An investigation of the meaning of in Romas 3.25.

Romans 3.21-25 is one of the most influential pericopae of the New Testament. Protestant exegesis regards it as the pinnacle of the theology of justification, this is ably expressed by Leon Morris when he describes it as, 'possibly the most important single paragraph ever written.' (Morris, 1998:173) Interpreters of Romans have, however, struggled with how to exactly translate the Greek word in Romans 3.25. The translation has varied within scholarship between two options, the first is a technical term referring to the kapporet. This translation as 'a place of atonement', has an ancient tradition including Origen, Luther and Calvin, and has been argued most recently by Stuhlmacher and Hultgren. (Moo, 1996:232). The second interpretation is that of an 'atoning sacrifice', that is, the means of atonement which is translated either propitiation or expiation depending on the meaning the scholar wants to convey, with Deissmann and Dodd being examples of the these two positions respectively (Moo, 1996:232). This essay will attempt the rather difficult task of deciding how should be translated and interpreted within the pericope. A lexical survey will be carried out establishing its range of meaning as well as looking at its use in the Septuagint and extra-Biblical literature and general Greco-Roman culture of the 1st century CE. As words can only have meaning in their context, the theological benefits of any concluding translation will be considered within the context of the pericope itself.

Lexical Usage The word is the substantive neuter derived from the Greek adjective . Within Greco-Roman literature it is defined as 'that which serves as an instrument for regaining the goodwill of a deity,' (Ardnt, 2000: 474) which can either be a place of propitiation or a means of expiation. As already remarked the first scholarly option for a place of atonement and the second option being the means of atonement are both attested by BDAG which

notes that the unique difference concerning the expiation with regard to GrecoRoman usage being that it is God himself who provides this means to reestablish this relationship (Ardnt, 2000: 474). In the Louw-Nida concordance, based on semantic domains, the range is again between means and place. It does rule out the option of propitiation as a means on the grounds that propitiation is an act by which a person does a favour to another in order to make that person favourably disposed (Louw, 1996:502, V1). However, in the New Testament God is never the object of the propitiation this had not been ruled out in BDAG but noted as a unique occurrence. Liddell also gives two definitions between place and means quoting either a mercy seat, or propitiatory gift or offering (Liddell, 1996:379). This lexical review is inconclusive so in order to establish whether a means or place should be the correct translation the uses of in biblical and extra-biblical literature needs to be considered. The actual occurrence of is quite rare, Kraus has listed only forty five examples in total. Five of these occur in pagan sources, and those in which the meaning is clear refer to propitiatory votive offerings (Kraus, 1991:27,28). The EDNT notes that, 'In Greek literature it was used of a gift of consecration or expiation brought to the deity, most frequently in the form of a consecrated stele (Dio Chrysostom xi.121; W. R. Paton and E. L. Hicks, The Inscriptions of Cos [1891] 81, 347). Only in a single reference on an Egyptian papyrus of the second century A.D. does the word have the meaning propitiatory sacrifice.' (Roloff, 1990:186) The predominate number in the sources come from the LXX. A survey of the usage within the LXX shows twenty eight instances of its use, twenty one in the Torah, five in Ezekiel, and once each in Amos and 4 Maccabees. It is also mentioned six times in Philo, twice in Symmachus, once in Josephus and once in the Testament of Solomon. In Christian literature it occurs twice, once in the pericope in question and once in Hebrews 9:5. The usage in Hebrews from the context is quite clearly the place of atonement and it is translated mercy seat unambiguously. Of all twenty one occurrences in the Torah, is always a translation of kapporet, as is true in Philo and the Testament of Solomon (Kraus, 1991:26,27). Of the two occurrences in Symmachus, Noah's ark is referred to as as a kapporet (Kraus, 1991:24). , notes the EDNT, becomes a fixed term in the LXX, where it is the translation of Hebrew

kapporet. (Balz, 1990:186,Vol 2) The other instances of in the LXX are in Ezekiel and Amos and both refer to a place in the temple, all being associated with the altar and most likely associated with atonement (Ezra, 2003:200). HALOT gives a definition of a border around the altar for the translation of 'zhr in Ezekiel (Koehler, 1999:812). What is the kapporet and what was its function in the cultus of the Old Testament? The first mention is in Exodus 25:17-22 where Yahweh commands that upon the ark of the covenant a kapporet of pure gold is to be set up, its dimensions mirroring that of the ark. At both ends are to be cherubim, which are to protectively cover the kapporet with their faces towards it. It is here that Yahweh would meet Moses, above the kapporet in the space between the cherubim. It can be seen that it was the place of God's glory and presence, and considered in Exodus 30:6 as more important than the ark. The ark and the kapporet were in the Holy of Holies which could only be entered once a year on the day of atonement. It was the 'place' of atonement where once a year the high priest would enter and sprinkle the blood of the sin-offering on the kapporet to atone for Israel's sins, Leviticus 16:13-16 (Buschel, 1964:318, V3). It was therefore the most important cultic object in the most holy place in the tabernacle and the temple. Thus the translation of kapporet in the Torah of the LXX is always , used as a technical term and the lexicography points to it being overwhelmingly a place of atonement and in the English translations this is rendered 'mercy seat' reflecting that topography. Only 4 Maccabees 17:22 remains in the LXX where is used to describe the Maccabeean martyrs' in a general sense as 'their propitiatory death' or 'the propitiatory offering of their death'. This immediately suggests that the term here is Greco-Roman rather than Jewish in usage due to its lack of cultic imagery or reference to a place either in the temple or to the kapporet itself. The only other instance of this propitiatory use is in Josephus, who writes that Herod erects a 'propitiatory monument' to appease the wrath of God ( Josephus, 1987:XVI, vii 1). This can be explained by Josephus' primarily pagan audience (Ezra, 2003:200). The use and significance within 4 Maccabees will be discussed below, but as can be clearly witnessed the overwhelming usage is as a place rather than a means of atonement or a sacrifice itself. As Bailey notes

lexicography points towards the technical term mercy seat as the primary translation of and that it is 'always a thing-never an idea an action or an animal.' (Bailey, 2000:155) The LXX therefore, points almost entirely to being a physical object, however within the context of the pericope, the direct referent of is Jesus. This strongly suggests a metaphorical use in Romans which Bailey notes. Therefore the lexicographic evidence overwhelmingly points to a place of atonement and to a predominately cultic Jewish understanding of the term. Finlan has noted that Bailey's work is strong lexically but weak when he downplays the sacrificial resonances of the methaphor, the sacrificial rituals of Yom Kippur. He notes, 'The mercy seat was the spacial pinnacle of the cult and Yom Kippur its temporal peak. The reason that a is called such is that the cultic action is performed there. Bailey's separation of from the sacrificial victim does not remove it from the sacrificial arena.' (Finlan, 2004:132) The Greco-Roman usage Despite this overwhelming lexicographic evidence indicating that the best translation of is as place of atonement, some scholars have insisted on a Greco-Roman idea of a propitiatory votive offering. Deissmann initially raised a protest followed by scholars such as Lohse and more recently Morris. They have suggested that Paul had in mind the Maccabean martyrs of 4 Maccabees 17:22 when he was writing Romans 3.25. Their wish to translate as a means of atonement, primarily as a propitiatory sacrifice is also based on the context of wrath in Romans 1-3 and theological considerations. This would result in a translation as a sacrifice and one of propitiation akin to Hellenistic martyr theology. The author of 4 Maccabees argues that Antiochus Epiphanes was punished because he killed the martyrs and Israel was cleansed from all impurity because of their deaths (Schreiner, 1998:192). In 17:22, 'and our country was purified, they [the martyrs] having as it were become a ransom for our nations sin; and through the blood of these righteous men and the propitiation () of their death, the divine Providence delivered Israel that before was evil entreated.' (Charles, 2004:683, Vol 2) Bailey notes that the 'propitiatory offering of the martyrs death' is perfectly in keeping with the use of Greek heroic and athletic imagery

elsewhere in 4 Maccabees 17:8-24 whereas Romans 3.25 cannot be understood apart from the LXX, while no such knowledge is necessary to understand 4 Maccabees 17:22. Therefore to translate as a atoning sacrifice, whether expiatory or propitiatory, 'is misleading as does not denote the act of sacrifice, nor are the martyrs compared with victims of sacrifice (such as on the Day of Atonement).' (Bailey, 2000:158) Therefore he discourages the parallel with 4 Maccabees on grounds of context and lexicography due to the differing metaphors, one Greco-Roman the other biblical. Objections to the translation of as mercy seat What of the objections raised by these scholars to translating as mercy seat, as a place of atonement? These are varied but the primary objection is that it is anarthrous in Romans 3:21 whereas in all LXX usage it is articular, other than in Exodus 25:17 where it modifies , suggesting that the mercy seat is not intended in Romans. This can be refuted on grammatical grounds as is in the predicate position and therefore would be expected to be anarthrous (Schreiner, 1998:193). also does not always refer to the mercy seat in the LXX, for example in Ezekiel, but as has already been discussed the overwhelming lexicographic evidence points towards the translation of kapporet and in Ezekiel it still refers to a place. Further it is claimed cultic allusions, in particular Leviticus 16 are not prevalent in Romans, however the presence of in verse 25 and the reference to blood again in Romans 5:9 and in particular in Romans 8:3 are strong arguments to the contrary. Campbell states that, Christ, the Spirit, Paul himself and the Christian community all receive overtly cultic coding in Romans, 'That is, cultic language seems to fulfil a flexible and ornamental function, gracing Pauls prose with occasional Levitical flourishes (Campbell, 2009:651). The contrast of the public setting forth of Christ as an to the very private and concealed nature of the actual day of atonement where only the high priest could enter the sanctuary is another argument against the translation as mercy seat. This again can be refuted as the public nature opens to all the redemption not just of Israel but to Jew and Greek as there is 'no distinction', as stated in 3:22. Jewett disregards the martyrological parallels on

this very point as the Maccabean martyrs only effect for Israel's sins and allusions to them delimit the scope of the atonement (Jewett, 2007:286). One final argument against a cultic understanding of is that the Gentile audience would not understand the LXX reference and more likely associate it with the Hellenistic martyr motif. Again this can be dismissed due to the nature of the Roman church which was most likely originally made up of Roman Jews who had converted on the day of Pentecost and brought their faith back to the synagogues and homes of Rome. These synagogues were not bound by any single organised structure but were independent of each other. If the pattern of Pauline mission was followed then then it can be assumed that 'God fearers', Gentiles who were interested in Judaism and attached themselves to synagogues with varying degrees of adherence, were primarily among those who converted to Christianity due to the witness of these Pentecostal Roman Jews (Moo, 1996:4). These Greek speaking Gentile 'God fearers' would have a good knowledge of the Septuagint, Hebrew customs and the Law with the accompanying propensities for Law-observance appropriate for Gentiles. Their knowledge of Judaism's most holy day and the their reference in the Septuagint seems probable and Romans itself is written to a mixed audience with the underlying assumption that such knowledge would be common. 4 Maccabees still has a role in interpreting despite the GrecoRoman propitiatory votive offering translation being discounted Although these objections to translating as a place of atonement can be refuted and the idea of a Greco-Roman propitiatory sacrifice is also to be ruled out the parallels with 4 Maccabees that these scholars wish to draw should not be discounted. Along with much Greco-Roman imagery in 4 Maccabees there is also cultic imagery. Campbell notes that there might not be a direct relationship between the two texts, the dating of 4 Maccabees being probably later than Romans, but there seems to be an interpretive direction that pre-dated Paul, the mutual sharing of an antecedent rather than a copying. (Campbell, 2007:654) He also suggests that the writer of 4 Maccabees was echoing the feast of Yom Kippur which would give a cultic echo that Bailey denies (Bailey, 2000:158). The writer of 4 Maccabees like Paul uses and to describe the deaths of the martyrs whose faithfulness gains

either forgiveness or release from sin together with cleansing. The background in both is the central act of atoning on Yom Kippur that revolves around the mercy seat. Paul is paralleling the Isaac story of Genesis 22 (which Campbell argues is developed martyrologically by later Jewish tradition and is behind both 4 Maccabees and our pericope) which is a story of faithfulness, obedience, death and resurrection but which is now fulfilled in Christ (Campbell, 2007:655). Final conclusions on the translation and meaning Returning to the initial dichotomy of scholarly interpretation, how should the term be translated, as a place or means of atonement? From the survey we can discount the idea that it was a propitiatory votive offering of a Greco-Roman type. From the the lexical data it can be clearly seen that the translation lexically would favour place of atonement, that is, the mercy seat. Does this rule out a translation preferring a means of atonement? As as been noted the in 3:25 is a person, Christ himself, and not a place. Therefore to translate this as a place would not fit the context of the pericope. Since by Paul's day there had not been an ark in the temple since the exile, almost 600 years, and this symbolism had been carried entirely by literary tradition, it seems likely despite the lexical evidence that Paul was using the term in regards its function within the cultus, that is, as a means of atonement (Campbell, 2009:650). It seems reasonable to presume that Paul was using the word to link Christs death to Yom Kippur, with Christ as the perfect atoning sacrifice. As such, a translation of 'sacrifice of atonement' would seem to be reasonable without having to choose between either propitiation or expiation as a means, allowing both aspects to be contained within the semantic density of the word without prejudicing either. This reading also allows for both the cultic imagery of the term which is behind both the whole of Romans, our pericope and 4 Maccabees as well as encompassing the martyrological imagery associated primarily with 4 Maccabees. The dichotomy between place and means is therefore invalid as the

Bibliography

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