. Rwanda agreed to the withdrawal of the estimated 20,000 troops from the DRC in exchange for a commitment towards the expedited disarmament of the Hutu militia. The South African Development Community (SADC)mainly Angola, Namibia, and Zimbabwepledged their support to the DRC and its independence (Ekengard).

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SPECIAL, POLITICAL AND DECOLONIZATION COMMITTEE 2010 REGIONAL HIGH SCHOOL MODEL UNITED NATIONS

On 30 July 2006, the constitution was finally approved and the first free democratic elections were held. Joseph Kabila won 45 percent percent of the vote while his main opposition Jean-Pierre Bemba took about 20 percent. The election was declared illegitimate by Kabilas opposition and quickly escalated into urban warfare within the capital of Kinshasa between the rival factions. After two days of fighting and 16 deaths, MONUC took control of Kinshasa to secure civilian safety and determined that the only way to provide for a legitimate government would be a totally new election. New elections were held in late October under the observation of international officials, and this time Kabila won with over two-thirds of the vote. On 6 December 2006, Joseph Kabila was formally sworn in as president of the DRC. Opposition parties again dismissed the elections legitimacy claiming irregularities, including intimidation and doctoring the vote count. International observers ultimately endorsed the elections validity (Samset). The conflict between Hutu and Tutsi sects continued for many years, perpetuated by geographic proximity. Both the ethnic Tutsi people of Congo known as Banyamulenge and the expelled Rwandan Hutu forces known as the Democratic Forces for the Liberation of Rwanda (FDLR) reside in the the Eastern region of the DRC; additional fighting exists between the FDLR and both Congolese Tutsis in Rwanda. In response, Rwanda supported the National Congress for the Defense of the People (CNDP), which is comprised of Tutsi rebels under the control of Laurent Nkunda. Fighting within urban DRC caused a crisis situation to which MONUC became engaged in the warfare within the capital of Kinshasa. Through 2008, Rwanda and CNDP forces took part in multiple invasions of DRC villages and cities, all in an effort to destabilize the nation and attempt to take control of the government through a coup (Schroeder). Simultaneously, crisis continued from another outlet. Ugandan forces of Joseph Konys Lords Resistance Movement (LRA) had moved their forces into the northeast area of the DRC expelling civilians and claiming the territory as part of the LRA Uganda in an attempt to carve out land for themselves. Meanwhile, within Uganda, the LRA were embroiled amidst a 20-year rebellion for control of the nation. Recognized by many members of the international community as a terrorist organization, the LRA has been engaged in violent killings both across Uganda and the northeastern DRC. This multiple-front war within the DRC, aptly known as Africas World War, nearly consumed the entire continent as it engaged the SADC on the side of the DRC against Rwanda, Uganda and rebel insurgents within the DRC all on separate fronts (Schroeder). Eventually the governments of the DRC and Rwanda came together in an effort to capture Nkunda and end the radical insurgency of the CNDP within the DRC. At that time Rwanda had Nkunda in custody, but had not yet agreed to extradite him to the DRC, despite the existence of an international warrant for his arrest. After his capture, the governments of the DRC and Rwanda continued an alliance to expel the FDLR Hutu rebels who are adverse to both the DRC and Rwanda and continue to engage in urban warfare currently against both governments. The death toll from the conflict in the DRC is higher than any war since World War II. Over an estimated five million people have died; of that number, half were children under the age of five. Roughly three-quarters of the nations civilians have been directly affected by the ongoing conflict (Emizet). Human rights standards are low, with roughly 200,000 women reporting rapes. Though whole responsibility cannot be placed on the government, the inefficacy of the security forces is dismally apparent. The Pygmy population, comprising about 10 percent of the population, has reported that their people have been cannibalistically hunted in the Kivu province. A group known only as Les Effaceurs or the erasers seeks to clear the land of its population in order to harvest minerals. Though this, too, is not caused directly by the government, the lack of preventative 11

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measures and viable responses to the violence precludes any civilian faith in their leaders. (Ekengard). While the UN and the international community condemned the violence that took place in the DRC and have called for stability, no effort has yet been made to specifically condemn or sanction the actions of any nation or group involved. While the establishment of MONUC was a significant step in engaging international involvement, it had its flaws. The mandate was cited as weak, as it only gave MONUC the limited authority to monitor the ceasefire and defend UN property and civilians when there is imminent danger (Bernath). This restriction on action has allowed for violence to continue for the most part without significant retaliation. Nonetheless, corruption and human rights violations have yet to subside within the DRC. The upcoming election in 2011 will serve as a key point in the young democracys history as the legitimacy of the election will likely dictate if there will be a continued MONUSCO presence or a transition to a transparent democracy. If the nation can hold undisputed elections and facilitate a peaceful transfer of government the international community could consider easing its presence in the DRC. However, as the last elections were marred with dissatisfaction and conflict, it is extremely important for the DRC to effectively partake in a fair electoral process. More than anything, legitimate elections within the DRC would be visible progress toward political stability, as well as help to facilitate a balance of power within the region (MONUSCO).

CURRENT STATUS
On 1 July 2010 SC Resolution 1925 took effect and changed the peacekeeping presence in the DRC. The resolution extended the mandate of MONUC until 30 June 2011 and renamed the PKO the United Nations Organization Stabilization Mission in the Democratic Republic of the Congo or MONUSCO. The new missions authorization from the SC includes the ability to use force by all means necessary in order to defend civilians, humanitarian aid and human rights personnel under imminent threat to assist the government and military of the DRC in maintaining stabilization of the nations security (MONUSCO).
Emphasizing that the protection of civilians must be given priority, the Council authorized MONUSCO to use all necessary means to carry out its protection mandate, including the effective protection of civilians, humanitarian personnel and human rights defenders under imminent threat of physical violence, as well as the protection of United Nations personnel, facilities, installations and equipment.! The Mission would also support Government efforts to fight impunity and ensure the protection of civilians from violations of international human rights and humanitarian law, including all forms of sexual and gender-based violence (MONUSCO).

This mandate is highly important because MONUC was not previously authorized to utilize force by all means necessary (Bernath). This mandate was tested in 2002 when Rwandan-backed rebel forces opened fire on civilians in Kisangani with 1,200 MONUC military personnel present. The lack of response from the UN soldiers received heavy criticism from DRC civilians claiming there was an imminent threat of physical violence (Bernath). Allowing the PKO to forcefully maintain stability is an unprecedented change in international policy in the DRC. The inclusion of such aggressive action reflects a growing consensus among the international community about the 12

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urgency of establishing peace in the DRC. Though there is also a strong consensus supporting nonviolent intervention, this strategy has thus far proved ineffective (Emizet). The updated mandate for MONUSCO, on the other hand, authorized the use of force by all means necessary in order to protect civilians and preserve human rights. As the largest and most expensive PKO in the history of the UN, MONUSCO allows for a maximum of 19,815 military personnel, 760 military observers, 391 police personnel and 1,050 members of formed police units (MONUSCO). While both the government and population of the DRC recognize the need for international aid and involvement, it is reluctant to hand over its national sovereignty to the international community. Kabila has called for MONUSCO to withdraw from the nation by the summer of 2011 as it had been the nationalist policy since the end of the First Congolese War to increase domestic legitimacy by expelling foreign military presence. Despite the continued requests for withdrawal from DRC leadership, the upcoming elections scheduled for 2011 necessitates the presence of a legitimate force to observe fairness and security throughout the process. The government of the DRC has pushed for the international peacekeeping force to exit the country by the time of the elections; however, the ongoing conflict within the nation has left the international community determined to see the continued safety and humanitarian care of the people of the DRC. The establishment of MONUSCO only reaffirms the international communitys determination as well as highlighting the acknowledgment of force being necessary for the defense of civilians. However, if international observers witness productive and legitimate elections, it could be a viable turning point for the DRC to be accepted as a legitimate democracy. Peaceful elections, and if necessary, transition of government is likely the first step before withdrawal is viable (Samset). While democracy continues to be unstable and the elections threaten the safety and security of the citizens of the DRC, a continued presence of MONUSCO will be a necessary action until that level of stability can be achieved by a legitimate government.

COMMITTEE MISSION AND GOALS


As a former colony, people in the DRC are still seeking self-determination. Although they have achieved independence from their former imperial state, they have not managed to establish an effective or legitimate government. The goal of achieving democratic governance in the was challenged by government corruption and perpetuating violence. A major goal of SpecPol is to evaluate states that have been decolonized and to help establish effective self-governance and stability. SpecPol should be primarily concerned with generating solutions to the DRC conflict that deliver internationally backed recommendations to the DRC, and the SC. Member States of SpecPol are faced with the task of finding solutions that empower DRC selfdetermination, but also reconcile the DRCs prolonged imperialism past. Corruption unchecked by government, lack of legitimacy, and lack of effective infrastructure are all issues that should be addressed by the Fourth Committee. However, sovereign integrity must also be considered in these solutions. The establishment of a government carte blanche would not afford the Congolese people legitimate autonomy. Although the social issues are important, until security is established, social development and humanitarian aid will be difficult to provide. The successes and failures of MONUC will help the Fourth Committee evaluate the new peacekeeping mission, MONUSCO, and apply best practices from the past mission while overcoming the challenges that posed a threat to peace and stability 13

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over the last decade. Sovereignty is also important to consider in regards to adjusting the mission and goals of the new mission. The international community needs to congregate to find the best solution possible while still respecting the autonomy of the Congolese people. The approach from the past mission needs to be considered, while carefully examining potential impacts and unintended consequences from these actions. The DRC has been a war-torn country with poor infrastructure since the era of colonialism. If the Fourth Committee can hash out a broader consensus than ever before, there is reason to expect legitimate and permanent progress in the DRC.

BLOC POSITIONS
WEST AFRICA During the post-WWII era, decolonization efforts were focused on Sub-Saharan Africa. The former French West Africa dissolved into independent states peacefully and simultaneously. French administration was heavily involved in the process of creating new constitutions for each other new sovereign states. The heavy involvement was representative of the French identity of the new states, despite their roots in Africa. Cordial relations between France and its former colonies in West Africa led to a peaceful transition and democratic governance throughout, unlike other regions of the continent (Chafer). Despite the stable transition, many of these states are still among the Least Developed Countries (LDCs) in the world and were adversely affected by the global economic crisis that hit in 2008 and since that time, living conditions have been deteriorating in the affected countries (IRIN). The standard of living is not only affected by the poor economic performance of the region, but also due to the escalating violence in Cote d'Ivoire. The growing problem with refugees fleeing the country is taking its toll on surrounding countries, as they are unable to support the influx with unstable economies. The international community has called attention to this region and has cited a need for more peacekeepers to improve the situation and establish peace and stability for the region (IRIN). NORTHEAST AFRICA As one of the most unstable regions in the world, this region of Africa is beset with violence and is home to states on the verge of (or already) failure. Conflict within and between states are both characteristics of the region which has led the UN to deploy several PKOs to the region in order to stabilize the affected states. A border war between Ethiopia and Eritrea that took place between 1998 and 2000 resulted in 70,000 deaths and immeasurable destruction. A PKO was deployed to quell the violence and relieve tension in the region, which was largely a failure due to restrictions imposed on the PKO by the Eritrean government (Arieff). The UN unanimously decided to cut the mission in January 2007, despite continued tension between the states. Civil war in neighboring Sudan has warranted the establishment of two missions by the UN the UN-AU Mission in Darfur (UNAMID) and the UN Mission in Sudan (UNMIS). Citizens of Sudan fleeing the violence into neighboring Chad also led the UN to organize a PKO there to protect refugees and internally displaced persons (IDPs) living in camps on the border of Sudan, which were subject to frequent attacks by rebels. The government of Chad has asserted their desire to control the security situation in their own country and as a result of that request, the mission was cut by the UN in May 2010 (Cavaliere). Despite the disbanding of the mission in Chad, both missions in Sudan are still in full force, though there are continual disagreements as to the effectiveness of the missions especially UNAMID as a joint mission between the UN and the AU. Despite the end of the civil war with the 14

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peace pact in 2005, violence and local conflict continue and further the need for the missions and the extension of their mandates (UN News Service). CENTRAL AND SOUTHERN AFRICA Inter-Congolese dialogue required by the Lusaka Agreement has been largely successfully in encouraging improved relations between the DRC and surrounding states. The continued presence of Rwandan forces within the borders of the DRC has heightened tension in the Great Lakes region. Heavy involvement of the South African Development Community (SADC) has made establishing peace and security in the region a large priority for leadership in the southern and central regions (South African News). Instability within the DRC contributes to instability throughout the region, and the visa-versa. Governments of Rwanda and Uganda and other countries in this region have been highly cooperative with the SADC by participating in the Tripartite talks (Dagne). The SADC has its own force that was used in 1998 to protect the sovereignty of the DRC from invasion by other states. Years later, the SADC facilitated the peace agreement that ended the decades-long civil war in the state. Their involvement is continued through monitoring free and fair elections, maintaining stability through peace missions, and by creating a competitive market in the region to improve economic performance (South Africa News). WESTERN BLOC Physical involvement in Sub-Saharan Africa by the Western states has decreased in recent years due to financial crisis and continued presence in the Middle East. In the past, many UN peacekeeping forces have been supplied by Western states, but fewer of them are participating in PKOs in SubSaharan Africa. Though Canada has contributed some peacekeeping forces to MONUC, the request for their leadership for MONUSCO was turned down (Clark). The US has not contributed any forces. The US and its allies (including Canada) have committed many resources to the Middle East for mission to rebuild post-war Iraq and Afghanistan. Some European Union (EU) countries including France, the U.K., Spain, Sweden, Belgium, and Switzerland have contributed troops to MONUC. Despite the lack of presence of Western staets in the DRC, the political and financial ties with the DRC has been an invaluable part of facilitating a transition to democracy and to economic stability. In June 2010, the Human Rights Sub-committee of the European Parliament called for the international community to further address the deteriorating human rights situation in the DRC. Citing specific goals of addressing sexual violence against women, illegal exploitation of natural resources, and improving dialogue with Congolese authorities, the EU looks to establish further relations for improving the situation in the DRC for the future (European Parliament). Supporting and observing the election process has been the largest contribution of this region with their continued interest in preserving and promoting democracy worldwide (Hoebeke). BRIC The BRIC countries (Brazil, Russia, India, and China) as some of the fastest growing economies in the world are expanding trade to developing regions, particularly in Africa. Resource-rich DRC has much to offer in the competitive world market (Tayob). Trading with developing regions that are rich in needed resources helps to reduce dependency on the West by fast-growing economic powers. In an effort to increase trade, many are contributing economically and technologically by providing resources and manpower to African missions and programs (India, DRC sign Pact). Brazil is the only BRIC member that has not contributed military personnel to the MONUC peacekeeping operation, however it has taken the lead in contributing forces to other PKOs worldwide like the UN Emergency Force I (UNEF I) in Egypt. Granting debt relief to desperate African economies is 15

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one popular approach in these fast-growing states in order to establish better relations and to open up opportunities for future trade (Paris Club Gives). Stability in the region allows for better trade opportunities and establishing economic growth, which would highly benefit fast-growing economic powers like the BRIC countries. LATIN AMERICA AND THE CARIBBEAN As many states in this region were former colonies themselves, South America is faced with many humanitarian issues of its own. As developing countries, generate greater trade and establishing stability are also heavy concerns of this region. Violence in South America has presented problems to international peace and security in several states and their neighbors such as in Colombia. Despite the existing humanitarian problems and the need for economic development throughout the continent, Latin America has consistently been the most supportive of UN operations throughout history (Sotomayor). By providing assistance in many major conflicts like the Gulf War, the Korean War, Golan Heights, and the 1973 Middle East War, countries in this region have been an invaluable component of establishing peace and security worldwide. The UN is heavily dependent on forces and troops for PKOs to be effective, which has been made largely possible by Latin American countries and their ability to set an example to other states (Sotomayor). Despite the active involvement in UN operations, there are few countries dedicating resources to the DRC conflict. This is not to rule out potential future involvement. SOUTHEAST ASIA AND THE PACIFIC Many European powers maintained their presence in Southeast Asia throughout the 19th century and the early part of the 20th century including Britain, France, the US, and the Netherlands. As many political elites began to emerge as early as the 1870s, this was one of the first regions to make movements towards independence from colonial powers (Christie). These movements were led by Western educated elites, rather than rebel movements as in other regions of the world throughout the decolonization period. Though violent rebellions were not particularly characteristic of decolonization in Southeast Asia, WWII had an adverse effect on the stability of the region as Japan invaded a number of states there. Post-WWII decolonization efforts included restoring power to European imperial powers while making the attempt to quash the rising ideology of communism and socialism that began to take hold amongst the Western-educated elites (Christie). Though many states became democracies post-colonization, there were many nationalist groups who lost out in the political process and as a result, there have been an uprising of separatist groups and some rebellions. There are only two places in this region where the nationalist groups have gained enough attention to warrant the presence of peacekeepers the Kashmir region and Timor Leste (Christie). Nationalism is still a wide problem throughout the Southeast and especially the Pacific, however their involvement with peacekeeping and decolonization remains limited in scope. MIDDLE EAST As a part of the Ottoman Empire until its dissolution in 1922, states in this region have an extensive history of occupation and regime change. Britain maintained control over most states through WWII until the Syrian Revolution in 1946 when Syria became independent and other states in the region followed suit. Others remained territories of the UK until 1971. Decades of the Arab-Israeli conflict complicated decolonization with regards to the Palestinian territories and the division of them between Israel, Egypt, and Jordan (Blecher). Ethnic tension in these states has contributed to a long history of civil wars and violence. The UN has deployed several PKOs to this region in relation to the Arab-Israeli conflict, and three of them are still active and engaged: the UN Disengagement 16

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Observer Force (UNDOF), the UN Interim Force in Lebanon (UNIFIL), and the UN Truce Supervision Organization (UNTSO). Other problems related to religions extremism present challenges to the peace and stability in the region and as a result, there are many outside forces occupying territory (as in Iraq) to maintain order. Peacekeeping with regards to this violence is an integral part of quelling violence in the Middle East as does the UN Assistance Mission in Afghanistan (UNAMA). The humanitarian situation in this region is poor as it is in the DRC, where violence and conflict complicates the ability of the international community to provide assistance. Establishing stability in regions such as this and the DRC are key components of improving the livelihood for affected citizens and surrounding states.

RESEARCH QUESTIONS
1. Within the scope of the Special Political and Decolonization Committee, what recommendations can be made to improve the effectiveness of peacekeeping missions in general? 2. Has your country had significant experience with decolonization? If so, what were some major issues that arose and how were they resolved? If not, how has your country contributed to solutions in the past with regard to decolonization anywhere in the world? 3. In what ways has your country been involved in the Congo area? Has there been any aid provided or any direct consequences from the violence? 4. Has your country ever had its sovereignty infringed upon? What were the results of past instances? 5. How can the international community help to politically stabilize the region while simultaneously respecting sovereignty and the rights of the government? How well is the current peacekeeping operation addressing the issue? 6. Transitioning governments and establishing democratic legitimacy are difficult processes that face most new countries after decolonization. What experiences does your country have with establishing new political institutions? From those experiences, what recommendations could be made to the DRC from the Fourth Committee? 7. What recommendations, if any, should SpecPol make to the Security Council in regards to international peace and security? What can be done to stabilize the region?

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THE SOVEREIGNTY OF THE FALKLAND ISLANDS


TOPIC B

INTRODUCTION
The Falkland Islands, or Isles Malvinas, are an archipelago located roughly 300 miles off the southeastern coast of South America. They consist of East and West Falkland, the two major islands, as well as a chain of smaller islands close by in the South Atlantic. The Isles sovereignty remains a topic of dispute, and is the focal point of a long-standing conflict between Argentina and the United Kingdom (UK). Presently, the islands remain a colony of the UK, but Argentina has maintained that the islands belong to Argentina (Dodds). At the onset of the American Revolution, the British were forced to withdraw their military presence from smaller island settlements, but held a legitimate land claim to the islands. The Spanish, located in present day Argentina, also asserted claims to the land, but they too kept virtually no military presence on the island for much of the early 1800s. Interestingly, though the UK has held sovereignty of the Falkland Islands for hundreds of years, there was only one military dispute between the two nations during the second half of the 20th century. In the late 1970s, Argentina took a more aggressive course towards regaining the Falklands with the state of Argentina. With a change in the government of Argentina, attention again turned to the long-standing dispute over control of the islands. In response, the UK militarily engaged the Argentinian government. The war, though not large in scale, did yield casualties on both sides (Lai). The people of the Falkland Islands are considered British subjects and are overall content with their current citizenry (Dunnett). Recent economic growth has strengthened the relationship between the UK and the Falklands, which in turn increased tension between the UK and Argentina over the disputed discovery and sovereignty of the islands (Calvert). Any steps towards or away from selfgovernance should not disturb the economic progress nor decrease the standard of living for the citizens of the Falkland Islands. Resolving the issue demands the international community ensure that individual economic interests do not supersede the overall interest of the Falklands population.

HISTORY AND DESCRIPTION OF THE ISSUE


EARLY HISTORY AND COLONIZATION At the core of the Falkland Island controversy is a dispute over which nation first discovered and mapped the Falkland Islands. Though the islands do appear on Spanish maps dating back to the early 16th century, the English explorer John Davis is often credited with discovering the islands by accident as he was separated from the other vessels sailing for the English Crown due to a storm off the coast of present-day Argentina. However, the first recorded landing on the islands was made by Captain John Strong of the British vessel, Welfare. He named the sound between the two islands after the Treasurer of the Royal Navy, Viscount Falkland. In 1764 the Falkland Islands were first colonized by the French at Port St. Louis and then by the British at Port Egmont in 1765. Archeological and historic records indicate that the Falkland Islands were uninhabited before European colonization, thus the source of the conflict is steeped in colonial history. 18

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The climate of the islands is cold and the soil is not fertile enough for productive agriculture; cattle and sheep are able to graze well on the island. Instead of creating a trade colony, the islands were mainly sought for strategic military positioning during the late 18th and 19th centuries. While the French established control of the islands initially, they ceded their control of the islands to the Spanish in 1767. Unbeknownst to either the French or Spanish, the British had their own settlement on the other side of the island system. The two governments on the islands remained unknown to each other, and both the Spanish and British believed that they had sovereign control over the islands. Because of revolutionary movements in the American continents, both European powers removed their presence on the islands by 1811. Although both physically left the country, each left a plaque asserting their countrys sovereignty over the territory. Absent of any government, the islands eventually became a refuge for whalers and sealers. There was no permanent settlement or sovereign power ruling the islands, but an itinerant population of sailors reached about 1,000. Argentina made its first claim on the islands in 1820 when a captain of the United Provinces of the River Plate (a predecessor to the modern day Argentinian government) took refuge on the islands and claimed them for his country. The captain spent no more than six months on the islands. His claim was never directly reported to the government of Argentina and there was no formal announcement of the claim. The British returned to the islands in 1833 in response to Argentine claims to sovereignty over the territory. Two naval vessels were sent to the islands settlement, Port Louis, where the British captain commanded that the flag of the United Provinces of the River Plate be removed and the British flag be raised. The British managed to maintain control over the islands, although there was some dissatisfaction from the population and a handful of attempted rebellions. The British kept the islands mainly as a military outpost, though they did develop the whaling and fishing industry. Although there were some battles during the first and second World Wars around the Falkland Islands, the territory remained steadily in British control during the century between the 1840s and 1950s. The area served as a strategic point for navigation around Cape Horn, the southern tip of South America. It also served as the site of the Battle of the Falkland Islands in December of 1914 where the British navy defeated a much smaller German fleet (Lai). DISPUTED CLAIMS AND THE FALKLANDS WAR In the 1960s, Argentina intensified its claims to sovereignty over the territory. This was accompanied by the United Nations Decolonization Committee (one of SpecPols predecessors) turning its attention to the Falkland Islands in 1964. With the overwhelming rise in former colonies declaring their statehood, the Decolonization Committee was established in 1961 by the UN as a specific committee was needed to handle the evaluation of numerous claims to sovereign statehood. At this time, the international community had directed a lot of focus towards removing European colonialism worldwide. As a result, the Argentinian claims to territory that had been under British control for over a century were not only entertained by the international community, but encouraged (Calvert). The international community will likely not approve decolonizing the Falkland Islands, or any other state, that could not support itself politically or economically. However, Argentina (as its geographical neighbor) annexing the islands would preserve the standards of life while further decolonizing viable states. Argentina did not limit its strategy for obtaining the Islas Malvinas to solely diplomatic action. Throughout the 1960s a number of violent incursions occurred, although none were enough to spark counteraction. Argentinians or Falklanders with strong Argentinian ties have been recognized primarily as the insurgents responsible for the incidents of violence. 19

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Revolutionary groups demonstrated the need for independence and reconciliation with Argentina. Mostly, the incursions were performed by Argentineans who were declared terrorists, although they were often esteemed as heroes in Argentina (Potts). Despite the handful of violent occurrences against the citizens of the Falkland Islands, Argentina managed to produce enough diplomatic pressure to establish some important economic and political links with the British territory, though at the expense of support from the citizens of the islands The majority of the linking concessions to Argentina lowered trade tariffs and aided in easing tensions with Argentina, rather than preserving the higher profit margins for the citizens of the islands (Bluth). By allowing Argentinians to utilize the area for an expanding fishing market as well as lowering prices of exports, the status of the Falkland Islands was used as a negotiating tool to restructure a failing political relationship between Argentina and the UK. Many of the compromises between the two governments came out of bilateral talks that did not include any representation from the people of the Falkland Islands. Although Britain attempted to retain sovereignty over the islands, the islanders became increasingly discontent with the economic concessions being made to the Argentinian government. The people of the Falkland Islands felt that the bilateral agreements continuously endangered their rights and well-being without their consent. Specifically, the concessions the British government made to the Argentine government angered a large portion of the British islanders who believed this was a harbinger for transferring sovereignty to the Argentinians (Calvert). Relations between Argentina and Britain soured in the 1970s when Argentina pushed an even more aggressive approach. On 2 April 1982, Argentina invaded and took control of the sparsely defended Falkland Islands and a few other British controlled islands in the South Atlantic. Less than 100 British troops were present to defend the area. The SC convened an emergency session and issued Resolution 502 calling for the immediate withdrawal of Argentinian forces from the islands and for both nations to seek a bilateral diplomatic solution (Bluth). Back in Britain, the conservative government of Prime Minister Margaret Thatcher saw this as an opportunity to increase patriotic support for the upcoming elections. With a swift British naval invasion of the islands, the occupation did not last long less than two months. An expeditionary force was then sent to the Falklands and, landing on 21 May 1982, immediately executed a land attack. Before the landing of the British troops, the majority of the fighting took place in the form of a fierce naval and aeronautical battle on the South Atlantic. On 14 June 1982, British forces regained control of the Falkland Islands as Argentina surrendered and withdrew (Bluth). Although neither side technically declared war, the two occupations combined have received the name the Falklands War. The two nations, Argentina and the UK, remain politically strained in the status quo, some thirty years later, as the islands ownership remains disputed. SELF-DETERMINATION Self-determination has become the internationally accepted peaceful methodology of decolonization. Falklanders generally consider themselves British citizens. The second largest ethnic group within the Falkland Islands is British, making up about 30 percent of the population; native Falkslanders make up about 60 percent (Dunnett). Because of this cultural tie, the Falkland Islands present a unique situation. The islands exist still in the 21st Century as basically a colony, but the population is content with their rights as colonists. All citizens of the Falkland Islands are granted full British citizenship as citizens of an overseas territory of the UK. The nation of Argentina holds a claim to the island dating back to its original inhabitance, but presently the current cultural makeup of the islands are generally more British than Argentinian. 20

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The issue of sovereignty over the Falkland Islands has been brought to the UN before. As part of signing the UN Charter in 1945, Argentina asserted that they had the right to recover sovereignty over the Falkland Islands. As a precondition the UK countered that there would first have to be a public referendum to vote for British withdrawal from the island before Resolution 1514, on decolonizing territories under occupation, could be enacted peacefully. All legally voting citizens in Argentina were to vote, as they were considered British citizens. As the majority of the population has been in favor of strong ties with the UK, this referendum served as a roadblock for Argentina (Dunnett).
A legal title to exercise sovereignty over a given territory can be acquired in a number of ways: 1. The occupation of terra nullius (previously unsettled land) 2. Accretion, whereby the geography of an area is altered by the forces of nature 3. Cession, whereby title is transferred from one state to another by treaty 4. Prescription, whereby territory formerly under the control of another state is possessed by a state with the acquiescence of the other state that previously held title to it (Bluth, 5).

Though SpecPol and the UN generally push to decolonize for the benefit of the population, it is forced to take a different position with the question of the Falklands. Though both parties hold legitimate claims to the land, a legitimate democracy will maintain the peoples sovereignty. Any claim for cession to Argentina would without a doubt require a public referendum, one which is disputable whether a majority of the population would vote in favor (Dunnett). The Falkland Islands have their own governing body that operates under the jurisdiction of the UK. The government of the Falkland Islands has not made a statement supporting reconciliation with the Argentinian government. However, over the past thirty years Argentina has continued its claim towards the governance of the islands. A public referendum would be the first step towards solidifying either the UKs or Argentinas claim to the islands. Self-determination has been accepted, for the most part, as legitimate practice. Though the committee should assist the two nations in either bilateral or multinational negotiations, the principles of self-determination should be reaffirmed to ensure the preservation of rights of the people of the Falkland Islands (Dunnett). ECONOMIC PERSPECTIVE The quality of the economic situation in the Falkland Islands has and will continue to serve as the primary aspect of the islands sovereignty. With the population of the island consisting heavily of British nationals, there are many shared customs. Some feelings of anti-Argentinian sentiment could be rooted to economic circumstances and violence in the mid-20th century. Trade concessions made in the 1960-70s lowered tariffs and did much to support Argentinas position in bilateral trade with the UK, and by extension the Falkland Islands (Bluth). Nevertheless, the Falklands War immediately ended British concession, and Prime Minister Thatcher restored tariffs and severed diplomatic relations with the government of Argentina. Through both direct government investment and the fueling of private industry the UK is investing in the Falklands' economy, focusing its attention on the fields of tourism, fishing, and, the untapped island market. Its location still serves as a strategic position in the southern hemisphere and provides for increased trade opportunities in South America. The islands population only numbers around 3,500 people. Because of such a small population, it is not likely for the territory to expand as a major economic power in trade, nor as a strong agricultural provider due to its geography and climate. However, recently a British expedition discovered oil outside the Falkland Islands. Though 21

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the discovery has caused further tension between Argentina and the UK, it is sure to establish the Falkland Islands as a major source of crude oil for the international community (Bowers). Though the UK still holds control over the Falkland Islands as a colony, there is no mercantile system impeding the relationship between the two parties. Most islanders, including the native population, consider themselves to be citizens of the UK. This positive view of their colonial power is expressed through a positive and influential trade system. Often times, colonies would accuse their mother country of mercantilist principles and exploitation detrimental to quality of life, as seen with the American Revolution. On the contrary, the government of the Falklands enjoys close ties with the government of the UK, and holds relatively no issue with the Parliamentary process and continues to support the crown, as long as the economic situation continues to be positive. The government of the Falkland Islands is a small, democratically elected representative body of the citizens of the islands. Legislation can be passed, though all legislation is subject to the approval of the foreign ministry of the UK. Nevertheless, the democratically-elected legislature serves its purpose in ensuring that the economic perspective of the islands remains positive, as a faltering economy would likely be a first step towards a call for decolonization.

CURRENT STATUS
Currently, the UK maintains control over the islands, has increased its military presence there, and has invested in improving the economy and infrastructure. A Falklands Islands Government (FIG) has been established as a parliamentary democracy under the British Crown. The political and economic links created with Argentina in the 1960s were severed after the war (Dodds). The UK, under Margaret Thatchers guidance, reinstated the bilateral tariffs and also severed bilateral diplomatic relations with the Argentinian government in a response to the violence of the Falklands War. Relations between the UK and Argentina remain strained in the 21st Century (Dodds). The Falkland Islands remain a point of contention between the UK and Argentina. Claims that the Falklands are a British colony are warranted. The international community is faced with the legitimate Argentinian claims to the territory, contrasted with a stable Falkland Government and continued economic growth. A British discovery of oil in the region of the Falkland Islands incites further conflict between the governments of the UK and Argentina. Argentina has expressed its intent to block any British drilling in the area, citing its ownership of the islands as its reasons. Moreover, Argentina threatened to prevent British vessels from traveling the water surrounding the Falkland islands without their direct approval. Nevertheless, investment in the drilling project was increased given that the site of the drilling expedition is thought to hold as much oil as the North Sea and possibly more oil than reserves in Saudi Arabia (Bowers). At the 2010 meeting of the Decolonization Committee, Argentina again pushed towards Argentinian sovereignty of the Islas Malvinas, the Spanish language alternative name of the Falkland Islands. Argentina stated that strengthening ties with Brazil, the US and the rest of the international community, on issues ranging from the national economy to diplomatic relations with Iran, should likely increase pressure on the UK to resign its claim to the islands. Though the Decolonization Committee has supported returning the islands to Argentinian possession, no real progress can be made without a public referendum calling for self-determination because the UK holds veto power in the SC. The US could play a key role in facilitating debate; though they have stated that they have 22

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been and remain neutral, if invited by both parties to take part in direct talks, they could play a key role in supporting Argentina. Likewise, the strong ties between the UK and the US could also encourage neutrality on the issue (MercoPress).

COMMITTEE MISSION AND GOALS


One of the primary purposes for SpecPol is to address the removal of imperialistic or colonial influence throughout the world. Consequently, the committee is intended to ensure that territorial sovereignty is maintained by a legitimate government and not by a foreign power claiming historic rights to ownership. Humanitarian concerns do not fall under the scope of SpecPol; debate over humanitarian development, like the international community contributing funds to build hospitals, falls more under the purview of committees such as SOCHUM. However, it is essential to consider humanitarian concerns when discussing what actions to take regarding a colony. Some discussion of the current humanitarian situation or potential impact is required for a comprehensive review of the topic at hand. As with any part of the UN, SpecPol cannot employ force as means to decolonize a territory. However, SpecPol should recommend issues to the SC that the committee believes requires the use of UN peacekeeping forces. Despite these limitations, SpecPol has two primary tools with considerable influence. First, any resolution published by the committee reflects the opinion of the international committee, and so holds the international consensus on the status of a colony. Also, SpecPol is a mediated forum where countries may voice their concern about a specific issue. The UK and Argentina will both have the opportunity to make their cases to the international community. A viable solution or acceptable compromise must be reached by consensus between the countries. A strong resolution from SpecPol is substantive in that it represents a potential solution, endorsed by the international community, that keeps cost minimal and does not infringe on any Member States sovereignty. With the scope and mission of this committee in mind, Member States are tasked with evaluating two particular aspects of the situation in the Falklands: First, the desire of the people being governed should be addressed. Many of the people living on the islands are of British descent, not Argentinian. However, Britain did remove the Argentine population in 1833 and has since refused any entry (UN). When the territory was first colonized, there were no natives living on the land. The archipelago is effectively a collection of deserted islands where various colonial powers laid claim. This should be weighed against the Argentinean geographical and historical claim to the territories. Second, it is the responsibility of this committee to not only consider sovereignty, but also to take into account the economic and developmental aspects of the region in question. The Falklands have a limited form of self-government, although the government is explicitly subordinate to the government of the UK. The archipelago is not large enough to create its own government, even supposing that Argentina would refrain from attempting to take control of the area if the UK removed all influence. Additionally, the standard of living on the Falkland Islands is acceptable. Under British rule, the subordinate FIG engendered economic growth. After the Falklands War, the UK invested in the island and built up its infrastructure. This committee should, however, remain cautious on this point. Historically, imperialism negatively impacts a colony and its people. 23

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SpecPol deals with decolonization on a global scale, though it does not have the ability to simply grant the Falklands sovereignty. As an organ of the UN, the Fourth Committee can declare the opinion of the international community on the issue surrounding these islands. The primary objective of the UN when addressing issues of decolonization is ensuring and promoting the well being of the people in the respective territories. While self-determination is a guiding principle, it is a second priority to the standard of living for the people of a colonized area. Generally colonialism diminished the standard of living for the people of a colonized country, but this is not always the case. Therefore delegates must work to establish if, and under what circumstances, colonialism is supported. In the past few years, the UK rejected all negotiations with Argentina about the disputed islands; this policy decision directly violates the previous UN decision at the end of the Falkland War. The UK publicly stated that it holds indisputable sovereign control over the islands, and further that there cannot be negotiation over Falkland sovereignty until the Falkland islanders express the desire for it democratically (MercoPress). SpecPol addressed this issue in June 2010 and took careful note that Argentina is actively trying to start negotiations, but the UK is openly refusing to negotiate. Within the resolution passed by that committee in June of this year, the committee recognized that the UK had not implemented the terms of previous resolutions and called again for dialogue between Argentina and the UK (UN).

BLOC POSITIONS
FORMER COLONIZING POWERS The UK maintains that sovereignty over the Falklands should be left to the people of the islands (Browne). For this reason, the UK flatly rejects talks and negotiations with Argentina.The US and the EU all recognize the UKs sovereign rule in the Falklands, but beyond that they refuse to take a firm stance on the issue. They also support bilateral negotiations between the UK and Argentina rather than intervention from the international community. MIDDLE EAST Although there are some exceptions (mainly Syria and Iran), most Middle Eastern states encourage swift and peaceful negotiations between Argentina, the UK, and the Falklands that are mediated by the international community (GA/COL/3105). They strongly support the involvement of the UN in these negotiations in order to reach the fairest outcome that appeases the UK, Argentina, and the Falklands. AFRICAN UNION (AU) The members of the AU are states that were previously colonized. In the 1960s, they were all granted self-determination with considerable involvement from SpecPol. Since then, they have asserted that the ultimate goal of decolonization is the self-determination for all nations and peoples. Therefore the AU supports the Falklands right to pursue sovereignty independently. However, a policy of self-determination could only be considered successful if their decision is respected by the UK and Argentina as well as the international community.

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ASIA AND THE PACIFIC ISLANDS Asian states want to avoid further violent conflict over the issue and hope for it to be resolved through peaceful negotiations facilitated by the international community. Most Asian states voted for a draft resolution that supported immediately resuming negotiations on the issue (GA/COL/3105). Some former colonies in the region have also stressed the importance of the islanders pursuing selfdetermination. ORGANIZATION OF AMERICAN STATES (OAS) Many islands in the Caribbean have been impacted by colonialism from various countries. Most of the islands support bilateral talks, but also self-determination for the Falklands. Argentinians declare sovereignty over the Falklands due to their longstanding claim and their proximity to the islands. Besides this, they claim that the UK ousted many of their citizens when they occupied in 1883, so that even if the current islanders want the UK as a sovereign leader, they still do not have the right to decide because they are not the original islanders (GA/COL/3105). The Latin American states recognize the historical right of Argentina and unanimously supported bilateral talks between Argentina and the UK in order to resolve the issue of sovereignty. Bilateral talks could be a good method of negotiation in this circumstance because it ensures that there are no excessive outside pressures on the UK and Argentina that would create a solution that does not placate them. However, it could also prove challenging to respect the Falklands opinion with such a structure.

RESEARCH QUESTIONS
1. Has your country ever been involved in a sovereign territorial dispute? If so, what was the outcome? If not, does your country have a policy on territorial disputes? 2. Does your country have any strong ties with the United Kingdom or Argentina? What policy has your country held in relation to Argentina and the United Kingdom in the Falklands dispute? 3. What type of negotiation does your country support in situations with similar circumstances: bilateral or internationally mediated? 4. How aggressively has your country pursued other decolonization issues? How has your country worked to resolve other decolonization issues in the past? What is your countrys policy on selfdetermination in regards to the Falklands? 5. What are some possible solutions that could appease the Falklands, the United Kingdom, and Argentina?

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WORKS CITED TOPIC A


Afoaku, Osita.!Democratic Republic of Congo. Rep. Freedom House, 2010. Web. 26 Aug. 2010. <http:// www.freedomhouse.org/uploads/ccr/country-7954-9.pdf>. Arieff, By Irwin. "U.N. Cuts Ethiopia-Eritrea Peacekeeping Mission | Reuters."!Breaking News, Business News, Financial and Investing News & More | Reuters.co.uk. 30 Jan. 2007. Web. 28 Aug. 2010. <http://uk.reuters.com/article/idUKN3025767020070130>. Bernath, Clifford, Anne Edgerton, and Refugees International.!MONUC: Flawed Mandate Limits Success. Rep. Dutch Institute for Southern Africa, 2003. Web. 25 Aug. 2010. <http:// archive.niza.nl/docs/200308191506211537.pdf>. Blecher, Robert. "Human Rights and the Legacy of Decolonization in the Middle East."!University of Iowa!(2006). Web. 29 Aug. 2010. <http://international.uiowa.edu/centers/human-rights/ documents/LegacyofDecolonizationMiddleEast.pdf > Cavaliere, Victoria. "UN Votes to Pull Peacekeeping Force from Chad | Africa | English."!News | English. 25 May 2010. Web. 28 Aug. 2010. <http://www.voanews.com/english/news/africa/ UN-Votes-to-Pull-Peacekeeping-Force-from-Chad-94877814.html>. Chafer, Tony.!The End of Empire in French West Africa: France's Successful Decolonization?Oxford: Berg, 2002. Print. Congo, Democratic Republic of History. Encyclopedia of the Nations. Web. 6 Jun 2010. Christie, Clive J.!Modern History of Southeast Asia : Decolonization, Nationalism and Seperation.NY, NY: I. B. Tauris, 2000. Print. Clark, Campbell. "Canada Rejects UN Request to Lead Congo Mission - The Globe and Mail."!The Globe and Mail. The Globe and Mail, 09 July 2010. Web. 28 Aug. 2010. <http:// www.theglobeandmail.com/news/national/canada-rejects-un-request-to-lead-congomission/article1552792/>. Dagne, Theodros. "Democratic Republic of Congo: Transitional Process and U.N. Mission."!CRS Web. CRS Report for Congress, 22 Mar. 2005. Web. 28 Aug. 2010. <https:// docs.google.com/viewer?url=http://www.fas.org/sgp/crs/row/RS22089.pdf>. Ekengard, Arvid.!Coordination and Coherence in the Peace Operation in the Democratic Republic of Congo. Rep. no. 2805. FOI, 2009. Web. 26 Aug. 2010. <http://www.foi.se/upload/projects/Africa/ xfoir2805.pdf>. Emizet, Kisangani. "The Massacre of Refugees in Congo: A Case of UN Peacekeeping Failure and International Law." The Journal of Modern African Studies 38.2 (2000): 163-2002. JSTOR. Web. 17 July 2010.

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European Parliament. Human Rights.!Democratic Republic of Congo: MEPs Call for Action on Human Rights. European Parliament, 1 July 2010. Web. 27 Aug. 2010. Fetter, Bruce. "Review: Who Murdered Lumumba?" The Journal of African History 43.2 (2002): 358-59. JSTOR. Web. 17 July 2010. Hoebeke, Hans.!EU Support to the Democratic Republic of Congo. Rep. IRRI-KIIB, 2007. Web. 27 Aug. 2010. <http://www.egmontinstitute.be/papers/07/afr/EU_support_to_the_DRC.pdf>. IRIN. "Cote D'Ivoire: More Peacekeepers Needed, Say Analysts."!GlobalSecurity.org. UN Office for the Coordination of Human Affairs, 13 May 2010. Web. 27 Aug. 2010. <http:// www.globalsecurity.org/military/library/news/2010/05/mil-100513-irin01.htm>. "India, Democratic Republic of Congo Sign Pact to Transform Ties."!Thaindian News. 12 Mar. 2008. Web. 28 Aug. 2010. <http://www.thaindian.com/newsportal/business/india-democraticrepublic-of-congo-sign-pact-to-transform-ties_10026840.html>. Logan, Michael. "How Communism's Demise Ended Cold War by Proxy in Africa | TopNews."!TopNews Network. 21 Oct. 2009. Web. 25 Aug. 2010. <http://www.topnews.in/ how-communisms-demise-ended-cold-war-proxy-africa-2226492>. Martin, Phyllis M. "Review: Casement on King Leopold's Congo." The Journal of African History 46.1 (2005): 175-76. JSTOR. Web. 17 July 2010. Meldon, By Jerry. "Long U.S. Dance with Mobutu Ends."!The Consortium. Consortium News, 1997. Web. 25 Aug. 2010. <http://www.consortiumnews.com/archive/story31.html>. MONUC Background. United Nations Organization Mission in the Democratic Republic of the Congo. United Nations. Web. 6 Jun 2010. MONUSCO Mandate. United Nations, 2010. Web. 16 July 2010. <http://www.un.org/en/ peacekeeping/missions/monusco/mandate.shtml>. "Paris Club Gives 100% Debt Relief to Democratic Republic of Congo | World."!RIA Novosti. 19 Mar. 2010. Web. 28 Aug. 2010. <http://en.rian.ru/world/20100319/158245429.html>. Samset, Ingrid.!UN Peacekeeping in the Congo: When Is the Job Done?!Rep. no. 6. Noref Policy Brief, 2010. Web. 26 Aug. 2010. <http://www.operationspaix.net/IMG/pdf/UN-peacekeeping-inthe-congo-when-is-the-job-done.pdf>. Schroeder, Emily.!A Window of Opportunity in the Democratic Republic of Congo: Incorporating a Gender Perspective on Disarmament, Demobilization and Reintegration Process. Rep. Small Arms Survey, 2003. Web. 26 Aug. 2010. <http://www.smallarmssurvey.org/files/portal/spotlight/ disarmament/disarm_pdf/2003_Schroeder.pdf>. South African News Features. "AllAfrica.com: Southern Africa: SADC Celebrates 30 Years."AllAfrica.com. South African News Featuers (Harare), 13 Aug. 2010. Web. 28 Aug. 2010. <http://allafrica.com/stories/201008130681.html>.

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Shah, Anup. The Democratic Republic of the Congo. Global Issues. N.p. 27 Mar 2008. Web. 6 Jun 2010. Sotomayor, Arturo. "Peacekeeping Participation and Its Socializing Effects on Military Professionalism among Democratizing States: Empirical and Theoretical Lessons from Latin America."!All Academic Inc.!29 Mar. 2008. Web. 28 Aug. 2010. <http:// www.allacademic.com//meta/p_mla_apa_research_citation/2/5/1/5/8/pages251582/ p251582-1.php>. Tayob, Riaz. "Moeletsi Mbeki Addresses AFRICOM."!Pambazuka News. 15 May 2010. Web. 28 Aug. 2010. <http://www.pambazuka.org/en/category/comment/64413>. UN News Service. "AllAfrica.com: Sudan: UN Mission to Remain for Another Year to Support North-South Peace Pact."!AllAfrica.com. UN News Service, 29 Apr. 2010. Web. 28 Aug. 2010. <http://allafrica.com/stories/201004290845.html>.

TOPIC B
UN Sources: http://www.un.org/News/Press/docs/2004/gacol3105.doc.htm GA/COL/3105 http://www.un.org/News/Press/docs/2004/gacol3105.doc.htm Non-UN Sources: Argentina plans S. Atlantic oil prospecting to counter Falklands. UPI. United Press International, Inc. 1 Jul 2010. Web. 6 Jul 2010. "Argentina takes Falklands claim to U.N. decolonization talks." United Press International 23 June 2010. Web. 17 July 2010. <http://www.upi.com/Top_News/Special/2010/06/23/ Argentina-takes-Falklands-claim-to-UN-decolonization-talks/UPI-73341277313605/>. "Argentine UN ambassador confident US will eventually play a part in Falklands dispute." MercoPress South Atlantic News 23 June 2010. Web. 22 July 2010. <http:// en.mercopress.com/2010/06/23/argentine-un-ambassador-confident-us-will-eventuallyplay-a-part-in-falklands-dispute>. Bluth, Christoph. "The British Resort to Force in the Falklands/Malvinas Conflict 1982: International Law and Just War Theory." Journal of Peace Research 24.1 (1987): 5-20. JSTOR. Web. 29 June 2010. This source discusses the reasoning for British use of force within the Falklands Crisis. Bowers, Simon. "Falkland Islands oil drilling begins." The Guardian 22 Feb. 2010 [United Kingdom] . Web. 24 July 2010. <http://www.guardian.co.uk/uk/2010/feb/22/falkland-islands-oildrilling-begins>.

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Calvert, Peter. "Sovereignty and the Falklands Crisis." Royal Institute of International Affairs 59.3 (1983): 405-13. JSTOR. Web. 29 June 2010. Dodds, Klaus. "Towards Rapprochement? Anglo-Argentine Relations and the Falklands/Malvinas in the Late 1990s." Royal Institute of International Affairs 74.3 (1998): 617-30. JSTOR. Web. 29 June 2010. This source focuses on the issues of national sovereignty in relation the to Falklands Islands. Dunnett, Denzil. Self-Determination and the Falklands. Royal Institute of International Affairs 59.3 (1983): 415-28. JSTOR. Web. 29 June 2010. This source discusses the Falklands Islands situation of colonization and legitimate self-determination. Gedalyahu, Tzvi Ben. Syria Reaches Out from Iran to Argentina for Allies. Arutz Sheva. Arutz Sheva. 4 Jul 2010. Web. 6 Jul 2010. This source discusses the relationship between Argentina and various middle eastern nations. Hennessy, Patrick. No Talk on Falklands, David Cameron tell Argentina. Telegraph. Telegraph Media Group Limited. 26 Jun 2010. Web. 6 Jul 2010. This source discusses the current British policy in relation to Argentina and the Falkland Islands. Lai, Brian, and Dan Reiter. "Rally 'Round the Union Jack? Public Opinion and the Use of Force in the United Kingdom, 1948-2001." International Studies Quarterly 49.2 (2005): 255-72. JSTOR. Web. 29 June 2010. This source discusses the impact of military intervention on increasing patriotic appeal domestically in the UK. "New Latin America bloc urges Falklands talks." France 24/7 24 Feb. 2010. Web. 12 July 2010. <htpp://www.france24.com/.../20100224-new-latin-america-bloc-urges-falklands-talks>. Potts, Alex. "Eye Witnesses of the Falklands War." History Workshop 15 (1983): 192-95. JSTOR. Web. 29 June 2010. This source displays both images and written accounts of the actual conflict in the Falkland Islands. Stavridis, Stelios and Hill, Christopher. Domestic Sources of Foreign Policy: West European reactions to the Falklands. Berg Publishers Limited, 1996. Web. This source discusses general Western European perspective on the Falkland Islands situation. Tran, Mark. "Britain rejects Falkland Islands talks with Argentina." The Guardian 18 May [United Kingdom] . Web. 10 July 2010. <http://www.guardian.co.uk/uk/2010/may/18/falklandislands-sovereignty-britain-argentina>.

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