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The Kuvi language was not dealt with in the Linguistic Survey of India, but a few years later accounts of it were given by two authors, A. G. Fitzgerald 1 and F. V. P. Schulze3 These works provided a considerable mass of information about the language, but in both cases the transcriptions are so inaccurate as to make it difficult, and in some cases impossible to use the material for comparative purposes. Since these works appeared no further work had been done on the language, and consequently, while touring the tribal Dravidian area in early 1958, we decided to spend some time interrogating Kuvi speakers. This we did in the first place at Araku in Andhra Pradesh, our informants coming from the village of Sunkarametta some miles to the East. Later, at Gudari, while studying the Kuttiya dialect of Kui, we also examined for a short time a Kuvi speaker. This informant was not native to this place, but, according to his statement, from the region of Bisamkatak, and he had resided away from his home for some considerable time. For this reason he was not altogether satisfactory as an informant, and the possibility that his speech had been influenced by the local Kui had to be taken into account, but nevertheless some useful information was gathered. He described himself as a Parja Kandh, and so the forms of his dialect are indicated by the abbreviation P. The dialect which we studied at Araku is indicated by the abbreviation Su. [Kar. = dialect of Karaveli, a village on the Koraput-Rayaghoda road.] The following letters are necessary for the transcription of the language, the alphabetical order being the customary one for Indian alphabets: Vowels: a ~t i i u f t e 6 o 6 Consonants:kgncjtdnt..d.npbmyr.rlvsh A. G. Fitzgerald, Kuvinga Bassa. The Khond language as spoken by the Pa.rjas (and kindred Tribes) of the Madras Presidency (Calcutta, 1913). The Rev. F. V. P. Schulze, .4 Grammar of the Kuvi Language (Madras, 1911). The Rev. F. V. P. schulze, Vocabulary of the Kuvi-Kond Language (Madras, 1913).



In addition there is the glottal stop which is the most striking feature of the language phonetically. We have followed Fitzgerald and Schulze in transcribing this with the sign '. So far as the available evidence goes, there appear to be no serious dialectical cleavages within the Kuvi language. The account of it by Fitzgerald appears to have been compiled mainly in the tea gardens of Assam, where Kuvi tribesmen were recruited in considerable numbers, and consequently it has no single dialectal base. On the other hand Schulze's account is based on the Kuvi spoken in the vicinity of Salur. Between these two versions of Kuvi there seem at first sight to be some considerable differences, but these turn out on examination to be merely variations of transcription. The language as recorded by us at Araku, apart from certain comparatively minor details, does not differ essentially from the language as described by these two authors. On the other hand the language of the parja Kandh, whom we examined at Gudari, showed certain more original features, and this dialect would be worth further investigation. In spite of their inaccuracy the works of Fitzgerald and Schulze are, taken together fairly comprehensive, and consequently our investigations were useful more from the point of view of checking and correcting existing information rather than in providing new material. These notes are based on a combination of the material we collected and that supplied in the books which could be utilised with much greater certainty than was possible before. We have been able to give a fairly comprehensive survey of the phonetic history of the language and of its structure, which will be found particularly useful since the above mentioned books have been for long unobtainable. While the first part of the article is considerably indebted to our predecessors, the second part containing the vocabulary is confined to our own collections. Etymological notes are provided in this vocabulary in the case of material which is supplementary to the

Dravidian Etymological Dictionary.

The contents of our vocabulary mostly represent items that are already known, but there is a certain amount of new material, which suggests that further invetigation would reveal a good deal more. The following is a sample list of words previously unrecorded: drgu (pl. drka) "sp. grain", katti "mat wall", karna "irrigation channel", kun.umpa "sp. fruit", kudu "broken rice", kupli "hill, hillock", kumbra "clump of trees", gu'u "hump of cow", gumomi "heap", genji "water in which rice has been boiled", goskori "shrimp", grik- (grikh-) "to be bitter", jonjoli "sieve", t.ik- "to get stuck", .doti "calf of leg", triv- "to spin, revolve",



truki "rubbish, refuse", t.r~lu "cream", na'a.ri "at that time', na'ni "glowing ember", non.- (non.h-) "to draw water", pa.ri "rind of fruit", puleri s[ma "red ant", p~ki niyu "honey", pol~ga "hole in tree", bhvli "wild cat", mardi "Saj tree", mdyu "sambar", mn.ok- (m.nokh.) "to draw water", m.rogla "shoot (of bamboo)", remperi valli "whetstone", 16c- "to churn", vS~geri "Bija tree", hapili "saltless, insipid", hin..dru "resin", hargi "Sal tree", hineri, in hTneri ~kori "steam of boiling water", h?ru "vein", ho.d- "to get stuck". From the much smaller material recorded at Gudari the following are not previously recorded: kakori "dew", gahnai "to tie", jur'o "Aonla", t.od.i "chin", ndgu.ri "river", neppu "shoulder", n6n.o "rope", ponna "udder", .ria "shade, shadow", reng- "to be broken", vecc- "to take out, take off", ve.rma "finger", h~mbi "tortoise". In some cases a word appears in a different form in P. compared with form recorded in Su. : e.g.P, tM.l.a "liver" (Su. tra'na), ponna "udder" (Su. podmu), firu "way, road" (Su. fiyu), ~hp- "to winnow" (Su. Yrs-), kit.- "to comb" (Su. kin.-), but such instances are not many. In hapuri "broom" (Su. h~pori) the unexpected a-vowel has a parallel in KolNaik. sabdi "id.". Examples like vir'a "soil" (Su., etc. i'ira) are probably due to the influence of Kui: cf. also P. kdl "leg" (elsewhere ko.d.da). The form vergu "firewood" (P.) is interesting in having r for the original alveolar which has elsewhere been elided (Su. vegu, S. veggu: Kui vejgu with regular development). Other variations in the form of words are few in number. In some cases both metathesised and unmetathesised forms are recorded; e.g. Su. mir'esi, F. miresi "son": S. mr~esi "id." (Kui mr~enju): similarly Su. mdrnu, S. marnu "tree": F. S. mrc~nu (note also the P. form mara without n-suffix.); Su. P. mff.nk- "to urinate", S. mu.rkinai "piddle": F. m.r~kali "to make water", Su. m.nftka urine: Su. dir'- "to sprinkle", F. dirhali : P. dri- "id."; F. patti "cotton": Su. pratti. Apart from such variations metathesised forms are normal. Dialectally an initial dental may be palatalised before a following palatal, a feature which is also found in Pengo. Examples are: Su. c~c-"to sew": S. td.zinai, F. tachali; Su. cuc- "to block up" ( < t ~ see DED no. 2770); Su. c6nj- "to appear": S. t6nj-, F. tonj; Su.jucc- "to carry on the head", F. j~chali, S. zft.z-: P. ducc- "id." (cf. Kui d.~sa, Pe. j6c- Go. t6chdnd "id."). On the other hand the alternation between Su. P. sun.d-, F. sfmdali "to shut, close" and S. tund- "to close" (Kui t.un.da "id") is an isolated phenomenon. The root k~p- "to do, make" may be transposed to p~k-, and these two forms appeared to be used indiscriminately by



our informants from Sukarametta. Beside our nakt.a "bug" and F.'s nukta (i.e. nakt.a) S. gives natka (i.e. nat.ka) a more original form since it is clearly an old plural of *na[- "bug" (:Tu. nal.[u etc., DED 2998). P. sfpa.daki "chest", F. s~pudaki shows preservation of original s- in contrast to the usual treatment in Su. hfpa.daki "id.". On the other hand P. Mma "ant" contrasts with forms having s- elsewhere: Su. s~ma "ant". There are some other sporadic examples of such preservation, e.g. Su. S.

s~mesi, F. Mwesi, P. sfmu "pus", sun.d- "to shut" (see above), S. suppesi "musk mice (sic)", Su. sri-, S. srihnai "to become bad, rotten" (Kui srihpa). Prothetic h- is seen in Su. huk- "to take off (clothes)", S. hucknai "to undress", F. h~ngali "to be opened": cf. Kui ~ga "to bc stripped off, split off, skinned", ~pka "to strip off, skin", Kon .da t6l uk- "to skin, flay"; Su. huru "noose": S. uru "id." (cf. Kui ruhu "noose, snare, trap"); similarly S. ht~ "that', h~nika "there".
The information provided by Schulze and Fitzgerald is particularly unreliable when it comes to distinguishing between dental and retroflex consonants, and for this reason it has been difficult to use for comparative purposes. It is now possible to be more definite on this point. Kuvi has the following contrasting dental and retroflex series: Dental: t d n r Retroflex: t..d .n .r Numerous examples of each of these phonemes will be found in the accompanying vocabulary. A few points call for special discussion. The most useful progress to be reported concerns Kuvi .r, since it was impossible to obtain any clear idea about this matter from the books. For instance in his article "Proto-Dravidian z.",3 Bh. Krishnamurti remarks: "The available Kuvi cognates arc not many, but among the items included here the percentage of regularity is fairly high; PDr. .z develops to r/1 in different Kuvi dialects". This conclusion was the only one that could bc reached on the basis of the books, but it is wide of the mark. Our investigations showed quite a different state of affairs, namely that the said phoneme regularly appears as .r, which is the same treatment as that found in Kui, Pcngo, Kon.da, Gondi. Furthermore PDr../also develops to .r in Kuvi, a treatment which contrasts with that of Kui, which has l, but agrees with the normal treatment in Pengo, Kon.da (Northern and Western dialect) and Gondi. The following examples illustrate the two different origins of Kuvi .r: (1) P. kuria "daughter-in-law": Pa. ko.rol, etc.; ko.rva "fat": Ta.
8 Turner Jubilee Volume I ( = Indian Linguistics), pp. 259-293. We assume PDr ..r for this phoneme.



ko.ru, etc. ; kroh- "to winnow": Kui krohpa, Ta. ko.ri, etc.; krfme "is deep": Kui kr~va "to sink down", gr~yu "pit": Kui krdu; tdri "plantain": Kui, Kon.da tdri; parka "armpit": Kon.da parka "side", Te. prakka "id.", cf. Ta. paru "side, rib"; r@i "cowdung": Go. sar@i "id."; pdrey "fruit": cf. Ta.pa.ram, etc. ; priyuli"worm": Kuipriu, Ta. pu.ru, etc.; ri- "to weep"; Kui rfva, Ta. a..ru, etc. ; pT- "to plough": Kui rava, Ta. u.ru etc. ; P. r~ca "comb", Pa. ur-, urv- "to comb", etc.; pr~nu "bone": Kui p.r~nu, Kon.da peren "id." (2) o'ri "bear": Kui oli, Te. elugu, Ta. en.ku, etc; kdru "liquor": Kui kalu, Ta. ka[, etc.; krdnu "threshing-floor": Kui klai, Ta. kal.an, ka!am, etc. ; mrogla "shoot of bamboo": Ta. mu[ai "shoot", etc. ; ray- "to split": Ta. vil.a- etc.; P. reng- "to be broken": Kui lenga; h6r- "to enter": Kui s6lba.
When as a result of metathesis an original Dravidian -.d- came to stand immediately after an initial occlusive it was changed to -r- in both Kuvi and Kui. The following are instances of this change: Kuvi kra'li "axe", Kui krd.di (? for krd.di): Ka. ko.dari "axe", etc.; Kuvi kra'ni "tiger", Kui K. krd.di: Kol. ke.diak "id."; Kuvi gro'li "double handful", Kui gr6.da (9. for gr6.da) "id.": cf. Ta. kut.ah-kai "palm o f the hand"; Kuvi S. gld'nai (i.e. gra-), Kui gr@a: Ta. ka.ta, etc.; Kui krai "a young female buffalo or goat": cf. Ka. ka.dasu "a young female cow or buffalo"; Kni kra"pungent", cf. Tu. ka.du "pungency", etc.; Kui prunga "to be snapped, broken off, plucked"; Ta. pit.uhku- "to pull o u t or off". In loanwords from Telugu single intervocalic -.d- is represented by -r-, -.d- being used only for Te. -.d.d-. Examples are: kFtr- "to assemble", gurgu "umbrella", piri "handle", rnarta "fold", gdrde "donkey" (Te. k~.du, go.dugu, ma.data, pi.di, gCdida). On the other hand we have o.du "bank", gu.du "egg", etc. (Te. od.du, gud.du). The same state of affairs appears also in the Telugu loanwords in Kon.da and Gadba. It is necessary to say a few words about the representation of this phoneme in the books of Schulze and Fitzgerald. It is Fitzgerald's practise to write r for r and r for r, thus reversing the usual signs, but his notation is by no means always consistent. The situation with Schulze is more curious. When r is initial, or when it appears as the second member of an initial consonant group, he writes l, both when it represents PDr. r and when it represents PDr../. On the other hand when it is in intervocalic position he writes .d; e.g. l~nai' 'to plough" glayu "hole", 6u.di "bear" where we have r~7-, grdyu, o'ri. Our main informants came from different districts than Schulze's but in spite of this it does not seem that Schulze's notation represents a different dialectical development.



We made occasional samplings in various districts and invariably got .r in such words. Even in Salur itself where Schulze took down his material we noted .ra- "to plough" from an informant briefly interviewed. We conclude therefore that it is Kuvi.r whichis represented by l and .d in Schulze's notation, and it seems unlikely that further investigation will reveal any real basis for it. Beside .r the Kuvi language possesses also the phoneme -.d- and it has been noted above that it represents Telugu -.d.d- in loanwords. A few further remarks are necessary concerning it. In the first place it is to be noted that PDr. intervocalie -.d- is nowhere preserved in Kuvi, and that this is also the case in Kui, and in the other members of this sub-family (i.e. Kon.da, Pengo, Gondi). In all these languages Dravidian intervocalic -.d- receives the same treatment as intervocalic -r-. This development in Kuvi is not uniform. In some cases the development is to -y- which corresponds to Kui -j-, e.g. 6y- "to be broken" (Kui 6ja: Pa. 6.d-, etc.), and ndyu "village" (Kui ndju: Ta. ndt.u "country", etc.), the development being the same as that of original -r- in Kuvi ~yu, Kui (K.) ~ju "water". In such cases as the plural ndska "villages" where the following k caused unvoicing we find s corresponding to -y- in Kuvi and -j- in Kui. A quite different treatment is found in nor- (norh-) "to wash" (: Pa. no.d-, etc.), which recalls the treatment in Gondi norr-, Kon.da no_r- and Gadba nor-. This treatment is also common in the case of original -_r- as will be noted below. On the other hand original -.d- was preserved when preceded by a nasal (pan.d- "to send", men.da "knee", etc.), and when in this combination the nasal has been secondarily elided, as has happened in some cases, the -.d- is still preserved. A good example of this is found in the verb ko.d"to buy" (Kui ko.da) which is based on what was originally the past stem (ko.n.d-) of the verb kol.- "to take". It was also preserved in the case of geminate -.d.d-in such few native words where tbAs is to be assumed. This was not of course a Primitive Dravidian combination, but arose later in the individual languages as a result of various assimilations. Such forms are common in Telugu and Kannada (e.g. Te. gu.d.di "blind", etc., cf. Ta. kurut.u), and occasionally a -.d- of such origin is found in Kui and Kuvi. Examples in Kui are ad.a "intercepting object" and o.da "to swear" (el. DED. 73, 807). In Kuvi a good example is to be found in pa.da ~t- "to grow, to become big", with which we may compare Kur. pardnd "to grow, increase" (cf. further Ta. paru- "to become large", etc.), so that we have here pa.d- representing pa.d.d- assimilated from pard-. Such examples are however not at all common and there are more such cases to be found



among the loanwords from Telugu than in native Kuvi words (gu.du, o.du, etc. above.) There are some words for which not sufficient etymological information is available to make the origin of the -.d- quite certain. Examples of such are the verbs hid.- "to live" (cf. Kui n~mba "to live", ni.re "alive", forms which do not correspond exactly), vLd- "to shake" (intr. ; not recorded by us but cf. S. wi.dinai, etc.) corresponding to Kui vf.da, and ho.d- "to get stuck". In the case of the first two forms which have long vowel an original -.n.d- is most probably to be assumed (since -.d.d- occurred only after short vowel); in the case of the latter either origin is possible. This phoneme -.d- in Kuvi is normally pronounced with greater length after a short vowel than after a long vowel, and the same applies to other intervocalic stops. Consequently the usual spelling found in the works of Fitzgerald and Schulze (and also in our own notations) varies accordingly; e.g. hukka "star": dku "leaf"; vacca "bowstring": c6c- "to sew"; hut.t.a "leech; ha.t- "to call"; pett- "to attach, fix", pOtu "male of animal"; kappa "frog": k6p- "to heat", etc. On the other hand in his description of Kui, Winfield uses a single consonant in all cases (suka, 6ku etc.), by which a single phonemic representation is obtained. It is quite likely that a similar system should be adopted for Kuvi, but in view of the short time that we studied the language we have considered it best to retain the forms as taken down. As regards the origin of the intervocalic stops in Kuvi it is to be noted that the unvoiced series, whether written k, .t, etc. or kk, t.t.,etc. correspond always to PDr. kk t.t. etc.. On the other hand, when we consider the voiced intervocalic stops the case is somewhat more complicated. As a general rule the PDr. single (voiced) intervocalic stops are not preserved in Kuvi. We have already had occasion to note this in the case of intervocalic -.d-. In the case of -g- the usual development in Kuvi is to -yand in this respect it contrasts with Kui where -g- is preserved. Examples of this are as follows: Kuvi toy- "to kick": Kui toga, Kuvi S. tOja "fig": Kui toga, Kuvi F. aiyali "(crops) to yield": Kui dga "to bear fruit, yield", cf. Go. dittdn~ "to ripen (maize, etc.)", Malt. dqe "to ripen, become mature". It is however retained after r in P. vergu "firewood" (elsewhere vegu (veggu) with assimilation). In F. ogali (~.r~ ogali "to noose") original -gg- is represented, cf. Kui oga, Te. oggu "to lay a trap". As a verbal suffix in such forms as trog- "to collapse" (alternating with transitive -k- in trok- "to demolish", etc.) -g- represents original -~g-. Intervocalic -j- of Kui is represented by -y- in Kuvi in F. k~tdu kaiyali "to plaster (with mud)": Kui kdja "to daub, plaster", intervocalic



-j (-jj-) in Kuvi is usually found to correspond to original -hj- where an etymology is available, e.g. ajj- "to fear", or an original alveolar group -_n_r- with development of -_r- to -j- and loss of nasalisation, e.g. pajji "pig", etc. in contradistinction to the other voiced stops -d- is preserved in Kuvi (Mi "that", etc.) while original -dd- is represented mainly in loanwords (F. gedde "female buffalo" Te., etc.). There is a small but interesting series of words of Indo-Aryan origin in which Prakritic forms with double intervocalic consonants are represented as opposed to the modern Indo-Aryan forms. A good instance is kad..da "river" which appears with initial g- in the other Dravidian languages of this region, e.g. Kon~la ga.da, Gad. (S.) ga.d.da, Kui (K.) ga.d.da "id.". This represents a Prakrit ga.d.da (<garta-) "hole, ravine", a name appropriately applied to rivers or streams in this mountainous area, where they normally tend to form deep ravines. The same word appears in the local Oriya, but in contrast to the form of the word in the Dravidian languages just cited, in this Oriya dialect it appears in the modern Indo-Aryan form as gd.r. This loan is therefore quite early, since it must be earlier than two developments characteristic of modern IndoAryan, namely (1) the simplification of intervocalic double consonants associated with the lengthening of the previous vowel, and (2) the loss of the final a-vowel. Other words which must have been borrowed at the Prakritic stage for the same reason are S, uddu "aloft" (<uddha<ardhva-), Su. muddi "fmgerring" (<muddid <mudrik~), F. tadft "ringworm" (<daddu-<dadru-), ko.d.da "foot" (<god..da-, cf. Hi. gor, etc.), kojja "footprint" (cf. Kui koja "id.", <khojja-, cf. Hi. khoj, etc.). In k~.du "a mud wall" we have -.d- corresponding regularly to the -.d.din Pkt. ku.d.da- (<ku.dya-), but if rightly recorded, a long vowel. In ka.d.da, ko.d.da and tadft we have interesting examples of loanwords with unvoicing of the initial occlusive. This feature also dinstinguishes these early loanwords from the mass of later loanwords. It is a well known fact that Dravidian did not originally possess initial voiced consonants, a feature which still characterises the Tamil language. In these words we have evidence that Kuvi, at the time of the earliest borrowings from Indo-Aryan was still a language without initial voiced consonants, so that the corresponding unvoiced consonant was necessarily substituted when these Indo-Aryan words were taken over. Later when the influence of Indo-Aryan became stronger, and the majority of Kuvispeakers became bilingual, no ditficulty was experienced in the pronunciation of initial voiced consonants.



In a number of verbs Kuvi -t- (tt-) as the final consonant of the root corresponds to -s- in Kui. The examples are as follows:

Kuvi S. k6th'nai "to heat" S. koth'nai "to pick" (i.e. with


Kui kdspa kospa "to strike with mallet". tuspa "to pierce, bore" pospa "pierce, bore a hole" prospa "id." m6spa "break in, train" mespa "put in, let fall" raspa "cut crosswise"

S. tuth'nai "augur" S. poth'nai "to hole" S. proth'nai "ignite" S. math' nai "instruct" P. met- (meth-) "to throw" Su. rat- (rath-) "to cut"

The fact that the -t- of Kuvi is more original than the -s- of Kui is shown by the occurrence of such intransitive forms as Kui pronda "to be alight", as well as by etymological connections in other Dravidian languages, e.g. Ta. Ma. pottu "hole, etc.". In some cases intransitive forms in -rid- show that Kui -s- represents original -tt- in cases where corresponding Kuvi forms are not available; e.g. kdspa "to make hot": kdnda "to be hot"; rfspa "to cause to stand firm"; rfnda "to stand firm". The retroflex nasal -.n- is common in Kuvi, but it represents original Dravidian -n.- only in a minority of cases. Examples are, .tug- (alternating with a stem .tu'-) "to cut": Ta. tu.ni- "id."; P. nrn.o "rope: Kui nrn.o, cf. Ta. gd.n, etc. min.s- (mn.is-) "to flash, lighten": Ka. mieuku "to glitter", etc. Dravidian -[- is represented by -.n- in a few words: non.- (non.h-) "to draw water": Ta. nol.[u, Kui nolpa; ma.nk- "to urinate", mn.ftka "urine": Kui m~dba, etc.; mn.ok "to ladle (water from container with small vessel into larger vessel)": Ta. moll.u, Malt. mulge. A dental -n- becomes retroflex in certain cases where, as a result of metathesis, it has come to stand after an initial consonant; cf. pn.~ka, m.nTka, plurals ofp~nu "louse" and rninu "fish". An -.n- alternating with -.r- appears in the following examples: kie- "to comb": Kon.da ki.r-; ha.n- (han.h-) "(hen) to flap wings": Kui sa.rpa; vdn.ona "next year": Kui vd.ron.di "id.". In the case of Kuvi hon.(ho.nh-) "to run, run away" we find -n.- corresponding to -.d- in Gondi sod-, so.di, "id.". The original form of this word is not clear, nor its relation, if any with Ta. 6t.u "to run". etc. The verb hin.- "to shave" and its cognates also remain problematical: Kuvi hie- (hin.h-) "to shave", hi.npa "razor", Kui silpa "to shave", Pc. hen- (hent-) "to shave", Kon.da sinp- "to shave", si.rirn "razor" (? cf. Ta. in.uhku-, il.i- "pluck, strip off, as a leaf"). Other words in which -n.- appears are P. on.pu "seedling",



jin. ivga "cow-bell", kun.umpa "Zizyphus rugosa", mn. aski orli "a species of rat". It appears in a suffixal syllable in p~len,i "navel", bet.t.en.i"head-pad", pejen, i "shaman", etc.
As in most of the Dravidian languages of this area an initial dental is usually assimilated to a following cerebral. Examples of this are seen in t.at.t.i "honeycomb" (Tu. tat.t.i "id.", etc.), .tu.n-, alternative stem .tu'- "to cut" (Ta. tun.i etc.), t.e.deli "waist", Kui .d~.ti (? cf. Ta. tut.ai "thigh", etc.), P. t.o.di "chin" (: Go. to.d.di "mouth", Ta. tut.i "lip", etc.), .d6.ri "swing" (<IA.). Compare the similar phenomenon in Kui, e.g..t~.nu " a log of wood, a large beam or block of wood" (: Ta. t~n. "post"), t.ad.i "mother, woman" ( <ta.di <tali), .ddnd.i "pumpkin" (: Ka. ton.de, don.de "a species of gourd", etc.), in Pengo, e.g..t~.t- "to winnow with wind" (: Ta. t~.ru, etc.), in Kon.da, e.g. ton.do "a species lizard" (: Ka. ton.de "chameleon", etc.), in Parji, e.g. tan.d- "to pull"(: Go. tanddnd "extract") and in Gadba, e.g.t.et.p- "to raise, lift" (: Pa. tetip- "id."). The treatment of the original alveolar series (_r-, -rr-, -_n_r-)needs to be dealt with in some detail, particularly since, in this language, it is by no means uniform. In the first place the above series is rendered by -y-, -ce-, -nj-, a treatment corresponding to that of Kui and Pengo. In this case the only difference is that in Kuvi the single intervocalic -_r- appears as -y- as opposed to the -j- of Kui, a treatment which is found also in Gadba. Beside this however there are many cases in which intervocalic -rappears as -r-, which presumably indicates that there has been considerable dialect mixture in the language. The details are as follows: (1) Dravidian -_r- appears as -y- in F. aiyali "to become cool", S. dr' "cool", Kui dja: Ta. d_ru, etc.; Yyu "water", Kui (K) Yju "id.": Ta. yd_ru "river", etc. ; S. nfiinai "mill", F. nuiyali "to crush, grind, powder" O.e. n~y-): Ta. n~ru, etc.; F. niyingt "will grow", S. n~jine "springs up", Kui nr sprout up" : Ta. ftdru "to appear, arise", etc. ; F. poiya "mother-in-law" : Pa. podal "id." ; piyu "rain", Kui piju: Go. (Tr.) pirr, Brah. pit "id."; hYya "brinjal", Kui s~ja: Kon.da SOrga "id." There is some difficulty about the original form of the word for "fowl" in the central Dravidian languages. In this sub-group the forms are: Kuvi koyu, Kui koju, Pengo kuzu, Konda ko_ru, Go. (Tr.) korr. Since there is no difference between the treatment of-.d- and -r- in these languages both original *ko.du and original *ko_rucould be represented by these forms. In Pa. korr, Gadb., Kol. kor we do not find the regular representatives of either *ko.du or *ko_ru, and possibly there has been some borrowing here. In any case the Central Dravidian word cannot be directly compared with S. Drav. k6fi.



(2) When Dravidian -r- came to stand immediately before an unvoiced consonant, it became unvoiced, and in this case it appears as -s- in Kuvi, Kui and Pengo; e.g. mdsk- "to exchange" (m~_r- + k, cf. Ta. md.ru, etc.), ~ski "thirst": Yyu "water" (cf. Kon.da (ru, (rhki); cf. further Kui (plural action)peska "to pick up" (per- + k), and similarly Pengo maska "mango" and puska "gourd" (Kon.da ma_rhka,pu_rhka). (3) In Kuvi mah'a, Kui maha "mango" we find the further development of such an -s- to -h-. These forms have developed out ofmaska (preserved in Pengo); the -k- has been elided (the glottal stop being substituted for it in Kuvi), and the -s- standing as a result in intervocalic position, has undergone the usual development to -h-. (4) The treatment of Dravidian -r- in kudgu "thigh" (Ta. ku_ra~ku, Kui kujgu, etc.) stands by itself. The change to -d- here is the same as that found in Parji and Kolami (Pa. kudu, Kol. kudg- "thigh"). (5) In some cases the glottal stop (which has replaced a variety of consonants, see below) stands for original -r-, e.g. de'- "to open": Ta. ti_ra-, etc., dd'- "to cut": Ta. ta_ri-, etc. (6) In the following words, which form the most numerous group, Dravidian -r- appears in Kuvi as -r-: ir- (irh-) "to throw": Kui ibga (plural action iska) "to cast down", cf. Ta. i.ru- "to throw", e_ri, Ka. i.ri "id."; ur- (urh-) "to butt, gore": Kui ubga (plural action uska), Konda u.r- (u.rht-) "id."; ~rs- "to winnow" : Ta. ~u- "to sift", etc. ; F. pu.rla (i.e. purla) "gourd": cf. Go. purka, Konda pu_rhka "id.", etc.; p~r- (pgrh-) "to chase": Pe. pgz- "to chase, drive away", Kui peha; mar- (math-) "to creep, crawl": Kui mabga "to grovel, roll on the ground", Pe. mah(mast-) "to turn over", Konda mar- (ma.rht-) "to turn", cf. Ta. ma.ri "to be turned upside down", etc.; mir'esi, S. mrfesi "son", Kui mrfenju: Kon.da ma_ri, Go (Tr.) marrf "id."; F. mr6ndesi (pl. mrdndinga) "wife's younger brother": Te. ma_r6di "younger brother-in-law"; re'- (recc-) "to draw, pull": Kui jelba (jes-), Kon.da rel- (_re_rh-)"id."; S. re'nai, F. rechali "descend": Kon.da _re- "id.", cf. Ta. i_ranku etc. ; ret "to take off fire": Ta. edp- (edt-) "id." : var'i "empty": Ta. ve_ru"empty", etc.; P. vergu "firewood" (elsewhere vegu): Ta. viraku, etc.; instances of -r- in suffixal syllables are found in v~geri "Bija tree": Kui vYngesi, and hepori, P. hapuri "broom": Konda sipe_r, Pa. cOpid, Kol. sabdi, etc. Two forms of the word for "way, road" are found dialectally, fiyu and firu, and since -y- and -r- are alternative developments of -_r- we may assume that it is represented here. The etymology of this word however remains somewhat uncertain, though a connection with Kon.da sa.ri, Go. sarr?, etc. is probably to be assumed.



Dravidian -_r.r- appears normally as -ec- (e-) corresponding to Kui -s-. Examples of this are found in the past stems of the common verbs in"to say", tin- "to eat", pun- "to know", yen- "to hear" and hal- "to go"; icc-, ticc-/cicc-, pucc-, veec-, hacc-, cf. Kui is-,tis-, etc., Konda i_rh-, ti.rh., etc. Other examples are S. mu.z.zinai "siege", F. mftchali "to surround": Ta. mu_r_ru,etc. ;pucci "anthill", Kuipusi: Ta. pur.ru, etc.; h~ci "winnowing fan", Kui s~si: Kond.a s~hi; n~cu "day", Kui nisi in ronisi "one day", rinisi "two days": Go n~t.i "a day". In t6h- (t6st-) "to show" (Kui t6spa: Ta. @r.ru, etc.) we find -r_r- represented by -s- which in intervocalic position has been further reduced to -h-. Similarly in tih- (tist-) "to feed", neh- (nest-) "to fill", and yah- (vast-) "to fry" (: Pa. vedp-, vedt-). A quite anomalous treatment is seen in hut.t.a "leech", beside the regular S. hft.zi "id." (Pe. hucci, Kon.da su_rhi) and in kot.t.oni "dozing, sleepiness" (Kui kot.rongi dva "to be drowsy") for which original -r_r- is shown by Kon.da ko.rho- "to doze". This is the same treatment as is found regularly in Telugu. Dravidian _n.r-becomes regularly nj- in Kuvi as in Kui: nenj- "to become full", Kui nenja-: Kon.da nin.r-, Go. ninddnd "id."; nfnju "today", Kui n~nju: Kon.da n~n_ru, Go. n~nd (Tr. n~n.d, erroneously); t6nj- "to appear", Kui t~nja: Ta. t~n_.ru-, etc.; S. tanzi, Kui tanfi "father": Pa. tend, Te. tan.dri "id."; F. nanj6 "sister-in-law": Kon.da ndn_ra "id.". In a number of cases the nasal is elided: pajfi "pig", Kui paji: Ta. pan_ri, etc. ; vajj- (vaj-) "to cook", Kui vaja: Pa. vend-, etc.; dji "hail", Kui dji < *~.ri, cf. Kond. a dn.rga "hailstone". One of the most striking features in Kuvi is the prevalence of the glottal stop, which is pronounced in a most emphatic manner. It was also observed in the Ku.tt.ia dialect of Kui, though less strongly pronounced. Further north it is presumably still further weakened, since Winfield notices it only in the negative forms of the verb. Elsewhere in Dravidian it is found in Kon.da and in the Maria and Koya dialects of Gondi. In Kon.da it is pronounced with much less emphasis than in Kuvi, but it tends to turn up in the same places (e.g. in the negative inflection of the verb), which shows that the phenomenon in the two languages is intrinsically connected. In Gondi we have the interesting fact that the language is clearly divided into two distinct groups of dialects, since in the Raj Gond dialects -h- regularly corresponds to the glottal stop in Maria and Koya. These two dialects differ in that in the Maria dialect the glottal stop is pronounced with great emphasis, whereas in Koya it is pronounced very lightly. The subject of the glottal stop in these various languages is worthy of



further study, both from the purely phonetic point of view, in view of the variation in its pronunciation, and from the point of view of its origin and the conditions in which it occurs. It is presumably of fairly recent origin, and it is a phenomenon absent from Primitive Dravidian as we reconstruct it. At the same time we should not neglect to draw attention to the dytarn of ancient Tamil. The exact nature of this phoneme is of course not exactly known since it no longer exists. Nevertheless the number of possibilities is limited and the theory that it represents a glottal stop is not implausible, in that case ancient Tamil has anticipated a development which has later taken place in a section of the Central Dravidian languages. In Kuvi the glottal stop is found, according to our own incomplete material, in three kinds of position: (1) Intervocalically, e.g. ni'e "now", vi'e "tomorrow", ma'e "the day after tomorrow", ld'i, ld'i'e "up, aloft", ld'isi'e "early in the morning", d.ru'i "a kind of lizard", gu'u" "hump of ox", ki'e.ni "castor oil plant"; F. gFerri "arrow-shaft" (Kui keeri "an arrow"), pa'eri "a species of creeper" (Kui paeri "id."). (2) After vowel before consonant, e.g.k.ra'ni "tiger", gu'na "heel", t.u'rnu "cut" (impv. 2 sg.), g.ro'li "double handful". (3) After consonant (but not after initial consonant), e.g. bal'uri "sand", mir'esi "son", mah'a "mango", rut'a "bug", var'i "empty". (4) Between consonants, e.g..kroh'du "winnow"; rare in our material, but not uncommon in the books, and therefore presumably quite common. The glottal stop is found both as a constituent element of individual words and in inflections. Instances of the latter are found for instance in the accusative singular (evana'i "him"), in the first person singular terminations of the verb (rna'~ "I will be", recce'3 "I pulled", etc.), and throughout the negative inflection (.dik'8 "I will not break", .dik'omi "we will not break", etc.). As already observed it appears likewise in the negative inflection in Kui and Kon.da. In some cases it is clear that the glottal stop has come into existence as a result of the elision of some consonant that originally existed in this position. Thus corresponding to Kuvi ki'e.ni, Kui (K) kie.ri "castor oil plant", Kon.da has the more original form kita.ri "id.". In Kuvi (P) rak'a "blood" (Kui raka) we have a form derived from Sanskrit raktawhich must have figured as a tatsama in the local form of Oriya from which this word was borrowed. Kuvi mah'a "mango", Kui maha are to be accounted for with reference to the more original form which appears in Pengo maska "id.". In the first place the k has been elided and replaced



by the glottal stop, and then as a result the -s- has been changed to -h-, as is normally the case in intervocalic position. We can see the same in jur'o "Aonla" where a -k- has been elided which is still preserved in Konda s~rika, Pengo hurka "id.". A number of verbal roots appear having the glottal stop in place of an original final consonant, e.g. ni'- "to stand',pd'- "to get", .tu'- "to cut", de'- "to open" (cf. Ta. nil-, Kui prin.-, Ta. tun.i, ti_ra). In such cases the original final consonant may turn up in part of the inflection (e.g. t.u'mu, t.u'du "cut" (impv. 2 sg. and pl.) but t.un.he'~"I cut" (pret.), .tug' ate'~ "I did not cut.". This is only one way in which the glottal stop has arisen, and such cases are quite sporadic, since generally consonants in similar positions remain. In other cases original long vowels seem to have developed a glottal stop without the influence of any other factor, e.g. kd'va "crow" which can only represent original kdva. The glottal stop frequently appears in cases of vowel hiatus, e.g. in rnri'esi "son" (and in this case it is retained when the word is transposed to mir'esi). In Kuvi there is spontaneous nasalisation of vowels when followed by -y-, but not in all cases. Thus we have krfyya "bee" (Kui K. kirga), kr~yyu "ear" (P. kiru, Kui kriu, kiru), p~ya "ember" (F. puiya "spark", ef. Kui pf~vala "id."), b~yi "fence", bryi "smoke", .rrya "shadow", h~ya "brinjal". This may be partly a dialectal phenomenon, since in the case of some of these forms no nasalisation is noted in the books. No nasalisation was observed in the speech of our informants in such words as iya "mother", ~yu "water", nfyu "oil", etc. The metathesis which is such a characteristic feature of Kui and Kuvi (as well as of Telugu) is abundantly represented in our material: k,ranu "threshing-floor", gnu- "to thunder", p.rr "bone", etc. But as in Kui (and likewise in Telugu) many non-metathesised forms are found, without it being possible to observe any particular conditions under which metathesis is present or absent. Such are ko,rgi "hoe", darmbu "ashes", parka "armpit" (Te. prakka "side"), murmu "nose-ring", etc. Similarly in Kui forms like karsa "to knead", ko.rpa"to spring", kelpa "to invoke", gernga "to groan", etc. are common. Further in both languages we find alternative forms side by side. Thus in Kui kriu and kiru "ear", kilu and kliu "clay", pi,ru and p.riu "insect". Examples of this variation in Kuvi are as follows: Su. ko.rva "fat": S. klrwa "candle" (F. korowa "fat"); Su. k,roh- (krost-) "to winnow": F. korssali; F. k~.rnj- O.e. kernj-) "to warm oneself": Su. krenj-; F. ti.rwali O.e. tirv-) "to revolve": Su. trivv-; Su. dir- "to sprinkle": P. dri- "id."; F. pa,rti (i.e. parti) "cotton": Su.



pratti '"ld."', S. torg- "to fall": Su. trog-', Su. rndrnu . .tree . . , S. (Voc. p. 17) marnu: S. m_r~nu "id." (note also P. mara, with no metathesis or n-suffix): Su. mir'esi (pl. mirka) "son", F. miresi: S. mdesi (pl. mrika). It will be
observed that some of the "non-metathesised" forms are of secondary origin. For instance the -i- or mir'esi derives from the metathesised form mri'esi, since the original vowel of the first syllable was -_a- (cf. Kon.da ma.ri, etc.). The same is the case with Kuipiru "insect" where the original vowel of the first syllable was u (Ta. pu.r.i, etc.). Differences between Kuvi and Kui in the matter of metathesis are not uncommon, and they are on the same footing as the dialectal differences between each language. Examples of this variation are as follows: Kuvi F. khrogi korea "soft twig" (i.e.k.rogi "soft, young, tender"): Kui ko.rgi "newly sprouted, green, immature, unripe"; S. tdg-"to tremble", F. t.rfg- (i.e. trfg-): Kui tirga "to shiver, tremble"; Su. truki "rubbish": Kui turki "a dunghill, refuse heap, manure"; F. p.rdri (i.e. prd.ri) "wasp": Kui par.ri "a hornet". The whole subject deserves further detailed examination, so that the extent of the variations, both dialectally and in the language of individual speakers, can be established. In deafing with Parji we noted the existence of a final suffixed - i occurring in certain words, but not forming part of the stem, and therefore elided for instance in the plural (m?ni "fish", pl. minul, etc., Parji Language, p. 18). At that time we stated "there appears to be nothing exactly like it in the related languages". Since then however the same phenomenon has been observed in certain Gondi dialects, and as illustrated below, it is well represented in Kuvi. It is also likely that the final -i in such Telugu words as ka.dali "sea" (as opposed to Ta. kat.al) is in origin of the same nature. In Kuvi the additional -i occurs mainly in connection with stems terminating in -1 and -r, stems terminating in -m which are almost all Telugu loanwords, and in the third singular masculine terminations -esi, -asi, and

(1) Stems i n - r : n6keri "night": pl. n6kerka; hepori "broom": pl. heporka; F. gf' erri "arrow-shaft": pl. gf' erka; kdskeri "centipede": pl. kdskerka; kreteri "jaw": pl. kreterka. (2) Stems in -l: pipeli "knife": pl. pipelka; mu~geli "nose" : pl. mu~gelka; valli "stone": pl. valka; F. kuteli "bed": pl. kutelka (i.e. kat. eli/kaNlka). As opposed to words of this type we also have words in which the final -i forms an essential part of the stem and consequently is retained in the plural, e.g. hi'e.ni, pl. hi'en, ika "chital", le~gun,i, pl. le~gun,ika "tail".





There is however a certain mixing up of the two types, and in some cases alternative forms have been recorded : pubuli butterfly, pl. Su. pubulika, F. ptibiilka (i.e. pubulka); hepori broom, pl. Su heporku, F. heporika. In Kui there are some words of the same type as these, but there, in the plural, the final -i, instead of being elided, is replaced by -0: deoli spit: pl. deolaka; mqgeli nose : pl. mungelaka. The exact reason for this variation between the two languages is not clear. (3) Stems in -m: F. brekGmi, pl. brekomka cucumber, but with -i retained in the plural F. kokrcimi, pl. kokr6mika armlet. Most of such words are loanwords from Telugu, and they are particularly common in Schulzes dialect (Salur) owing to the strong Telugu influence there. According to Schulze most of these words retain the -i (e.g. n.?romi, pl. nbomika fault), but nevertheless it is a secondary addition to the stem, since no such 4 occurs in the original Telugu. The Telugu words, of course, have the final enunciative -u, ncramu, etc. This is ignored in the words borrowed into Kuvi, and the characteristic -i is appended. Most of these loanwords are probably quite recent. (4) One of the most striking differences between Kui and Kuvi lies in the form of the termination of the third person singular masculine, which is -enju in Kui and -esi in Kuvi. The alternation between -nj- and -spresents a problem, but the explanation of the final -i in Kuvi is the same as in the words above. Here also the final -i is elided in certain contexts, showing its secondary nature; for instance before the interrogative particle -ki, e.g. evasi venjanes-ki Will he hear (me, us)?. The same kind of -i is found also in the terminations of the second and third persons plural in -deri and -neri. This is in accordance with the fact that in the nouns the secondary -i is particularly found after r. Similarly, just as noun stems in -1 are particularly apt to develop this final 4, so we find it occurring in the common form of the infinitive in -ali, e.g.perhali to pick up, etc. The -i occurring in the termination of the first person plural (exclusive) of the verb, -omi, corresponds to that found in the nouns: n&omi, etc.




We do not propose to give any detailed account of the morphology of Kuvi, since the material collected by us is far from sufficient for this purpose. Nevertheless it will be convenient to discuss a number of points which have emerged, where it has been possible to reach greater clarity than was the case before. Also, in view of the unavailability of the



books referred to (and also in view of their defects of presentation) it will be an advantage if the main paradigms are given here. In the first place we give the basic paradigm of the noun followed by brief comments (1) Male persons: (a) Uncharacterised, m.reha "man" Singular Nom. m.reha Acc. mreha' i Gen. mrehati Dat. mrehaki


m.rehataki kokasi "boy" kokasi koka.na' i koka.ni koka.naki

mreha~a m.reha~a.ni m.reha~a m.reha~aki rn.reha~ataki

(b) Characterised (i.e. by the third singular masculine terminations),

Nora. Acc. Gen. Dat.

kokari kokara' i kokari kokaraki kokarataki

(2) Female persons: (a) Uncharacterised aya "woman" Nom. aya ayaska Acc. ayani ayaskan, i Gen. ayani ayaska Dat. ayanaki ayaskaki (b) Characterised (acc. to Fitzg.) hanayi "she who goes" Nom. hanayi hanasika Acc. hanan,i hanasika.ni Gen. hanan,i hanasika Dat. hanan, aki hanasikaki (3) Neuter nouns: Nom. Acc. Gen. Dat. Abl. Loc.

ka.d.da "river" ka.d.da ka.d.dati ka.dd, ati ka.d.dataki kad. .dat.i ka.d.data

ka.d.da~a ka.d.da~a.ni ka.d.da~ati ka.d.da~aki/ka.d.da~ataki ka.d.da~aki kad. .da~an.a



There are also characterised neuters of the type hanayi "that which goes". According to Fitzgerald the declension of this type is the same as that of the feminine (hanayi "she who goes"). It should be noted however that two distinct forms of the Nora. Plur. are found, hana'i and hanasika (Fitzg. : hanaska in our dialect). Since the latter contains what is usually a form of plural used in the case of female persons, one might assume that it was originally so used here, and that hana'i by contrast is properly neuter. Further investigation in the field is necessary to ascertain whether in fact any difference of usage exists between these two forms. Concerning the formation of the plural it is to be noted that the two types of plural suffix, nasalised and non-nasalised (-ka and -~a, -~ga) occur with roughly the same distribution in Kui and Pengo, and (though here lacking the final vowel -a) in Kon.da and Gondi. The general rule is that the nasafised form is used after vowel (bugga~a "cheeks", bommi~a "shoulders", seppu~a "shoes", pft~ga "flowers", ka.rve~a "anklets", moko~a "saplings"), the non-nasalised after consonants (palka "teeth", kan.ka "eyes", hfrka "roots", kelka "feathers", gatka "banks", mayka "sesamum seeds", etc.). There are some exceptions to this rule, but it should be noted, (a) that the final enunciative -u is to be ignored from the point of view of this rule (but not in Telugu loanwords), (b) that there is fluctuation in the case of words terminating in the secondary vowel -i which was discussed above, and here plural forms like heporika "brooms" and pubulika "butterflies" have the plural suffix -ka which is proper to the doubtless more original forms heporka and pubulka which are also recorded, (c) as a result of metathesis we find the plural suffix -ka standing after a vowel in such cases as krika "ears", p.rOka "bones", pn.Oka "lice", and m.nfka "fish", but they form no exception to the rule when it is viewed from the point of view of the original stem (mfnu, etc.). When these points are taken into consideration not many exceptions remain to the general rule. in the formation of the specifically feminine plurals there is a difference between the forms recorded by us (and by Schulze) and those given by Fitzgerald: on the one hand ayaska "women", etc., and on the other hand aiyasika, etc. The form given by Fitzgerald is probably more original, since the element -si- occurring here may plausibly be identified with the -ci- which is found in Parji ay-ci-l, etc. Though having fundamentally two genders, masculine and non-masculine, as opposed to the three gender system of South Dravidian (excluding Telugu), Kuvi distinguishes the feminines in these plural forms. A differenciation is also to be seen in the oblique cases of the singular, where there appears



a suffix -n- (ayani, ayanaki, etc.) in contradistinction to the -t- of the masculine and neuter forms (ka.d.dati, ka.d.dataki; m.rehati, m.rehataki). In Kui quite a number of feminine nouns are distinguished by the addition of the suffix -ali, which is equivalent to the S. Dravidian feminine suffix .al. (al-i; -i is a secondary addition, see above); e.g.m.rehali "woman" beside m.reha, m.rehenju "man", and kOali "Kui woman' beside kaenru "Kui man". We have not come across any corresponding examples in Kuvi. The locative and ablative cases occur only with certain neuter nouns. In the case of masculine nouns, feminines and names of animals the postposition -tara serves to express the locative sense, and the ablative suffix -.ti is suffixed after a postpositional element -ha'a (F. mirehatara "with or near the son", mirehaha'ati "from the son"). Among the numerous postpositions in use the commonest and most important is the instrumental -tole: iya paniya-tole trhyu ki.nhako.dimne, h~por-tole h~pamu "sweep with broom". It is also used in a sociative sense. A difference between the terminations of the singular and the plural is seen in the accusative and locative cases. We have in the singular kad..dati, ka.d.data, but in the plural ka.d.da~an.i, ka.d.da~a.na. Such variation between singular and plural is rare in Dravidian. The accusative case, to judge from our material, is comparatively rarely used. For the most part the object is expressed without any distinction of form, the fact that it is the object being sufficiently clear from its position in the sentence (i.e. between subject and verb). Examples are: oso tinamu "eat the medicine", ndnu ilu vigite'~ "I thatched my house", hiccu .dupdu "put out the fire", etc. This is always the case in standard combinations: t61u huk- "flay", pdlu goh- "drink milk", .dalijucc- "carry basket (on head)", veska rat- "cut firewood", kata k~r- "sing song", etc. The accusative case is used necessarily in the case of characterised masculines, and elsewhere by preference when some specific object is referred to: ~vasi tani mirena'i vetesi "this man beat his son", kokara'i hiccuta krehdu "warm the boys by the fire", i ba.rgati vakmu "bend this stick", ndlitole pot.ati hu.damu "shoot the bird with a gun". The genitive is also comparatively rare in the case of neuter nouns, the relationship being most commonly expressed without inflection: pajji rnftti "pig's snout", rndrka kumbra "clump of trees", truki gumomi "heap of rubbish", k6.di~a got.t.a "herd of cows", etc. Examples of the genitive are: marnuti dka "leaves of the tree", ka.d.dati ba'ali "sand of the river", ndyani .d6ru "my mother's name", etc. The genitive is of course necessarily to be used in the case of characterised masculines.



The dative termination -ki may be added directly or in conjunction with an augment -ta- (m.rehaki, m.rehataki). Judged purely from the point of view of Kuvi alone this -ta- might be considered to be identical with the -ta of the locative case. From the wider Dravidian point of view however, a connection may be seen with the oblique -tt- which occurs for instance in Ta. marattukku "to a tree". As elsewhere in Dravidian the dative is frequently used in the sense of cause: karataki vali .raya hacce "the stone has split on account of the heat". The retroflex -.n- which regularly occurs in the oblique cases of the characterised nouns is not original, since in corresponding forms we find alveolar -_n- in Tamil and dental -n- in other languages (Ta. ava_natu "his", etc). No particular reason is known for this substitution in Kuvi. In Kui we find dental -n- in nouns of this type. The nouns il "house" and n~yu "village" have special forms of the locative singular containing an ancient sandhi,/jo (ijjo) and nato. These forms also function as oblique bases to which other case terminations are added: ijoti "from the house", ndt.otaki "to the village". Likewise they form the basis of secondary nouns, e.g. ndt.otasi "villager". Compare Kui ijo (ijoki, ijot.i), ndto (nat.oki), Kon.da in.to, Te. i.nt.a. Similar formations are j~co "behind" from j~nu "back" and hozzo (S.), locative of hollu "fireplace". Being used so frequently these forms have come to be used to some extent simply as nominal stems, e.g. in examples like id n~ ijjo "this is my house". There is also a noun tozzo (S.), ch~jj6 (F.) "floor, ground", which seems to be of similar origin. Comparison with Winfield's grammar shows that Kuvi and Kui correspond in the general pattern of nominal declension, though there are differences in detail. Corresponding to the feminine and neuter termination -ayi of Kuvi (vdnayi "she or it that comes"), Kui has -ari (vdnari, etc.). The reason for this variation remains obscure. Instead of the Kuvi accusative termination -ti, Winfield has -tini, used for neuter nouns only. In this case the Ku.t.tiya dialect agrees with Kuvi. Winfield does not have any genitive forms in -ti corresponding to those of Kuvi; in cases where the genitive in -ti appears in Kuvi, Winfield's Kui uses the uninflected noun stem, which is of course optionally and very commonly so used in Kuvi. In the plural of the characterised masculines the nominative and genitive are not distinguished in Kuvi (N.G. kokari), but there is a distinction in Kui (N. kogaru, G. kogari). Since, as observed above, the final -i of the Kuvi nominative forms is a secondary addition, it is probable that by this process an original distinction which has been preserved in Kui, has been obscured in Kuvi. In the dative the g-variant







of the termination after nasal of Kui (ajangi, kbrutzngi) is not paralleled in Kuvi (ayanaki, k&drutaki). Kuvi has no forms corresponding to the associative (bbuke with father) given by Winfield for Kui. Corresponding to the locative and ablative terminations given above for neuter nouns, Winfield lists the postpositions -to and -ti. In the plural he gives such locative forms as ketangani in the wet fields with -uni as opposed to the -aqz of the Kuvi forms of the locative plural (ka&?qa~a, etc.). His locative termination -tani seems to correspond to an isolated form with -tani in our material: bumitaqi perha ko&teZ, although the latter has an ablative rather than a locative sense. Pronominal forms collected corresponded in the main to those found in the books, and they do not call for much comment. The plural of the second person, given by our informants from Sunkarametta as miru contrasts with the mimbu which is given elsewhere. It may continue an older Kuvi form (since mimbu is obviously formed secondarily on the analogy of mcimbu), or it may be due to Telugu influence. For the neuter interrogative we received ini what as opposed to the more original eni given by Fitzgerald. Kui has also ini what and inanju who, and alternative forms with secondary a-, ani, anunju. All these forms contain the oblique base of the Dravidian interrogative pronoun, en-, with the initial vowel variously altered. There is also an interesting form of the interrogative pronoun containing a suflix -mb- added to the interrogative base, and, as in the Kui an- quoted above, the initial vowel is changed to a-: ambasi who. Beside this Schulze has also imbaasi who with initial i-, and, after the -mb-, aasi instead of usi. A similar interrogative pronoun is found in Kui: imbai or embai who, which however has the peculiarity of not having separate forms for masculine and feminine. Winfield writes about it as follows : It is common in gender and number, representing without change within itself the masculine singular or plural, or the feminine singular or plural. Usually, however it is followed by a feminine singular verb even if it represents a masculine subject, though sometimes a masculine singular or plural verb may follow. (p. 44). On the other hand the Kuvi pronoun has the normal forms for masculine and non-masculine, singular and plural. : ambasi, ambari, ambayi, ambai. With these forms we may compare Konda ame, eme where; similar forms are rare elsewhere in Dravidian, but a comparison with Ta. emparum everywhere would seem to guarantee their antiquity. These forms of the interrogative pronoun are probably based originally on an adverb meaning where, so that the original meaning of this form of the interrogative pronoun would be man (etc.) belonging to where.



This form of the interrogative pronoun in Kuvi gives the clue to the curious forms of the interrogative pronouns and adverbs in Gondi. These invariably begin with b- in all the Gondi dialects, e.g. (Tr.) b6l or b6r "who" (oblique base b6n-), bapp6.r "when", b~gd, b~ke "where", etc. At first sight these forms seem very anomalous compared with the usual forms of the interrogative in Dravidian, beginning with yd-, ~-, e-. The Gondi forms are to be explained by identifying b6l or b6r "who", etc. with Kuvi ambasi "id." In Gondi there has been aphaeresis of the first vowel, a phenomenon which appears sporadically in that language (e.g. in 16n/r6n "house"), and consequent loss of the nasal before -b-. Thus an original *embava_nru<*emb6n_.ru "one belonging to where, who" became b61, b6r, etc. There is another form of the interrogative pronoun in Gondi given by Mitchell for Maria (benor, benon) and by Cain for Koi (ben6n..du). These forms are also based on an interrogative adverb embe, but in this case an -n- is inserted between it and the suffix of the third singular. A similar intermediate -n- appears also in Kuvi (though not in the third singular masculine): imbinai "which things", (adj. for all genders) imbini "which". The initial b- in the Gondi interrogatives, wlfich arose in the above forms in the way described, appears in other forms by analogical extension. This is clear enough from the fact that many of these interrogatives can, when the b- is subtracted, be identified with corresponding forms of the interrogative in other Dravidian languages. Thus the neuter bad (Tr.), bed (M). originates from an earlier ed(u) corresponding exactly to Ta. etu, the initial b- having been introduced from the masculine. By the same process of prefixing this analogical b- we have also bachcho (Tr.) <*ecco = Kon.da eso "how much", bapp6.r "when" <*epp6.r, cf. Ta. epporutu, etc, and so forth.


On the basis of the restricted volume of the material gathered it is not possible to give anything like a complete account of the verbal system. Nevertheless it has been possible to attain clarity about many points which were previously obscure, and to give a general picture of the system. We shall therefore give the basic paradigms of the various classes of verbs, commenting on those points where comment seems necessary.



Sg. P1.

Sg. P1. Sg. P1. Sg. P1.

Sg. P1. Sg. P1. Sg.

Class I: pay- "to beat" Future: (a) General 1 payi'i, 2 pdyidi, 3 masc. pdyinesi, non-masc, pdyine. 1. excl. pdyinomi, incl. pdyino, 2 pdyideri,, 3 masc. p~yineri, nonmasc pdyinu. (b) Special 1 pdya'~, 2 pdyadi, 3 pdyanesi, pdyane. 1 pdyanomi, 2 pdyaderi, 3 p~yaneri, p~yanu. Past tense: (a) General 1 pdyite'g, 2 p~yiti, 3 p~yitesi, pdyitesi, pdyite. 1 pdyitomi, pdyito, 2 pdyiteri, 3 payiteri, pdyitu. (b) Special 1 pdyate'~ 2 pdyati, 3 pdyatesi, payate. i pdyatomi, 2 pdyateri, 3 pdyateri, pdyatu. Imperative Sg. 2 pdyamu P1. 2 pdyadu Adverbial participle Present pail Past pdya Adjectival participle Present pdyini Past p6yiti Infinitive (1) pdyali (2) pdyinayi Negative Future: 1 pdyo'6, 2 pdy'odi, 3 pdy'osi, p~y'e. 1 pdy'omi, pay'ohi, 2 pdy'oderi 3 pdy'ori, pdy'u. Past 1 pdy'ate'g, 2 pdy'ati, 3 pdy'atesi, p~y'ate. 1 p~y'atomi pdy'ato, 2 pdy'ateri, 3 pay'ateri, p~y'atu. Imperative 2 pdy' ani P1. 2 pdy'adu Adverbial participle pdy"ahanaha pdy" a Adjectival participle Verbal noun (Infinitive) pdy'atayi.

Class II: hi- "to give" Future: (a) General Sg. 1 hPi, 2 hfdi, 3 hTnesi, hine. P1. 1 h~nomi, hfno 2 hfderi, 3 hfneri, hfnu.



(b) Special Sg. 1 hiya'i , hfyadi, 3 hiyanesi, hiyane. P1. 1 h~yanomi, 2 hfyaderi, 3 hiyaneri, hiyanu. Past tense: (a) General Sg. 1 hite'g, 2 hiti, 3 hftesi, bite. P1. 1 hitomo, hito, 2 hiteri, 3 hiteri, hitu. (b) Special Sg. hiyate'g, 2 hiyati 3 hiyatesi, hiyate. P1. 1 h~yatorni, hiyateri 3 hiyatesi, hiyate Imperative; (a) General Sg. 2 himu P1. 2 hidu. (b) Special Sg. 2 hiyamu P1. 2 hiyadu. Adverbial participle: Present hihi Past hiha. Infinitive: (1) hfyali (2) hinayi. Negative Future: Sg. 1 h?o 2 h?odi, 3 h?osi, hPe. P1. 1 h?omi, hFo (hi), 2 hFoderi 3 hFori, h?u. Past tense Sg. 1 hFate'g, 2 h?ati 3 h?atesi, h?ate P1. 1 hi'atomi, h?ato, 2 h?ateri, 3 h?ateri, h?atu. ~ Imperative: Sg. 2 hFani P1. 2 h?adu Class HI: t6h- "to show" Future: (a) General 1 t6hi'i, 2 t6hdi, 3 t6hnesi, t~hne. 1 t6hnomi, t6hno, 2 t6hderi, 3 t6hneri, t6hnu. (b) Special 1 t6sta'i, 2 t6stadi 3 t6stanesi, t6stane. 1 t6stanomi, 2 t6staderi, 3 t6staneri, t6stane. Past tense: (a) General 1 t6ste'g, 2 t6sti, 3 t6stesi, t6ste. 1 t6stomi, (t6sto), 2 t6steri, 3 t6steri, t6stu. (b) Special 1 t6state'g, 2 t6stati, 3 t6statesi, t6state.

Sg. P1. Sg. P1. Sg. P1. Sg.

4 Fitzgerald gives also special (direct) form, but it is impossible to infer from his transcription what exactly these forms are.



P1. 1 t6statomi, 2 t6stateri, 3 t6stateri, t6statu. Imperative: (a) General Sg. 2 t6hmu P1. 2 t6hdu. (b) Special Sg. t6stamu P1. t6stadu. Adverbial participle Present t6ssi Past t6ssa Infinitive (1) t6ssali (2) t6hnayi. Negative Future: (a) General Sg. 1 t6h'o, 2 t6h'odi, 3 t6h'osi, t6h'e. P1. 1 t6h'omi, t6h'ohi, 2 t6h'oderi, 3 t6h'ori, t6h'u. (b) Special Sg. 1 t6st'o, 2 t6st'odi, 3 t6st'osi, t6st'e. P1. 1 t6st'omi, 2 t6st'oderi, 3 t6st'ori, t6st'u. Past tense: (a) General Sg. 1 t6h'ate'g, 2 t6h'ati, 3 t6h'atesi, t6h'ate. P1. 1 t6h'atomi t6h'ato, 2 t6h'ateri, 3 t6h'ateri, t6h'atu. (b) Special Sg. 1. t6st'ate'~, 2 t6st'ati 3 t6st'atesi, t6st'ate. P1. 1. t6st'atomi, 2 t6st'ateri, 3 t6st'ateri, t6sfatu. Imperative: (a) General Sg. 2 t6h'ani P1. 2 t6h'adu. (b) Special Sg. 2 t6st'ani P1. 2 t6st'adu.

Sg. P1. Sg. P1. Sg. P1. Sg. P1.

Class IV: re- "to beat" Future: (a) General 1 re'i, 2 ve'di, 3 ve'nesi, ve'ne. 1 ve'nomi, re'no, 2 ve'deri, 3 ve'neri, ve'nu. (b) Special 1 veta'f, 2 vetadi, 3 vetanesi, vetane. 1 vetanomi, 2 vetaderi, 3 vetaneri, vetanu. Past tense: (a) General 1 vete'~, 2 veti, 3 vetesi, vete. 1 vetomi, 2 veteri, 3 veteri, vetu. (b) Special 1 vetate'~, 2 vetati, 3 vetatesi, vetate. 1 vetatomi, 2 vetateri, 3 vetateri, vetatu.



Sg. P1. Sg. P1. Sg. P1. Sg. P1.

Imperative: (a) General Sg. 2 ve'mu P1. 2 ve'du. (b) Special Sg. vetamu P1. 2 vetadu Adverbial participles: Present veci Past veca Infinitive (a) vecali (b) ve'nayi. Negative Future: (a) General 1 ve'~, 2 ve'odi, 3 ve'osi, ve'e. 1 ve'omi, re'o, 2 ve'oderi, 3 ve'ori, ve'u. (b) Special 1 vet'6, 2 vet'odi, 3 vet'osi, vet'e. 1 vet'omi, 2 vet'oderi, 3 vet'ori, vet'u. Past tense: (a) General 1 ve'at'e, 2 ve'ati, 3 ve'atesi, ve'ate. 1 ve' atomi, 2 ve' ateri, 3 ve' atesi, ve' atu. (b) Special 1 yet'at'e, 2 vet'ati, 3 vet'atesi, yet'ate. 1 vet'atomi, 2 vet'ateri, 3 vet'ateri, vet'atu. imperative: (a) General Sg. 2 ve'ani P1. 2 ve'adu. (b) Special Sg. 2 vet'ani P1. 2 vet'adu.

Classe V: .dik- "to break" Future: (a) General Sg. 1 dik'f, 2 .dikdi, 3 d.iknesi, .dikne. P1. 1 .diknomi, d.ikno, 2 .dikderi, 3 .dikneri, .diknu. (b) Special Sg. 1 .dikha'i, 2 .dikhadi, 3 .dikhanesi, .dikhane. P1. 1 .dikhanomi, 2 .dikhaderi, 3 .dikhaheri, d.ikhanu. Past tense: (a) General Sg. 1 .dikh"e, 2 .dikhi, 3 .dikhesi, .dikhe. P1..dikhomi, .dikho, 2 .dikheri, 3 .dikheri, .dikhu. (b) Special Sg. 1 .dikhat' g, 2 .dikhati, 3 .dikhatesi, .dikhate. P1. 1 .dikhatomi, 2 .dikhateri, 3 .dikhateri, .dikhatu. Imperative: (a) General Sg. 2 .dikmu P1. 2 .dikdu.



Sg. P1. Sg. P1.

(b) Special Sg. 2 .dikhamu P1. 2 d.ikhadu. Adverbial participles: Present .dikhi Past .dikha Infinitive: (a) .dikhali (b) .diknayi. Negative Future: 1 .dik'6 2 .dik'odi, 3 .dik'osi, .dik'e. d.ik' omi, .dik' o, 2 d.ik' oderi, 3 .dik'ori, .dik'u. Past: 1 .dik'ate'g, 2 .dik'ati, 3 .dik'atesi, .dik'ate 1 d.ik'atomi, .dik'ato, 2 d.ik'ateri, 3 .dik'ateri, d.ik'atu Imperative: Sg. 2 .dik'ani P1. 2 .dik'adu. Class VI: yen- "to hear" Future: (a) General 1 ve'~, 2 venji, 3 venesi, vene. 1 venomi, veno(hi), 2 venjeri, 3 veneri, venu. (b) Special 1 venja'i, 2 venjadi, 3 venjanesi, venjane. 1 venjanomi, 2 venjaderi, 3 venjaneri, venjanu. Past: (a) General 1 vecce'~, 2 vecci, 3 veccesi, vecce. 1 veccomi, vecco, 2 vecceri, 3 vecceri, veccu. (b) Special 1 venjat'~, venjati, 3 venjatesi, venjate. 1 venjatomi, 2 venjateri, 3 venjateri, venjatu. Imperative: (a) General Sg. 2 venamu P1. 2 venju. (b) Special Sg. 2 venjamu P1. venjadu. Adverbial participles: Present venji Past venja Infinitives (a) venjali (b) venayi. Negative FUture: (a) General 1 yen'6, 2 ven"odi, 3 ven' osi, ven' e. 1 ven'omi, ven'ohi, 2 ven'oderi, 3 ven'ori, ven'u.

Sg. P1. Sg. P1. Sg. P1. Sg. P1.

Sg. P1.



(b) Special Sg. 1 venj' o, 2 venj' odi, 3 venj' osi, venj' e. P1. 1 venj' omi, 2 venj' oderi, 3 venj' ori, venj' u. Past: (a) General Sg. 1 yen'at'e, 2 ven' ati, 3 ven' atesi, yen'ate. P1. 1 ven'atomi, 2 ven'ateri, 3 ven'ateri, ven'atu (b) Special Sg. 1 venj' at'~, 2 venj' ati, 3 venj"atesi, venj'ate. P1. 1 venj' atomi, 2 venj' ateri, 3 venj' ateri, venj' atu. Imperative: (a) General Sg. 2 ven'ani P1. 2 ven'adu. (b) Special Sg. 2 venj'ani P1. 2 venj'adu. Class VII This class consists of a very small number of verbs which are characterised by having cerebral -!- in the past tense: holesi "he ran", pale' "I obtained", het.esi "he saw", ut.esi "'he drank". The material collected is insufficient to provide a full account of such verbs, but it can be observed that the simple stem alternates between a form ending in a glottal stop (pa'mu "find", impv., etc.) and a form ending in cerebral .n (hon.'atesi "he did not run away (from us)"). Such verbs fall into two classes according to whether the infinitive (and the forms that go with it) are formed from the same base as the past tense (ho!ali '"to run") or from an alternative base in -n.d- (hend.ali "to see", un.dali "to drink"). In addition mention may be made of a few verbs which do not fit exactly into any of the above classes. The verb ha'- hal- follows class VI in the formation of the present and past tenses (ha'f "I will go", haeeesi "he went"), but it preserves the original final -I in the imperative (halamu "go"), and in the infinitive, etc. it has -j- in place of the -nj- of class VI (hajali, haft, etc.). The verb re'- "to pull" had originally final -l like hal- (cf. Kon.da .rel-, Kui jelba), but this is not preserved anywhere in our material (the principal forms are, re'f, renesi "I, he will pull", reeeesi "he pulled", rejali "to pull", remu "pull" [impv.] re'at'e "I did not pull"). Schulze, however, gives the imperative forms rella, relladu. The verb r~jali "to roam" F. is conjugated in the same way, and likewise jejali "to wipe". The verb e'- "to reach, arrive" forms its infinitive in the same way as these verbs, but its past tense according to class IV. Besides the participles listed above (I pdyi, II h~hi, III ttssi, IV veei, V .dikhi, VI venfi, VII pafi/undi) there is another series which is used in



certain constructions (notably in causatives with ki- and reciprocal constructions with d-). These are formed as follows: I pdyivi, II hfvi, HI t6spi, 1V vepi, V .diphki, V1 ve.rmbi F., Vll pa.npi; cf. further halbi from hal- "to go".

NOTES ON TERMINATIONS The P. dialect has -ami instead of -omi in the first plural (excl.): kogitami "we sat", vdtami "we came". In this respect it agrees with Kui. This dialect has -na instead of-no in the first plural inclusive, kogina, etc. According to Schulze (Gramm. p. 114) this termination is used for the imperative as well as the future. The forms in -na which we got from the P. dialect were in imperative sense: kogina "let us sit down". An extended form of this termination is found, vdnohi beside vdno (Schulze, Gramm., p. 114). Likewise in the past tense vdtohi occurs beside vdt6 (ib., p. 116). A different kind of extension appears to be registered by Fitzgerald (p. 132): han6vwa "we (incl.) will go". Extended forms of the first person in -ni are given by Schulze anO Fitzgerald, e.g. waini (S. p. 114) "I will come", ma'ini(F.) "I will stay", etc. Forms of the imperative singular in -a beside the usual forms in -mu occur. We recorded only two such forms, re'a "pull" and tina "eat", but Schulze gives such forms as regular alternatives to the forms in -mu: manna/mannamu, wda/wdmu, etc. In the imperative plural an extended form in -dunga is given by Schulze: manzunga "be", w6dunga "come". This appears to contain the same -nga which appears as the plural sign of nouns. In the negative imperative, 2nd. sing., Schulze quotes forms in -a~' (as opposed to the normal -'ani given above): kgpa~' "don't do", etc.

NOTES ON TIlE VERBAL CLASSES Class I. This is much the commonest verbal class in Kuvi, and its inflection is the simplest. It is the representative in Kuvi of one of the two major conjugations of primitive Dravidian as they appear in Old s A similar extensionin the negativeappears in me'6ni 'I willnot herd', Fitzg., p. 133. Fitzgerald gives two forms of the imperative2sg. which end in-o: 121 l~h'o "hang (it) up", 126 nfh'6 "stand".



Tamil. Here we have one conjugation with -t-, -tt-, -nt- (or modifications thereof) in the past tense and the corresponding participle (ceyta_ne_n "I did", ceytu "having done") and a second conjugation where -i- appears in a corresponding position (vdhki_ne_n "I received", vdhki "having received"). The distinction between the two conjugations was lessened in Kannada by importing the -d- of conjugation I into conjugation II, which then had the preterite base in -id- (m~.didenu). A very similar process lies behind the Kuvi forms; the -i- in pdyit'~, etc. is the -i- which appears in Ta. vdhki, etc. and it is followed by -t- (<PDr. -tt-) which was originally the suffix of the first conjugation. Furthermore Kuvi has extended this -i- which appeared originally only in the past tense, to the future tense also: pdyinesi beside pdyitesi. According to the original distribution, the verbs of the second conjugation were those of which the root constituted a heavy syllable, i.e. roots with long vowel or roots with short vowel followed by long consonant, nasal and consonant, or original consonant group (separated of course by enunciative -u- in Tamil.). in the main this is the type of root which appears in the first class of verbs in Kuvi, but there has been a certain amount of transference both to and from the class. The normal type of root belonging to this class is illustrated by such examples as ajj(ajjit-) "to fear", 6y- (6yit-) "to be broken", kalp- (kalpit-) "to mix", kdd.- (kd.dit-) "to be burnt (rice in cooking)", genj- (genjit-) "to be torn", n~y- (n~yit-) "to sprout up", etc. The following points are to be noted in connection with this verbal class. The imperative is in -amu,-adu, as opposed to the usual -rnu, -du. A similar form is found in the singular of class VI (venamu, but pl. venju). Elsewhere the terminations are always -mu and -du (or its modification). There is no distinction between the general and special forms of the imperative in this conjugation. There is likewise no distinction between the general and special forms in the negative conjugation of the verbs of this class. Class II. This class consists of roots terminating in a vowel after which -y- is inserted in the infinitive and other forms where -a- follows: h[yali "to give", hfyanesi "he will give" (special), hiyatesi "he gave" (special), hfyamu "give" (special). The following are the common verbs of this class (infinitive forms quoted from Fitzgerald): d- "to be" (aiyali F.), oiyali "to remove", Mali "to do", koiyali "to pluck", kuiyali "to refuse", fiali "to shoot", kruiyali



"to sink" (k.rfi-), boiyali "to overflow", briali "to go off with a bang", m.riali"to be suitable" (mr?-), raiyali "to be finished" (rd-), r~- "to plough" (F. ruiyali), n6- "to hurt", vd- "to come", veyali "to catch fire". Class Ill. This class consists of roots ending in-h-which has developed out of original -s-. The -s- is preserved before the -t- of the past tense: e.g. t6hF "I will show", t6st'~ "I showed". In the P. dialect on the other hand the -h- has been introduced by analogy also into the past tense, e.g.k.roht'g "I winnowed". In this respect it agrees with Kui. The suffix of the verbal participles is -si, -sa. This is the same in origin as the -hi, -ha of Class II, since -h- there represents original -s-. In these forms, t6ssi, t6ssa, to be analysed t6s-si, t6s-sa, we have radical followed by suffixal -s-, and their combination has prevented the usual change to -h-. The infinitive t6ssali- is formed after the manner of the participles. The following are typical verbs of this class: ah- (ast-) "to seize", eh(est-) "to pluck", 6h- (6st-) "to break", kreh (krest-) "to warm", k.roh(k.rost-) "to winnow", geh- (gest-) "to tear", goh- (gost-) "to drink", tih- (tist-) "to feed", tuh- (rust-) "to throw", etc. Class IV. This class consists of roots in vowels after which a glottal stop appears before vowels. It is characterised by a -c- suffix in the participial and infinitive forms (veci, veca, vecali), The -c- is probably participial in origin from which it has spread to the infinitive. The following is a list of typical verbs belonging to this class (infinitive forms quoted from Fitzgerald): angalachali "to yawn", kdchali "to wait", kr~chali "to crow" (kre-/ k.ren-), grdnchali / grdchali "to cross", grechali "to gather up, take a handful", trfchali "to twist", ddchali "to cut", dftchali "to tap", dechali "to become hard", nichali "to stand", brichali "to nudge", brftchali "to snatch", mechali "to graze" (tr.), rechali "to descend", .re- (F. rechali) "to sharpen", lechali "to hang up", m~7- "to be able" (S. 155), h6chali "to come out". Class V. This is a class most characteristic of Kuvi, since no similar type is found in Kui. In this class, in the Su. dialect, the preterite is characterised by the addition of-h- to the simple root, e.g. dik- "to break, d.ikhesi "he broke". This -h- also appears in the participles (.dikhi, .dikha), the infinitive (.dikhali) and in the special inflexion of the verb (.dikhaV "I will break (something of yours)"). This -h- represents earlier -s-, and it belonged originally to the participial forms, as can be seen by comparing Kuvi .dikha with the corresponding Kui .diksa, and from there it has



spread to the other forms. In the past tense it has replaced an original -t- suffix, such as is still found in Kui. Furthermore this -t- sufftx is still preserved in the case of these verbs in our P. dialect, where such forms as nort'g "I washed" and .dupt'g "I extinguished" were recorded in place of the usual norh'~, .duph'g. This is one of the important differences which sets the P. dialect apart from the rest of Kuvi. The description of the verbs of this class is according to the Su. material, but to judge by the accounts of both Schulze and Fitzgerald, the dialects studied by them are different. In Fitzgerald the forms with -h- appear throughout the verbal inflection (nikh'i "I will arouse", etc.), and this is largely the case also with Schulze's material, though here quite a number of unaspirated forms occur in places where they would be expected according to our rules (e.g. normu "wash", impv.). It looks therefore as if in the more northern variety of Kuvi the aspiration has been extended beyond its original sphere, to which it is still confined in the southern Su. dialect. This class embraces a large number of verbs ending in the unvoiced stops k, .t, t, p and in .n, r, and l: k: kak. (kakh-) "to laugh", grakhali "to stab",jakhali "to lose", .dik(.dikh-) "to break", tftk- (tf&h-) "to hang, hang up, weigh", trok- (trokh-) "to demolish", prik- (prikh-) "to break open", p.rik- (p.rikh-) "to cover", brkhali "to spill", ruk- (rukh-) "to hide, conceal", yak- (vakh-) "to bend", vdk- (vdkh-) "to pour", huk- (hukh-) "to take off (clothes, etc.)". t.: ~t.- (f~t.h-) "to give to drink". t: ~t- (f~th-) "to wet", met- (meth-) "to throw", rat- (rath-) "to cut", kot- (koth-) "to hoe", pftthali "to harness, yoke" (may be cerebral -.t-), prthali "to hollow out", prothali "to light", vwathali" to husk maize". p: .dap- (.daph-) "to break", .dup- (d.uph-) "to extinguish", r@- (rdph-) "to finish", rephali "to lift down", niphali "to cause to stand". n.: hog- (no~h-) "to bale", hin.- (hin.h-) "to shave", S. ponh- "to peel", F. porhali (-.n- alternating with -r-)r: ur- (urh-) "to butt, gore", per- (perh-) "to pick up", por- (porh-) "to wrap (cloak) round (oneself)", mar- (math-) "to creep, crawl", p6rhali "to lie in wait". 1: F. kalhali "to mix" (intr.), kOlhali "to forge", S. kulh'nai "to ulcerate", galh' nai "to sprout". Class VL This is a small class containing mainly roots ending in -n(PDr. alveolar -_n-),which combines in the past tense with the tense suffix -t- to produce -cc-<-r_r-, and shows in other cases -nj-<n_r- (veccesi "he heard", venju "hear" 2 pl. impv.). Besides yen- "to hear" the verbs of this



class ending in -n are man- "to be", pun- "to know", in- "to say", tin"to eat" and kan- "to cohabit". Concerning the few roots in -I which are attached to this class (hal-, re'-/rel-, etc.) and concerning the verbs in class VII, there is nothing to add to what has been noted above.

THE PERMISSIVE This mood is characterised by a suffix -p-, more rarely -b-, added between the root and the terminations of the third person singular: vdpesi, vdpe, vdperi, vdpu "he may come, let him come, etc.". The vowel -a-is optionally substituted for the vowel -e- in the termination in the masculine: Fitzg. kfpasi, kTpari. According to Fitzgerald such forms are found only in the third person. On the other hand Schulze gives corresponding forms for the first person (p. 117), e.g. ndnu wdpee "I may come", mdmbu wdpomi/mdro wdpo "we may come" (excl. and incl.). In the first conjugation the -p- suffix is added to the root after a connecting vowel -a-: engapesi "let him climb". In the second conjugation it is added directly to the root; in class III to the root in its s-form: aspesi "let him catch"; in class IV to the root without the glottal stop: vepesi "let him beat". In class V the -p- is added directly to the root, but if the root ends in -k-, there is transposition of the two consonants: F. dipkhesi "let him break", nipkhesi "let him arouse". Fitzgerald has the aspirated -kh- here, and Schulze also gives forms with aspiration (trhpee, etc. p. 125). Unfortunately no forms of this type occur among our material. In class VI the suffix is -mb- before which the final radical consonant appears as -r- (written -.r- by Fitzgerald): F. tLrmberi, ma.rmberi (tin- "to eat", man"to be"). A similar form is given for class VII by F. : ft.rmbesi "let him drink". After hal- "to go" the suffix is -b-: halbesi "let him go". In the negative this suffix is added to the root followed by -'a-: eng'aperi "let them not climb", halrapesi "let him not go", etc.

APPELLATIVE CONJUGATION Present-Future: Class I General: pdyinasi "he who beats", pdyinari "they who beat", non-masc, pdyinayi, pdyina'i



General Class II Class III Class IV Class V Class VI Class Class Class Class Class Class I II III IV V VI


hinasi, etc. t6hnasi, etc. ve'nasi, etc. .diknasi, etc. venasi, etc.
Past tense:

hfyanasi, etc. t6stanasi, etc. vetanasi, etc. .dikhanasi, etc. venjatasi, etc. pdyatasi, etc. hfyatasi, etc. t6statasi, etc. vetatasi, etc. .dikhatasi, etc. venjatasi, etc.

pdyitasi etc. hftasi, etc. t6stasi, etc. vetasi, etc. .dikhasi, etc. veccasi, etc.

Such forms occur only in the third person. The third person singular neuter (pdyinayi) is not only used in the sense of "she, it, who beats", but also as a verbal noun meaning "the act of beating". This is the form of the infinitive in which verbs are quoted by Schulze. He also gives the same usage for the past tense:pdyitayi "the having beaten". It should be noted also that some of his infinitive forms are attached to the special conjugation, e.g. kdtanai "to pardon", t6nzanai "to seem".



The compound tenses are quite simply formed with the verb man- "to be" combined with one or other of the two participles given in the above paradigms: the present and the imperfect are formed with the present participle and the perfect and pluperfect with the past participle. The verb man- takes the forms of the general or special conjugation according to context. Present: payima' i, etc. pdyimanja' i, etc. Imperfect: payimacc' e, etc. pdyimanjat' e, etc. Perfect: pdyama' i, etc. payamanja' i, etc. Pluperfect: pdyamacc' e, etc. pdyamanjat' e, etc. According to Fitzgerald the corresponding negative tenses are formed,



(a) in the general conjugation by using the conjugated forms of the negative verb hil- (pdyi-hil' o, pdyi-hil' at' e, pdya-hil' o, pdya-hil' at' e, etc.). and (b) in the special conjugation with the special negative conjugation of man-: pdyi-manj' o, pdyi-manj'at' e, pdya-manj' o, pdya-mdnja' at' e. In the same way these compound tenses are formed from verbs of the other conjugations: Present Perfect II Mhi-ma'i h?ha-ma'i III ttssi-ma'i t6ssa-ma'i IV veci-ma" i veca-ma' i V .dikhi-ma'i .dikha-ma'i VI venji-ma'i venja-ma'i The uncontracted forms of the verb man- are not very frequently heard in these compound tenses. In our material we find a few such forms in the 3rd person nt., sg. and pl. (trivvi mane "it is revolving", m~yi manu "they are grazing"), and also in the first person singular for which there are no contracted forms, but generally the vowel of the auxiliary verb is elided: rathimnesi "he is cutting", m.nisimne "it is lightning", kahimneri "they are playing". This is the situation in the case of the general forms. On the other hand in the special conjugation the -a- is normally retained in our material: vd~gi manjane "it is leaking", htci manjanu "they (nonmasc.) are coming out". Fitzgerald gives only forms with elided -a- in both types of conjugation, but in its place he has a glottal stop (which we did not record in the same position): pdyim'nesi, pdyim'njanesi, etc. Further contraction appears in our P. material, where we find the syllable -ma- elided in these tenses: ntinjane "hurts, aches", hopTne "is coming out". In the latter case there appears to be compensatory lengthening, but as there are also some recordings with glottal stop in this position (vepi'ne) the exact situation is not clear. It will be noted that a different form of the participle appears in these P. forms. This participle, vepi, is one of a series characterised by a labial element (-p-, -b-, -mb-, v-), which exist for the verbs of classes R to VII. These are most commonly used in the formation of the periphrastic causative, and details of the various forms are given below in the section dealing with this. It would seem that in the P. dialect the use of this second participle is more extensive than elsewhere, and it appears in situations where other dialects use the first participle.



A number of common verbs are used as auxiliaries in Kuvi: (1) hal- "to go" : Instances of this construed with the past verbal participle were particularly common in the Su. material, e.g. kamba haccu "became ripe", tika hacce "got stuck", .dumba hacce "went out (fire)", sriha hacce "became rotten", mdja hacce "ripened (off tree)", torga hacce "fell", .damba hacce "got broken", genja hacce "got torn", 6ya hacce "got broken", rdha hacce "finished (intr.)", jc~ga hacce "got lost", b6ha haccu "were spilled", etc. As will be observed this auxiliary is used only with intransitive verbs. (2) tuh- (rust-) "to throw": This auxiliary is also used with the past verbal participle: cuca tust'g "I blocked up", p.rikha tust'g "I covered", rdpha tust'g "1 finished", trokha tusteri"they knocked down, demolished", hunka tuhmu "take off", etc. It is used only with transitive verbs. (3) hi- "to give": tacha hfyadu "bring it (to us)" F., etc.

ADVERBIAL PARTICIPLES The participles given above are not used unextended as ordinary conjunctive participles except in a minority of cases and in special combinations such as the above. Thus we have such combinations as (a) .deka tatesi "he brought carrying on his shoulder", perha o'a "pick up and take away", and (b) tdki hajju "go running", marhi hunjamu (F.) "lie on your face". This form is also used when the participle is repeated in such examples as hot.i hot.i hallamu (F.) "go running"; likewise (Su.) pari pari "continually searching", haft haft "going on and on". Apart from such examples the ordinary conjunctive participle takes the form of an extension of the above participles. These extensions are, according to Fitzgerald, -hi for the present and -naha for the past, e.g. nikhihi "arousing", nikhanaha "having aroused". The Su. dialect differs from this in the past form, having -ha instead of-naha as extension: rejaha "having pulled", injaha "having said", kugaha "having sat down", etc. Examples of its usage: m~ru paraha pa'du "you seeking find", ~yu m.nokhaha ta'du "drawing water bring it". Schulze has the same forms for the present, but for the past he gives forms in which -waha is added to the simple form of the present participle: z6liwaha "having talked", hat.iwaha "having called", k~piwaha "having done".



The corresponding negative participle is in -'anaha: ta'anaha "not bringing" F. A second type of negative participle is referred to by Schulze on p. 139, where forms like weh'aki "not speaking", doh'aki "not building", and wdaki "not coming" are quoted. Adjectival participles are formed from the present, future and past stems by adding -i to the final consonant of these stems; e.g. from the root pdy- "to beat", present-future, general pdyini, special payani, past tense, generalpdyiti, specialp~yati, and so on through the various classes. The past negative is formed from the past negative stem in the same way, e.g. tth'ati general, tffst'ati special, from tth- "to show". For the present future evidence is lacking in our material, but Fitzgerald gives forms ending in long -6: t6hgt, t6std, etc.; but he does not, except after a vowel, note the glottal stop which is to be expected in this position.

CONDITIONAL This form is made by adding -ihe to the past stem, general and special, positive and negative forms being used:
ndnu pdyitihi "If I beat (him)". ndnu pdyatihi "If I beat (you)". nanu pdy'atihi "If i do not beat (him, you)". ndnu tgstihe "If r show" ndnu ttstatihe "If I show (you)". ndnu tOh'atihe "If I do not show" nanu ttst'atihe "If I do not show (you)".

The past conditional is formed by adding the particle ma to these forms: n~nu ftan.ahi vetihe ma "if you had struck him". The particle ma is construed also with the main verb of the sentence in the past tense: (F) veska kattatihe ma on.da vajali a.diti ma "If you had cut firewood you would have been able to cook your food"; ftasi hacihe ma ndnu jak'e hac'g ma "If he had gone I also would have gone"; oso un.da-m"cihe ma nfnju ngmeri d' ati ma "If you had taken medicine yesterday, you would not have had fever today". EXTENDED CONJUGATION WITH -KAFor this type of conjugation see above, Vol. V, p. 132. It is formed in the



same manner and with the same meaning as in Kui. The main forms are as follows: Sg. 1 h~ka'i, 2 hfkadi, 3 hikanesi, hikane, P1. 1 hikanomi, hikano, 2 hfkaderi,

3 hfkaneri, Mkanu.
Past tense Sg. 1 hfkat'e, 2 hikati, 3 hfkatesi, h~kate, PI. 1 hfkatomi, 2 Mkateri, 3 hTkateri, hfkatu. Imperative Sg. Mkamu P1. 2 hikadu Examples of this usage are as follows: (S.) ndnu ~ndu meska'i "I go to see the game"; ~ n6merigat.ana'i meskatesi "He went to see the sick man"; (F.) ichari hdru r~skamu "go and borrow some salt".

PLURAL ACTION FORMS IN -KForms of this type in Kui are described by Winfield in his grammar, pp. 142-144. Corresponding forms occur also in Kuvi, but they have not been dealt with by either Schulze or Fitzgerald. A typical example provided by our informants was seen in the pair hiccu pinji-manjane/ hiccu piskimanjane "fire sparks"; when asked to explain the difference they used the term bahu-vacanam in connection with the latter. Although Schulze and Fitzgerald have not dealt with these forms a considerable number of examples of them can be collected from their works. The following is an illustrative list: F. iskali "to dump down", cf. Kui iska, pl.act, form of ibga "to throw down"; F. ~skali "to grip"; Su. kark- (9. k~rk-) "to gnaw", cf. F. k~rali "id."; F. kaskiateri "they bite each other": S., etc. kacc- "to bite"; S. kutkianari "soldiers": katt- "to cut", cf. Kui pl. act. katka beside kata; S. gitkinai "to sleer"; cf. F. kannu gitali "to blink"; S. getkinai "to hop": Su., etc. get- "to leap, dance"; F. pompki-ahanaha "with arms interlaced": pomm- "to embrace", Kui pomba; S. b~ska-ko.d.di "I view myself": b~z.inai "to look"; mdsk- "to exchange"; S. rdskinai "to limn": r~z.inai"to write"; F. vfskali "to knead": cf. Kui v.r~sa"to squeeze, milk"; F. vetkali "to writhe": yen.d- "to turn".

VERBS WITH LABIAL EXTENSION These forms are dealt with by Schulze, Grammar, p. 131, under the title



"Third Particular Verbal Form". Such forms, according to Schulze, express habitual, continuous doing, and are used very commonly. Their inflection is according to the first class of verbs. Schulze's examples, in the first person of the past tense are: punbitee, wenbitee, halwitee,

reliwitee, inbitee, tinbitee, 6rhwitee, porhwitee, dospitee, vispitee, pispitee 7, k~piwitee, 6witee, r~witee, tapiwitee, pdnpitee, honpitee, from pun- "to know", yen- "to hear", hal- "to go", re'- "to pull", in- "to say", tin"to eat", 6r- "to bear", por- "to dress", doh- "to build", rih- "to beg", pih- "to leave", k~p- "to do", 6- "to carry away", rO- "to settle down", ta- "to bring", pd- "to receive", ho.n- "to run away". Other examples are as follows: S. aspa tuh'nai "to rumple", S. drpinai "to call" (S. ~rnai "id."), Su. etc. asp- "to smear with cowdung" (fth-, ftst- "to anoint oneself"), P. ~hp- "to winnow" (Su. ~rs- "id."), S. kakwinai "to spew", S. kotpinai "to haggle, hash", F. grespali "to imitate", S. taspinai "to hustle", S. tulpinai "to tramp", S. dospali "to arrest", S. drftkwinai "to heave", Su. ntrp-"to thresh", S. mdnpinai "to heal", ratpinai "to haggle", rOspinai "to preserve", lftspinai "to stroke" (lah'nai "id."), lon.diwinai "to kiss" (lon.dinai "id."), watpinai "wheedle", waspine "is sharp" (wah'nai "to sharpen"), wespini "warm", F. hdspali "to distribute" (h~ssali "id."), S. hirwinai "whisper", hidwinai "sulk".
According to Winfield (Grammar, pp. 143-144) the k-extensions and the labial extensions in Kui have the same function (plural action); the former are used with the verbs of the first conjugation (and in a few other cases, e.g. peska from pebga) while the latter are used with the three other conjugations. In the case of the Kuvi the available evidence is still insufficient to make any definite statement concerning the relative distribution and significance of the two types.

TRANSITIVE/CAUSATIVE There are still to be found in Kuvi a considerable number of transitive/ causatives formed after the old style, i.e. by modification of the verbal base in the same way as in the other Dravidian languages. But in addition to this Kuvi has introduced a new periphrastic type of causative which has come to be used much more frequently than the old type. This type of causative is made by using the auxiliary verb ki- "to make" in connection with a special type of verbal participle characterised (except in These three words are written erroneouslywith -b-.



the first class of verbs where the ordinary verbal participle is used) by a labial element. Examples of the older type of transitive/causative are as follows: ~t- 0ith -) "to give to drink": un- "to drink"; ~t- (~tth-) "to wet, moisten": ftd- (~dit-) "to become wet"; S. ekh'nai "to heighten": enginai "to climb"; Oh- (6st-) "to break": 63,-(6yit-) "to be broken"; S. gaph'nai "to increase", Kui gdppa: Kui gdmba "to increase" (intr.); .dap- (d.aph-) "to break": Jamb- (.dambit-) "to be broken"; .dup- (.duph-) "to extinguish": .dumb(.dumb#-) "to be extinguished"; F. taphali "to silence": S. tambinai "to be quiet"; F. tipali "to turn round" (trans.): ti.rvali (i.e. tirv-) "to turn round (intr.)"; tih- (tist-) "to feed" (tr.): tin- (tice-) "to eat"; t~k- (t~kh-) "to hang, hang up" (tr.): tg~g- (t~t~git-) "to hang (intr.), be hanging"; nik- (nikh-) "to lift up, raise": nigg- (niggit-) "to rise"; S. niph'nai, F. niphali "to cause to stand": ni'- (nit-) "to stand"; neh- (nest-) "to fill": nenj- (nenjit-) "to be filled"; rdp- (ralph-) "to finish": rd- (rdt-) "to come to an end, be finished"; F. rephali "to put down": re'- "to descend"; ruk- (rukh-) "to hide, conceal" (tr.): rug- (rugit-) "to hide, be concealed"; yak- (vakh-)"to bend" (tr.): rang- (vaggit-) "to bend (intr.), be bent"; vdk- (vdkh-) "to pour": vdgg- (vdggit-) "to flow". Examples of the commoner periphrastic causative are as follows: Class I. ni~gi ki- "to cause to arise", kugi ki- "to make to sit", kernji ki"to warm (another)", dyi ki- "to allow to coo1", kara~gi ki- (F.) "to melt" (tr.), rgpi ki- "to wash (another's) face". Class II. h~vi ki- "to cause to give", v~vi ki- "to cause to come", dvi ki"to cause to become", fivi ki- "to cause to shoot". Class IIL pispi ki- "to cause to abandon", ftspi ki- "to cause to anoint", aspi ki- "to cause to catch", tuspi Ici- "to cause to throw away", dospi ki"to cause to tie", mrispi ki- "to polish" (S.). Class IV. kdpi ki- "to awaken", depi ki- "to harden", vepi ki- "to cause to strike", pr,~pi ki- "to cause to sell", tapi ki- "to cause to bring", dapi ki- "to cause to cut", tripi ki- "to cause to twist". Class V. hftphki ki- "to cause to open", diphki ki- "to cause to break", kapki ki- "to cause to laugh", p~rhbi ki- "to cause to chase", kdrhbi ki"to cause to dig", k6lhbi ki- "to cause to forge", t~rhpi ki- (F.) "to cause to cut", t~thpi ki- (F.) "to cause to bore a hole", S. litpi kinai "to trouble". Class VL S. punbi kinai "to inform", F. ti.rmbi ki- "to cause to eat", ve.rmbi ki- "to cause to ask", parmbi ki- "to cause to understand", ma.rmbi ki- "to cause to remain", halbi ki- "to cause to go". Class VII. F. pa.rpi ki/parnpi ki- "to cause to get".



Reciprocal action is expressed by a special type of periphrastic conjugation in which the verb a- "to be, become" is used in conjuction with the same type of participle as is used in the periphrastic causative. Examples are as follows:

F. andivi aiyali "to be friendly", paiyivi ateri "they beat each other", kaski ateri "they bit each other", fivi ateri "they shot at one another", ~ari himborika Mvi ateri "they gave each other clothes", ~ari kaphkiahim'cheri "they were laughing at each other", (Su.) b~t.a-avi-atomi "we met", F. pornki ahnaha "holding each others' arms", ftari vermbi ateri "they asked one another".

REFLEXIVE (ATMANEPADE)FORM OF THE VERB This is formed by combining the verb ko.d.d- "to take" with the past form of the ordinary verbal participle, and it appears in such examples as the following: F. ndnu paiya ko.di'i " I will beat myself", Su. trhyu ki.nha ko.dimne"(woman) is combing her hair", F. hirhakodali"to shave oneself", S. fdi tani himbori rd.za ko.d.dite "she washed her cloth", evari k6di hu.z.zako.d.diteri "they put on (themselves) the piece of cloth".


a~ga Su.P. agga.ni Su. aggala'- (angalat-) Su. ajj- (ajjit-) Su. ajji ki- Su. anjula P. at.- Su.P. at.i ki- Su.P. at.- (at.it-) Su. a(l- (a(lit-) Su. anderi Su.P. abadom Su. amba P. ambu (pl. apka) Su. arna Su. al- (alit-) Su. alsi (pl. alsiga)

body yard, courtyard. to gape, open mouth. to fear to frighten a double handful to catch fire to set fire to to get stuck. S. attinai inhere [Cf. Ta. atJu. etc. DED, 68.] to be able. [Cf. Kon.da at.- id.] darkness lie, falsehood, S. abhatomi id. [< abhfitam] there [Kul amba]

cultivation, crop. S. arna corn, grains; arna illu storeroom to plait (hair). S. allinai to intertangle, plait. flax [IA.]


T. BURROW AND S. BHATTACHARYA rainy season to seize, take hold of. F. assali to hold, catch, S. ah'nai to seize, hold. to become, be. F. aiyali, S. dnai. sky hail. F. ajfi. S. azinga. father; man. a species of grain, identified with Te. ko_r.ralu Panicum italicum [Kui arka a species of millet; cf. Ka. arike P. italicum, etc., DED. 321 .] steam, vapour Te. soil, earth. [P. vir'a, Kui vira id.] small. to say. here. mother; woman. to throw: to strike. [Kui ibga to throw down] mahua. [Kui irpi, etc.; DED. 410:] house spear. [ <Te.] this year this man light [<IA.] to butt, gore. [Kui ubga to collide, strike against, butt, Kon.da u.r (urht-) to strike with horns (cattle, etc.)] onion summer season to plant. S. uhinai, F. ahali (ahit-). to pound (rice). F. f~ssali to pound paddy, S. uh'nai to pestle. to pierce. [Cf. DED. 570) to blow. F. akali. breath. [Kui akori, akori] to give to drink. F. palu athali to suckle. to make wet, damp. F. ftthali to moisten, S. ftth'nai to wet. walking stick. to become damp, wet. F. adaIi to fly. F. ambali, S. ambinai. flesh. to smear with cowdung. F. aspali. to arrive. F. e]ali (et-) reach. carry (child on hip). F. etali. to pluck (fruit) [Pe. ec- to pluck, Kui (K.) es- (est-) id. Winfield has espa (est-) 'to pluck' in his verb-list correctly distinguished from ~spa 'to separate: to spin', but he has confused the two in his vocabulary s.v. ~spa.] to dance. water; construed with plural verb: ~yu .ragitu 'water has boiled'. to winnow (with sideways motion). F. &sali to separate, S. ~rsinai to sort. thirst. [Kui ~ski, Kon0a (rhki.] to winnow [Kui ~spa to separate]

asa.r l~ska Su. ah- (ast-) Su.P. a- (at-) agasa Su. aji (pl. ajiga) Su. aba Su. argu (91. arka) Su. aviri Su. i'ira Su. icci Su. in- (icc-) Su. imba Su. iya (pl. iyaska) Su. Jr- (irh-) Su. irpi Su. P. il (pl. ilka) Su. P. ~ta Su. fyona Su. fvasi Su. ujeri Su.P. ur- (urh-) Su. ulli Su. usom l~ska Su. uh- Su.P. uh- (ust-) Su. uh- (ust-) Su. ak- (akit-) Su. akori Su. at.- (ath-) Su. at- (ath-) Su. ata-ba(lia Su. ad- (adit-) amb- (ambit-) Su. ayu (pl. anga) Su.P. asp- (aspit-) Su. e'- (et-) Su. et- (etit-) Su. eh- (est-) Su.

~nd- (~ndit-) Su. ~yu Su.P. ~rs- (~rsit-) Su. ~ski Su. ~hp- P.



od.u Su.P. ond.a Su.P. oepu P. orli Su.P. oso Su. osri d.alu Su. o- (ot-) Su. 6),- (6yit-) Su. Oh- (6st-) Su. kakka P. kaca kupi Su.P. kace- (kaccit-) Su. kaja Su. kaja aba Su. kateli Su. kad.d.a Su. kand. ru Su. katt- (kattit-) P. katti Su. kanu (pl. kanka) Su.P. kandi kriya Su. kappa P. kamb- (kambit-) Su.P. kambeli Su. kayyu P. kara Su. kark- (karkit-) Su. kargg- Su. karna Su. karla Su. ka.rve Su. ka.rhakut.a Su. kassa Su. kah- (kahit-) Su. ka- (kat-) Su. ka.ni (pl.ga) Su. kanju (pl.kaska) Su. karl- (kad. it.) Su. kap- (kapit-) P. kaya Su. ka'va P. kar- (karh-) Su. karu Su. P. kalu (pl. kalka) P. kalovi Su. kasa nuhuri Kar.

bank of river [Te. odd.u] boiled rice. seedling. F. o~pu verra paddy planting time. rat. medicine. female calf. to take away. to be broken [Kui 6ja; Pj. 6.d, etc., DED. 799.] to break (tr.). [Kui ohpa (ost-) id.; should perhaps be Ohpa.] armpit. scorpion. to bite. big [Pc. gaza big.] fathers elder brother. cot. [P., Kui gat.eli.] river. [Kui (K.) gad.d.a, Kon.da ga.da id.] tears. [Kui kand.ru.] to cut. F. kuttali O.e. kattali) id. [DED. 1015.] mat-wall. [Go. katti palm-leaf mat; Trench has erroneously kat.t.f.] eye. sp. bee. frog. to ripen, (hair) to become grey. F. kambali. [Kui (K.) kamb- (hair) to become grey.] bitter. [Cf. Kui (K.) kappeli id., Gad. keymbur bitter, and DEE). 1047.] hand; usually keyyu, q.v. heat of sun. [Kui kara id.; said to be <Oriya.] to gnaw. to melt (intrO. F. kara~ali. irrigation channel. bitter gourd, Momordica charantia. [<IA.] anklet. F. kalkorve anklet (white metal.) house-lizard. F. karakf~ta. blood. to play. [Kui kaha (kahit-), Kon.da ka_rz-, Pe. kraz- to play, sport; Go. (Tr.)garsfm~, DED. 1172.] to be awake, to watch over. F. kachali to wait for, S. ka'nai to wait, guard. hole. carrying yoke. to be burnt (rice in cooking). [Kon.da Pc. ka.d- id.] to heat. DED. 1219. unripe fruit. crow. to dig. [Kui karpa (kart-) id., Kon~ta Pe. kar- id.] liquor. F. kara, S. kad.u. leg. [DED. 1238; elsewhere Kuvi has the word kod.d.a in this sense.] sound, voice. F. kalOvi noise. wild dog. [Cf. Kui kasi wild, untamed; kasi nakuri a wild dog, wolf.]


T. BURROW AND S. BHATTACHARYA castor plant. [Kui (K.) ki'e.ri, Kon~ta kitari id.] to pinch, nip. to comb. Cf. kin-. to comb. [Kon.da kit- to comb, kirpa a comb.] ear. Cf. krfyyu. earwax. [Kui (K.) kriu pejava.] ankle. grasshopper. parrot. spoke of wheel. to sit. P. kog-. [Kui kopka (kokt-) id.; cf. DED. 1356.] dove. [Kui guguri id.; cf. Ka. g~va, Te. guvva id., DED. 1589.] cooked vegetable. Zizyphus rugosa. ( = Or. kat.ftkoli.) to prick. S. kuttinai to stab, stitch. to throw away. tip of bow. [Cf. Ta. kutai notch at end of bow to secure bowstring, DED. 1426.] broken rice. [Kui gudu broken rice, Malt. kudi broken pieces of grain, kudru the broken pieces of sifted grain; cf. also Kol. (K) kondi a particle of broken rice.]

ki'e.ni marnu Su. kicc- (kiccit-) Su. kit.- (kit.it-) P. ki.n- (ki.nh-) Su. kiru P. kirpeja Su. kirli d.ekka Su. kiska Su. Mra (pl. ga) Su. Mla Su. kug- (kugit-) Su. kuguri Su.P. kucca Su.P. ku.numpu Su. kuto (kutit-) Su. kuttuh- (kuttust-) Su. kudi Su. kudu (pl. ga) Su. kudgu Su. kuna Su.P. kupi Su.P. kuppa P. kupli Su. kum~la Su. kumbra Su. kura Su.P. kurkut.i (pl. -ka) Su. kurhu P. kuria P. kuhi (pl. -ga) Su.P. kftd.u Su. k~ndu (pl. katku) Su.P.
k~.r- Su.

thigh. F. kftdgft.
tuber. [DED. 1546; cf. also Kon~ta kun.i id.] crab. stack. F. k@a mound. hillock. pumpkin. clump of trees. hoof. firefly. F. k~trkfati. antelope. See kruhu. daughter-in-law. F. kftria, pl. kf~rasika id. [Kui k.rua, pl. kruaska wife, (Lingum-Letchmajee) k.ruha id.; cf. DED. 1798.] well. wall (of mud.) mushroom. to assemble. paddy. [Kui kad.i, Kon~la, Pc. kali id.] hand. (large) feather. F. kelIa (kelka). ebony tree. to do; also metathesised, p~k-; our informants used both forms indiscriminately. to sing. [Kui k~romt.i story, tale, fable. Pe. ker- to sing, kerkon~t a song ( ? k~r-), Gad. (Oll.) keral story, Malt. q~ri a tale.] a boy. [Kui koganju boy, Kon.da koko little, small, tiny, kogri small, Go.(SR.) koko child, Kur. kukkos boy, kukoy girl.] spider. footprint.

kfdi (pl. -oa) Su.P. keyyu Su. kelu (pl. kelka) Su.P. k~ndu marnu kep- (k~pit-) Su. k~r- (k~rh-) Su. kokasi (pl. kokari) Su. kocot.i Su. kojja Su.P.



kot. a Su. kot. Fo.ni Su.

threshold. dozing, sleepiness. [Kui kot.rongi ava to be drowsy, sleepy, Kon~la ko.r.rho- doze.] ko~l- (kod.it-) Su. to buy. ko.dgt.a (pl. -~a) Su. leg, foot. plough-handle. kont.i P. to dig (with hoe). [Kui kospa to beat, strike with stick or kot- (koth-) Su. m~let; cf. DED. 1740.] buffalo calf. kodma d.alu Su. coconut. kobri Su. branch of tree. komma (pl. -ua) Su. kommu (pl. komku) Su.P. horn. koyu (pl. kosku) Su.P. fowl, hen. horse-gram. [Cf. Ta. kol, etc., DED. 1790.] kora (pl. -ua) Su. hoe. korgi Su. fat. F. korowa. ko.rva Su.P. koho.ni (pl. koho.nka) Su.P. elbow. sp. grain. kohra Su. black-faced monkey k6nja P. COW. k6d. i Su.P. cowherd. k6d. i gOru Su. kO(lru Su.P. buffalo. [Kui kOru, Kon~la k(ri id.] to be angry. k@a ~- Su. pestle. k6lu (pl. k6lka) Su. karanja tree, Pongamia glabra. kranji marnu Su. krandu (pl. -ua) Su. mongoose. [Kui (K.) krandu id.] kr~ya niyu Su. honey. bee. [Kui (K.) kirga viha.] krfya viha Su. antelope. P. kurhu, S. kluhu. [DED. 1485] kruhu (pl. kruska) Su. to warm onself. F. k6rnjali to warm oneself in the sun. krenj- (krenjit-) Su. [DED. 1636; cf. also kreh- (krest-) tr.] kreh- (krest-) Su. to warm (another.) tiger. kra'ni (pl. -ua) Su.P. k.ra'li Su. axe. [Kui kr~li id.] k.r~nu (pl. k.r~ka) Su. threshing floor. F. k.rana. to be deep. F. kr~iyali to sink. kra- Su. (cock) to crow. kre-/kren- (krent-) Su. to winnow. F. korssali, S. kloh'nai. kroh- (krost-) Su.P. gateli P. cot. gatt.u (pl. gat.ku) Su. bund of field. F. gatta boundary. gad. li Su. back of neck. threshing floor (.9). gari P. gala P. cheek. to bind. [Kui (K.) gah- (gast-) to tie, (W.) gaspa (gast-) gab- P. hang, suspend, tie a knot, Pe. gac- to bind; ? cf. Go. (Tr.) kachana to be tied tight.] wound. gaha (Pl. -ua) Su. donkey. [<Ted garde Su. gali Su.P. wind. [<Te.] ginesi orli Su. sp. rat. giri P. temple of head. gut. t.u (pl. gut.ku) Su.P. stump (of tree),stubble (of paddy) [Cf. DED. 1390.] gu'u (pl. gu'uua) Su. hump of cow.


T. BURROW AND S. BHATTACHARYA heel. field of dry cultivation. egg. ]<Te.] flour. [DED. 1411.] mouth. heap. magician. umbrella. F. g~rgft, S. gudugu. to swallow. to be torn. [Kui genja to be separated from, divided from.] water in which rice has been boiled. [Cf. DEE). 927] to dance. S. gettinai to jump, leap. [Cf. DED. 1018.] to tear. Cf. genj-. to lean. a kind of mosquito. shrub, bush. herd of cows. difficult. heap. large variety of cana goat. shell (of tortoise, egg.) shrimp. to drink. Cf. guh-. nail (of finger, toe). horse. herdsman. iguana. to thunder. to be bitter. to excrete. [Kui krahpa to evacuate the bowels, Kon~la ka.rs-, Pe. k.rac- id.; Cf. DED.1142.] hole, pit. trench. [Kui krau pit, hole, cave.] to slip, slide. a double handful; g.ro'leka one double handful. S. glo'oli, glo'oleka. [KUI kr6d.a the scoop or receptacle made by holding both hands together.] sieve. to sew. F. tachali, S ta#inai. knife. to appear. F. tonja aiyali, S. tdnz.inai. guava. S. zambu jambalam. to be born. to get lost. F. ]ang-, S. zanginai. thigh. gourd spoon. F. jacha (pl. jaska). grass, weed, rubbish. F. ]and~ grass, rubbish, S. zdmt.u weed. to learn. F. ]apali. to teach. F. japhali. curry. KUI (W.'s P. dialect)jau dhai, gravy, soup. forest. S. zad.a jungle. heart.

gu'na (pl. -oa) Su. gudia Su. gud. d.u (pl. -~a) Su. gund.a Su. guti Su.P. gumomi Su. P. guru Su. gu.rgu Su.P. guh- (gust-) genj- (genjit-) Su. genji Su. get- (getit-) Su. geh- (gest-) Su. g~.nd.- (g~.nd.it-) Su. googara viha Su. gocca (pl. -oa) got. t.a Su. gopa Su. gombu Su. goya Su. gore P. gorpo Su. goskori (pl. -ka) Su. goh- (gost-) Su. gffru (pl. gOrka) Su.P. gSra Su.P. g6ru Su.P. g~hi Su.P. geu- Su. grik- (grikh-) Su. grah- (g.rast-) Su. g.rayu Su.P. grihi (grist-) Su. gro' li Su. calani P. cac- (cacit-) Su. c~ri Su. c6nj- (c6njit-) Su. ]ambu Su. ]arna a- Su. ja~g- Uaogit-) Su. jaoga P. jacu Su. jandu Su.P. jap- Uapit-) Su. ]ap- (]aph-) Su. jayu Su. jara Su. ]iu Su.



jinj- (jinjit-) Su jinfiki Su. jitti~ga Su. firn. a S. ji- Su. jiyu Su. jfru P. juec- (juccit-) Su. juriyu Su. juru P. jur'o Su.P. jura Su.P. juveri Su. jet.a Su. j~ka P. j6ngu Su. j6nu Su. joko Su. jonjoli Su. jor Su. johor ki- Su. j6~g- (jO~git-) Su. j61- Su. t.at.t.i Su. t.aku Su. t.ayu kdya Su. t.i'ni Su. t.ik- Su. t.ik'uri (pl. -ika) Su. tippa P. .tilli Su. tipu Su. t.ukku sfma Su. tuti Su. t.ue- (t.u.nh-) Su. t.ubgi kra'ni Su. t.eegan Su. ted.eli Su.P. tebri Su.P. t.~k Su. for.to Su. fot.ro Kar. tod. i P. d.aki Su. d.agre Su.

to fan; to wave, shake. F. jinjali to beckon, S. zfnzinai to hurl [Kui jfnja to blow, fan, jiperi a fan, jinjeri id., Pc. jicona a fan.] a fan. S. zinziki; see above. cow-bell. [Cf. DED. 2075; cf. also Pj. jinna cow-bell.] throat. to shoot (with bow). F. fiali to shoot (an arrow). road, path, way. S. ziju. See next. road, path, way. F. firu. See last. to carry on the head. S. z~z-, F. ]~chali. See ducc-. gruel. Aonla. [Kui (K.)jura, Kon~la sftrika maran, Pe. hurka mar id.] knot of hair. yoke. plait of hair. head of rice. F. jekanga ears of paddy, which he considers to be the plural ofjenga. [? Cf. Kui r~ga the small stalk on which a grain of paddy hangs.] straw (?). Rather 'standing crop'; cf. S. kMi z~ngu rice on the field, z6na z~ngu (crop of) z ~ F.jenga an ear of paddy. back. S. z~nu, loc. z~z.o, P. j~o. adam's apple. sieve. lap. to greet. (hen) to hatch eggs. [Kui j6nga hatch, Pe. j6g- id.] to speak. S. zMinai. [Cf. DED. 2355.] honeycomb. P. t.a.tto, said to be < Or. [Cf. Kol. ta.tta, etc., DED. 2874.] kidney. sp. bee. right (hand). P. tiM. to get stuck; ro p.rr nd fir.nata t.ika hacce, a bone has stuck in my throat. buttock a kind of axe. squirrel. top, summit. sp. ant. stomach. [Cf. Kui taw belly, abdomen, womb.] to cut (with axe). [Cf. Ta. tu.ni to cut, sever, etc., DED. 2707.] panther, leopard, flail. waist. [Cf. Kui d.eti id.] left. teak. side. S. totto. throat. S. totro. chin stump (of tree), stubble (of paddy.). near. Te. r

278 4an.da Su. 4an.de Su.

T. BURROW AND S. BHATTACHARYA sugar-cane. upper arm to break. to be broken. basket. to become thin. S. d.ahinai to wither, dahi Mnai imbecilitate, F. daha thin, lean. [Cf. Te 4ayyu, Kol. ,day., DED. 435.] behind. F. daiyu, S. da]u.

(lap- (,daph-) Su. 4arab- (.dambit-) Su. .dali Su. .dab- (.dahit-) Su. .dayu Su. dalu Su. d.ik- (.dikh-) Su. d.fg- (d.igit-) Su. dub (4ulit-) Su. dek- (d.ekit-) Su. d.epla Su. d.eh- (4ehit-) P. d.~v- (.d~vit-) Su. d.okki P. .dokra Su. 4okri Su. .dor Su., (lo~esi Su. .do,or Orka Su. .dot.i Su. d.ovara pr6nu Su. .doveli Su. d.ohi Su. d.dka Su. d.Ori Su. .dOru Su. .dori Su. taegi Su. tamba Su. tall Su. tah- (tast-) Su. ta'- (tat-) Su. tat.i marnu Su. tamel bon.da Su. tambeli Su. t&i Su.P. talla P. tin- (ticc-/cicc-) Su.P. tina~a Su. tini P. tih- (tist-) Su. tumm- (tummit-) Su. tur- (turh-) Su. tuh- (tust-) Su.

to break (tr.). F. dikhali, S. dick'nai. [Cf. F. dP- to break (intr.): Kui .dipka (d.ikt-) to kill, slay, murder.] to touch. F. digali to feel, touch. [Cf. Kui d.iga to touch, feel.] (hair, leaves) to fail. [<Te. dullu.l to carry on the shoulder. S..d~kinai, F. dekali. [Kui d.ehka, cf. DED. 723.] clod. to flee. [? Cf. Kui geha id.] to jump. S. d.ewinai leap, F. dewali jump, bound. back of the neck. Cf. hika .doki. husband. wife. thief. a species of grain or pulse. calf of leg. collar bone sickle. S. doweli knife, F. dO'welli, (pl. dOvelka) sickle. Ficus glomerata pot. F. dOkka, S. d.oka. rope. name. F. d6rtL S..dOru. swing. father's sister. F. tangi sister, S. tangi father's younger sister. copper. female of animal. S. talli mother, female of animal. to scrape, plane. S. tah'nai engrave. [Cf. Kui tahpa to smooth off, level down, chip, scrape.] to bring. toddy palm. lotus bud. S. tamberi lotus. tortoise. plantain. [Kui, Kon~ta t(tri id.] liver. to eat. straight. [Te. tinn~ga.] right (hand); see t.i'ni to feed. F. tissali. [Kui tispa.] to sneeze S. tftminai, F. tahmali. to put on, wear (shoes). S. turhnai wear (impv. turmu). [Cf. Kui tubga to fasten (a necklace), and DED. 2867.] to throw away; commonly used also as an auxiliary verb.



t~tk- (tf&h-) Su. tftgg- (tftggit-) Su. toy- Su. torg- (torgit-) Su.P. toll Su. tdla P. t61u (pl. t61ka) Su.P. t6h- (tast-) Su. tra'na Su. tr~yu (pl. traka) Su.P triv- (trivit-) Su. truki Su. trog- (trogit-) Su. trok- (trokh-) Su. t.r~lu Su. dagnesi Su. dame.ni Su. dariti Su. darnoki Su. darmbu Su.P. dal- (dalit-) Su. dd'- (dat-) Su.P. dada Su. dara Su. dinom Su., dina P. dir- (dirh-) Su. divo Su. ducc- (duccit-) P.
duna P.

dundara Su., dunderi P. dadi Su. d~du P. dftri P. dfdi Su.P. de'- (det-) Su. d~ru (pl. d~rka) Su.P. dono Su. dobla Su. dri- P. na'ari Su. nakka Su.P. nakt.a Su. nam- (namit-) Su. nalgu Su. nak- (nakit-) Su.

[Kui tuhpa, cf. DED. 2768.] to hang, hang up, weigh. F. tf~khati to swing (tr.), weigh. to hang (intr.), be hanging. F. tfmgali to sway, S. t~nginai to swing (intr.). to kick. S. tofinai to spurn, F. toiyali to kick. to fall. S. torginai, F. turg-/tftrg- id. before, formerly. S. tolli, tollie id. egg. Cf. F. t~la jack-fruit (edible part). [Kui t.dla lump, excrescence, egg.] skirt, hide. to show. liver. F. thra'na. head. to revolve. S. tirwinai, F. ti.rvali. rubbish, refuse. [Kui turki id. ; cf. DED. 2750; also Te. tukku, tukku~lu rubbish, trash.] to fall in ruins. Cf. torg-. to demolish. cream (pdlu tr~lu). grown up boy, lad. Dhaman tree. near. rainbow (darnoki kutite). S. .danoki, F. daroki. ashes. (flower) to bloom. to cut. S. dd'nai to cut, F. ddchali to cut with knife. elder brother. door. day. to sprinkle. [Cf. Pe. tir- to sprinkle.] lamp. S. diwo. to carry on the head. See jucc-. [Kui d.ftsa to carry on the head, Pe. joc- id. ; cf. DED. 2918.] throat. mist. cotton. [Ted breast. ebony. [Kui duri, dureni Coromandel ebony; cf. DED. 2732.] dust. to open. S. de'nai. [Cf. Ta. ti_ra-, etc., DED. 2667.] bamboo. leaf cup. white. to sprinkle; eL dir-. at that time. jackal. bug. F. nukta id.; metathesised from nat.ka (S. natka, written for nat.ka), originally the plural form. [Cf. Tu. nallu, etc., DED. 2998.] to believe, trust. rubbing, massage. [Te. nal~tgu.] to lick.


T. BURROW AND $. BHATTACHARYA river. [Pc. nagu.ri id.] cobra. plough. fire. [Kui na.ni, na.ri id.] elder sister. I. village. to stand. now to lift up, raise. to rise. dog. today; of. n(nju. to live. F. nfdali, S. nid.inai. thou. oil marrow; of. nederi. to be filled. blood. marrow; cf. neje.ri. shoulder [Kui nipi back of the neck]. breath. to bewitch. to fill. good. night. S. n~keri id. day; in the phrase ro n~cu one day. [Cf. Kui ronisi one day, once, on a certain day, rinisi two days, (K) nese day, in ro nese one day, ri nese two days; cf. further DE]). 2381.] today; see nfnju. to draw water. [Cf. Kui nolpa, etc. DED. 3140.] to wash. [DED. 3136; el. also KUl nobga.] to hurt, ache. [DEE). 3143.] rope. [Kui nO.nu; DED. 2369.] sickness, fever. thresh. to find, get. [Kui pa.nba (pat-) to obtain, get, find, receive.] foot. S. pa'na foot, sole. to scratch. F. paehali, S. paz.z,inai. dhoti. to be satisfied; el. panj-. pig. to be satisfied. palm of the hand. to grow up, to become big. F. pada aiyali to become big, grow, S. padda/pad..da anai to grow. to make to grow. bat. comb. [Cf. Pj. pen4e~a, etc., DED. 3607; cf. also Ka. ha.nige a comb, Pkt. phaeaga, pha.niha- id.] ribs. frog.

nagu.ri P. nagaracu Su. n~egeli Su.P. n~.ni P., na'ni Su. nana Su. nanu Su.P. n~yu Opl. naska) Su. ni'- (nit) Su. ni'e Su. nik- (nikh-) Su. ni~g- (ni~git-) Su.P. nih'u.ri (pl. neska) Su. ninju Su. nid.- (nfdit-) Su. ninu Su.P. niy u Su.P. nejeri Su. nenj- (nenjit-) Su. neteri Su. nederi Kar. neppu P. nesteri P. nesp- Su. neh- (nest-) Su. nehi Su. n~keri Su. n~cu Su.

n~nju P. no.n- (no.nh-) Su. nor- (norh-) Su. nO- (nOt-) Su.P. nO.no P. nOmeri Su. nOrp- (nOrpit-) Su. pa'- (Pat-) Su. pa'na (pl. -~a) Su. pae- (pacit-) Su. pacia Su. paj- (pafit-) Su. pajfi Su.P. panj- (panfit-) P. pat.a naki Su. pad.a ~- Su. pa4li ki- Su paduri (pl. -ika) Su. paniya Su. pandra prOka Su. panna Su.



panha Su. paposa P. pappu Su. par- (par#-) Su. pa.ri Su. parka Su. pallu (pl. palku) Su.P. paheri Su. pagni gat.ai Su. p~ja Su. pani hu.na Su. padomi P. pabo Su. pay- (payit-) P. parva Su. parey (pl. -ka) Su. p~la Su. p~lu. Su.P. pah- (past-) Su. pikka Su. pija Su. pinj- (pinjit-) Su. pinda Su. pind. i mancu Su. pita.ra Su. pitela Su. pitta Su.P. pipeli Su. pipe.ri Su. piyu Su.P. pih- (pist-) pisk- (piskit-) Su. pigga Su.P. pic- (picit-) Su. picu P. pucci Su.P. punja Su. pudi p~nqla P. pun- (pucc-) Su. pubuli (pl. pubulka) Su. pgya P. puleri sima Su. pulla Su. pulla marnu Su. paki nfyu Su. paki viha Su. p~jera Su. ptini Su.

jack-fruit. lung. dal. to seek. F. parali, S. parinai to search. peel, skin of fruit. armpit. [Kon.da parka side, Te. prakka id.; cf. Ta. paru side, rib.] tooth. road, path. [Kui paheri id.] witch. armlet, bangle. otter. foot. father's younger brother. to strike, kill. F. paiyali, S. painai. [Cf. Kui pdga attack, fight, Pc. pak- strike, kill, Go. (Ma.) pay- heat, strike.] pigeon. fruit. [Cf. DED. 3299.] rice seedling. [Cf. Kui plaha a plant, seedling.] milk. to spread (e.g. mat). F. passaIi to spread out clothes. muscle of calf of leg. [Te. pikka.] lightening. to spring,jump; (fire) to explode. [Cf. Kuipinja to rebound, leap, burst: DED. 3398.] veranda. hoar frost. brass. temple of head. [Kui pitila id.] bile. knife. F. pipetli. pipal tree. rain. IF. piyu (pl. piska), S. piju.] to leave, abandon. F. pissali, S. pih'nai. plural action of pinj-. [Kui piska.] excrement. to press out, wring (clothes), milk. F. pichali to wring, to milk, S. piz.inai (pi.zinai) to quash, to wring. straw. F. picha straw, S. pizu grass. anthill. heap (e.g. of earth by rat's hole). buttock. to know. butterfly. [Kui pipili id.; cf DED. 3360.] ember, burning coal. F. puiya spark. [Kui pfwala a spark, (K.) pua embers.] red ant.

tamarind tree. honey. [Kuipaki niju, Kond.apf&i niu id. ; cf. DED: 3564.) bee. priest.


T. BURROW AND S. BHATTACHARYA flower. navel. S. p~leni, F. p~leri. bead. Te. p~sa; DED. 3567. shaman, siraha; so according to the anwer received to our questionnaire, but according to the other authorities it is feminine, cf. S. pedzeni witch, pezeni priestess, F. pejeri (pl. pejerisika) priestess; masc. S. pedza priest, cf. also S. pezzu pious. [Cf. Pj. pelaj village priest.] calf of leg. to attach, fix. F. petali to thread, S. pett- to attach, fix. cold (n.). to pick up. [Kuipebga; cf. DED. 3623.] to be married. bride. bridegroom. green gram. [Te. pesara.] god. S. p~nu (pl. p~nka) devil. louse. to strain water off boiled rice. [Kui p~nja to strain a liquid, pour off rice water, Kon.da, Pe. p~nj- id.; cf. Kur. pisna, Malt. plse id., DED. 3460.] to chase, drive away. S. perhnai scare, impel. [Kui peha drive away, (K.) p~r- chase, Pe. p~z- id.] to swell to close eyes. bird. F. p6ta, S. potha. palm of hand. udder. [Cf. Gad. (S.) podmu id. etc., DED. 3682; cf. also Kol. (SR.)pod.um id., which may be a mistake forpodum.] udder. lungs. See pospa. to embrace. S. pomminai. [Kui pomba, Kon.da, Pe. pomid.; cf. also Malt. pamge to take between the legs as the trunk of a tree while climbing. These should probably be kept separate from the other items in DED. 3709. foam. [Kui pumbeli, Go. (Ma.) bomoli id.] wrap round onseself, wear (cloak). [Kui porpa id., etc., DED. 3751 ; cf. also Kon.da Pe.por- id.] chaff. F. por~. hole in tree; cf. F. porongo hollow. [Kui blongu inba to be pitted, holey; cf. DED. 3725.] lungs; ef. popsa. male of animal. woman, girl. a kind of insect. to rear (child.) to sell. F. prdchali, S. prah'nai id. cotton. F. pa.rti id. to break open (fruit). [Cf. KUI prepka to crack, cleave, (K.) prir be torn; el. also Kui pr~ju cleavage, and DE]:). 3435.] banyan. [Kui br~d.i a banyan tree or its fruit].

payu (pl. pftcga) Su.P. pale.hi Su. pasa (pl. -r Su. peje~i Su.

pen4a kdlu P. pet- (petit-) Su. peni Su. per- (perh-) Su. pelli a- Su. pelli ma~ga Su. pelli miresi pesra (pl. -~a) Su. p~nu (pl. p.n~ka) Su. p~nu (pl. p.n~ka) Su., (pl. p~nka) P. p~nj- (p~njit-) Su. p~r- (p~rh-) Su. pocg- (pocgit-) po'- (pot.-) Su. pot.ta Su.P. podma P. podmu Su. pona P. popsa (pl. -ua) Kar. pom- (pomit-) Su.

pomboli Su. por- (porh-) Su. po.ru Su. P. polr Su. pospa (pl. -ca) Su. pOtu Su. pOda Su. POt viha Su. pfhi ki- Su. pra~- (prat-) Su. pratti Su. prik- (prikh-) Su. prdd. i Su.



prik- (prikh-) Su. priyuli (91. prika) Su. p.riska ~Iru'i Su. p.r~nu Su. bar Su. bacca 4alu Su. band. i Su. band. i Su. P. baylu Su. bare Su. barsa Su.P. barga Su. baPuri Su. balla P. ba.na (91. -ua) Su.P. bali' i P. balu P. Mvli Su. base Su. bicca Su. birhi Su. bileyi Su.P. billa (91. -~a) Su. biski Su.P. bisa Su. bugga (pl. -ua) Su. bugga (91. -~a) Su. buytaru P. bu.rhi Su. bftmi Su. bete.ni Su. P. bencl,i Su. betti Su. bela marnu Su. bedo.ra pot.a P. b~yi Su. b~t.a Su. b~t.a a- Su. bokra Su. borg- (bougit-) Su. bomt.e P. bommi (91. -ua) Su.P. bgyi Su. boyeri Su. borra P. bO- (bat-) Su. bapi Su.

to cover. F. prikhali to cover, (intr.) prfgali to cover oneself, S. plikhnai to cover, close. [Cf. Kon .da pirk- to cover intr. pi.rg-.] worm. F. priy~li, S. pliguli. chameleon. bone. F. pr#nft, S. pl#nu. gold. male calf. cart. [<Te.] belly. [Cf. DED. 3220, Ta. paoli, va.nFi, etc.] maidan. [Te. bayalu.] all. year. stick. F. bu.rga, S. badga. sand. spleen. F. bella id. [Te. balla enlargement of the spleen; el. also Tu. palle the spleen.] hair, feather. sand. S. ba'ali, cf. bal'uri. bear. wild cat. [Kui baoli id., ct. DED. 3378.] language. seed. a kind oI pulse. [Kui bfri a kind oI gram, pulse.] cat. [Pj. biley; DED. 3438.] wheel. F. bila wheel. [<Te. billa disk.] brain. S. bhijki, bhiski. [KoncJa puski id.] poison. bubble. [Te. bugga.] cheek. [Te. bugga.] pumpkin. old woman. earth, ground. head-pad. F. beteri. lady's fingers, Hibiscus esculentus. cane. F. betti, S. beti. Bel tree. bat. fence. F. b~yi, S. beji, b~ji. hunting. [<Or. dial.; but that itself is of Dravidian origin, cf. Te. v6ta etc.] to meet. he-goat. to bend down, bow. S. bonginai. banyan. shoulder. [Cf. Kui bomba the muscles of the chest and upper part of the back.] smoke. P. b?ty. F. bhoiyi, S. bai. slab for pounding. F. boiyeri vwalli curry-stone. hole in tree. [Te. bor.ra.] to be spilled. F. boiyali to overflow, (trans.) bOkhali to spill. [DED. 3658] younger sister.


T. BURROW AND S. BHATTACHARYA hornless. [Te. bad.a; DEE). 3761 .] younger brother. strength. F. braiy~, S. blaju. the day after tomorrow. [Kui maisi a future day, the day after tomorrow.] husked rice. to sow. F. matali, S. mattinai. a kind of grain. midnight. midday. to be. dew. sesamum. S. maiki niju sesamum oil. to creep, crawl. [Kui mabga to grovel.] tree. Saj tree. [Kui mardithe Arjun tree etc., cf. DED. 3862.] garlic. a fold. [Te. ma.data] mango. daughter. [Cf. Kui mrau, pl. mrauska, (K.) mraga id.; DED. 3917.] to become stale (boiled rice). our father. we. sambhar. [Kui rnaju elk; DED.3917.] wing. tree. creeper. [Kui mala id.] to exchange. to lighten. son. S. mriesi. evening. F. miroliki evening, S. miglhola, miglola id. [Kui bilari bilu.ri evening, bilaranga evening from about four o'clock onward, (P.) mi4u.ni, mi~luni id.] to bathe. fish. your father. your mother. you. crumb(s) [Te. mukka.] mongoose. nose. to be immersed. S. munzinai to sink. forehead. [Kui (K.) munju id.] handful. hammer. [Cf. DED. 4041.] post. cucumber. [Kui mund.ru id.] finger-ring. back bone. F. mitressi id. [Kui mud.renfi the spine; DED 4058.1 nose ring. F. marm~ (pl. mr@ka). to bark. [Kui muska; DED. 4113.]

bara Su. b6va Su. b.rayu Su. ma'e Su., ma'aM P. manji (pl. -~a) Su.P. mat.- (mat.it-) Su.P. mand. eya Su. maddi ngkra P. maddena Su. man- (macc-) Su.P. mancu ~yu Su. mayka (191.) Su. mar- (math-) Su. mara P. mardi Su. mari ulli Su. n~.rta Su. mah' a Su. mavga (pl. maska) Su. rnaj- (majit-) Su. maba Su. mambu Su.P. mayu (pl. ma~a) Su.P. mara Su.P. marnu (pl. marka) Su. mara Su. mask- (maskit-) Su. mttih- (m.nist-) Su. mir' esi Su. mil'ora Su.
mr'- (mr't-) Su.

rain (pl. m nfka) Su.P. mfba Su. miya Su. mfru Su.P. muka (pl. -ua) Su. mu~gi orli P. mu~geli Su.P. munj- (munfit-) Su. munju Su. mut.i Su.P. mutla Su. mun~a Su. munglra Su.P. muddi Su. mur~esi p.r~nu Su. murmu (pl. murka) Su. musk- (muskit-) Su.



musri (pl. -ga) Su. muh- (must-) Su. muh- (must-) Su. muhu (pl. muska) Su. m~tci Su. ma.nk- (mfi.nkit-) Su.P. m~ti Su. mambu Su.P. mfda Su. me'- (met-) Su. mend.a (pl. -~a) Su.P. met- (meth-) P. med- (medit-) Su. meru P. meh- (mest-) Su, m~(la Su. m~y- (m~yit-) Su. m6ra P. moko P. mo~gori Su. m~aski orli Su. m nih- (mgist-) Su. m.nf&a Su., mfmka P. riqga Su.P. rib- (rist-) Su. rup- (rupit-) Su. rub- (rub#-) Su. rap- (r@it-) Su. rah- (rgtst-) re'- (recc-) Su. re' (recc-) Su. re'ni Su., re'e P. rekka Su. ret- Su. rgku Su. ro Su. P. ro'osi Su. ro'ni Su. rote Su. rondi Su. ro~a Su. rak- Qrakh-) Su. rag- Qragit-) Su. ranj- (ranfit-) Su.

lentils [IA.; el. Nep. musuri, etc.] to immerse. [Cf. munj- be immersed, and DED. 4096.] to bury. [Kui muspa to cover, bury; of. DED. 4025.] black-faced monkey. F. mfthft, S. mfthu. mucus of nose. S. maz.i cold. [Kui mOsi; DED. 4019.] to urinate. F. m.rf&ali, S. mfmkinai, murkinai. snout (of pig), beak (of birds). [Cf. Ka. Te. m~ti, etc., DED. 4129.] face. corner. to herd (cattle.) knee. to throw. F. methali id. [Cf. Kui mespa to cast (into an enclosed space), let fall.] to step, put down foot. bone at the bottom of the back. to see. S. meh'nai to look, see. sheep. to graze. paddy-field. sprout. S. mokko herb, plant, tree. [Kui moka a shoot, Te. molaka, m6ka sprout, shoot; cf. DED. 4100.] crocodile. a kind of rat. to lighten. urine. charcoal. S. ringla id. [Cf. DED. 2102.] to beg. F. rissali, S. rih'nai. [Cf. Kui (K.) vrih- (vriht-) to ask, beg.] to twine round, to wind round. F. r@ali to windinto a ball. to rub on (oil, etc.). S. rubinai smear. to wash the face. F. mf~mbu r@ali [Cf. Kon~la urp- to wash (face), Pc. ur- id.] to sweat. S. rfth'nai. [Cf. Pc. rf~c-, Pj. Gad. urj- id. ; DED. 565.1 to pull. [Kui jelba, Konda rel-.] to wander, roam. S~ r~nai to ramble, stroll, F. rejali to roam. [Cf. Kui trgba to wander, roam.] yesterday. [Kui riisi id.] wing. [Ted to take off fire. leaves of paddy plant. one. one mall. day before yesterday. bread. one (non-masc.). soot. F. r6'ya, S. roowa. [Kui sr6bi id.] to be sweet. [Kui napka (nakt-) id.] (water) to boil. F. ragi(ti) boiling (water). to bail. [Pe..ronj- to bale out, cf. Go. (Tr.)r6skana to bale out a pool in order to catch fish.]


T. BURROW AND S. BHATTACHARYA to be cracked (stone). [Cf. DED. 4460.] cowdung. F. r@i. to weep. F. riali, S. linai. shadow. [Pc. riga shadow, Kui raga shade, shadow, reflection.] (water) to be absorbed, dry up. [Cf. Go. (Ko.) irk- (water) to dry up in hot weather and DED. 364.] (fire) to blaze. S. linzinai id. tick. S. lama horsefly. [Cf. Kui damba etc., DED. 508.] to hide, conceal (trans.) bullock. F. ram id. to hide (intrans.). [Cf. prob. DED. 3076. Ta. nurai, etc.] bug. to plough. S. lanai id. comb. F. raca, S. laz.a id. whetstone. to sharpen. F. hirpa rechali to hone, S. l~'nai to sharpen. to be broken. [Kui lenga id. ; lepka (lekt-) to break (trans.)] to dig, excavate. lower. night. [Kui d.aangi id.] early morning. on, upon. upper. bush. mud. chin. [Kui rapendi id.] up, aloft, on. to abuse, scold. to measure. [Kui d.asa, DED. 252.] to ring (bell), to strike (clock). pulp of fruit. neem tree. lip. thread. tail. [Kui d.r~nguni, (Ir(oli, etc., Pc. ningun id.] heel. parched rice. [Kui lia id.] silk cotton tree. [Cf. DED. 421.] moon, month. white ant. hawk. (rat's) hole. earthworm, bait. to churn. dewlap. iron. to bend (trans.). to bend (intr.), to be bent. bowstring. [Kui vesa id.] to cook. finger. debt. [Te. vaJdi interest.]

ray- (rayit-) Su. rapi Su.P. ri- (tit-) Su. r~a P. rik- ~rfkit-) Su. rinj- (rinjit-) Su. ru'ma Su. ruk- (rukh-) ruki Kar. rug- (rugit-) Su. rut'a P. ra- (rat-) Su. rr~ca P. remperi valli Su. re'- (ret-) Su. .regg- (reggit-) P. rev- Crevit-) Su. .rokiti Su. la'aga, Su. la'a P. la'asi P. lako Su. lagoti P. lat.a P. laddi Su.P. laperi Su. la'i Su. lag- (lagit-) Su. lac- (lacit-) Su. li- (lit-) P. linja Su. limba Su. lara Su. lalu Su. leggu.ni Su. led.i P. leya Su. l~ko Su. l~nju (pl. l~ska) Su.P. l~mbu P. limbu Su. l~ru Su.

loggo Su.
lod.na Su. lOc- (16cit-) Su. l~1o Su.P. l~ho Su. vak- (vakh-) Su. rang- (vaggit-) Su. vacca Su. vaj- (vajit-) Su. vanju (pl. vaska) Su. vadi Su.



var'i Su. vala Su. valli (91. valka) Su.P. vah- (vast-) Su. yah- (vast-) Su. vahi (91. vahi~a) Su.P. va- (vat-) yak- (vakh-) Su. rang- (va~git-) Su. va.nona Su. varoki P. ray- (vayit-) Su. vah- (vahit-) Su. vPe Su. ve'e P. vikka Su. vig- (vigit-) Su. vir'a P. visturi Su. vih- (vist-) Su. viha (91. -~a) Su.P. risk- (vfskit-) re'- (vet-) Su.P. re- (vet-) vegu (91. veska) Su. vece- (veccit-) P. vend.- (vend.it-) Su. vend. i Su. yen- (vece-) Su. vendori Su.P. vergu (91. verka) P. verma P. vela gorri Su. vellu (91. velka) Su.P. vese l~ska Su. veh- (vest-) Su. veh- (vehit-) Su. v~geri Su. v~y- (v~yit-) Su. v~ra Su.P. sapo.r Su. salla #yu Su. sahi Su. s@e Su. sdvri orli Su. sindi Su. silik muya (91. -~a) Su. sihomka (91.) Su. Mpa-4aki P. Mma Su. sfmu P., simesi Su. sila- eat- (-gath-) Su.

empty. [Cf. Kui vari only, and DED. 4538; cf. also Pc. vari bare, Gad. vayke empty.] net. stone. to sharpen. F. vwahini sharp. to fry, roast. S. wah'nai to fry, broil. [Kui vahpaid., DED. 4360.] intestine(s). to come. to pour. F. vwakhali, S. wakh'nai. to flow, be poured. F. vwangali, S. wangali to leak. next year. [Kui va.rond.i next year, the year after next.] to dry up, (flower) to fade. to become tired. F. vwahali, S. wahinai id. tomorrow. roof. F. vika thatch, S. wicka illu thatched house. to thatch. F. vigali id.~ S. wiggnai ceiling. soil. [Kui vira; cf. i'ira.] leaf-plate. [Te. vistara, vistari, etc.] to stamp, tread. [Kui vihpa; el. DED. 4447.] fly, insect. to press, knead. F. vfskali, S. wiskinai knead. to beat. F. vechali, S. w~nai, w~'nai id. to be burnt. F. veyali to catch fire firewood. to take out, to take off. S. w~ginai to unpack. [Kui v~sa to take out.] to return. F. vendali to go back, S. wend.- to return. silver. [Te.] to hear. tongue. firewood; see vegu. finger. goat. bow. F. vellft bow, S. wellu arrow (sic). summer season. to say. S. weh'nai. to be hot. Bija tree. [Kui v~ngesi piasal tree; cf. DED. 4541.] to dawn. sun a slap with the hand. buttermilk. porcupine. mat. S. gape id. a kind of rat. wild date palm. dancing bells. [Cf. Te. muvva, etc., DED. 4123.] mane of horse. chest, =hfpa-d.aki Su. q.v. ant. pus. to put on, wear (sari).


T. BURROW AND S. BHATTACHARYA to shut. F, s~mdali to close; S. tun(l- to close. [Kui t.un~a to shut, close.] whitewash. snail. F. sunda id. to begin. needle. knife. shoe. hump (of ox). paddy-field. straight. te become bad, rotten. [Kui (P.) srihpa rot, decay.] hunger. ladle. [Cf. Te. cat.t.uvamu, etc., DED. 905.] (hen) to flap (wings), [Kui sa.rpa to shake out, flap wings, etc., ]a.rpa to shake, beat the wings, Kon~a sa.r- to flap wings, Go. (Tr.)ja.rhuttana to shake violently, Te. ja4incu to flap or toss about.] elephant. joint, wrist. dream. saltless, insipid. [Cf. Te. eappid,i etc., DED. 1929.] broom. Su. hepori id. [For -a- in the radical syllable cf. Kol. Naik. sabdi id.] sal tree. nest (meaning doubtful; of. F. hargu~i woodpecker.) grass. to go. to thresh with flail. [Cf. Kui sahpa to beat, thresh.] to die. cloud. F. haga, S. hagu. [Kui (K.)jaggu cloud.] to call. to sift. thorn. crowbar. salt. chital. unripe. F. hPli raw., S. hiili green. [Kui sf(li raw, unripe, green, sober.] back of neck. S. hicka dokki neck; cf. d.okki. rope of carrying yoke. fire. to shave. [Cf. Kui silba to shave, sine razor, Kond.a sinto shave, si.rim razor, Pe. hen- to shave.] resin. [Kui sind.u gum, resin, ]fn.dru id.] razor. cold. cloth. a little. gizzard. [Kui, Kon~ia sirsa id.] is not. to scrape, pare. F. hfssali to split, S. hih'nai id. (The meaning should probablY be adjusted aec. to F.S.)

sun(l- (sun(lit-) Su.P. sunomi Su. sunda Su. sulvu ki- Su. saja Su. sftri Su. seppu (pl.-ga) Su. sond.o P. soba Su. sOye Su. sri- (srit-) Su. hakki Su. hat.va Su. han.- (ha.nh-) Su.

hatti P. handi Su.P. hapana Su. hapili Su. hapuri P. hargi Su.P. hargu.ni Su. hara Su. hal- (hacc-) Su: hah- (hast-) Su. ha- (hat-) Su. hftgu Su.P. hat.. (hat it-) Su. hdni ki- Su. hapu (pl. hapka) Su.P. habra Su. haru Su. hi'e.ni (pl. -ka) Su. hi'li Su. hika d.oki Kar. hika rnara Su. hiccu Su. hi.n- (high-) Su. hindru Su. hi.npa Su. hit.ri Su. himbori Su. hire hire Su. hirsa Su. hille Su. hih- (hist-) Su.



hi- (hit-) Su.

higga Su.P. hineri f~ko.ri hfneri ~yu hipa-d, aki Su. hiru (pl. hirka) Su.P. hfru Opl. hirka) Su.P. hiru (pl. hirka) Su.P. hfreli orli Su. hile P. huk- (hukh-) Su.

hukka Su.P. hukva Su. hucc- (huceit-) Su. huce- (huecit-) Su. hun]- (hunjit-) Su. hut. ta Su.P.

had- (hadit-) Su.

humbori Su. huru (91. -ka) Su. hurvi (pl. -~a) Su.P. hap- (hapit-) Su. h~pka pl. Su. h:tsandn,i Su. hekko Su. herki Su.P. he'ni Su. henni P. h~uguli Su.P. h~ci Su.P. h~p- (hgpit-) Su. h~pori (pl. h~porka) Su. h~mbi P. h~ya Su.P. h~ru (I91. h&ka) Su. ho'- (hott-) Su. ho'- (hott-) Su. hok- (hokit-) Su.

ho.d- (hog.it-) Su.

ho.n- (hot.-) Su. hone P. homma Su. hdc- (hdcit-) Su. hOru Su.P. hot- (hot-) Su.

to give. tm-meric. [KUl s.ringa turmeric, yellow.] steam of boiling water. boiling water. [Cf. Pe. hener vd- to boil (water)] chest. [? Cf. Go. (Tr.) sipi the part over the liver.] vein. root. nit. a kind of rat. cold. to take off (clothes), flay (tOlu huk-). F. h~khali to open, S. hucknai to undress, loose, tOlu h- to skin; cf. also F. hangali to be opened, S. hunginai secede. [KUl :tga to be stripped off, split off, skinned, ~pka (g&t-) to strip off, skin.] star. dried fish. (woman) to put on, wear (cloth). to weave, plait (mat). S. huz.z,inai to weave. to sleep. leech. F. h:tta, S. hutta id. ; S. also hazi id. [Kon.da su.rhi, Pe. hucci id.] to burn, to shoot with gun. cloth (=himbori). snare. F. arru, S. urru id. [Cf. Kni ruhu, rusu id.] bean(s). to spit. F. h@ali id. spittle, saliva. shin bone. F. husalari id. [Cf. KUl s:trori, s:tru.ri shin.] distant. [Kui seko id., Go. (Ko.)jeka far, distant, cf. DED. 2306.1 neck. [KUl s~rki back of the neck.] mortar. S. he'ni. [Kui seni a bamboo mortar for pounding rice.] itch. [Kui sgpka (s~kt-) to itch, Kon.da sOk-, Pe. h~k- id.] winnowing fan. to sweep. broom. F. hepori, S. hr herpori id. tortoise. [Kui s~mbi id. ; DED. 4232.] brinjal pair of ploughing bullocks. to climb. [Cf. Kol. sok- etc., DED. 2319.] to come out. F. hOchali to go out, (sun) to rise, S. hOnai start. to chew. F. hokali, S. hOkinai id. [Cf. Kui (K.) hOk- (hOkit-) to chew.] to get stuck. to run, flee. [Pe. hon- id., Go, sod.i, sod.it- id.] son-in-law. F. honesi id. [Cf. Go. sanne id., etc., DED. t970.1 bison. [Kui soma a wild buffalo, i.e. bison.] to get drunk. F. hOchali id. mountain. F. hOra hill, S. hOru mountain, rock. to enter. [Kui sOlba, etc., DED. 2349.]