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Makingpolicinghistory: studiesofgardaviolenceand resourcesforpolicereform

GardaResearchInstitute
Introductory

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Whyweputthispamphlettogether:secrets,liesandunaccountablepolicing Howthegardaweremade

On the receiving end: experiences of being policed

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WorkingclassexperiencesoftheGarda TerenceWheelock:lookingforjustice Theprisonerwhodisappearedforawhile

Political policing: the garda and democracy

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Istillremembermyfirsttime ReclaimtheStreets2002:apoliceriotandtheaftermath ResistingShellinMayoandtheexperienceofpolicinginErris:aneyewitnessaccount Policingtheantiwarmovement Whendothepolicegetawaywithviolence,andwhy? Fromforcetofencing:politicalpolicingintheRepublicofIreland

Responding to abusive policing: practical resources

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Challengingthegarda:apersonalexperience ThePrisonersRightsOrganisation:ahistoricalcasestudyingrassrootsorganising, historyfrombelowandpoliceaccountability Challengingtargetedpolicing:myexperienceintheOntarioCoalitionAgainstPoverty Makingpolicinghistory:differentwaysofresisting

Appendix

PolicingIreland:someusefulresources


Whyweputthispamphlettogether: secrets,liesandunaccountablepolicing
GardaResearchInstitute Itreallydoesnottakealotofefforttocomeacrossanecdotalevidenceofinsensitiveand sometimesbrutalpolicinginworkingclassareasinIreland.Asresidents,communityworkers andeducatorsinawidevarietyofsettingswehavebothpersonallyexperiencedGardaviolence andhaveheardcountlessnegativestoriesaboutthegarda.Thesestoriescoverawiderangeof issues.Mostconsistentlypeople,usuallybutnotexclusivelyyoungmen,complainofinsults, intimidationonthestreetandofphysicalviolenceduringarrestandincustody.Theviolence theydescribeisofvaryingdegreesofseriousnessandroutinelyinvolvesminorassault(e.g. slaps,kidneypunchesandlimbtwistingetc)butmoreseriousviolencecananddoesoccur1. Toaddinsulttoinjury,thegardawillthenpreemptivelychargepeoplewithassaultafter beatingthemup.Incasesofviolenceagainstminors,wehaveheardconvincingstoriesof parentsbeingallowedtopickuptheirchildrenonlyaftersigningastatementtotheeffectthat noharmwasdonetothemwhileinGardacustody.Wehavealsorepeatedlybeentoldthatthe gardaindiscriminatelyusedrugslawstostopandsearchpeopleandarbitrarilyusepublic orderlegislationtochargepeopletheyhavedecidedforonereasonoranotherneedtobe taughtalesson.Thedismalsimilarityandfrequencyofpeoplesaccountsofmistreatmentcan leadyoutoonlyoneconclusionthatsomethingisrottenwithpolicinginIreland. Similarly,asactivistsinvolvedinecological,antiwar,anticapitalistandsocialjustice movementswehavecomeacrossinnumerablestoriesofGardamisconduct.Weallknow,again throughpersonalexperience,thatharassment,surveillance,intimidation,trumpedupcharges andbeatingsareapart,albeitasmallpart,ofbeinganactivistinIreland.Thepoliceriotat ReclaimtheStreetsonDameStreetin2002ortheviolencedirectedatresidentsandsupporters inRossportaresimplythemostvisiblepartofwhatinthecaseofanyotherinstitutionwouldbe calledacultureofviolence. Wethinkthedisparitybetweenwhatgetssaidinprivateandwhatgetssaidinpublicaboutthe gardadeservesseriousconsideration.However,itisimpossibletoknowjusthowwidespread thissortofpolicingisacrossthecountry2.Onethingwhichcanbesaidaboutthegardain
1Wehavepersonallycomeacrossseveralaccountsofveryseriousassaultandinjuriesduringarrestand in custody. In preparing the publication we were told about at least half a dozen cases some of which damagedpeoplepsychologically.Itshouldalsobenotedherehavebeen28deathsinpolicecustodyover the past decade: see http://www.tribune.ie/article/2010/jul/18/twentyeightdeathsingardacustody duringpastd/?q=ken%20foxe. There have been several cases such as the deaths of Brian Rossiter, TerenceWheelockandJohnMoloneywhichhavegivenrisetoseriousconcernsaboutviolenceincustody. 2Oneofthefewindications,whichmayormaynotberepresentative,isthatover2000complaintsayear have been logged with the Garda Ombudsman since it was established in 2007. Surveys completed on behalfofthesamebodyfound1in20peoplehavehadreasontocomplainaboutthegarda.Itshouldbe borneinmindthatresearchsuggeststhatyoungworkingclassmenarelesslikelytomakecomplaints(see paperbyB.MossattheSociologicalAssociationofIrelandPostgraduateConference,2009).Apollinthe Irish Times published on February 10th 2004 discovered that 37% percent of people do not have confidenceintheGarda.

Anotherindicationisthelevelofpayoutsbygardatotheirvictims,whichhasbecomesosystematicasto substituteforcourtcases.ThesystemalsorepresentsatacitrecognitionthatGardavictimscanexpectno justice from the courts. In 2007, for example, the force paid 14.7 million in compensation (see http://www.tribune.ie/archive/article/2008/sep/07/gardawrongdoingcostsmillionsayear/). 2007 wasaparticularlybadyearinthattheDonegalcorruptioncasewasbeingprocessed,butasfarascanbe

particularisthatunlikeanumberofotherEuropeancountriestherehavebeenno whistleblowers,evenamongthelargenumberofthosewhohavelefttheforce.Itisnotclear whetherthisisbecauseindividualactsofviolenceandintimidationareacceptedbyother officers,orbecausethosewhodissentfearthekindofreprisalsthatcivilianswhochallenge policeabuseroutinelyexperience. Whatisclear,andwhatissignificant,isthattheseabusesofpowerinworkingclasscommunities andagainstactivistsremainlargelyinvisible.Perhapsthisinvisibilityshouldnotcomeasa surpriseinacountrysoburdenedwithsecretsandlies.Afterallweknowthatthatweliveina Stateinwhichawholeworldofexperienceofpoverty,institutionalviolenceanddisrespect hasremainedlargelyhiddenfordecades.Weknowthatpowerfulpeoplehavetheabilityto imposesilenceonordinarypeopleandweknowthatuncomfortabletruthscanremainhidden fordecades. Itisinthatspiritthatthiseditorialcollectivecametogethertoexaminetheroleofthegardain theshadowsoftheRepublic.Inparticular,wewanttosparkdebateanddiscussionaboutwho getstargetedbythepoliceandwhy.WewanttobreakthesilenceaboutGardabrutalityand misconductandtocreatespaceforpeopletotelltheirstoriesintheirownwords.Wealsowant tounderstandhowthesilenceaboutthegardaismaintained,beitthroughcoercion,ignorance orsharedillusions.Aboveallwewanttoidentifyresourcesandrealisticstrategiesformaking thepoliceaccountablethroughgrassrootsactivity. Itisimportanttostresshoweverthatthispamphletisnotinterestedinmakingsimplistic argumentsorclaimingthatallpolicearemaliciousanddoltish.Theyarenot.Cartoonaccountsof goodiesandbaddiesservesnoone,leastofallthosewhoareinterestedinsocialjusticeand equality.Ontheotherhandneitherdowethinkthatabusesofpoweraresimplytheworkofa fewbadapples:theyaretoosystematic,toosimilarandtoounchallengedforthistobe believed.Thepointistobegintotraceinanaccuratewayhowpowerandpolicingfunctionin Irelandandwhy. Thispamphletisamodestattempttoopenupapublicconversationabouttheseissues.Of courseithasmanygaps.Therearemanyotherexamplesofabusivepolicingthatcouldbeadded tothestoriesinthiscollection.Inparticular,wearemissingmaterialaboutthepolicingof strikesandlabourdisputes,republicans,travellers,migrantsandtheLGBTcommunity:ifthis pamphletmakesitintoasecondedition,wehopetoplugsomeofthesegaps.Wearealsoaware ofourfailuretoaddressanothermajorpartofthestorythedevelopmentofstaterepression, includingthediminuitionofpublicrightsofassemblyandprotestthroughlegislationsuchas successiveCriminalJusticeandotherActs.Anotherareofinquirymissingfromthispiecewhich wewouldhopetoreturntoisthatoffuturedirectionsofpolicingtowardsprivatisation, militarisationandinternationalisation.Wealsohopedtotalktogardaabouttheirperspective oncrime,punishmentandpowerbutunfortunatelythisalsoprovedimpossible. Social class and policing ForusthedisparitybetweenthepublicandtheprivateconversationsonpolicinginIrishsociety reflectsbroadersocialinequalitiesinpowerandwealth.Firstly,thegardaareapowerful,
ascertainedcompensationpaymentshavealwaysruntoatleastseveralmillioneuroannuallythroughthe first decade of the 21st century. In the second half of 2009 and the whole of 2010, payments linked to garda misbehaviour or negligence alone totalled 7.7m (http://www.tribune.ie/news/home news/article/2010/dec/05/statepays420000amonthovergardaassaults/). Cases included 18 garda assaults in 2009 alone, 6 cases of abuse of garda powers (in some cases relating to misuse of the Pulse computer system), as well as other payments for defamation, negligence, nervous shock, miscarriage of justiceandmaliciousprosecution.

influentialandwellestablishedgroupinIrishsocietyandtheiractivitieshaverarelybeen scrutinised(until2007theonlybodytaskedwithinvestigatinganyallegationsofabusewasthe GardaSochnaitself)3.Asinpreviousgenerationswithchallengestopriestlypower,thosewho raisequestionsaboutGardabehaviourmeetwithaggressiveresponsesbythosewhofeelthat thegardashouldbeaboveanypublicaccountability.Inparticular,manywelloffpeopleand peoplefromruralcommunitiesevidentlyseethegardaasservingtheirinterestsagainstthose ofworkingclassurbanpeopleandpoliticalactivists.MediawillingnesstoacceptGardaaccounts ofeventsconfirmsthissensethatallrespectablepeopleshouldlineupbehindthepoliceand thatitisinconceivablethatthepoliceshouldeverbehavebadly. Secondly,andmostimportantly,thepeoplewhoaremostlikelytoexperiencepolicebrutality, coercionandintimidationareyoungworkingclassmen.Thisaffectswhatgetsreported,not onlybecausesuchyoungmenlacktheresourcesandinfluencetokickupastinkaboutGarda misconductbutalsobecausethemediaisbyandlargefarmoreattunedtothesocial experiences,needsandsensitivitiesofthemiddleclass.Furthermore,fromthepointofviewof theyoungmenwhoendupdealingwiththepoliceonthestreetsorincells,itissimplycommon sensethatcomplainingaboutthegardamaycausemoretroublefortheminthefuture.They alsoknowthatinmostofficialandjudicialprocessestheyarelesslikelytobebelievedthanthe garda. Thirdly,andthisislesswidelydiscussedthantheothertwoissues,withinworkingclass communitiespeopletypicallyfindthemselvesinabindwithregardtopolicing,whichmeans thatsomeissuesregardingthebehaviourofthepoliceareoftennottackledinpublic.Onone handpeopleknowonlytoowellaboutthecostandimpactofcrimeandthenumeroussocial problemscausedbydeprivationandinequality.Mostpeoplehavehadtodealwiththe consequencesofthisonaregularbasiswhiletryingtogetonwithlifeinanhonestanddecent manner.Theyalsoknowhowcomplextheseissuesareonthegroundandunderstandthatthe policeoftenhaveadifficultjob.Buttheyhavealsofoundthatthepoliceareoftennotthere whentheyneedthem,andthatserioussocialproblemsareignoredandoverlooked.Tomake mattersworsethisgeneralabsenceofpolicingisoftenpunctuatedbyaggressivebarracksstyle policinginwhichgarda,whooftenculturallysharelittleincommonwiththepeopletheypolice, chosetotreatalllocalsaspotentiallydisorderlyandcriminal.Tofurthercomplicatethings, livinginplaceswhichareoftenseenbyoutsiderssimplyasproblemareasmakesany discussionofpolicinginaworkingclassareaaloadedissue.Peoplequiterightlyresenttheir communitiesbeingrepresentedinthedullmonochromeofjournalisticclichswhichtreat workingclassareasashotbedsofcrime,drugsandantisocialbehaviour.Understandablythis leadstoawarinessaboutanythingthatwouldcontributetomakingaplaceseemless respectableincludingtacklingpolicemisconduct. Alltheseissuesalivedexperienceofcrimeandsocialproblems;sensitivityabouthowanarea isperceivedfromtheoutside;longperiodsoflaxpolicingfollowedbyburstsofaggressive policingcombinetomakecrimeandpunishmentaverysensitiveandpotentiallydivisiveissue inworkingclassareas.Ultimately,thisfostersarealambivalenceabouthowtodealwiththe gardaandhowtonegotiatethequestionsofbrutalityandaccountability.

3Unsurprisinglytheyrarelydiscoveredproblemswiththewaypolicingfunctions.TheGardaOmbudsman,

modelledpartlyonreformsinthenorthofIrelandtothePSNIbutwithmuchmorelimitedpowers,was createdin2007asasupposedlyindependentoversightandcomplaintsbody.

Political policing Theworkingclassisnottheonlygrouptobeonthereceivingendofprejudicedpolicing. StigmatisedminoritygroupssuchasTravellers,asylumseekers,refugeesandRomacanoftenbe atthesharpendofpoliceactivity,ascansuchgroupsaspunks,raversandnewagetravellers. Whileallthesegroupsshareinasomewhatmarginalsocialposition,groupswhichareinno waymarginalcanalsoendupbearingthebruntofpolicetacticsalso.Forexample,whenthe whitecollarworkersatThomasCookinDublindecidedtoprotecttheirjobsbyoccupyingtheir officesinAugust2009,150gardaremovedandarrestedtheminanearlymorningraidonthe occupiedoffices:herearespectablegrouppassedoverintotherealmsofunrespectableor unacceptablebehaviour.Asimilar,andmuchstronger,exampleofthisisprovidedbythe policingofErris,atraditionalruralcommunitywhichwouldnormallybyunproblematicin termsofpolicing,whichnowlivesundersomethingclosetoGardaoccupation,wherethereare oftenmoregardathanresidents,duetothecommunitysoppositiontoadangerousgas pipelineandrefinery. Inbothofthesecases,thegardaappeartohavebeenoperatingasthebullyboysorarmedwing ofthecapitalistclass,operatingeithertoprotecttheprojectsofindividualcapitalistcompanies orthemoregeneralformsofoperationordisciplineofcapitalistsociety.Inrelationtothe ThomasCookstrikers,thisisofcourseonlyoneexampleofalonglineofstrikeswherethe gardaintervenedonthesideofthebosses:regrettablythisisanissuethathasbeenneglected bylabourhistorians.4TheErrisexampleisamoreintenseandlongterminvolvementbygarda intheimpositionoflocallyunwantedlandusesonrecalcitrantcommunities,whichhadbeen precededbyGardaassistanceintheerectionoftelemastsandthedumpingofasbestoswaste.5 Theseexamplesbringustothesecondmajortypeofpolicingthispamphletexamines,protest policingorpoliticalpolicing.Hereweagaincomeacrosssimilarproblemstothosementioned aboveregardingthepolicingoftheworkingclass.Politicalgroupswhichareonthereceiving endofpoliceharassmentandinterestarenormallymarginalones,andthosethataren'tare easilyportrayedasbeingledastrayby'outsideagitators'andtroublemakersofvariouskinds. TheissueofpoliticalpolicingiscomplicatedintheRepublicbytheshadowofthegunmen,the existencesincethefoundationofthestateofanarmedmilitaryandpoliticalorganisationwhich refusedtoacceptthe26Countiesasalegitimatestate.Whiletherehavebeenoccasionalscares aboutcommunistsorrevoltingworkers,themainconcernofthepoliticalpoliceovertheentire lifeofthestatehasbeentheRepublicanmovement.Thisisanissuethatwedon'taddressinthis pamphlet,partlybecausenoneofusworkingonthispamphletarerepublicans,partlybecauseit isanexceptionalissuerequiringitsownanalysis,andpartlybecausesuchanalysisofpolitical policingintheRepublicashasbeencarriedouthascentredonstatetreatmentofrepublicans. Still,manyofthetacticsthatthegardahaveusedinresponsetotherepublicanmovementare carriedoverintotheirpolicingofotherpoliticalconflicts.Thegeneraltrendappeartobe towardsaworryingoverpolicingofprotestandadiminuitionoftherighttoprotestbasedona viewthatseesmostprotestassubversive.AntirepublicanismisconvenienttotheIrish
For example the first 25 issues of the Irish Labour History Society journal Saothar (http://irishlabour.com/?page_id=205),whilecontainingtwoarticlesonDublinpoliceinthe19thcentury, (oneonworkingconditions,anotheronthe1882policestrike),havenocoverageofthepolicingoflabour disputesintheRepublic.
5(5)Thisexamplealsobringsupanotherissuewedonttouchonwhodecideswhatisacrime?Afterall, 4

longtermexposuretoafatalpoisonifitoccurredonanindividualbasissayawifeadministeringcyanide to a husband in his food over a long period would be criminal, yet exposure of communities to toxic chemicals and highly hazardous processes isnt considered a crime. Impoverishing communities to the extentwheredeathsbyheroinarearoutinepartofmostfamiliesexperienceisnotcriminal;evenminor thefts by those living in such communities is (and until recently could leave minors incarcerated in industrialschoolsandsubjecttoviolencesanctionedbystateandchurch).

establishmentinmuchthesamewayasanticommunismwastotheUSestablishment;themere allegationthatrepublicansareinvolvedinamovementisenoughtosmearitintheeyesofmany andtolegitimatealmostanybehaviouronthepartofpolice. Overview of this pam phlet Thepamphletisstructuredinthefollowingway.Followingthisintroductionandapieceonthe makingofthegarda,thepamphletisdividedintothreesections,thefirstofwhichlooksatthe experienceofthepoliced.Webeginwithanaccountoftheexperiencesofworkingclassmenand youths,whoareconsideredtobeguiltyuntilproveninnocent,withgardaharassmentand disrespect.ThisisfollowedbydiscussionoftheexperiencesofthefamilyofTerenceWheelock,a youngmanfrominnercityDublinwhodiedundermysteriouscircumstancesinStoreStreet gardastation.Thefinalpieceinthefirstsectiondetailstheremovalofaprisoner'srightswithout explanationonGardasayso.Thenextsectionlooksatthepolicingofprotestbythegarda, beginningwithanactivistsaccountoftheattentionsoftheSpecialBranch(thepoliticalpolice) coupledwithapersonalaccountofhowthegardaandmilitaryoccupationofnorthwestMayoto protectShell'srighttoIrishnaturalresourceshasattackedatraditionalruralcommunityandan overviewofpoliceresponsestooppositiontoUSmilitaryuseofShannon.Theseaccountsare followedbytwomoreanalyticalpieces,thefirstofwhichisanexaminationofthewaythegarda attempttoredefineprotestsasviolent,andwhentheydo(anddon't)getawaywithit.This sectionendswithabroadoverviewofprotestpolicingintheRepublicfromthe1960stodate. Thefinalsectionlooksatresponsestopolicingandexamineshowgrassrootsactivistsand movementshaveattemptedtomakethepolicemoreaccountable.Itbeginswithtwopersonal experiences:oneofchallengingthegardathroughtheavailablemachineryoftheGarda SiochanaOmbudsmanCommission,andonebyavictimofthepoliceattacksonDameStreetat ReclaimtheStreetsinMay2002,detailingtheirattemptstoobtainjusticethroughthecourts. Thesearefollowedbytwoaccountsoforganisedresponses,onebythePrisoners'Rights OrganisationinDublininthe1970sand1980sandanotherbytheOntarioCoalitionAgainst Poverty,whichbringsawelcomeperspectivefromabroadtothepamphlet.Thesectionfinishes withasurveyofdifferentmethodsofputtingmannersonthepolice.Thepamphletendswitha listofresourcesandinformationsourcesforthoseinterestedintheissueofpolicing. Thearticlesprintedbelowinvolveawiderangeofapproaches,varyingfrompeoplerecounting theirpersonalexperiencestomoreanalyticalandacademicarticles.Somearticlessuchas thatonthePROinvolvetherecoveryofahiddenhistoryoforganisingonissuesofpolicepower andabuseintheRepublic;othersoutlinewaysinwhichpolicepowersarebeingabusedin contemporaryIreland.Takentogetherthesearticlestellanuntoldstoryfromacountryin whichitisalmostimpossibletobringthegardatocourtwithanyhopeofanpositiveoutcome andwherecriticalmediascrutinyofthegardaisextremelyrare. Inthenatureofthings,theaggressiveanddirtytricksresponsebygardatocritical observation,andthebarracksculturewhichhaspreventedwhistleblowingevenbypast membersoftheforce,makesitdifficulttoascertainfactsinthewaywhichbecomespossiblefor otherprofessionswhentheyarethesubjectofseriouslegal,journalistic,academicandactivist scrutiny.Nonethelesseveryefforthasbeenmadetobeasaccurateaspossible,todoublecheck factsandtoavoidexaggeration,whichservesnobody.

In conclusion Wearewellawarethatwehaveonlyscratchedthesurfaceofthistopic.Thereobviouslyisa needforamorecomprehensiveandmoredevelopedanalysisofthehistoryandpracticeof policingofbothpoliticalprotestand'ordinarydecentcriminals'intheRepublic.Thiswill needtoaddressnotonlyexamplesofIrishexceptionalismforinstancehowthethe 7

RepublicanmovementwaspolicedbutalsothewaysinwhichtheIrishexperiencetallieswith theinternationalexperienceofpolicing.Weseethispamphletasbeingthefirststepalongthe roadtothedevelopmentofsuchananalysis. Whenwebeganthisprojectwehadavarietyofquestionswewantedtoanswer:whatisthe differencebetweenpoliticalpolicingandordinary,everydaypolicing?Whataretheconnections betweenthegardaandtheIrishstateandatwhatlevelsaredecisionsonpolicingmade?Isit possibletoextricatetheusefulaspectsofpolicingkeepingthepeacerespondingtodomestic violence,etc.fromthemoregeneraldisciplinaryroleofthepoliceinacapitalistsociety?Just howdifferentiscommunitypolicingfromstateorprivatepolicing?Whatseparatescommunity selfpolicingfromvigilantismandwhodecideswhoisavigilante? ItquicklybecameobvioustoushoweverthatmuchbasicworkonpolicingintheRepublic neededtobedonebeforewecouldeventhinkaboutaddressingthesequestions,asthelackof analysisofpolicingintheRepublicwasstunning.Thuswescaledbackourambitionsandthis pamphletistheresult:amixtureofaccountsandanalysesofvariousexperiencesandtypesof policingintheRepublic,which,withallitsgaps,representsafirststeptowardsamoregeneral accountandanalysis.Assuchthispamphletisaninvitationtootherstorespondtothis collectiontocriticise,discussandanalyseitscontentsaspartofabroaderefforttounderstand Irishpolicing.

Howthegardaweremade
ThereissomethingmystifyingaboutthepoliceforceintheRepublicofIreland.Aforcebornout ofabloodycivilwaryetstrangelyabsentfrompopularmemoriesofthoselongyearsofviolence. AforcecelebratedforitsrootednessinIrishculturalpracticesyetoperatinginthesame centralised,colonialmodelinheritedfromtheRoyalIrishConstabulary,thepoliceforceof Britishstate.Aninstitutioncomplicitintheabuseanddegradationofchildren,ofmothers,the pooranddestituteyetsomehowtheguardcontinuestocommandrespectandsolidarityinIrish societywhileincreasinglythepriestorthepoliticianarelookedonwithscornanddisgust.What isitabouttheIrishpoliceforcethatenablesittocontinuallyovercomeperiodsofcontroversy overabusivepractices?Orperhapsthisisnottherightsortofquestionatall.Maybeitisthat thereissomethingdistinctaboutthewayIrishsocietyworksthatfacilitatesanacceptanceof violencebythestatetowardaparticulartypeofpersonorgroupofpeople.Thefirststeptoward unravellingthesecomplicatedquestionsmustbeginwithdevelopinganunderstandingofthe historicalconditionsinwhichthegardaemerged.

Colonial beginnings Itisdifficulttoimagineasocietywithoutapoliceforceandifyouweretoasksomeonetotry theywouldprobablylistoffalltheterriblethingsthatwouldunfoldwithoutofficersofthelaw readytoenforceorder.Policinghasbecomesonaturalisedthatitishardtobelievethatthere wasonceatimewhenstatepolicingdidn'texist.Policingandthemodernstatearerecent inventionsconjureduptoensurethesecurityofcapitalandtoenforcewagelabourasfeudalism unravelledandwealthandpowerreorganisedintostateandmarketrulebutthatisanother storyforanotherday.Sufficeittosaythattherewasonceatimewhenlawandorderasdictated bythestateandenforcedbythepolicedidnotexist.Thisisnottosaythatpriortothe emergenceofstatepolicingtherewasnoenforcedorder.Rathertherewasashift,beginning approximatelyaroundthe16thcentury,awayfromorderasdictatedbythefeudallord,the monarchyandthechurchtoacentralisedandmilitarizedorderoperatingatanationalleveland dictatedbythestateintheinterestsofanewlyemergentcapitalistclass. ThefirstattemptstolegallyconsolidateorderasdictatedbythemodernBritishstateand enforcedbythepolicegotofftoashakystartwhenthepolicingbillwasturneddowninthe Britishparliamentin1785.Althoughpolicingundertheabsolutiststatehadbeeninoperation foroveracenturyatthisstage,enactingbrutalandbloodylegislationwhichforcedpeopleoff commonlandandfromsubsistencelivingintoaconditionofpovertythenpushingtheminto wagelabour,thelate18centurywasatimewhenthepoliticalandcapitalistclasses,whohadby nowconsolidatedtheirpower,wereseekingtosanitisetherecenthistoryofthestate.The establishmentofamodernpoliceforceundertheliberaldemocraticstatewouldhavetowait untilpopularperceptionofthepolicecouldbechanged.Butpoliticiansandsocialtheorists intentonmanifestingtheirvisionofsocialorderwerenotdissuadedandthemodernpolicing experimentwassentoverseastobetestedoutonIrishsoil.Historianshavearguedthatthe politicalandsocialconditionsofpopularprotestandagrarianunrestrampantthroughout Irelandatthetimeservedasasociallaboratoryinwhichmodernstatepolicingwasfirst developed(Palmer1988;Burn1949). TheDublinMetropolitanPolicewerethefirstpolicetohitthestreetsinIrelandin1786, followedbytheRoyalIrishConstabulary(RIC)in1814.Theyhadtheirworkcutoutforthemas anticolonialrebellionsweresweepingthecountry.Growinglabourmovementsinurban regionsandagrariangroupsinrurallocationswereorganisingworkersandenablingresistance toevictionsanddefendingtenantfarmers.By1836theRIC,anarmed,centralizedand militarisedconstabulary,hadanationwidepresenceandjust14yearslaterpolicenumbershad 9

increasedto13,000in1,600barracks,threetimesmorepolicethaninEngland.Aparamilitary modelofpolicing,testedoutanddevelopedundertheRIC,wouldbeexportedtoBritish coloniesworldwidewhileonEnglishsoileffortscontinuedinanattempttogenerateconsentfor policing.Popularidentificationwithofficersofthelawwasfacilitatedthrougharecruitment strategywhichdrewonarangeofsocialbackgroundsandthroughlinkingtogetherpolice culturewiththevaluesofanemergentBritishculturalnationalism.Thispracticeofachieving consentforstatepolicingthroughassociationwithanimaginedcommonnationalcultural becameakeypracticeinstatebuildingprojectsinternationallyandpoliceofficers,particularin theUK,havebecomethesymboliccurrencyofthenationstate.Thesemeasures,alongwitha decentralisedorganisationalstructure,weresuccessfulinchangingtheperceptionofpolicing heldbytheliberalpoliticalclassesandthepress,andtheLondonMetropolitanPoliceActwas passedin1829. BackinIreland,anticolonialstrugglewasspreading.TheHomeRulemovementrose throughoutthelate1880spopularisingthepoliticsofselfdeterminationwhileatthe culturallevelprojectssuchastheGAA,theGaelicLeagueandtheCelticrevivalassociatedwith thenationalistmovementdevelopedintoinstitutionsofIrishculturalnationalism.Duringthis timetheRICandDMPincreasinglybecametargetsforgroupsrefusingtobegovernedbythe Britishstateparticularlyafterthebrutalrepressionofthe1916EasterRising.Resistancetothe forcebecamepolicyinSinnFins1919DeclarationofIndependence,whichdeclaredaboycott ontheconstabularyandlaunchedtheguerrillawaroftheIRA.AtthispointtheRepublican movementsetupaparliament,courtsystemandpolicingbody,theIrishRepublicanPolice(IRP) whichoperatedfrom192022providingsecurityandenforcingthejudgementsoftheDil courts.TheIRPweretreatedasanillegalsubversivegroupbytheBritishStateandtheRICset aboutwipingouttherepublicanpolicingbody,buttheirnumbershadbeengreatlydepletedby sustainedattacksfromtheIRA.AlargenumberofveteransfromtheFirstWorldWarsignedup followingarecruitmentdriveinScotlandandEnglandandwereshippedacrosstheseato combatthegrowingRepublicanmovement.TheRICauxiliarypoliceforcebecameknownasthe BlackandTans,anotoriouslybrutalmilitaryforce.AceasefirebetweentheIRAandtheBritish Statewasagreedin1921followedbytheAngloIrishTreatywhichestablishedtheIrishFree StateasadominionoftheBritishEmpireexcludingsixcountiesintheNorthofthecountry, decisionswhichsplitSinnFeinin1922,andtheauthoritiesofthenewstateturnedtheir attentiontogoverningandpolicingthenewstate.

Policing the Irish Counter-Revolution Thenewpoliceforcewouldplayacentralroleinthecounterrevolutionoftheemergingpolitical orderasthearmedforcesoftheFreeStateturnedagainstformerallies.Clashesincreased betweenantitreatyrepublicansandnationalistswhosupportedtheprovisionalgovernment,led byCumannnanGaedheal6,anewlyformedpartyofprotreatySinnFinmembersheadedby W.T.Cosgrave.Cosgravedeclaredmartiallawin1922statingthathewaswillingtoexterminate 10,000republicansifitwasnecessarytoachievingorder(VaughanandKilcommons2008).The firststeptodevelopapoliceforcewastakenbyMichaelCollinswhoinitiatedtheOrielHouse

6CumannnanGaedheal,aconservativepartywhokeptapolicyfocusonfreetradeandlawandorder

actingintheinterestsofthemiddleclasses,remainedinpoweruntiltheelectoralsuccessofFiannaFilin 1932.TheythenmergedwiththefascistBlueshirtsin1933toformFineGael.

10

menorCriminalInvestigationDepartment,aSpecialBranchofarmedofficerswhosetabout gatheringinformationonopponentsoftheTreaty,amajorityoftheIRAatthetime7. Overthefirstyearsofthenewstate11,480republicanswereinterned8withouttrial(Maguire 2004)and150wereexecuted(VaughanandKilcommons).TheFreeStategovernmentdecided todisbandtheRICbutretaintheservicesoftheDMP,apoliceforcewithabloodyhistoryof crushingunionandrepublicanmovements9,whiletheRoyalUlsterConstabularywouldtake overpolicingthesixcountiesinNorthernIreland10.ThePoliceOrganisationCommittee,staffed mostlybyDMPandexRICofficers,wassetupnexttodevelopproposalsforanewpoliceforce. PlansfortheCivicGuardtookshape,aforcealmostcompletelyidenticaltotheRICinstructure andrecruitedinsecrettoensureloyaltytotheTreaty.Thiswasadeliberatemovebythenew governmenttoinhibitlocalcontrolovertheformationofthepoliceforce,retainingacolonial, centralisedandmilitarystructureinwhichthepolicecommissionerwouldbeunderdirect controlofthegovernmentwhocontinuedtobelegallyboundtotheBritishStateuntil1949. Whathasconventionallybeenviewedasthe192223IrishCivilWarwasinfactamuchlonger process.HistorianJohnReganhasarguedthattheperiodshouldberecognisedasacounter revolution,aperiodinwhich,disparatepowersemanatingfromwithinarevolution[were] reeledinandcontrolledbyacentralauthority[]whenformerrevolutionaryleadersresortto repressiontocounterthosewhopersistinusingviolenceagainstthestate.Thecounter revolutionoftheFreeStatecontinuedintothenextdecadeintheformofapolicingstrategy designedtocrushopponentsofthetreatythroughinformationgathering,internmentand executions. Rebranding the Civic Guards TheCivicGuardwereofficiallylaunchedin1922buthalfthepopulationdidnotsupportthe Treaty,theFreeStateoritsrelatedinstitutionssopolicingunderthenewstatedidnothave publicconsent.ExternalresistancetotheforceandinternalconflictovertheleadershipofexRIC officerscompelledtheinitiationofprogramofchangesdesignedbyOHiggins,Ministerfor JusticeandODuffy,ChiefofStaffoftheIRAbeforebecomingGardaCommissionerin1922. Thesechangeswouldreconstructtheimageoftheforce,carvingoutaspaceforthepoliceofthe FreeStateonaculturallevel.ODuffysvisionofthisnewforcewasinformedbyhisstrongideas ondisciplineandorderfusedwithanethosofnationalismandidealisminfluencedbyhis admirationforMussolinisfascistcorporatiststate.AseriesofchangestotheCivicGuard graduallyembeddedthepoliceincommunitylifeshapingtheimageofthepoliceasIrishin thoughtandaction11. Thefirststeptakenwastodisarmtheguards.ODuffyexplainedhisrationaleforthisdecision; TheCivicGuardwillsucceednotbyforceofarms,ornumbers,butontheirmoralauthorityas
7ThefirstSpecialBranch,officersspecificallyassignedthetaskofcounterinsurgencypolicing (intelligencework,surveillance,infiltration)formedundertheLondonMetropolitanPolicein1883to monitortheinternationalundergroundrepublicanmovement,specificallytheIrishRepublicBrotherhood. 8Internment;imprisonmentwithouttrialorformalcharge,wasakeypracticeinpacifyingthestatenorth

andsouthoftheborder

9TheDMPhadviciouslyattackedstrikingworkersduringthe1913lockout,killingtwoandinjuring

hundredsinanefforttosmashattemptstounioniseandhadoperatedsidebysidewiththeBritishArmy duringthe1916EasterRising.
10TheNorthernsectionoftheRICwasrenamedtheRoyalUlsterConstabulary(RUC)in1922and recruitedalargenumberofexRICofficersfromtheSouth. 11GardaCommissionerMichaelStainesquotedinMulcahyandShapland2008.

11

servantsofthepeople(Walsh,1998.)WhilethisdecisionhascreatedanimageoftheIrish policeasareluctantcoerciveinstitution,anumberofpointsmustbeclarifiedaboutthe unarmedstatusoftheIrishpolice.Tobeginwith,thedecisiontoremovearmswastaken followingamutinywithintheforceinwhichcivilguards,rebellingoverthepromotionofexRIC officers,tookcontroloverastockpileofweaponsandforcedCollinstoremovethemenfrom officialduty(Allen1999).Disarmingguardswhowouldchallengedecisionsatseniorleveland armingthosewhoseobediencecouldbeguaranteedwouldweakenthethreatposedtothe politicalelitebyinternaldissentwithinthepoliceforce.Thearmedguards,officiallytitledThe SpecialBranch,haveretainedastrongpresenceandmaintainedquiteadegreeofunquestioned, discretionarypowerthroughoutthehistoryoftheIrishstatewhilepolicingbyunarmedgarda hasfollowedapolicyofviolenceandbrutalityratherthanlawenforcement.TheIrishpolice havecometobeknownamongthoseonthereceivingendandexperiencedprofessionalsfor notbeingshyaboutbehavingviolentlyonduty,optingforroughandreadyjusticeinsteadof prosecution(VaughanandKilcommons). The1923GardaSochnaActofficiallyrenamedtheforcetotheIrishtranslationcurrentlyinuse today,whichmeansGuardiansofthePeace;aspartofpolicetrainingrecruitsweretaughtthe Irishlanguage.The1924DisciplinaryRegulationsdemandedastrictruleofabstinence combinedwitharespectablesalary.Atatimeofimpoverishmentthisgraduallychangedthe localperceptionandsocialstandingofthepoliceandapplicationstojoinincreased.Overthe followingyearsAnGardaSochnawoulddevelopastrongcommitmenttosportingpractices,in particulartheGAA,whichstoodasoneofthelargestculturalinstitutionswithinthestate;the gardawouldplaytheirwayintotheheartsofthepeople(Brady).In195298%ofrecruits camefromCatholicbackgroundsandcouldbeseenmarchingtomassonSundaymornings (Mulcahy2008).TheruralandagriculturalbackgroundoftheforcewasepitomisedbyODuffy astheidealofthenewnationstate;heproclaimed,thesonofthepeasantisthebackboneofthe force(Allen).ThesuccessofthisculturalprogrammecanbeseeninthestatusofAnGarda SochnaasoneoftheprincipalingroupsofIrishsociety12.

Pacifying the Free State Thesesymbolicchangesandadoptionofculturalpracticesgraduallywonoverpublicconsent fortheGarda.Atthesametimeacontinuedprogramofcounterrevolutionarypolicingsetabout eliminatingopponentstotheemergingorder.TheSpecialBranch,anarmedcounterinsurgency unit,hadmergedwiththeDMPin1923,eventuallyjoiningupwiththeGardaSochnain1925. ThenewpoliceforceemergedunderastategovernedbytheconservativeCumannnanGaedheal partywhoplacedgreatemphasisonlawandorderduringatimeofsocialunrestwhileworking tonaturaliseitsclaimtopowerthroughsuppressingthosewhoopposedit.Followingthe withdrawalofthearmyin1923,thegardahadfullresponsibilityforthistask. BattleswagedbetweenthegardaandtheIRAasDeValera,havingleftSinnFintosetupFianna Filin1926,touredthecountrymobilisingsupportforarmedstruggleagainsttheFreeState.De ValeraledFiannaFilintotheDailin1927andintogovernmentin1932dismissingODuffyas Gardacommissioner,whowasreplacedbyEamonnBroy,andrapidlymovedtodistancehimself andhisnewpartyfromarmedstruggle.BroyrecruitedseveralhundredexIRAmen,nicknamed theBroyHarriers,intothearmedauxiliarySpecialBranchofthegardaandtheysweptthe countryroundingupmembersoftheIRAwhorefusedtosupportDeValerainapartitioned state.
wouldprefertohaveaguardasaneighbouraboveanyotherprofessional.
12MacGrils1996study,PrejudiceandToleranceinIreland,foundthatamajorityofsurveyrespondents

12

AcombinationofgrindingpovertyandthebrutalpracticesoftheSpecialBranchshiftedsupport awayfromFiannaFilinitiallytotheBlueshirts13andlatertowardaresurgenceinIRAactivity (Brady).Acontinuedprogrammeofinternmentwithouttrialwasmadepolicyinthe1939 OffencesAgainstTheStateActasmeanstocounterthisopposition.Clashesincreasedbetween thegardaandtheIRAagainintheearlyfortiesbutsubsidedthroughacombinationof intelligencegathering,militarytribunals,executions,economicexileandtheinternmentofover 500republicans(Maguire).TheSouthernStaterespondedtoanIRAattempttorebuildthe republicanmovementintheNorthin1957byroundinguphundredsofrepublicanswhowere internedintheCurraghmilitaryprisonin1958. TheIrishcounterrevolutionwasabattleoverthelegitimacyoftactics.Stateauthoritiesclaimed amonopolyovertheuseofviolence,framingitsopponentsasillegalandterrorist.The dominantnationalistpartiesdefinedtheiropponentsascriminal,antidemocratic,and illegitimatenotasaccuratedescriptionsbutinordertobolstertheirownclaimstolegality, democracy,andlegitimacy(Regan).

From policing the state to policing the nation Sinceitsformationthegardahaveservedadualpurposeforthestate.Ontheonehandthey suppressdissenttothepoliticalorder,whileontheothertheyplayacentralroleinthe constructionofanimageofaunifiednationandthecultureofthatnation.Theconsolidationof political,economicandculturalpowertookplaceundertheFreeStatesimultaneoustoaknitting togetherofinstitutionsofIrishculturalnationalismandthegardawereascentraltothese processesastheCatholicChurch,theGAAorFiannaFil/FineGael.Thevaluesoftheneworder weresociallyconservative,preservingunequalsocioeconomicstructuresandthepowerofthe church,concentratingpoliticalandeconomicpowerinthehandsofanemergingIrisheliteata timeofauthoritariansocialcontrol. AlthoughthepoliticalcultureofthetimehadtheimageofbeingdividedovertheNorthern question,inpracticethemainpoliticalpartiesofthestate,FiannaFailandFineGael,couldbe definedmorebyconsensusthanconflictwhenitcametotheconservativenatureoftheir ideology;majoritarianism,parliamentarydemocracy,constitutionalprocedure,churchstate relations,therightstoprivatepropertyandtherightsoftheindividual(Regan).Political revolutionhadchangedthenamesofthoseinrulebuttherehadbeennosocialrevolutionto changematerialdivisions.Societycontinuedtobedividedunequallyalongclasslinesbutthis wasdisguisedbyanillusionofaunifiednationundertheSouthernstate.Inrealitydivisions betweenthosewhomateriallybenefitedfromthestruggleforindependenceandthosewhodid notwereidentifiableinthecontrastbetweenthrivingmiddleclassesandmassesdrivento emigrateorremainandfacealifeofpovertyanddestitutionwhilethousandswouldremain institutionalised. In1921therewere11,000peopleinworkhousesorpoorhousesand6,000childrenin reformatoryorindustrialschools,whichremainedopenuntilthepublicationoftheKennedy reportin1970initiatedaslowprocedureofclosures(Kilcommonsetal2005).Anestimated 30,000womenhadpassedthroughtheMagdalenelaundrieswhichclosedtheirlastdoorin 1996(Finnegan2001).Thousandsofthesepeople,mostlychildrenatthetime,werementally, physicallyandsexuallyabusedbythechurchandinstitutionsofthestate.Itisprobablewewill neverknowhowmanypeoplediedorweremurderedinthesecircumstances,butonefactor thathascometolightrecentlyisthecomplicityofthegardawiththesecrimes.The2005Ferns
communisttrendsinEurope.Seehttp://www.lookleftonline.org/2010/08/finegaelsfascistroots/
13TheBlueshirtsorNationalGuardwerearightwingpoliticalorganisationinspiredbyfascist,anti

13

Reportonthefindingsofaninquiryintoallegationsofclericalsexualabuserevealedthat complaintsofsexualabuseatthehandsoftheclergymadetothegardaasrecentlyas1988did notappeartohavebeenrecordedinanygardafileandwerenotinvestigatedinanappropriate manner.TheresultsoftheMurphyreport,issuedin2009,drawingonnumerouspublicinquiries intoclericalchildsexualabuse,reportedonthecollusionbetweenseniorgardaandthechurch incoveringuptheallegationsofabusewhilethegardahadbeenissuedthetaskofinvestigating thematter. AnumberofveryseniormembersoftheGarda,includingtheCommissionerin1960,clearly regardedpriestsasbeingoutsidetheirremit.(MurphyReport2009) ThedecadesthatfollowedthepacificationoftheFreeState,fromthenineteenthirtiestothelate sixtiesareconsideredatimeoflowcrimeinIrishsociety(Mulcahy2007)butwhohasthe powertodefinewhatisacrime?Thegardaandindeedthestateclearlyviewedthechurchas beingabovethelaw.DeferencetoauthoritydisplayedinIrishcommunitylifeenabledthe continuationofsystemofabuseandexploitationthatdestroyedthousandsuponthousandsof lives. Perpetual State of Em ergency Whileintegrationbetweenthepoliceandthepublichadgraduallydevelopedunderthe SouthernstatetherehadbeennosuchimageofconsentgeneratedforpolicingintheNorth, whichwasdividedalongsectarianlinesbetweennationalistswhocontestedthelegitimacyof theBritishstateandunionistsloyaltothecrown.TheNorthernIrelandCivilRightsAssociation tooktothestreetsofTyroneandDerryinprotestatthediscriminationofnationalistsbythe Northernstatein1968,callingforthereformofemployment,electoralandhousingpolicybut werefacedwithhostileunionistgroupsandattackedbytheRUC,whohadpolicedtheNorthern sixcountiessincepartition.TheBritishArmywasassigneddutyinBelfastandDerrythe followingyearinresponsetofearsthattheIrishgovernmentwasplanningamilitaryinvasion followingastatementbyTaoiseachJackLynch: TheIrishgovernmentcannolongerstandbyandseeinnocentpeopleinjuredandperhaps killed. CivilrightsmarchescontinueduntilJanuary1972,whichwerenowmobilisingagainstthe increaseduseofinternmentbytheBritishState,whensoldiersopenedfireonunarmedcivil rightsprotestorskilling14people;aneventknowntodayasBloodySunday. Theseeventssparkedaresurgenceofpoliticalviolencenorthandsouthoftheborder.The continuedcontestationoftheIrishstatebymilitantrepublicangroupscoupledwithambivalent sentimentswithinFiannaFilovertheNorthernquestion,particularlyfollowingthearms crisiswhenFiannaFilministersimportedweaponstosupplytorepublicans,causedawaveof panicinthegovernmentthatconflictintheNorthwouldspillintotheSouth.TheIrishstate respondedtothisthreatbyheavilyinvestinginpowersforthepolicingofrepublicanism.The 1939OffencesAgainstTheStateAct(OASA)wasamendedin1972:section30enabledthe detentionofsuspectsfor48hoursbeforecharging;section31oftheBroadcastingActfacilitated statecensorshipofSinnFinandtheIRA,preventingrepublicansfromaccessingthemedia;and section38providedfortheestablishmentofthejurylessSpecialCriminalCourtthroughwhich scheduledoffenceswouldstandtrial.FollowingheightenedarmedstruggleintheSouthastate ofemergencywasdeclaredin1976,enablingthedetentionofsuspectsforupto7days,although thestatehadremainedinemergencyfollowingthe1939OASA.SinceformationtheIrishstate hasfunctionedwithinastateofemergencyfor51outofits90years(19212011). Graduallyovertimeantiterroristpolicinghasbecomenormalizedaspowersenabledthrough emergencylegislationhaveincreasinglybeenusedinresponsetononparamilitarycrime (VaughanandKilcommons).Thegardawereeffectivelygivencarteblanchetopolice republicanismbyanymeansnecessaryandwithinthiscontexttheSpecialBranchredeveloped. 14

 The Heavy Gang Fromtheearly70sagroupofSpecialBranchdetectives,skilledininterrogationtacticsand extractingconfessionsbyverbal,physicalormentalabuse,operatedwithdiscretionarypowers untilarulingbytheSupremeCourtin1979putpressureonthegardatooperatewithin legislation.Itwasnowpossibletoaccountforthenumbersofindividualstakenintocustody,and figuresrevealedamassivedisparitybetweenthenumbersofindividualsarrestedunderSection 30oftheOASAandthosecharged.Itbecameclearthattherightsandfreedomsaffordedto citizensoftheIrishstatewerebeingsuspendedonamassivescale.Outof2,308peoplearrested undersection30in1982,only256werecharged.In1984only374werechargedoutof4,416 arrestedunderthesameact(DunneandKerrigan1984,VaughanandKilcommons). Intheabsenceofthoroughresearchonstateabusesofemergencylegislationincludingtheexact numberofpeoplewrongfullyarrestedandinterrogatedbytheheavygang14,orfalsely prosecutedbytheIrishjudiciaryitisnecessarytorelyoninformationfromindividualcasesthat cametopublicknowledgethroughpubliccampaignsandmediainvestigationtoshowthe humancostofpolicingbyanymeansnecessary.
Wearethespecialboys.We'reexperiencedatgettingconfessions.We'vehandleddozensofmurders andknowamurdererjustbylookingathim15

ChristyLynch,a26yearoldsoldier,confessedtothemurderofVeraCooneyfollowinga22 hourinterrogationin1976andwassentencedtolifeimprisonment.Theonlyevidencesupplied tothetrialwasLynchsconfession.Onitsthirdappealin1979thecasewasthrownoutbythe SupremeCourt,whichruledthatthebehaviourofthegardacouldnotbelegitimatedby upholdingtheconviction.Lynchhasreceivednocompensationfromthestateforthe3yearshe spentinjailandVeraCooneysmurdererhasneverbeenfound. FortymembersoftheIrishRepublicanSocialistPartywerearrestedandinterrogatedbythe gardafollowingtheSallinsTrainRobberyin1976(BrennanandKerrigan1999).Someofthe mensignedconfessionsbutstatedincourtthattheyhadbeenviolentlycoercedintodoingthis. Theyreceivedfurtherbeatingsfollowingthecourtcase.Indenialofthechargesgardaclaimed thatthemenhadinflictedtheinjuriesonthemselves.JusticeBarradamantlydefendedthe gardaagainstclaimsofabusedeclaringthatitwasunthinkablethattheyshouldbeaccusedof conspiringorperjuringthemselvesandruledthatthemensstatementsweremadevoluntarily (Inglis2004).NickyKellyandfiveothersstoodtrialattheSpecialCriminalCourtforthetheftof 200,000.Thecasecollapsed,buttheretrialfoundthreeofthemen(Breathnach,McNallyand Kelly)guiltyonthebasisoftheconfessions.Kellyhadskippedbailatthispoint.Breathnachand McNallyspent17monthsinjailbeforebeingacquittedonappeal.NickyKellyreturnedto Irelandin1980believingthechargesagainsthimweredroppedbutwassentencedto12years. ContinuouspubliccampaigningbroughtaboutKellysreleasetwoyearslater. Asadandtroublingcase,whichcontinuestoripplethroughthepublicimagination,cametolight in1984exposingthenormalisationoftheemergencypowersofthestateandroutinisationof theabusiveinterrogationtacticsoftheSpecialBranchinIrishsociety.Onthe14thofAprilthe bodyofanewbornbabywasfoundwasheduponabeachinCahirciveen,CoKerry.Thebaby hadbeenstabbedseveraltimes.Themurdersquad,theofficialtitlefortheheavygang,arrested JoanneHayes,hermother,aunt,sisterandtwobrothersandwithinhourstheyhadsigned confessionsfromthefamilyidentifyingJoanneasthebabysmotherandmurdererbutmedical evidencecontradictedthesestatementsasbloodtestscouldprovethatthechildwasnot
14Thenamegiventodetectivesspecialisingingainingconfessions,usuallythroughviolentmeans. 15DetectiveInspectorJohnCourtneytoChristyLynchduringinterrogation(SundayTribune05/08/07).

15

Joannes.ATribunalofInquirywaslaunchedintothematter16buttherewasnoofficial recognitionthatthegardahadforcedtheHayesfamilytoconfesstoamurderthattheydidnot commit.TheCahirciveencaseremainsunsolved.

Speaking out against the Garda

Towardstheendofthe1970sacombinationofforces,includingpubliccampaignsand solidarityworkwithvictimsofpolicebrutality,investigativejournalism,internationalpressure fromhumanrightsorganisationsanddissentwithintheforce,combinedtocauseatippingpoint whichpartiallydislodgedtheuntouchablepositionofthepoliceinthearrangementofpower thathadbeenconsolidatedoverthepreviousfourdecades.Thisbeganin1977whenalarge numberofconfessionswereretractedincourtbyindividualsclaimingtheyhadbeenforced underabusivecircumstances.AmnestyInternationalfollowedthesebraveactswithareport thatyearstatingthattheywereconcernedoverthephysicalandmentalabusegardawere inflictinginordertogainconfessionsandoverthecomplicityoftheIrishstate,specificallythe judiciary,insupportingthisbehaviour.ThesameyeartheIrishTimesranaseriesof investigativearticlesontheoperationofaheavygangofspecialbranchdetectivesbrutalising peopleincustody.Itwaslaterrevealedthatduringthistimeanumberofpoliticianswere approachedbytwoconcernedgardawhoreportedthatconfessionswereindeedbeingforced throughviolenceandthatgardainvolvedwerewillingtoperjurethemselvesincourttosupport theseconfessions17. In1978thegovernmentappointedOBriaincommissionrecommended22measures18tobe takentosafeguardagainstabuseofindividualsincustody.Thesewereignored.Settingupan inquirywasenoughtogivetheimageofaccountabilityshieldingthegardafromcriticism. Publicsupportforthegardawassowidespreadandstrong,comparedwiththatfor subversives,thatthegovernmentwasabletodefusethesituationbytheappointmentofan inquiryintothetreatmentofpersonsingardacustody(Walsh1999). LocalandnationalsolidaritywithNickyKellyandJoanneHayesthroughsustainedprotests, campaigningandmediaworkkeptthesecasesinthepubliceyeduringtheearly80s.Following theKerryBabiesTribunal,themurdersquadwasofficiallydisbandedin1984.TheGarda SochnaComplaintsBoard(GSCB)wassetupin1986.750complaintshadbeenlodgedby 1990.However,publicinquiriesintogardabehaviourhadonlyevercreatedanillusionof accountability.TheGSCBquicklyprovedthatthestatewouldmakenoseriouscommitmentto holdinggardaaccountableforabusivepolicing.136complaintsmadetotheboardin1994

16Thetribunal,headedbyJusticeLynch,discoveredthatJoannehadgivenbirthtoachildthathaddied shortlyafter,thatthechildsbodyhadbeenburiedattheHayesfamilyhomeinAbbeydorney,Co.Kerry andthatJoannehadtoldthistodetectivesduringinterrogation.Althoughmedicalevidencecouldshow thattheAbbeydorneybabyhaddiedofnaturalcauses,JusticeLynchruledthatJoannehadmurderedher baby.HealsoarguedthatalthoughtheHayesfamilyhadntactuallytakenthetriptoKerrytodisposeof thebodytheyhadplannedtoandwhenquestionedhadbecomesooverwhelmedwithguiltovertheir grimintentionsthattheyhadconfessedtothemurderoftheCahirciveenbaby.Thefinalreportofthe tribunalwaswidelydiscreditedanddisbelieved. 17SeeAllinalife:GarretFitzgerald,AnAutobiography,1991 18The1978OBriainreportidentifiedemergencypowersenablingthedetentionofsuspectsincustodyfor

27daysasproblematic.Amongtherecommendationsthereportadvisedthatthediscretionalpracticeof holdingindividualsinpolicestationsoutsidelegislationshouldend,thatarresteesshouldhavecustodial guardiansandthatinterrogationroomsshouldbeequippedwithrecordingequipment.

16

resultedinnoprosecutionsandonlyoneprosecutionwastakenthefollowingyearoutof154 complaints.19 AstreamofcomplaintstotheGSCBthroughoutthe90s,originatinginDonegal,hadnotleadto anyprosecutionorinvestigationbythestartofthenewdecade,butsustainedlocalcampaigning withsomesupportfrompoliticalrepresentativescompelledthegovernmenttoactandaPublic TribunalofInquirywassetupin2002. TheMorrisReports,publishedbetween2007and2008,outlinedtheresultsoffivemajor investigations.TwooftheseconcernedacampaignofharassmentagainsttheMcBreartyfamily bythegarda,whoattemptedtoframeFrankMcBreartySenior,hisnephewMarkMcConnelland sonFrankMcBreartyJuniorforthemurderofRichieBarronwhowaskilledinahitandrunin 1996.12membersoftheMcBreartyfamilyweretakenintocustody,interrogatedandabused; oneindividualspenttwomonthsinapsychiatricunitafterbeingreleasedfromcustody (Cunningham2009).ButtheMcBreartycaseseemedonlytobeascratchonthesurfaceofpolice corruptioninDonegalasinvestigationsuncoverednumerousincidents,outlinedinthe remainingthreereports,inwhicharmsandexplosiveshadbeenplantedonindividualsbythe guardsasameansofenhancingtheirpowersorfurtheringtheircareers.Between1993and 1994SuperintendentKevinLennon(whowasfired)andDetectiveGardaNoelMcMahon (resigned),inanattempttomoveupthechainofcommand,fabricatedanumberofexplosives finds.TheinvestigationfoundChiefSuptDenisFitzpatrickcomplicitinthebehaviourofthese gardainframinganinnocentindividualasanIRAinformer.TheTribunalalsofoundthat SergeantJohnWhiteorchestratedtheplantingofanexplosivedevicein1996ataprotestsitein ArdarawhichwouldenablehimtoarrestprotestorsunderSection30oftheOASA.Thereport revealedthattwoyearslaterSergeantWhitewiththehelpofDetectiveGardaThomasKilcoyne andSergeantJackConaty,GardaMartinLeonardandGardaPatrickMulligan,hadplanteda firearmataTravellerHaltingsite,enablinghimagaintoactunderSection30. Thefindingsoftheinvestigation,headedbyJusticeMorris,exposedsystemicand institutionalisedcorruptionandabuseofpowerthroughouttheforce,rangingfromlowranking officerstoseniorlevel,andhaveresultedinaseriesofresignationsandrecommendationsfor reform.JusticeMorrislistedthesystemicflawsinstitutionalisedwithinIrishpolicingasa promotionssystemthatwasproblematicandnottransparent,noaccountabilitystructuresand noapparentdisciplinarymechanismswhilebroaderfailuresenablingcorruptandbrutal policingwererootedintheabsenceofdemocraticaccountability.Nopolicecommissioneror politicianhasbeencalledtoquestionforthecasesmentionedhere.Thistribunalstandsasthe firstinvestigationintothebehaviourofthegardathathastakenacriticalviewoftheforce,buta TribunalofInquirymerelyinvestigatescasesandpublishesfindingsandhasnopowertocreate realchangeswithinthepoliceforceorthestate.
ThereisnothingbetweenusandthedarknightofterrorismbutthatForce.Whilepeopleinthis Houseandpeopleinthemediamayhavefreedomtocriticise,theGovernmentofthedayshouldnot criticisetheGardaSochna.20

19Ithastakenconsistentpressurefrominternationalhumanrightsbodies(Committeeforthe

PreventionofTortureandEuropeanCourtofHumanRights)togettheIrishstatetoreluctantly admitthatacomplaintsboardthatultimatelyfunctionsasgardainvestigatingcomplaints againsttheircolleagueswasnotimpartialnoreverlikelytoachievedemocraticaccountability. Theboardwasdissolvedin2007andreplacedbytheGardaSochnaOmbudsmanCommission.

20FineGaelMinisterforJusticeMichaelNoonanrespondingtocriticismsofthegardaonthe

10thNovember1987. 17

TheIrishpoliceemergedoutofacolonial,militarymodelassignedthetaskofadministering statesanctionedterrorandviolence,specialisingincounterinsurgencyoperations,extrajudicial imprisonmentandexecutions.Yetpublicconsentforthisforcewaseasilywonthrough associationwiththevaluesofanimaginednationalcultureandtheguardtookpositionin communitylife,alongwiththeparishpriestandschoolteacherintheblessedtrinityof communalcontrol(VaughanandKilcommons).UntilrecentlyconflictinNorthernIrelandhas deflectedcriticismfromtheforceandhaslegitimatedapolicesystemthatreliesonemergency legislationandunaccountablepowers.Thestoriesinthiscollectionareshapedbysuchahistory.

18

PartI Onthereceivingend:experiencesofbeingpoliced

19

WorkingclassexperiencesoftheGarda

A current crisis Todayweliveinamediasaturatedsocietythatsensationalisescrimeandganglandwarfarein workingclasscommunities.Somesaythemediathroughitsvariousfunctionshasbecomea sortofmoralbarometerforthenationalimaginationintermsofhowtheworkingclassesare perceived.This,perhaps,isdonethroughnewspapers'slashheadlineslikeThugsneverhadit sogoodorBugsyMalonegangterroriseNorthDublin,orthroughcurrentTVshowsthatgive apictureofworkingclasspeopleasroughanddisrespectablesuchasJerrySpringerorTheRoyle Family.Allthisactivelycontributestotherespresentationoftheworkingclassesas disresputable. Mediamoralisationoftheworkingclassesservestocastshadowsovertherealcircumstances peoplefaceonadailybasisand,inparticular,thesituationsandrealitiesworkingclasspeople challengeintheircommunities.Notonlydotheysufferfromintergenerationalunemployment, povertyandbadinfrastructure;workingclasspeoplealsodealingwithandrecoverfromthe impactofdrugsanddrugdealing. Onanalmostdailybasis,debatesariseatthedifficultintersectionswherecommunities experiencehowtheseproblemsarepoliced.Onetheonehand,peopledependongarda protectionandontheotherhand,gardaattimesabusetheirpowereitherthoughphysical brutalityorusingintimidatingtacticsorindeedboth.Thisisembeddedwithinsomeworking classcommunitiesanditisparticulartotheexperiencesofyoungworkingclassmales.Thebig questionthatarisesfromthisiswhatifpartofthecurrentcrisisexperiencedinour communitiestodayisactuallyduetojustnotknowingenoughaboutpeopleandtheirsituations, likealackofknowledgeabouthowitisforthoselivinginsuchcrisisbutnothavingthe opportunitytohavetheirvoicesandexperiencesheard? WhenIbeganthinkingaboutthis,theonethingIknewforsurewastherewasalackof connectiontothetruthsinindividuallives.Notalotofopportunityisgiventoworkingclass malestovoicetheirexperiences,inparticulartheirexperiencesofthegarda.Thisisespecially becausethereissuchnegativemediarepresentationblockinganychanceofthemtellingtheir sideofthestory(astheysaythemselves).Thereissomuchhiddenaboutworkingclasslifeand culturalresistance.Somuchishiddenaboutpeopleslivesbehindthesplashyheadlines. Workingclasscultureisrarelydocumentedforpurposesotherthantoentertainortosell popularculture.Rarelyistheknowledgeofworkingclassyouthssoughtforthepurposeof consciousnessraisingandhealing. Thissmallpieceofwritingcomesfrommydiscussionswithworkingclassyouthsinacouncil estate.Theestateitselfisratherisolatedfromthelargersurroundingcommunityandlocal elitesfrownontheareaandopenlyrefertootherhousingestatesas"decentplaces".Imustnote herethatthesameelitesrefertothelocalGardastationasthe"Barracks".Allthediscussions broughtforwardherecomefromworkingclassselforganisedcommunityeducation.

Guilty until proven innocent Itiswellknownthattheworkingclassesviewthepolicewithsuspicion:onewouldwonderwhy! WritersonsocialclasssuchasRichardHoggarttellusthatworkingclasspeopleseethepolice asbeingagainstthem,orouttogetthem,ratherthanworkingontheirbehalf.Itiswellaccepted atalocallevelthatgardaviewyoungworkingclassmaleswithsuspicion.TheladsIworkwith willopenlysay,

Whenyouareworkingclass,youareguiltyuntilproveninnocent.

20

Theladstellofoldsayingsregardingthegardassuspicionofthem.Thesesayingsarenotonly fromtheircontemporaryexperienceswiththegardabutalsocomefromwhattheyheardtheir parentssay.Ihavetermedthesegenerationalhearsays.Sayingssuchas,

Wearealiensofthestateoritsalongroadwithoutaturn,theguardshavelongmemories

mightnotseemimportantatfirstbutwhenyoulookattheminthecontextofcomingfrom marginalisedyouthsthathaveinvariousdifferentwaysbecomeknowntothegarda(soto speak)thentheybegintopaintadifferentpicture.Onethatmightsaythatperhapstheyhave beenmarginalisedbythestatesincetheywerebornandthatthegardaarealwayswatching themandrememberingfromonegenerationtothenext. Caught in the m iddle: working-class youths and power networks Therewasalwaysagreatwillingnessinthegrouptospeakabouttheirexperiencesandin particulartheirexperiencesofthegardawhentheywereintheirearlyteensandgrowingupin thecommunity.TheseexperiencesandsameoldGardatacticscarriedintotheiradultlives.All spokeaboutthefeelingstheyhadaboutbeingtreateddifferently.Forinstance,thefamilyname andanypastoffencesthefamilyhadwhetheritwasafatheroranoldersiblingwouldbe draggedupinconversationsbysomegarda:
Thedirtwasalwaysdraggedupforus,likethrowninyourface

Thegardawouldsay
Ahitsyou,youngsuchandsuch,sureweknowyourfatherwell

Participantssaid
Wewouldhatethegardaforthis;itwastheworstthingever

Inanydiscussionsaroundthistheladswentontosay,
Itslikethisitsalwaysaboutwhereyoucomefrom,likeacouncilestateandallthat,itsneverabout meandhowIamnow,itsalwaysaboutthepastandwhatIvedoneorwhathashappenedinyour family.Thisisalwayscarriedon,andevenwhenyoudogobeforethecourtsnowasanadultthegarda willgiveallthepast.Forexample,ImoffdrugsthreeyearsnowandImdoingaFETACcourse.Ihada minortrafficoffenceandwasincourtrecently.Thesameoldstuffwasbroughtup.Wellyourhonour, thismanhaspreviousdrugconvictions;hesfromadisadvantagedneighbourhoodetc.Itsneverabout howImdoingnoworwhatchangesIvemadeinmylife,thejudgesometimesknowswhenthegarda areusingintimidationtactics,andhaveoftencutacrossthegardaandsaidwellgarda,thatsinthe past,itshowthisyoungmanisnowandwhathesdoingwithhislifenowconcernsme.

Caught in the m iddle - being netted Whenthesubjectofpowerwasbroughtupindiscussion,theladswouldsayeverythingtodo withgarda,beingworkingclassandlivinginacouncilestateisallaboutpowernetworks.The gardahavethepowerandknowexactlyhowtouseitincertainsituations.Theladsspoke aboutthenetorbeingnettedandthisis,theladsexplained,oneofthegardasstrongest tacticsandonethatcanresultindangerousconsequencesforworkingclassyouths.
Itslikethis,incouncilestatesthereisnothingmuchtodo,soyouremorevulnerabletowhatwecall gettingnettedinbydruggangsandtheguards.Thethingisthis.Gangspickonyoungladstheyknow oriftheyhaveknownfamilymembers.SomeladsIknowhavegotinvolved,simplybecausetheywere askedasafavourtomindastash,thegangsdothis.Whenthishappensitshardtomoveaway,evenif younevertakedrugs,becausenowyouareseentoknowtoomuchaboutthegang.Mostladstake drugsandwhentheguardsmoveinonthem,likewhentheyarecaughtwithwhateverdrugstheyhave onthem,evenifitsonlysmallandenoughforonesownuse,theguardswillusethistobargainwith youforinformationonthebiggergangmembers.Ifyoudo,theyletyouoffwithyouroffencebutthey stillhaveyou.Nowyoureatoothfortheguardsandtheyuseitallthemoreespeciallytointimidate

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ladsaroundgangs.Thisisknownasthenetbecausenowyouareeitherwhatsknownasatooth(a telltale)fortheguards,orseentobetruetothegang,bothsituationsarebad;thereisnorealmiddle groundinthis.Itsfearbothways.

Theladsinthegroupspokerepeatedlyabouthowtherewasnorealmiddlegroundinthis situationandhowthisisthegroundortheintersectionofcommunitypolicingwherethegarda reallyabusedtheirpower.

Itworksthisway,ifagardaseesyoutalkingtoagroupofladshemightstopthecarandshoutatyou heycrackhead,callupandseeusagain,likeyoudidlastweekforachat.Thisisalltheyhavetosay, theonlysaviouristhattheladsyourewithknowwhattheGuardsarelikeandknowtheirtactics becauseitsbeendonetothem.

Som ething rotten in the garda ADublincommunityactivistwhoknowsaboutthehiddenaspectsofworkingclassyouths experienceswiththegardahadthistosayrecently:

Towardstheendof2007,ayoungman,agednineteen,fromadeprivedneighbourhoodcametotell methatonthepreviousdayhehadbeentakentoaGardaStationforadrugssearch,duringthecourse ofwhichhehadbeenassaultedbyseveralgarda.Whennodrugswerefoundonhim,hewastoldto leave.Heclaimedthatashewasleavinghewasshovedforcefullytowardsthedoorbyagarda,which causedhisheadtosmashtheglasspanelofthedoor.Hesaidthathewasthenbroughtbackintothe GardaStationandchargedwithassaultingthegardaandcausingcriminaldamagetothedoor.

Indiscussionsaroundbadpolicebehaviourtheladsagreedthatthereissomethingrottenat workinthepolice.TheyspokeofhowsubtleGardabrutalitycanbe,theytoldvariousstories butonethatstuckinmymindwasthisone,

Iwasplayingfootballonthegreenwithacoupleofthelads.Wedecidedtogetourownteam together.Tony[nothisrealname]hadbeenintroubleforshoplifting;herobbedarollandmilkin Tescosandthensomebottlesintheofflicence.Hewasdueupincourtinthecomingweeks.Anyway, thegamewasgoinggoodandtheGardacarpulledup.Theguardsgotoutandstartedplayingfootball. TheynearlybrokeTonysankles,thekickstheyweregivinghim.Therewerefourofthem,theywere gettingthedigsinwherevertheycould,andsaying"thecourtsmightletyouawaywithit,butwe wont.TheneventuallytheyjustwentawayandleftTonyonthegroundinagony.Theydothatand theyknowwheretobashyoutoosoitdoesnotleavebruises,butwithTonytheydidntcare.They knewhewouldntsayanythingtoanyone.

AnotherissuethatcomeupindiscussionwastheshootingofayouthinanATMrobbery.The commentsherewereonhowthepaperspraisedthegardasactions,
Weknowhewasinthewrongbuttherewasnoneedtokillhim,nooneknewanythingabouthim.He wasalrighthewas,hejustgotdesperate,hejustbecamedisposable.Thepaperswerefullofback slappingforthebraveguardsinvolved.Doyouknowwhatthepaperssaid?TheysaidThiswasa braveandsuccessfulbitofworkbyourforce.

Againacommunityactivistspeaksoutonpolicebehaviourtowardsworkingclassyouths,
TheresanolddominantvaluesystematworkinIreland.Alltheoldgardahaveit,itsasortof'live uptostandardswhichthepoliceforceworkoutof.Becausethereisthisdominantidiomtoliveupto, younggardastartingoutintheforcecannotaffordtobeseentosympathisewithworkingclass youths,inparticularthosewhoaremarginalisedordrugusers;itsjustnotdone.Tocombatthis,or ratherasIseeit,thereisaroleofmachogardaplayedoutamongnewrecruitsinthepoliceforce. Thismeansthelessyouareseentosympathiseandthemoreyouareseentobenasty,intolerantand suchtowardsthescumbagsastheycallthem,themoreacceptedtheyareintheforce.Soyeah,there aresomenastyonesaboutwhoworkoutofthatvaluesystem,suretheladswilltellyouthemselves theyaretreatedlikedirt,especiallyinA&E(accidentandemergency)andthepolicestationsasweall know.

22

Garda relocation: behind closed doors - its like this Ingroupsessionssomeoftheladsspokeoutabouthowjustsillystreetcornerfoolingaround couldresultinmoreseriousconsequences.Theyexplained,
Weweredrinkingsomecansonenightandtheguardscamealongandwereslaggingusoffsaying thingslikeAhthereyeare,thesameauldsuspectsknackerdrinkingasusual,wouldthepubsnothave youlads.Someofussaidahgowayyoureonlyguards,surewhatcanyedoaboutit,sureyoureall uniformandmouth.Wewerehitacrossthefacewithbatonsandkeptinthecellforthenight.The guardsweresayingtousabouthowwehadtriggeredtheshortfuseofthegarda.Theywere explainingtheactionsofoneparticulargardawhowasabitheavyhandedonthebaton.Theywere sayingyouaboveallladsknowwhatitsliketojustloseit,hejustlostitlads,youhavedrivenhimtoit, heisagoodmanbuthelltakenononsense,hehasajobtodo. Myfriendsnosewasbrokenhewasfifteenyearsoldandwhenhisparentscametogethimtheywere complainingandaskinghowhewasinsuchastate.Theguardsweresayingdrunkanddisorderlybut wewilllethimoffthistime.Thefactthatmyfriendwasdrinkingandthatthegardawerewillingto overlookitmadehisparentsdelightedtohavethesituationclearedup.Thegardainquestionwas relocatedtoadifferentdistrictthatsameweek.

Theladsspokeabouthowgardaarerelocatedtodifferentplacesespeciallythosewhoare consideredtohaveashortfuseorthosewhoarecapableofjustlosingit,
Itgoesonallthetimeanditjustgetsforgottenabout,itslikeoutofsightoutofmindandanyway sometimesitsjustbesttosaynothingatallaboutit.Youwouldjustbebringingthewholethingup againandtheguardscanmakethatbeanightmareforyou.

Inourdiscussionsabouttheirexperienceswiththegardatherewasstrongemphasisplacedon makingsureIdocumentedtheirexperiencesasarealityinourcurrenttimesandnotasthey saidthemselves,

LikesomethingthatisshownontheTV,likeinadocumentarywherethepolicehavesomeonein custodyanditshowsalltherightstheyhave,likethewaytheycanaskforstufflikedrinks,smokes,or phonecallsortheAmericanway,likeitshowsallthetimeinfilms.Wherethepersonisarrestedand beingquestioned,itshowsthemsayingthingslikeIwillwaittillmylawyergetshereornotwithout mylegaladviser.Wellthatsnothowitisintherealworld,herethegardajustlaughatyou.

Theywentontotellmethatthebestthingtodowheninthesituationofarrestistojustsayno commentorImnotsigninganything.Theywentontosaythatthegardastillhavethepower nomatterwhat,especiallyifyouredrugdependentandyouaretakenintocustodyorheld overnight,

Ifyouredrugdependentyoucouldbeleftinacellforuptosixteenhours.Youwouldbeclimbingthe walls.IwasonprescribeddrugsatthetimeIwasarrestedandwasjustleftthere.Theguardsknow theyhaveyounow,youhavearighttocalladoctorbuttheyleaveyoutillyoureonyourknees.Even thenthereisnoguaranteeyouwillgetadoctor,italldependsonwhosaroundandifagardathinks youmightbeagoodsourceofinformationforthem.Theguardshavethepowerhereandofferdrugs sometimes,orthestashyouhadonyouwhenyouwerearrestedcanbeonoffertoyoueither.It dependsonhowdesperateyouareandtheguardsplayyouonthis.Itellyouitsaviciouscircle.

W orking-class resentm ent of Garda harassm ent: its the garda that create the trouble Localwomeninthecommunityhavespokenofhowthegardaaresomethinglikeamilitia,
Weunderstanditstheirjobtopatrolthearea,butitsabitridiculouswhenyouseethemhanging aroundallthetime.Theydohasslethekidsintheneighbourhood.Whathappensisthis,theguards hangaroundwhentheresnoneed.Thisonlycausestensionandafearinsomeoftheparentsthat

23

someoftheladsaregoingtostrikeoutatthem,likethrowabottleorstoneatthecar.Wetrytotell themdontletthemgettoyou.Buttheydontalwayslisten,theyaretoomadatthem.

Throughoutourdiscussionsthewomenwouldcontinuetoaskforreassuranceaboutwherethe informationtheyweregivingmewasgoingandwantedtomakesuretheywouldnotbenamed. Therewasanairoffearandtensionaswomenconfessedtheirexperiencesofwitnessingearly dawndrugraidsontheirneighbourshomes,

Wedidntknowwhatwasgoingon;Imeantherewasnoneedforsuchforce.Therewasuptosixteen guardsatonehouse.Itwasterribletowitnesstheoldpeoplehavingtostandoutintheirgardensin theirnightclothes.Itwasveryhumiliatingforthem.Theresnoneedforittobedonethatway,andin theendtheyevenfoundnothing.Somesaytheguardsknewtheywouldfindnothing,thatitwasjust theirwayofsendingoutamessagethattheyareincontrol.

Ithasbeenpointedoutthatacultureofsilenceexistsinoursociety.Thissilenceisthickest amongstworkingclasspeoplewhenitcomestospeakingoutagainstfiguresofauthority.One obviousreasonforthisstemsfromhistoricaleducationalsystemswhereworkingclasskids weretaughtfirstandforemosttoobeyandknowtheirplaceinsociety.Ahiddencurriculum rewardedconformityandsilenceandscornedanyattemptatcriticalinquiry.Thisensuredthat kidsneverquestionedtherulingpowerstheyencountered,andinparticularthepowerofthe police. Furtherdiscussionswiththewomenopenedupthesubjectoftheirfears.Theyspokeabouthow theymightbethoughtlessofinthecommunityifpeopleknewtheywerespeakingoutagainst thegarda.Andthefactistherewerealotofconstraintsaroundstickingupfortheyoungsters whowerenotbadkidsbutwhodidgetintotroublebecausetherewasnothingtodointhearea. But,theytoldme,alotofpeoplesaythekidsarenotdisadvantagedandmakecommentslike,
"Itsjustbadparentingskills,andtheyouthshaveittooeasy.

Thewomenalsospokeabouthowifitwastobeknownbythelocalgardathattheywere speakingaboutthem,theywouldsimplynotrespondtoanycallsinneedoftheirassistancein theneighbourhood. Garda show no respect whatsoever: we need to have m utual respect InFebruary2006,hundredsofsupportersoftheloyalist'LoveUlster'marchleftDublinundera Gardaescortaftertheirrallyfailedtogetunderwayduetoanoutbreakofviolenceinopposition tothemarch.Shopwindowswerebroken,carswereburnedoutandawaveofviolencespread acrossthecitycentre.Somecommunityactivistshadthistosay:
Youngpeoplehatethegardabecausetheyshowthemnorespect.Theyspokeabouthowthey thoughtworkingclassyouthshadactedastheydidintheriotsbecausetheywereangryatGarda injustice.

Theyconcludedwithsayingthereneedstobemutualrespectbutthegardaneedtobeginthis process.

An end and a beginning Myendingpoint,orshouldIsaybeginningpoint,isthisinordertogainrespectthereneedsto berecognitiongiventothehiddenaspectsofpeopleslives.Thismeansatitssimplestlevelthat morespaceneedstobescratchedoutamongthelies,corruption,harassmentandclass dominationthatexistsinoursocietytoday.Opennesstowanttohearjusthowitisforothers whohavenotgotthepositionorprivilegetospeakoutinoursocietyiscalledfor.Thereare somethatsaytherearetoomanygardaandnotenoughpolicinginworkingclasscommunities today,otherscontendthatworkingclasscommunitiesaresubjectedtomorescrutinyandmoral powerthanprotectionfromthegarda.Youngworkingclassmalesspeakofbeingsingledout, 24

blamedandsilencedratherthanhelped.Someoftheladsspokeaboutwantingtohelpothersso thattheyneverhavetheexperiencestheyhavehad.Somewanttobeginayouthcentreintheir owncommunityandsuggestedtheimportanceofthegardainteractingmorewiththe community:

Thereneedstobealevelthatwouldallowyoungkidsbecomefamiliarwiththefactsthattheguards aretheretoprotectthemandnotoutagainstthem.

Thereisnoconclusionassuchtothisdocument;asitispartofanongoingprocess.Iwouldlike tothinkthatinsteadofclosinghere,thisdocumentprovidesaspacethatisverymuchopenby wayofgivingopportunitytootherworkingclasspeopletovoicetheirownexperiences.

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TerenceWheelock:lookingforjustice
InJune2005TerenceWheelockfellintoacomawhileincustodyinaDublincitycentrepolice station.This20yearoldmanneverrecoveredfromtheinjurieshesustainedinapolicecelland threemonthslaterhedied.ThefamilyandfriendsofTerenceWheelockarestillwaitingfora credibleandcompleteaccountofwhathappenedinthestation.Thisarticletellsthestoryof TerenceWheelock,thecampaignforanindependentinquiryintohisdeathandtheresponseof thetheIrishstate.Alotofthematerialusedinthisarticlewasgatheredininterviewswithoneof hisolderbrothers,LarryWheelock,wholedthecampaignlookingforanindependentinquiry intohisTerenceWheelocksdeath21. So who was Terence W heelock? TerencegrewupinDublinasoneoftheyoungestmembersofalargeandtightknitfamilyfrom thenorthinnercity.Hewasalivelyyoungmanwholovedbothfootballandmusicandwasvery welllikedinhislocalarea.Hisfriendstalkabouthimwithgreataffectionandifyouwalkaround areawherehespenthisyouthyouwillseegraffiti,usinghisnicknameFuzzy,rememberinghim writtenonhoardingsandstreetcorners. AccordingtohisolderbrotherLarryWheelockinhisearlyteenshegotinwiththewrong crowd.AsaconsequenceeventhoughTerencewasbynomeansahardenedcriminalhedid endupinandoutoftroubleoverthenextfewyears.Hisbrothersaysthisnotonlybroughthim legaldifficultiesitalsomeantthatthepolicesingledhimoutonthestreets.Bythetimeofhis fatefularresttherewaslittlelovelostbetweenthepoliceandTerenceandLarryWheelocksays thatlessthantwoweeksbeforethegardahadhurthisarmbadly. Lateonasunnymorningonthe2ndJune2005Terencelefthishouseonanerrand.Thepolice arrivedonthescenelookingforastolencaronSeanOCaseyAvenue.Therobbedcarwasonthe streetwithasmallgroupofladsaroundit.Terencewasthereandarrestedwiththreeother youngmenonsuspicionofbeinginvolvedinthetheftofthiscar.Afterascufflethemenwere putinapolicevanandbroughtintocustodytoStoreStreetstationinthecitycentre. SubsequentlysomeofthemenwouldpleadguiltytorobbingthecarbutinsistedthatTerence hadnotbeeninvolvedintherobbery. WhathappenedinStoreStreetstationthatafternoonisstillnotknown.Whatisbeyonddispute isthathewasputinacelllatethatmorningandthatjustundertwohourslaterhewas unconsciousandverybadlyinjured.Hewasrushedtohospitalbutheneverrecovered consciousness.TerencespentthreemonthsinadeepcomabeforedyinginSeptember2005.The gardahavealwaysclaimedthathisinjuriesweresustainedduringasuicideattemptwhenhe triedtohanghimself.However,fiveyearsaftertheincidentthefamilyhavestillgraveconcerns aboutwhattookplaceinthatcell. How the cam paign cam e about WhenthefamilywasnotifiedthatTerencehadallegedlytriedtocommitsuicidehisbrother Larrysinitialreactionwasthathedidntbelieveit..IthoughtTerencemightbefeigning somethingafterabadbaitingthathewasacting.Mymawasworriedshegotamadfeelingin herstomach,inherwomb,amademptyfeelingishowshedescribedit.Despitethissenseof
Much of the material for this article was taken from an extended interview in 2007. See http://www.wsm.ie/content/interviewlarrywheelock%E2%80%9Cnojusticejustus%E2%80%9D
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26

forebodingandshockhismother,liketherestofthefamilywereconvincedthatTerencehad notbeensuicidal.Onthecontraryhehadbeeningoodformandfullofplansforthefutureinthe daysbeforehewastakenintoStoreStreet. Inthefollowingdaysthequestionsandworriesaboutwhathadoccurredmultipliedforthe Wheelockfamily.Therehadbeenbloodstainsonhisclothesandunexplainedbruises,cutsand abrasionsonhisbodywhentheyfirstsawhiminhospital.TheyknewthatTerences relationshipwiththepolicewasnotgoodandknewmanypeoplewhohadreceivingabeating fromthegardainsimilarcircumstances.Thebehaviourofindividualgardawhentheywere dealingwithfamilymembersandastrangelydefensivepressreleasefromtheGardaPressOffice aboutTerenceshospitalisationcreatedfurtherdisquietintheWheelcokfamily.Somethingwas reallyamiss.Thefamilycontactedalawyeranddemandedthatphotosoftheinjuriesbetaken byahospitalphotographer22. LatertheydiscoveredtherewereanomaliesanddeletionsinTerencescustodyrecords,and foundoutthatrenovationsofthecellwherehewasdetainedweredoneadayafterhewastaken outofStoreStreetonastretcher.AccountsgivenbyothersarrestedanddetainedwithTerence ofwhattheyheardandsawonthedayintensifiedthefamilysconcernssayingthattheyheard shoutsfromthecell.Understandably,newsthataseniorgarda,OliverHanley,whohad previouslyservedinStoreStreetforoveradecade,wasgoingtoberesponsibleforthe investigationintowhathadhappeneddidpreciouslittletoallaythestrickenfamilysfears. Establishing the Justice for Terence W heelock cam paign Withlittletrustinpoliceinvestigatingpoliceandnoclearanswerstothegrowingnumberof questions,thefamilyandfriendsofTerenceWheelockdecidedtosetupacampaignaskingfora independentpublicinquiryintothecase.Withinthreemonthstheymanagedtobuildawell supportedandhighlyvisiblejusticecampaignbasedinacommunitythathaslongsufferedfrom heavyhandedpolicing.From2005to2008theJusticeforTerenceWheelockCampaigntirelessly pushedthecaseinthemediaandregularlyorganisedmeetings,protestsandvigilswhichdrew hundredsofsupporters23.Hisnamebecameasynonymforpolicebrutalityandpostersfeaturing TerenceWheelocksfacebecameacommonsightonDublinwallsandlamposts.Thiswasin spiteofthefactthatearlyinthecampaignLarrysaysthatheandotherWheelockfamily membershadencounteredseriouspoliceharassment. Certainlyinthenorthinnercitytherelativelongevityofthecampaignmeantthatreceived wisdomaboutdemandingjusticefromthestateshiftedawayfromadefeatistandpessimistic attitudetotheideathatthestateandthepolicecanbeputunderscrutiny.Whenthisisputto Larryheagrees:
Whatwehaveshownishuge.Evenaftermyfamilywasharassedoutoftheirhome,eventhoughI hadchargesthrownatmeandmybrotherwe[kept]going.Ithasinspiredalotofpeopleto,atthe very,veryleast,complainaboutpolicebrutality.

Asoneofthefewsustainedcommunitybasedinitiativesinthepastdecadeaskingquestions aboutthenatureofpolicing,italsobecameareferencepointforotherfamilieswhohave experiencedpolicebrutalityacrossIreland.Thismeantthatscoresofpeopleapproached campaignmemberswithstoriesaboutmistreatementandharrassmentAttheheightofthe campaigninlate2007theinformalnetworkthathadbuiltupbetweenfamiliesandcampaigns

22 Some of the photos of the injuries can be seen online http://www.kenfoxe.com/2010/03/terence wheelockandhisinjuriespart2/. 23SeetheVillageandIndymediaforafulleraccountofthecaseandthecampaign.

27

resultedinahighprofilepublicmeetingswherehundredsofpeoplefromallovercountry discussedGardabrutality24. Exhausting all legal avenues and exhausting a cam paign Overthesameperiodthefamilyalsofoughtalegalbattleforafullindependentinquiry.This wasagruellingprocessforthefamilyandincludedattendinganumberofsittingsatthe CoronersCourt(whichisconvenedtoestablishthecauseofdeathwhenitisnotclearlyof naturalcauses).Amidcontroversyinearly2007,asplitjuryfoundthatTerencediedasaresult ofasuicideattempt.MuchtothedissatisfactionoftheWheelockfamilyandtheirsupportersthe courtrefusedtoacceptindependentforensicevidence,explainanomaliesingardaaccountsor admitanindependentengineersreportthatfoundthegardaaccountofeventsimplausibleifnot impossible. InJuly2007thenewlyformedGardaOmbudsmanannounceditwasgoingtoinvestigatethe caseinthepublicsinterest.FamilymembersdecidedtocooperatewiththeOmbudsmanbut maintainedtheircallforanindependentinquiryfortworeasons.Firstly,thefamilyhadvery littlefaithinthestateaftertheirexperienceofthegardainvestigationledbyGardaHanleyand afterwhathadtranspiredattheCoronerscourt.Secondly,thecampaignwaslookingforan inquirywithabroaderremitthantheOmbudsmansinvestigationwhichwouldlookatevents beforeTerencesarrest,includingpatternsinthegardabehaviourinthearea,andwouldalso examinetheclaimthatfamilymembershadbeenharassedandintimidatedafterthecampaign wasestablished. Nonetheless,theannouncementoftheGardaOmbudsmanchangedthedynamicsofthe campaign.Despitethefactthatthefamilywasambivalentabouttheprocesstherewasstillsome residualhopethattheywouldgetanswersthroughtheofficialchannels.Thisandthedifficulty ofsustainingaveryactivecampaignwithasmallnumberofparttimeorganisersandverylittle resourcesoveralongperiodmeantthatthenumberofpubliceventssteadilydiminished. Increasinglythecampaignwasfocussedsolelyonlegalandmediawork.By2009,althoughthe WheelockfamilyfeltincreasinglydisconnectedfromtheOmbudsmansinvestigation,the absenceofavisiblecampaignmeantthatmanypeopleassumedthatthecasehadbeendealt withinamoreorlesssatisfactoryway. InMarch2010theOmbudsmanfinallypublishedadetailedreportonTerencescase25.Itfound 'insufficientevidence'ofanassaultonTerenceWheelockbythegardaduringthearrestandno 'credibleevidence'thathewasmistreatedinanywayduringhisdetentionatStoreStreetGarda Station.Theonlycriticismsmadeofthegardawereofthestationprocedures.Whilethereport doesaddresssomeoftheconcernsraisedbyhisfamilyitfailstoanswertheirmostseriousfears. ThegreatestweaknessofthereportisthatitconsistentlytakesGardaaccountsatfacevalue. Thefamilywereshellshockedatthefindingsandnowseethewholeprocessasacomplete whitewash.Inparticular,thereareseriousconcernsthatapatternofGardabrutalityinthearea hasnotbeentakenseriouslyatall26.Overall,theOmbudsmanreportisreallyfartoolittleandfar toolate.
24 Meeting in the Royal Dublin Hotel, Dublin on November29 2007 which brought together hundreds of

peoplewithstatementsandinterventionsfromtheWheelocks,Moloneys,theRossiterfamilyinClonmel andresidentsfromErris.Seehereforareporthttp://www.indymedia.ie/article/85288
25 The full GSOC report is here http://www.gardaombudsman.ie/GSOC/Section102(4)MrTerence Wheelock.pdf 26 A story looking at the background to the familys concerns about a pattern in Garda brutality can be

accessedherehttp://thestory.ie/2010/04/13/newdetailsrelatingtoterencewheelockcase/

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FiveyearsonfromthedeathofTerenceWheelock,itnowseemslikewewillneverknowwhat happenedatStoreStreet.Atthispointitisstillpertinenttoaskwhytheonuswasonagrieving familytopointoutthatthegardashouldnotinvestigatethemselves.Itisstillpertinentto wonderwhytheconcernsofthatfamily,backedupbyhospitalphotosandindependent engineeringandforensicreports,werenotdealtwithinanysubstantivewayforfouryears.In fact,amazinglyitwasthefamilywhohadtojustifythemselvesforaskingthequestionsinthe firstplaceandonlygotaresponseoncetheywerebackedbyalargepubliccampaigna campaignthatLarrysaysdiscoveredthatpolicebrutalityisalloverthecountry,itisprevalent andTerencesstoryisnotshockingtoalargeproportionofourpopulation.Finally,itis pertinenttoinquirewhatwouldhavehappenedifthefamilyhadintheirgriefdecidednottoask questionswouldTerenceWheelockhavebeenjustanotheranonymousstatistic,anotheryoung manwhodiedafter'something'happenedincustody?

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Theprisonerwhodisappearedforawhile
DerekDfromBallymunwas24yearsoldinMarch2007,whenhewassentencedtotwotermsof imprisonmentforfirearmsoffencesandsenttoMountjoyPrison.Hewasknowninhisareafor beingtoughandhadseveralpreviousconvictions.Byhisownaccount,onceinMountjoyheput hisheaddowntodohistimeandgetoutbeforehewas30.27Itwasalmosttwoyearsintothese particularsentences,on20thJanuary2009,whenDerekDfoundtwoprisonofficersatthedoor ofhiscelltellinghimtofollowthem.Withoutnotice,hewastakenoutandawaytoPortlaoise maximumsecurityprison,withouthisclothesorbelongings,wherehewasplacedinisolationin acellinasegregationunitinablockcontainingfiveseparateunitsintheprison,usedfor punishments. DerekDhadnotbeenaccusedofanybreachoftheprisonrules,hadnoideawhyhewasin Portlaoiseorwhyhewasintotalisolation.Therewasnootherprisonerintheunitwherehewas beingheld.Therewasnoassociationwithotherprisoners,noeducation,limitedphonefacilities, noexerciseinanoutdooryardandnotphysicalcontactallowedduringfamilyvisits.Infacthe couldnotsee,evenatadistance,anotherprisoner.Hewasconfinedtohiscellinsilenceformost oftheday."Ihavesufferedmigraines,earachesandinsomniaandIamconcernedformymental andphysicalwellbeing",DsaidinanaffidavittotheHighCourt. InearlyFebruary2009,hissolicitorsFahy,Bambury,McGeeverstartedtelephoningboththe PortlaoiseandMountjoygovernorstotryandfindoutwhyhehadbeentransferredandwhyhe wasinisolation.Theydrewablank,andmovedtotheHighCourtaweeklatertogetajudicial reviewundernineheadingsastowhyhewasinPortlaoiseanddeprivedofsomanyrightsand privileges.TheGovernorofPortlaoise,theIrishPrisonServiceandtheMinisterforJustice, EqualityandLawReformwerenamedasrespondentsinthecase.Itwastotakefivemonths beforeajudgementwasdeliveredbyMrJusticeJohnEdwards.28 HislawyersarguedthatDerekhadarighttobetreatedwithdignityandwithrespectforbodily integrity,arighttofairproceduresandtobetreatedinaccordancewiththePrisonRulesdespite himbeingaconvictedperson.Hisdetentioninsuchextremeisolationwasaformofsensory deprivationwhichmighthavebroughtonmentalillness.TheHighCourtwassurprisedthatno informationcouldbefoundastowhytheprisonerwasinPortlaoiseotherthanthatitwasa MinisterialOrderandfor"operational"reasons.ThematterwassogravethatJusticeEdwards openedhisown"enquiry"underArticle40oftheConstitution.Thiscouldhavehadtheeffectof causingDerekDtobereleased,eventhoughhewasasentencedprisoner. Thecasemeanderedinmanydirectionsandculdesacs,includingaccusationsthathehad breachedprisonrules,butthisnevercametoasubstantialandprovedallegation.Thenitcame tolightthatintelligenceinformationhadbeenprovidedtotheIrishPrisonsServicethatMrD wascontinuinghiscriminalcareerinprisonandwasathreattopersons(unknown)outsidethe prison.TheoriginoftheintelligenceoritscharacterwasnotrevealedtotheHighCourt,butit musthavebeenfromoutsidethePrisonServicewhichhasnointelligencegatheringfunction. ThePrisonServicearguedthatDerekDhadtobemaintainedinisolationtoprotectthesecurity oftheStateandthelivesofpersons(unknown)whowerenotintheprison.Thethinkingbehind thiswasthathemayhavebeen"aplayer"ingangsoutsidetheprisonandthattherighttolife(of
27AnumberoffactsinthispiecearisefromapresentationbySeanGillane,SCattheIrishPenalReform TrustSeminarwiththeDublinSolicitorsBarAssociationatStMichansChurch,Dublin,18.11.09.Noneof theopinionsinthispieceshouldbeattributedtoSeanGillane. 28JudgementbyEdwardsJ.TheHighCourt,IEHC288of22.06.09,HighCourtRecordNumber:2009165

JR.

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othersunknown)tookprecedenceoveranyofhisownpersonalrights.TheJusticeconsidered thatDcouldbepartofaconspiracytokillapersonoutsidetheprison. Whiletheseargumentsweregoingbackandforth,changeswerehappeninginthesegregation blockofPortlaoise.Anunsolicitedexercisebicyclearrivedandafitnessinstructorindicatedhe wouldbedesigninganindividualfitnessprogrammeforthesingleprisoner.Thechaplaintook tovisitingDerekuptofourtimesaweekthoughhehadnotclaimedtobeparticularlydevout.A tutorarrivedtoseewhatsubjectshewouldliketostudyinhisownpersonalprogrammeof studywhichwouldbeprovidedinanadjoiningemptycell.TheGovernorclaimedtovisithimon adailybasis.Bookssuchascrimethrillersweremadeavailabletohim.Finallyhewas providedwiththecompanyofanotherprisoner,alsorelegatedtotheisolationunit.Derekwas eventuallymovedtoanotheroftheisolationunitswhichhadalargerexerciseyard. Inhis46pagejudgementinAugust2009,JusticeEdwardsconsideredthatagovernorofa prisonwasentitledtohaveregardtosuggestionsofthreatsemanatingfromwhateversource (includingseniormembersofAnGardaSochna).HedecidedthataprisonGovernorisentitled totakestepstoprotectlifeandtorunaprisonsubjecttodirectionsoftheMinisterandthe PrisonsService.However,thisshouldbedoneinaccordancewiththePrisonRulesandwith respectfortheprisonershumanrights.Hedeterminedthatabsenceofassociationcould amounttosensorydeprivation;however,hefoundthatinthecaseofDerekDhistreatmentwas notinhumaneandthathedidhavecompanyinprisonalbeitnotmainlyfromprisoners. TheJusticewasperplexedastowhytheprisonerstransferandhissubsequenttreatmenthad notbeenundertakenfollowingthewordingofthePrisonRules.Thislatterfindingwasnotof consequenceineffectforDerekD,sinceinthespecialcircumstancesofthecase,JusticeEdwards statedthatwhilefindingthatsomeoftheauthoritiesallegedactionscouldbefoundtobeillegal hewasnotgoingtoquashtheimpugneddecision,suchashistransferfromtherelativelyopen environmentofMountjoytotheisolationunitsofPortlaoise. TheDcaseinitscomplexitybringsseverallegalandsocialissuestothesurface.Notleastof theseiswhetherinformationprovidedfromoutsideaprisonbythegardacanplacean obligationonaprisongovernortoaltertheregimeofhisownprisoninrelationtoanindividual prisoner.Theissueofhowaprisonerdefendshimselforherselfagainstaccusationsfrom personsunknownoutsidetheprison,withoutknowingtheaccusationsortheirprovenance,isa questionofconcern.Theuseoftotalisolationorsensorydeprivationcanapparentlybeused withoutitbeinganinhumanetreatmentsolongasitisproportionatetothethreattothelivesof othersevenothersunknowntotheprisonerandoutsidetheprison.Atanotherlevel,the PrisonRulesmustbecompliedwith,accordingtotheHighCourt.Finally,itwouldappearthat thementalhealthofprisonerscanbejustifiablyunderminedbytheregimeoftheirdetention whentheymightconstitute,orbeperceivedtoconstitute,athreattothelivesofothers.

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PartII Politicalpolicing:thegardaanddemocracy

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Istillremembermyfirsttime
Istillremembermyfirsttime.ItwasafinesunnymorningontheEasterbankholidayweekend in1991.Ihadjustdroppedmygirlfriendoffatanintercitycoachandwaswalkingbackpast thebankonCollegeGreenwhenavoicebehindmesaidStop,Iwanttotalktoyouforaminute. Presumingitwassomeonetryingtosellmesomething,Iwavedthemoff,butthentheguyinthe badlyfittingsuitwalkedaroundinfrontofme,heldoutsomesortofIDcardandannouncedhe wasSpecialBranch. AtthetimeIwasntusedtotheroutinebutitgoesalittlebitlikethis.Theydemandyourname andaddress.Youtryandavoidgivingittothembyaskingwhatthisisinconnectionwith.They tellyouit'sterrorism(orsometimesdrugs)andifyouwonthandoverthedetailstheywill arrestyou.Ofcoursemostofthetimetheyalreadyknowwhoyouare;thisisjusthowthegame isplayedout.Thismorning,thenextstepforthissecretpolicemanwastotellmehehadbeen lookingataphotographofmeatanantiwardemonstrationspeakingtoaknownIRAmember andhewantedtoknowwhothatpersonwas.YearslaterIhavetoadmirethatparticular question,bothforthewonderfullyopenendednatureoftheenquiryandfortheabsurdityof askingmeaboutsomeonewhohadjustbeendescribedtomeasknowntothem.ItoldhimI didnthaveacluewhathewasonaboutandtheconversationspunaroundinthosesortof circlesbeforeIwalkedoff.TodayIdknownottogetdrawnin,butasIsaythiswasmyfirst time. WhenIgotoutofsightmyimaginationwasinoverdrive;Ifearedthiswasthefirststepofa massivecrackdownontheanarchistmovementandsorangthefiveorsomembersofthat movementtowarnthemwhatwasinprogress.Needlesstosay,noonegotraidedlaterinthe day,althoughacoupleofpeopledidgetquestionedonthestreetinasimilarfashionoverthe nextcoupleofmonths. ArecentencounterinApril2010happenedafterIleftaDublinShelltoSeameetingandwas followeddownanarrowcitylanewaybyacarloadofburlymen.Theydidntbotherstopping, justpulledpastmeandthenwentaroundtheblockandpassedmeagainasIstrolledalong,just incaseIdmissedthemthefirsttime.TwomonthslaterinJuneIwasactuallystopped,thistime fiveminutesaftercyclingawayfromanotherShelltoSeaevent,thistimeapicketofMountjoy prison.Thatamountedtonomorethanaconversationwheretheydemandedmydateofbirth (neededforthePULSEcomputersystem)whichIrefusedtogivetothem. Almost20yearson,IvehadencountersofsomesortwithBranchmen(andinonecasea woman)andtheirequivalentsinItaly,Spain,CzechRepublic,MexicoandBritain.InNorth America,wheretheydothingsalittledifferently,Iveevidenceofbeingonawatchlistinthe USAandImayevenhaveafileinCanada.InIrelandIvelosttrackofthetimesIvebeenstopped, followedorhadacaroutsidemydoor.Idquiteliketogetthefilethatmustexist,asitsurely containsmuchIveforgotten.ThislistmakesitsoundlikeIshouldbeaninternationalarms dealerbutthefunnythingisthatreallyIvedonelittletodeservesuchlovingattention:acouple ofhundredarticles,organisingtheoddprotestandperhapsahundredorsospeaking engagements.Andallthisinpublic,indeedeveryoneofthosearticlesisonlineinmyownname. Sometime,alittleover150yearsago,theFrenchprotoanarchistPierreProudhonwrotethat
Tobegovernedistobewatchedover,inspected,spiedon,directed,legislatedat,regulated,docketed, indoctrinated,preachedat,controlled,assessed,weighed,censored,orderedabout,bymenwhohave neithertherightnortheknowledgenorthevirtue.

Hewouldneverhavehadtheexperienceofwalkingdownabusycitystreettoobserveevery singlegardaCCTVcameraoneveryintersectionswiveltofollowhim,butclearlyheunderstood theconcept. Ofcoursewedontliveinamilitarydictatorship.Oursecretpoliceforcedoesnotbundlepeople intothebackofvanswiththeirtorturemarkedbodiesappearingaweeklateronthetown 33

rubbishdump.Fromtimetotimetheyhavebundledpeopleintovansallright,andtheyhave certainlybeatenpeople,butthattendstobetheexceptionratherthantherule.Mostoftentheir roleissimplytodiscourageanddisrupt,toraisethecostofbeingactiveandtoreduceits effectiveness. Ifigureit'slargelyaboutfearandparanoia.Thatisthepurposeofallthetimespentwatching:it isnotforthemostpartintelligencegatheringatall,butinsteadallaboutgettingyoutolookover yourshoulderandworryaboutbeingwatchedandtherepercussionsofbeingwatched.Aswas thecasewithmebackin91,theytargetfreshfaceswiththeobviousintentionoftryingtoscare peopleoff.Myexperiencewasntabigdealbecausetheywereobviouslynottakingthethen5 stronganarchistmovementallthatseriously!Butwiththeorganisationstheyhavegoneafter hard(egSinnFininthe1980s)amoreextremeversionofthesamethinghadmajorimpact, scaringlargenumbersofnewmembersaway.InsomepartsofthecountrySFfoundit necessarytoputnewmembersthoughamockinterrogationsotheywerepreparedforthe inevitableencounterwiththebranch,andnewmembersstayedintheorganisationinmuch greaternumbersasaresult. Apartfromintimidatingus,thisalsomeansthatwesometimesneedlesslydistrusteachother. Occasionally,Ihavehadtheexperiencewhenanewguy,andIsayguydeliberatelyasit'snearly alwaysmenthatprovokesuspicion,whoisntfromanexistingsocialscenearrivesatameeting andastringofpeopletellmetheyaresureheisacop.Thisisliabletohappeninparticularif you'realittleolderormorenormallydressedthantheaverageanticapitalistactivist.Itseven happenedtome:Iremembervisitingananarchistmeetuppointduringtheanticapitalist protestagainsttheEUinSevillein2002onlytobeconfrontedbysomeyoungerpunkytypes whoreckonedIhadtobeeitheracoporajournalistasIwasnotwearingtheiruniform. Thesecretstate,everpresentatouractivities,makesuswaryofeachother.Theimpactofthe secretpolicecanbesurprisinglydisruptive.Itencouragesaninwardlookingculturethatis suspiciousofstrangers.Someoneaskingquestionsbecomessomeonetosuspectratherthan someonetowelcome.Evenunderquitemildsurveillance,thepressurewearsawayatthebonds ofhumansolidaritythatuniteandmotivateusinthefirstplace. Howcanweresist?Mostlywecanunderstandwhatitistheyaretryingtoachieveandbe carefulnottoplaythegametheyaretryingtopushusinto.Wecanrefusetobecomeparanoid andinwardlooking.Wecanrefusetoimposeaculturaluniformonourselvesundertheillusion thiswillenableustotellfriendfromfoe.Wecanexpectacertainlevelofharassment,and althoughitmayquickenourpulses(minestilldoeswhenthatunmarkedcarcruisesupbehind meonadarkcitystreet)wecannotletthataffectouractivity.Wecansupportfriendswhoare feelingthepressureandwecanreachouttostrangerswhoareindangerofbeingisolated.We canbuildamovementthatisbiggerthanthem.

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 ReclaimtheStreets2002: apoliceriotandtheaftermath
ThefollowingpieceisaninterviewwithX,avictimofthepoliceriotthattookplaceMay6th 2002.TheReclaimTheStreets(RTS)protesttactic,hostingspontaneoustemporarystreet partiesinthenameofcommunityownershipoverpublicspace,emergedoutofanticapitalist andenvironmentalgrassrootspoliticsintheUKintheearly90sandrapidlyspreadacross Europe,Australia,NorthAmericaandlatertoSouthAmerica,AsiaandAfricaattracting anywherebetweenafewhundredtotensofthousandsofrevellers.Followingasuccessfulfirst runofRTSinDublinthepreviousyear,the2002streetpartykickedoffalongBurghQuaywith about400partyersdancingtomusicplayedfromarigblockingoneofthecitysmainroads.The crowdsoondoubledinsizeandthefestivalatmospherecontinuedformostoftheafternoon untilthepolicebecamehostileandbeganmakingarrests. Interview
Thatswhenthecopcameoverandhitmeonthebackoftheheadwithabaton.Irememberwalking awayandfallingover.ThenextthingIrememberedIwassurroundedbyacoupleofmyfriendsand mygirlfriendatthetime,theyweretryingtokeepmeawake.Therewasabangardathereandshewas redirectingtraffic.Mygirlfriendwentoverandsaidyouneedtocallanambulance,myboyfriendis hurt,hescoveredinbloodbutsherefused.Shewasatrafficcopsoshewasinleatherandshehadthe bikesoImassumingtheyhadafirstaidkitthere.Anambulancewascalledbutwhenitarrivedthe bangardaredirectedit.Mygirlfriendisgoingmentalnow,shesscreamingwhatareyoudoing?My girlfriendheardhersaythatshewouldntpissonmeifIwasonfire. WhenIgottoSaintJames[hospital]Irememberbeingseenbyanurse.Sheaskedmewhathappened andItoldherIwasataprotestandacophitmeonthebackofthehead.Shewasverydismissiveofme andgavemealooklikeIdeservedwhatIgot,thatIwaswastinghertimeprettymuch.AtthattimeI wastheonlypersoninthehospitalfromtheprotestsoIimagineitwasthefirstsheheardofit.Idon't knowhowmanypeopleshowupinhospitalswithheadwoundsfromaguardwithoutbeingunder arrest.IcanonlyassumeherattitudechangedwhentheA&Ewasswampedwithcasualties,butwho knows?ThenwhentherewasadoctororanurseandhestitchedmeuphewasAfricanandhewas verysympatheticsoIassumethathewouldhavehadtodealwithsomethingsimilarbackhome.

Back at the party WhileXwasinhospitalthecrowdwhohadgatheredforthestreetpartydecidedtocallitaday butfearingthreatstotheirsafetythegroupmovedonmasstoStephensGreenwherethey agreedtheywouldthendisperse.Butastheybegantomovethroughthecity,anunmarked policecardroveintothecrowd,severalotherpolicevansarrivedatthispointandpolice numbersrosetoaround150.Thegroupofpartyers,nowreducedtoapproximately200,were indiscriminatelyattackedatthispointaswerepassingshoppersandbystanders.Onepartygoer, Y,recalledtheDameStreetpoliceriot:
ThiswastheworstofthebatonchargesIsaw.Previouslytheyhadbeenhappytakingafewswings atacoupleofpeopletofrightenpeopleback.Thistimetheywereknockingpeopletotheground andcontinuingtobatonandkickpeopleoncetheyhadgonedown.Isawayoungmanbeingthrown againstthesideofabusandbatonedtherebyatleastfivegardaOneadvertisingexecutive reportedthathehadbeenhitthreetimesbeforeseeingtwomotorbikecopsbangingayoungmans headoffawall.Awomanwasknockedoffherbikeandbeatenonthegroundbeforebeingarrested, andmanypeopleweresenttohospitalatthispoint.

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Interview with X
Aftergettingstitchedup,tetanusinjection,theyletmeout.Itwasonly5stitchesbutbecauseitwasso closetotheboneandthewoundwasthreeincheshalfmyheadhadtobeshavedandstitchedup,it wasprettyvicious.WhenIwentoutintothecarparkIrememberthinkingmygodImgoingtohaveto tellmyparentsandtheyarenotgoingtobeimpressedandsoIrangandtoldthemandtheybelieved mestraightaway.IrememberthehelicopterwasstillupintheskyandthenIgotaphonecallfromone ofmymatessayingareyouinJames?Isaidyeah.HesaidImcomingdown.Isaidohno,theresno need.HesaidImcomingdownintheambulance.Hedbeenattackedaswell.Ispentthewhole eveninginthewaitingroomgettingtomeetalltheothervictimsastheywerecominginandasthey werebeingdischarged.AndaswesataroundIrememberwatchingtheRTEnewsandtheygavethe typicalresponsethatyouwouldhaveexpectedfromthestatenews,thattherewasariotintownand thegardahaditundercontrol.Thatwasprettymuchit. Imadethecomplaintthedayafter;Iwasstillinadaze.IwentintoPearseStreet[policestation],made acomplaint,obviouslytheguywasntthemosthelpfulguybuthedidtakedownmycomplaintandI gavehimmyaddress.ItoldhimbasicallywhathappenedthatIgothitonthebackofthehead,thatI wasntdoinganything,thatifIwasdoingsomethingsurelyIwouldhavebeenarrested,thatIwaslying coveredinbloodandthatabangardawouldntgetmeanambulance,whentheambulancecameitwas redirected.Soallthisgetstakendown.Andthenthenextday,IwaslivinginaflatonDublins Southsideatthetime,Iseeoneofthebigriotvansparkedontheroadoppositemyflatandtheresa guardtherewithnonumberson,juststandingthere.Hedidbrieflylookupatthewindowbutatthe sametimehewouldntreallyhaveknownwhichwindowwasmine.Therewasalittlenetcurtainthere soImprettysurehecouldnthaveseenme.WhenIsawthat,youknow,youreshockedbutyourenot surprised.Ididntknowwhattodo,IdidntthinkshoutingatthemwasagoodideasoIgota disposablecamera,calledouttothemandtookaphotoofthemwiththeflashsotheysawitand straightawaygotintothevanandzoomedoff. AfterthatIwasalwaysonguard;everythingmakesyouabitparanoid.Obviouslytheycouldhave mademylifemoredifficultbutIwasntgoingtonotgoaheadwiththecase.ThefirstcoupleofdaysI feltprettyupset,itdidntseemlikeacoverupbutitdidseemliketherewasagaggingorderofsome sortwithRTE.Icontactedsomeone;IdontrememberifitwastheIrishTimesorIndependent,Iwent out,boughtapaper,gotaphonenumberandcalledhimup.Isawthe9oclocknewsthatdayandI wasntgoingtostandforit,Ijustwantedeveryonetoknow,thisiswhathappened.Itwasntuntil IndymediaandtheSocialistWorkersPartykickedupashitstormthatRTEstartedtochangetheir tune.ItjustseemssomadthatallofthiscrazinesswentdownandthenationalTVstationhardlypaid anyattentiontoitatall. Comparing2002with2001therejustseemedtobemorecameras,thatswhatmadeitsuchabig deal.Everyonehadcameras;peoplehadcamcorders,digitalcameras.Ithinkthatswhatmadeitinto themediaeventthatitbecamebecauseitwasdocumented.Withoutthedocumentationyouvegot yourwordagainsttheirs.Noonewouldhavebelievedthatacopwouldhavechasedsomeonedownon DameStreetandjustsmackedtheminthefacewithabatonunlesstheysawitthemselves. AcoupleofdaysafterIwentontoIndymediaandgavesomebriefdetailsandaskedifanyonehadany photographsorvideofootage.SomeguyfromFriendsoftheEarthgotintouchwithmeandputmein touchwithsomesolicitorswhoendedupbeingreallysoundandalsotheguywhogotthevideo.Ithink hewasaDCUstudent,hesortedmeoutwiththevideo.SometimeafterthatPrimetimegotintouch withmeandaskedmeifIwoulddoaninterviewandIturneditdownbecausemyphotowasinalotof theSundaypapersandIwasgettinghasslebythecopsafterthat,notconstantly,notlikeohgodIcant leavethehouse. Ihadnoexperienceofsolicitors,Ididntknowifitwasjustgoingtobelike,ohwelltakethecaseforx amountofmoneybuttheywerequitesound.IknewIwasontoagoodthingwhenIwentinandthe waitingroomhadabigPalestineposter.Theytookitonprobono,theytoldmetheyweregoingto takeacertainpercentageifIdidwincompensation,intheendtheyactuallytooklessthantheysaid theywould.SoImetupwiththesolicitorsandtoldthemallthedetails,theysaidwedtryandtakea criminalaction,itwouldbesurprisingtogetacriminalcasetocourtbutwedtryanyway.SoIgave themvideoandthedetailsofallmywitnessesandtheywentinandgavesomestatementsandIdidnt hearbackfromthemforages.IdontreallyrememberexactlyhowlongitwasbeforeIheardbackfrom thembutthenwhenIdidhearbackitwasthatthewheelsweresetinmotiontobringacriminalaction againsttheguardsandthatIwouldhearbacksoon.

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Anexgardacommissionerwasinchargeoftheinternalinvestigation.Iwentupwithmysolicitorand wasaskedtogivealengthystatement.TheyaskedmealotofquestionsandthenIwasshownavideo andaskedifIcouldidentifymyattacker.ItwasthebiggestfarceIveeverseen.Whattheyhaddone wastheyhadgotalotofthevideofromIndymediaandtheyediteditchronologicallywithhelicopter footagebutreallywhatitlookedlikewasjustanextendedversionofwhathadalreadybeenshownon RTEandTV3andtheeditingwasdefinitelyintheirfavour.Isaidtothem,thisisridiculous,yourejust showingmefootageofpeoplebeingoutragedthattheirmatesarecoveredinblood,youarentactually showingmeanyfootageofanyonegettingbeaten,Idontknowwhatyouexpectmetosayhere. SotheprocedurewasthatItriedtotaketwocases,acriminalcaseandacivilcase29.Forthecriminal case,mysolicitorhadtodosomethingcalleddiscovery,basicallyhadtolookforanyandallevidence thattheyhadregardingtheevent.Iknowtheyweredraggingtheirheelsandthenintheendthevideo thatshegotwasprettymuchthevideothatIsaw,theveryhighlyeditedvideoandthenabunchof statements.Ionlygottoseethestatementsmaybesixmonthsbeforethecasewasgivenadatesothat wouldhavebeenmid2005,agoodthreeyearsafter.ThestatementsthattheyweremakingwerethatI wasdrunk,abusive,throwingcans. IlodgedmycomplaintfromtheflatIwaslivingin.Ifthecopsdidanykindofbackgroundcheckonme, andIguesstheywouldhave,theywouldhaveknownmyparentslivedinanicehouseonDublins southside.WhenIsawtheirstatements,theywerereallytryingtoplaymeoutlikearealthug.Thefact thatIendedupgettingfirstclasshonoursinmydegreeIthinkallofthesethingsreallycontributedto howmuchcompensationIgot.IthinkifIwassomeyoungfellafromBallymun,Iwouldnthavestooda chance,notatall.Ithinkthatplayedahugepartinit. ThenIheardbackfromthemtosaythatthecriminalcasewasntgoingtogoahead,thatitwasrefused andtheydidntgiveareason.AfterthatIdidnthearanythingforagesandthenitwasreallyinthesix monthsleadinguptothecourtcasethingsstartedhappening.Iwasmeetingupwiththesolicitorsand theyweretalkingmethroughwhatwasmostlikelygoingtohappen.Thatthedefencewouldmakea bigdealoutofthefactthatIwasintothepunkscene,thatthejuryismorethanlikelygoingtobe housewivesandprofessionals,thatthiscouldbetoughbuttheycouldsettle.AndIsaidtothem,I wasntinterestedinsettling,Iwasinterestedingettinganapology.IfIgotanapologyandnotapennyI wouldbehappy.Theylaughedatthat.Iguessobviouslytheywanttogetpaid.Iguesstheywere laughingbecauseifyougetasettlementofftheguards,welldone,becauseitsnoteasy.Itsnoteasyat all. Theytoldmethatforaguardtobeupinthedockforassaultisveryrare.Whenitcamedowntoit, theirinternalinvestigationthatwashappeningupinIrishLife,myunderstandingofitwasthatthey pulledinfewguardstostateontherecord,doyourecognisethisguardhittingthisguyandtheyall saidno.Obviouslytheyallhadlegaladviceandtheyweregivenitimmediatelybeforetheinterview. Itsanoldboysnetwork,theyregoingtolookaftertheirown. Soalettercameandsaidthatthecriminalcasewasnthappening.Obviously,Iwasdisappointed.Ihad beenwarnedbeforehandthatitwasveryunlikelytohappensoreallywhatIwashopingforwassome kindofacknowledgementthattheyhaddonewrong.ThatifitwasgoingtocometoapointwhereIm goingtohavetostandincourtandtherearealltheseguardsarelyingbysayingthattheyrecogniseme fromthreeyearsagobeingpissedoffmyfaceandthrowingcansatthecopsandIgoteverythingthat wascomingtome,obviouslythatsshit.Somysolicitorswerepreppingmeforallofthethings.The defenceweregoingtoplaydevilsadvocate.Theyaregoingtosaywell,doyoudrink,didyoudrink anythingthatday,doyouhaveaproblemwiththecopsandhowdoyouanswerthat?Well,yeahifI didntbefore,wellIdonow,andIdidbeforeandIdontknowifthatisrelevant! Sowhenthedatecamethrough,yougetnervous.Youknowyouvespentthreeyearstellingeveryone thatyouregoingtohaveyourdayincourt.Youregoingtogetyourapology.Youregoingtogetsome kindofacknowledgement.Youregoingtobeabletotryyourbesttoshamethemintomakingsurethat noneofthisisevergoingtohappenagain.ThenIgetaphonecallfromoneofmysolicitorsayingthat thelegalteamofthegardawanttodiscusstermsofsettlement.AndsoIsaid,wellwhatdoyouthinkI

29*Acivilcasedrawingoncivilorcommonlawdealswithdisputesbetweenindividualsfrom whichcompensationmaybeawardedtothevictimwhileacriminalcasewouldenablea criminalconvictionforassault.

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shoulddo.Thesolicitorrepliedwell,Idrecommendyoudhearwhattheyhavetosayandthenmake adecision.So,okIwentin.ItwasinthelibraryinTheFourCourts.LuckilyIveneverbeeninThe FourCourtsbefore,itwastotallyunlikeanythingIdeverexpected.Itwasreally,reallybusy.Theplace wasfull.Thelibrarywas,ifyoucanimagineBewleysonaverybusyday.Andtheyhadsomethinglike threebarristers.Iguesstheywerebarristerssittingatthetable,theseguysactingfortheguards.There wasmaybetwoguysonmyside,awomanandaguyworkingforthefirm.Sobasicallytheywere saying,ok,welllook;foraheadinjuryifthiswasinyourplaceofworkthisishowmuchyoudbe lookingfor.Ifyouweretoloseafingerthisishowmuchyoudbelookingfor.Ifyoulosttheuseofyour rightarmthisiswhatyoudbelookingfor.ButweregoingtoofferyouthisItwasquitealotof money. Nowmyproblemwiththiswas,toputitincontext,Iwasoneofthefirstupwhowasattackedthatday andwhowasgoingtohavetheirdayincourt.TwodaysbeforehandwhenIgotthephonecalltheytell metocomeinbecausenowtheyhavethevideothattheywillbeshowingincourt.Thevideothatthey hadincourtwasavideothatIhadntseenbefore.Inthisvideooneofmymatesissayingthosefucking pigsaregoingtopayforwhattheydid,fuckthosepigsImgoingtofuckingkillthem.Itsnotgoingto playwellincourtatall.AndImthinkingifIsay,noImnotgoingtosettleandImgoingtogotocourt thenImmorethanlikelygoingtoloseandifIloseIwillhavesetaprecedentforeveryoneelsethats tryingtodosomething.Nowitsallwellandgoodformetosaythatmoneydoesntmatter,thatwhatI wantisanapologybutthenIminadilemma.DoIhavetherighttoreallyfuckupthechanceforother peoplewherethemoneywouldmakeahugedifference?Maybetheyactuallyhavelostsomefunction intheirhandandtheyneedsomekindofphysio.Idontknow.SothisisthesituationandImlooking atthesolicitorandheslookingatmeandheslike,yeahitsnotlookinggood.Sothatcoupledwithall ofthesegardastatementsversusmymateswhoatthetimewereonthedoleandImtherewiththe collegedegree.Ivejustfinishedmymastersatthetimeandhowisthisgoingtoweighup?Imgoingto sitthereandIvegotamastersdegreeandhereismymatewhoisunemployedonthecamerasaying hewantstokillthecops.Againmywordagainsttheirs,prettymuchmyentireargumentwas,Idont havearecordandIwasntarrestedthatday.Iwaslyinginapoolofblood.HadIdonesomethingthat wouldhavewarrantedtheattack,whattheyshouldhavedonewashitmeonthearmsorthelegsand arrestedmeifIwasprovingtobeanuisance.ButinsteadIwascrackedoverthehead. Ididhavevideofootageofmebeingattackedanditturnedoutthatitwasuptothediscretionofthe guardsbarristerswhetherornotthevideocouldbeshownwithoutthepersonwhorecordeditbeing present.Ihadaskedtheguywhoshotthevideoifhewouldattendthecourtcasebuthehassaidhe wouldnt.HejustsaidlookIwasthereontheday,Itookthevideo,Igaveyouthevideo.Iwanttokeep adistancefromit.Itsjustoneofthosethings.Itsjustcommonknowledge,ifyoutryandfuckwiththe copstheyaregoingtocomeatyou.Iftheyregoingtosendariotvantositoutsidemygaffformakinga complaintandthenyoureadaboutLarryMurphy(convictedrapistandsuspectedserialkiller)being releasedtomorrowandtheyrenotgoingtobeabletokeeptabsonhimatall.Hesjustgoingtobe floatingaround.Itmakesyouwonderhowtheseresourcesarebeingallocated Itsaboutyourclassbackgroundandhowthatplaysapart.Itmakesyoufeelsoshitwhenyoure thinking,ohmygodImgoingtohavetowalkintothatandrelyonthat.Thatisshit,whenyouhate thesystem,youhatethewayallofthatshitworksandnowyoureinapositionwhereyourelike,well IhopetheylookkindlyonmebecauseIvegotacollegeeducationandmyparentshaveanicehouse. Thatslikeapersonaldilemma.SointheendtheytoldmehowmuchtheyweregoingtooffermeandI said,lookallIwantisanapology,ifyougivemeanapologyrightnowIwillwalkaway.Theyall laughedandIgotthefeelingtheyallkneweachotherandtheywereallgoingthroughthemotionsin thesamewayyoumightseetwoboxersknockingtheheadsoffeachotherandafterwardstheygive eachotherabighug. So,yeahIsaidthatandtheyjustlaughedandsaidwell,youmustbeagoodpokerplayer.Ididntquite getwhathemeantandthenhethrewonmoreontopofwhathedjustofferedme.Ispokewithmy solicitorsandaskedwhatdoyouthinkaboutthat?Theysaidwelllook,Idealwithalotofpersonal injuryandthatisvery,verygoodsoyouknowyoucanriskitanditwouldbeuptoajurytodecide whetheryoudeservetogetcompensation.Basicallythewaytheyargueditwasthatthisisnota criminalcase,thisisaboutmoney.Yourenotgoingtogetanapologythisispurelyaboutmoney.So thisiswhattheyreofferingyou.Youcantakeitoryoucangotocourtandyoucangetyourname draggedthroughthemudandlose.SointheendItookthemoney.

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Conclusion IntotaltheMay2002policeriot,whichput12peopleinhospitalandresultedin24arrests,cost theState1millioninfeesandclaims,288,700ofwhichwaspaidoutincompensation. Althoughthebehaviourofthegardathatdayisnotedbypoliceresearchersasresultingina majorlegitimacycrisisforAnGardaSochna,chargesofassaultagainst7gardanevermadeit tocourtandtheonecasethatdid,thatofDonalCorcoranwhobecameknownasRobocop, resultedinacquittal.Nodisciplinaryactionwastakenfollowingtheinternalinquiryandona publiclevelrankandfilegardaattributedblametopoormanagementstructureswhile managementlevelpolicescapegoatedrankandfilegardabyorderingtheremovalofgarda batonsattheRTSthattookplace6monthslater. Forfurtherdiscussionontheimplicationsofeventsthattookplaceatthe2002RTSseethe piecesWhendothepolicegetawaywithviolence,andwhy?andFromforcetofencing: politicalpolicingintheRepublicofIreland.

39

ResistingShellinMayoandtheexperienceofpolicinginErris: aneyewitnessaccount
ThefollowingarticleisaneyewitnessaccountofpolicinginErrisinMayowhereprotestsagainst Shellconstructionofagasrefineryareongoing.Thearticlegivessomegeneralbackgroundtothe protestsanddetailswhatitwasliketoseeGardabrutalityonaregularbasis. InOctober2007,AnGardaSochnadraftedseveralhundredgardatooneofthemostisolated partsofIrelandtheErrispeninsulainnorthwestMayo.Sincethenthestatehasspentmillions onovertimeandhavesenteverlargernumbersofgardatothissmallcornerofMayo.Bythe summerof2009therewereahundredandfiftyuniformedgarda,ahundredandfiftyPublic OrderUnitmembersequippedwithriotgear,numerousSpecialBranchdeployedalongsidethe ERU(thearmedemergencyresponseunit),Gardanavalteamsandtwohundredprivatelyhired securitymeninonesmall,ruralparish. Itwasabizarretoseethatmanygardainsucharemotearea.Toexplainjusthowbizarreits probablyworthexplainingalittlebitaboutErris.Itissituatedatthemeetingoftwobaysonthe northwesterncornerofConnaught.Theareaisdottedwithsparselypopulatedfishingvillages andsmalltightknitfarmingcommunities.Itlies50milesfromthenearesttownofanysize, Ballina,andithasoneofthelowestcrimeratesinthecountry.Sowhatledtothis extraordinarilylargeandthreateningmobilisationofgarda? In2005alongrunningcommunitycampaigninErristoopposeattemptsbytheoilandgas multinationalsShell,StatoilandMarathontobuildanonshorerawgasrefineryintheareacame toahead.Theprojecthadbeenopposedbylocalssince2000becauseofhealthandsafety concernsaboutplacingahighpressureunrefinedgaspipelineclosetohousesoverlandwhichis boggyandunstable.ThecrisiswasprecipitatedwhenShellsoughtaninjuctionagainstfivelocal menandonelocalwomanwhoalongwithothershadtriedtoblockworkgoingaheadonthe pipeline.TheydecidedtoignoretheinjunctionandcontinuedtoopposethepipelineandinJune 2005thefiveofthesixpeopleunderinjunctionwereimprisonedfor94days,becomingbetter knownasthe"RossportFive". Inresponsetotheirimprisonment,localpeopleblockadedShell'sbuildingsitesinErris.Thisgot widespreadpublicsupportacrossIrelandandmanagedtoshutdownShelloperationsinMayo. Thecommunitydecidedtomaintaintheblockades,whileShellandthegardamadelittle attempttobreakthroughthemfearingthatmorecontroversyandnegativepublicitywould furtherbolstersupportforthecampaign.Thissituationcontinueduntillate2006. However,althoughShellandgardahaddecidedtoavoidconfrontationthatsummer,theywere busypreparingforacounterattack.Throughout2006severalnewspaperstoriesemergedinthe nationalpapersfromGardasourcesabouthow"sinisterelements"hadtakenoverthelocal campaigncalledShelltoSea.ThisreachedacrescendoinOctober2006.PaulWilliams,a journalisttheyfrequentlyuse,intheSundayWorldonOctober1st2006inapieceentitled"How theShinnershijackedRossport"announcedtotheworldthattheIRAhadtakencontrolof Rossport".Thispieceofnewswascredited,asusual,toanonymousGardasources.Nomatter thatthiswashappeningatatimewhenmanypoliticiansinIrelandandtheworldwere celebratingthefacttheIRAwascompletelyinactiveandhasfullyengagedinthepeaceprocess. Asthegardafedtherumourmill,makinguponefantasticalstoryafteranothertoblackenthe campaign,theyfacedonehugeproblem.Itwasjustnottrue.Whentheydraftedinthegarda fromaroundthecountrytheywereliningupagainstacommunity.Thiscommunitywasolder thanaverage,withamajorityofresidentsbeing40orover.Theywereverynormalpeopleand whatscommonlydescribedinIrelandassaltoftheearth.Therewerenoscaryterroristsor criminalsjustpeoplewhocouldbeyourauntoruncle,brotherorsister,orparentor grandparent.Naivelysomeofusthoughtinitiallythatthegardawouldbeunableoreven unwillingtobrutalisebecauseofthis.Thishadabsolutelynoimpactandfouryearslaterthe 40

Errisisarepositoryforafrighteningnumberofstoriesofpsychologicalandphysicalabuseat thehandsofthegarda. Theyactedlikeanimalsatprotests,breakingbones,punching,kickingandmanhandling protestorsregardlessoftheirageandgender.Thisledtonumeroushospitalisationsandseveral peoplesufferedinjurieswhichcontinuetogivethemtrouble.Theseverityandregularityof violencehasledmanyobserverstoconcludeinretrospectthatthepolicewereattemptingto provokelocalsandtheirsupportersintoviolence.Theviolencewasbackedupbyfrequent intimidation,harassmentandsurveillanceofruralcommunitieswhenpeopleweregoingabout theirdailybusiness.TheblackhumourofthepeopleinMayo,whocameupwiththedescription oftheirlivesasShellshocked,givesomeindicationoftheimpactthishadonpeopleslives. Itisnoteworthythatofthehundredsofgardaweredraftedintotheareaoverthecomingyears veryfewrefusedtoengageinviolenceandintimidation(lessthanadozentomyknowledge).At nopointweregardamadeaccountableforwhattheyweredoinginthearea.Despitethisthe communityresistedpeacefully,avoidinganythingtheythoughtmightprovokeorworseintheir mindshurtthegarda. Inretrospectitisclearthatthiswaspartofabroaderstrategy.Thegardawereaskedtobreak thecampaignthroughviolenceandintimidationbuttoavoidanyhighprofilearrests(which couldresultinanotherRossportfive).Infactseniorgardahaveadmittedusingtacticswhich wouldmeantherewouldbenomartyrsinprisonintheGardaReviewinlate2007.Insteadof arrestingpeopleengagedincivildisobediencetheyweregoingtooperateonthelogicof"teach themalesson".Todothistheyusedadualstrategyoftarringlocalsandsupportersas marginalised,connivingRepublicansinthepressandviolenceagainstdemonstratorsonthe roadsofMayo. Knowingthisdoesnotchangethefactthatwhenyouseethatlevelofconstantbrutalityit'svery hardtounderstand.Thesepeoplewerenotusedtoabuseandvilificationfromthegarda.They hadpreviouslytrustedandrespectedthepolice.Thisiswhatmademereallyunderstandthat thepersonyouseeinauniformismuchmorethanjustafaceoranindividual.Theyare remouldedbytheirtraininginTemplemoreandtheculturewithinthegarda. ThegardainMayoexhibitedapackmentalitywithanunfalteringandunquestioningallegiance totheirleadershipandasensethatanythingtheydidinErriswasnottheirpersonal responsibility.Theleadership,whichtherankandfilefollowlikesheep,ledthewayinassaults. ThiswasclearlynotabouttheoddroguegardagettingoutofcontrolandtheSuperintendents, DetectivesandSergeantsadministeredmuchoftheviolencewithmanyothersjoininginorat bestlookingonoftenlaughingorsmirking.OnoccasionIwonderedifbehindthesmirks,grins, leersandlaughterofthegardatherewasnocompassionforthepeopleinMayo?AfterawhileI gaveup. Thegardachangedtacticsin2008whentheymovedtoanarrestpolicyagain.Thishasseen hundredsofcharges,usuallybogus(mosthavebeenthrownoutincourt)backedupwiththe continuousphysicalassaults.Againtherewasnosenseorevidenceofpublicaccountabilityor personalresponsibility,evenwhengardacontradictedeachotherincourtwhiletryingto prosecutecommunitymembers. Itwasobviousitwasnotjustseniorgardaorthesystem'sfault.Theyareculpable,butthe individualguardsaretoobecausetheychosetoignorewhatwasgoingoninErris(includingfor instancea70yearoldwomanbeingpunched).Nomatterhowmuchtrainingyouget,you alwayshaveachoice.Amazinglythough,thepeopleinthecommunitiesinMayohavetheir choicetobackdown,walkawayandignorewhattheythinkiswrong.Yetinthefaceofthis brutalitytheychoosetostruggleon.

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PolicingtheantiwarmovementinIreland
Thefollowingexplorationofthepolicingoftheantiwardemonstrationswillbeintwoparts:the firstwilllookatthechangeinpolicingthroughtheeyesofaparticipant,anewactivist,whilethe secondwillmakeamorethoroughexaminationoftheforcesatworkwhichleadtosucha massiveescalationinthepolicingofantiwarprotest,particularlyatShannon,bothontheside oftheprotestersandthatofthegarda. Throughanewcomerseyes MyfirstvisittoShannonsawaverysignificantactofcivildisobedience,inamasstrespassonto theairfield.Thishadfollowedonfromafairlystandard,ifboisterous,marchfromShannon towncentretotheairport,somespeeches,andsomeindignationattherefusalofthegardato letanyoneentertheairportterminalbuilding,includingasixyearoldboywhoneededtouse thetoilet.Aswelefttheairport,theCatholicWorkershaddyedthefountainneartheentrance bloodred,tosymbolisethelivesthatwouldbelostwerethewartogoahead.Thenwe continuedonourway.Butfurtheron,aswelefttheterminalarea,andcontinuedontheroad alongsidetheperimeterfenceandtherunways,asectionofthecrowdhadbrokenoffandwere pullingattheairportfenceanditwascomingaway.Asitcamedown,afewbravesouls venturedontotheairfield,beingfollowed,afteramomentshesitation,byamuchlargersection ofthecrowd. Thepoliceresponsewasdisorganised,tosaytheleast.Therewereasmallnumberofgarda present,whoweremostlypositionedbetweenthemarchandthefences,buttheyclearlywerent expectinganythingonthescaleofwhatoccurred,andwouldhavebeenheavilyoutnumberedin anycase.Itwasthedecisionoftheprotestersnottoventureontotherunways,outofconcern forsafety,andinsteadtositdownontheairfielditwasntforcedbythegarda,whowouldnot havebeenabletodoso.Afewvocalpeoplewerearrested,tomakeanexample,butquickly releasedaftertheprotestlaterrelocated(ofitsownaccord)toShannonGardastation. AprotestorganisedbytheMidwestAllianceagainstMilitaryAggression(MAMA)inDecember passedrelativelywithoutincident,butwithanoticeableincreaseinpolicevisibilityandlow levelintimidation,suchasfollowingprotesterswhohadbeenseparatedfromthemarchasthey wereleavingthearea.Thiswasasituationwhichtheincrediblyadmirableanddedicatedband ofPlanespotterswereveryfamiliarwith,asshowninthedocumentaryRouteIrish,among otherplaces.Whilethisisasignificantissue,thisarticlewillonlytouchonitforreasonsof space. Astheyearturnedinto2003,thecampaignrampedup,asthepreparationsforwarcontinued apace.TheShannonPeaceCampwassetuptoopposethewaronaconstantbasisatthesiteof Irelandsinvolvement.TheCampwouldgoontogainhugepublicityandactasafocalpointfor muchoftheresistancewhichwouldfollow.Takingandholdingspacedirectlyoppositethe airportwasaverypublicdeclarationthattheoppositiontowarwasverycommittedandwould challengeIrishinvolvementinit. AttheendofJanuaryandthebeginningofFebruary,twoactionstookplaceatShannonwhich wouldhugelychangethesituationforbothprotestersandpolice.OnJanuary29th,MaryKelly enteredtheairportatnightanddisabledaUSmilitaryplanebyhittingitsnoseconewithanaxe, renderingitimpossibletofly.Thisactionisestimatedtohavecaused500,000worthof damage.Afewdayslater,onFebruary1st,thefivePitstopPloughsharesalsoenteredthe airportanddamagedthesameplane,aswellasdigginguppartofarunway.Onbothoccasions, theprotestersstatedthatgardaondutysecuringtheplanewereasleeporabsent. Thefactthatafiftyyearoldnurseandthenagroupoffivepeopleinvolvedinareligiouspoverty alleviationgroupwereabletogainaccesstotheairportanddamageaplanecauseda predictablebacklashandreaction.WhileEoinDubskyhaddisarmedaplanebypaintingapeace 42

signonthewindscreeninSeptember2002,thislevelofdamagewasunprecedented.Ifthese peoplecouldgetinanddothiskindofdamage,wentthecry,thenwhatkindofdamagecould terroristsdo?Thegovernmentmovedquicklyagainsttheprotesters,withTaoiseachBertie Ahernsayingthatwewereovertolerantofprotesters,whowerenotonebitpeaceful.Ina muchmoresignificantmove,theIrisharmyweredraftedintoShannonairporttoprotectit,and thismoveformedthecentrepieceofacoordinatedoffensiveagainstthemotivesandcredibility oftheantiwarmovement.Themessagewasclear:theIrisharmywereneeded,becausethe protestersweredangerous. ThenonFebruary15th,camethelargestantiwardemonstrationIreland,andtheworld,had everseen.Millionsmarchedaroundtheworld,whileover100,000participatedinDublin.But whiletheangerwasthesameasthatwhichwasbeingexpressedatShannon,thetreatmentwas verydifferent.Thegardawereverymuchinthebackground,whileBertieAhernsreaction (howeverdisingenuous),wastowelcometheprotestandlamentthefactthathecouldnot attend. TheseparationbetweengoodandbadprotestersinthemindoftheIrishestablishmentwould befurtherstrengthenedintheweeksahead.TheGrassrootsNetworkAgainstWar(GNAW),a loosegroupofleftandlibertarianpeoplehadbeensetuptoprovideavehicleformoremass directactionagainstthewar,afterfrustrationwiththereticenceoftheIrishAntiWarMovement (IAWM)organisationgrew.GNAWcalledforamassactofpeacefulcivildisobedienceat ShannonofMarch1st,topulldownthefencesandaccesstheairfield(ashadhappenedthe previousOctober).Despitethefactthattheprotesthadexplicitlybeenadvertisedasnon violent,therewasadeterminedeffortbythegovernmentandthemediatoportrayitas otherwise. WhileantiwargroupshadconsistentlybeenaccusedofantiAmericanism,theseattacks multipliedasthemovementgrew.Whenthemasscivildisobediencewascalled,twoofthelast threeremainingtroopcarryingairlinesannouncedtheywerepullingoutofShannon(another havingpulledoutafterthePitstopPloughsharesaction),citingsecurityconcerns.Ahysterical mediacampaignwasinitiated,withevershrillerdenunciationsoftheviolentnatureofthe protest.Itevengottothepointwherethereweresuggestionsthatthearmymightshootpeople. Thishadtheeffectofscaringoffsomepeople,includingtheLabourPartyandtheGreens,but alsotheIAWM. Onthedayoftheprotest,themarchsplitintotwosections,theGNAWdirectactiononeandthe IAWMone.WhentheGNAWmarchgottotheairportfencewewereconfrontedbyalineofriot policewithshieldsandanumberofdogs,alonglotsmoreriotpoliceinsidethefence,afire engine(tobeusedasawatercannonifneeded),andtheaforementionedIrisharmy.Thiswasa muchbiggeroperationthananythingseenatShannonbefore.Aftersometimeofalineof protestersfacingdownthelineofpolice,theprotestlinelurchedtotheside,takingthegardaby surprise,andafewpeoplemanagedtogetropesontothefenceandbegantopullitdown.But thepolicemanagedtogetinandrugbytacklepeoplebeforethiswasveryadvanced. Nevertheless,despitetheroughequivalenceofnumbers,itisnotablehowclosethefencecame tocomingdown,andmostprotesterswentawaypositive,andwiththoughtsofhowtodoit betternexttime. However,thestartofthewar,andindeedthetakingofBaghdad,happenedveryrapidlyafter this.OnDayX,thedaythewarstarted,therewasaprotestattheDil,andsymbolicredpaint waspouredonaFiannaFilsenatorwhocameouttojustifythewar,andIrelandspartinit. Therewasalsoanattemptedblockade.Themannerinwhichthiswasdealtwithbythegardais eloquentlyexplainedbyamonnCrudden:
Thewayinwhichtheprotestersattemptingaspontaneousblockadeweredraggedfromtheroadin theaftermathofthevote[intheDil,toallowforUSuseofShannon]showedthefaceofastate unwillingtoallowaspaceforcivildisobediencetoopenup.Nomassarrests,justbruteforce.

TherewereanumberofprotestsinShannoninthemonthsandyearsthatfollowed,onein particularofwhichattemptedtoaccesstheairport,butwhichwasquiteisolated,anddidnt 43

managetoachieveitsobjective.ThevisitofGeorgeBushtotheMidWestofIrelandin2004also sawalargemobilisationagainstthewar,aswellasthedraftinginofhundredsofgarda,secret service,andalargenumberofArmouredPersonnelCarriers(APCs).Whiletheseeventswere significant,andbothinvolvedactsorattemptsatcivildisobedience,thesystematic,regularly organisedactionsendednotlongafterthetakingofBaghdad,forreasonswhichlimitationsof spacestopusgoinginto,butwhicharemuchdebated.Becauseofthis,thefollowingdiscussion willconcentrateontheactionsduringtherunuptothewar,thepolicingoftheseactions,and whatwecanlearnfromthese. Discussion Clearly,asthedrivetowarcontinued,protestsescalated,andsodidtheirpolicing.Therearea numberofdifferentstrandswhichneedtobeexaminedinorderforustobeabletofully understandtheprocessofhowaprotestwhichcalledforpeacefulcivildisobedience(andwhich remainedpeaceful)endedupbeingmetbytwolinesofriotpolice,watercannon,andtheIrish army,thebizarrespectacleoftheIrisharmybeingdeployedtoprotecttheUSmilitaryfrom300 nonviolentactivists(Cox). TheearlydemonstrationsatShannondescribedherecouldbecharacterisedashavinghada relativelylowlevelofpolicing,withthegardaondutydrawnlargelyfromtheregionandlead bylocalofficers.ThiswasnotthecaseonMarch1st.Theroleofthemediaandofthepolitical establishmentwillbelookedatinthislight.Andwhilethepolicecertainlyrespondedtothe aforementionedchangeinprotestaction,thecircumstancesofthisneedtobeexamined. OneofthemanyfascinatingcablestoemergefromWikiLeaksinthelastfewweekshadtodo withantiwarprotestinIreland.TheUSambassadortoIrelandin2007expressedangeratthe acquittalbyjuryofthePitstopPloughshares(referredtointhecablesastheShannon5)but,in spiteofthis,theimportanceofnotprovidingcampaigngristwhichcouldbeusedagainstthe Irishgovernmentwasemphasised,astheyhadconsistently...acted[myemphasis]toensure continuedUSmilitarytransitsatShannoninthefaceofpubliccriticism. Neverwasthistruerthanintheearlymonthsof2003.EarlycriticismbygovernmentMinisters concentratedonthesupposedantiAmericanismofpeaceprotesters,andontheideathatthere wouldbeflightofUScapitalfromIrelandwerewetowithdrawuseofShannon(IrishTimes editorial).InthewakeofthedisarmamentsoftheUSwarplanebyMaryKellyandthenthe PitstopPloughshares,thiscriticismgrewtonewheights.Thesupposedthreatofviolencewas emphasisedandtherewereevensuggestionsthattheIrisharmymightshootpeopleas mentionedearlier.TherunuptotheprotestonMarch1st,themediafulfilledtheroleofPR auxiliaries(Cox)forthepolice,broadcastingamessageofviolenceandgenerally scaremongering.Politicianssoughttostimulateamoralpanicthroughthemediainorderto accentuatethesupposedthreat.AmoralpanicisdefinedbyWelchasaphenomenonmarked byaturbulentandexaggeratedreactiontoaputativethreat. Thediscourseofotheringofprotesterswhotakeradicalactionagainstthewarwasverymuch totheforeinmuchmediacoveragealso.Forexample,EoinDubskydisarmedaUSjetin2002by paintingapeacesignontothewindscreen.Thisactionwasportrayedaseccentric,andhisstatus asastudentwas(over)emphasisedinheadlineandarticle(IrishTimes).Thisplaysintoamore generalthemeofattemptingtoseparatesocalledhardcorepeaceactivistsfromthewider oppositionandmovementagainstthewar,byplacingtheseactionsasthoseofsomekindof deviantsubculture,asopposedtonormalpeoplemotivatedtoactionbythewrongstheysee. Thisapproachisreplicatedthroughoutthatnewspaperscoverageoftheantiwarprotests,and indeedthatofothernewspapersanyonewhotakesradicalactionisdifferent,freakish,other. Thishasbeenfurtheremphasisedbywhathasbeencalledthepathologisingofconflict:
Thedominantpoliticaldiscoursedevelopedaroundthenotionofacommunicationssocietyaimsat eliminatingalltracesofsocialconflictinfavourofnegotiationanddialogue(Neveu1994).Inthis world,conflictisincreasinglyperceivedaspathology,andtherulesofgooddemonstrating increasinglyexcludethelegitimacyofrecoursetoviolence,orevencivildisobedience.Radicalprotest

44

ismoreandmoreconsideredasnotonlyillegitimate,butevenunpolitical(dellaPortaandReiter 1998).

Thisfeedsintotheseparationbetweengoodandbadprotestersmentionedearlierandclearly feedsintotheattempttointimidatenewprotesters,andtherebyseektofrightenthemoutof involvement(Klein2002)inanattempttoisolatemoreradicalprotesters. Aswellasusingpropagandatoolsinanattempttodiscredittheantiwarmovement,the governmentalsotookmorephysicalsteps.Themostobviousofthesewasthedecisiontosend intheIrisharmy,butfurtheractionwasalsotaken.FilleuleandJobardemphasisethatitis importanttotakepoliticalinvolvementintoconsiderationwhenexamininghowdecisionson policingapproacharetaken.Furthertothis,dellaPortaarguesthatpoliticalinputsvary dependingonthepoliticalorientationofthepartiesinpower,andthattheLeftRightdivideis arguablystrongestinrelationtopolicing.Thatis,theLeftwouldgenerallytakeacivilrights approach,whiletheRightwouldtakealawandorderone. ItisarguablysignificantthataftertheMay2002generalelection,MichaelMcDowellofthe ProgressiveDemocratswasappointedMinisterforJustice.McDowellwasviewedasoneofthe mostlawandorderorientedmembersofthatcabinet,andindeedofthatDil.Itiscontended thatitishighlyunlikelythatpossiblythelargestmobilisationsofstateforcesagainstnon republicanprotest(uptothatpoint)tookplacewithouthisapprovalorinvolvement.The contrastbetweenthepolicingofthisprotestandthatofthechaoticpoliceriotatthe2002 ReclaimTheStreets(RTS)celebrations,whenthecrowdwereattackedunprovokedbythe garda,isstriking.Thelatterbroughtwidespreadcondemnationuponthepolice;whilethe formersawaclearsofteningupprocessonthemedia,throughdemonizationoftheprotestand thoseinvolvedinit.Lessonshadclearlybeenlearned.DellaPortafurtherexplainsthat establishedpoliticalactorsaregenerallyinitiallyclosedtonewdemands,explainingthe virulenceofthereactionagainsttheprotests.ThisistakenastepfurtherbyCox,whofinds(in relationtothemovementofmovements,butequallyrelevanthere)that:
IfneoliberalismhasunderminedtheStatesabilitytosecureconsent,itsturntocoercivesolutions hasfurtherdistanceditselffrommanycitizens...Themovementofmovements...ismadepossibleby thedecreasingabilitytosecureconsent.TheIrishstatehasaccordinglyresortedtoforceinits responsetothemovement,thusfurtherweakeningitslegitimacyformanypeople.

Thesignificanceofthefactthatthiswasanewtypeofmovementwillbefurtherexploredbelow. Butitisimportantnottooveremphasisetheinfluenceoftheseexternalactors,andtherebyfall intotheconclusionthatthegardaaresimplyamalleabletoolinthehandsofgovernment.On thecontrary,theyplayahugeactiveroleinthepolicingofantiwarprotestsinthistimeperiod. Ingeneral,thepolicingofprotesthasbeenakeyfeatureforthedevelopmentandselfdefinition ofthepolice,andthisalsofollowsforitscurrentselfimageinmoderndemocraticsocieties (Winter1998).Theimperativeofcontrolinanygivensituationis,ofcourse,averyimportant influenceonthegarda.Furthertothis,theimagedevelopedofcertaintypesofpeople(and protesters),anddifferentsituationsbythepolicehasahugebearingontheirapproachtoany givensituation. Muchresearchonsocialmovementshasshownatendencytowardsaharsherapproachagainst groupswhoareseenasthreateningthestatusquoanditselites,asbeingideologicallyfocussed orhavingradicalaims(dellaPortaandFilleule1998;Earl2007;Davenport2000,1995).Eachof thesedescriptionsareapplicabletotheantiwarmovementinthiscountry,andthatmovements heterogeneity,useofdirectactionandassumedantipolitics,allmatchupwithpolice assumptionsofwhatisseenashighthreat(dellaPorta).Theinternalcharacteristicsofthe police,suchastheirorganisationalcompetencies,thedegreetowhichtheyaremilitarised,and howprofessionaltheyarehaveallbeenseenasimportantindeterminingpoliceresponses. Thisisclearlyseeninthecaseexaminedhere,asinitialclearinadequacieswereidentifiedand actionwastaken,particularlyindraftingintheriotsquadandthearmyinanefforttoaddress this. 45

TheantiwarmovementinIrelandgrewmassivelyveryquicklyin2002and2003,andhadsome notablesuccessesaswellassomefailures.Itcarvedanicheinthepublicsphereandwasfor sometimethebiggestnewsanddiscussioniteminthecountry,muchofthecreditforwhich mustgototheworkofthemovement.AllthroughoutthedemonstrationsatShannonand elsewhere,policingwasaforegroundissue,andplayedaveryimportantroleinhowevents transpired.Seekingtounderstandthathopefullyenablesthatmovement,andothers,to organisebetternexttime.Futureresearchcouldbehelpfulinhistoricallysituatingtheseevents morespecificallyinIrelandshistoryofprotest,andalsopossiblylookingatpsychologicaltactics usedbytheauthorities,theirimpact,andthewiderissueofeffectsthatmovementhadonpeople involved. PrincipalSources Cox,Laurence,Newsfromnowhere:ThemovementofmovementsinIreland http://eprints.nuim.ie/457/1/Social_movements_and_Ireland_book.pdf Crudden,amonnRouteIrish(documentary),http://vimeo.com/8594795 DellaPorta,Donatella,PoliceKnowledgeandProtestPolicing:SomereflectionsontheItalian case http://books.google.com/books?hl=en&lr=&id=NMcGg_VCHlkC&oi=fnd&pg=PA228&dq=%22po licing+protest%22&ots=pIAGJt lTM&sig=yTqEqs5fKur6aiRwtaU3i0GdCRs#v=onepage&q&f=false DellaPorta,DonatellaandFilleule,OlivierPolicingsocialprotest http://books.google.com/books?hl=en&lr=&id=6ACcrTbUuEUC&oi=fnd&pg=PA217&dq=%22p olicing+protest%22&ots=WQ5zB2fBlY&sig=ZkTh2IqMafwNMN0tNs7upolDQNw#v=onepage&q =%22policing%20protest%22&f=false Flood,AndrewDirectActionagainsttheWarinIreland http://www.struggle.ws/ustour/ShannonUSlet.pdf TheJournal.ieGovernmenttargetedUSShannonflightstodampenelectioncriticism WikiLeakshttp://www.thejournal.ie/thefirstirishwikileakthefullcontents201012/ Welch,MichaelFlagburning:MoralPanicandtheCriminalisationofprotest http://books.google.com/books?hl=en&lr=&id=s5btT1HO60kC&oi=fnd&pg=PR9&dq=Flag+Bur ning:+Moral+Panic+and+the+Criminalization++of+Protest+&ots=6ZQ7eOKwk5&sig=ziv7z8a84 hSBBlhGolhWFGTjLco#v=onepage&q&f=false Allotherquotesaretakenfromtheabovesources

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Whendothepolicegetawaywithviolence,andwhy?
Inanysocietythathasastate(andsopolice,courts,jails,andsoldiers)anddifferentclasses(the superrichandhomelesspeople,shopkeepersandprofessionals,travellingpeopleandfarmers etc.),thestatetreatsdifferentclassesdifferently.Manypeoplearguethatthisiswhatstatesare foranyway;butallthatmattersforthepurposesofthisarticleisthatthisiswhatactually happens. InIreland,forexample,theeverydayexperienceofmanyyoungmeninunskilledworkingclass estates,orofhomelesspeopleandaddicts,isofbeingatriskofbecomingtargetsforintimidation orviolencebythepolice.InoneDublinpolicestation,forexample,motherscancollecttheir teenagesonswhentheysignapapertosaythattheyhaven'tbeenassaultedinthestation whichsaysitall.Otherpeople,inleafysuburbs,oftengrowupfeelingthatthepoliceareontheir side,andareusedtobeingabletocallthemtodealwithnoisyneighboursorafterburglaries. Thisdifferenceintreatmentbeingwokenbyabootinthefaceifyou'reajunkiesleepingonthe streetsofDublin,orhavingtheguardsasfriendlyschoolvisitorsifyou'reinanicecountrytown isparticularlyvisiblewhenpeopleprotest,orgatherinlargenumbers.Ifworkingclassyouth haveabonfire(nowillegalonHalloween),iftravellersresistbeingmovedonyetagain,orif officeworkerslikethestaffinThomasCooktravelagencyoccupytheofficeswhentoldthey're goingtobesackedthepolicewillmoveinandpeoplewillbeluckyifthey'reonlymanhandled outoftheway. Conversely,ifthere'saGAAmatch,iffarmersoccupytheDepartmentofAgricultureorguards themselvesgoonstrike,everyoneknowsthatthey'llbetreatednicely.That'sjusthowitis,in ourkindofsociety.Infact,wherethislinerunsbetweenwhogetsthumpedandwhogets calledsirormadamisonewayofdefiningdifferentkindsofsociety. M ayday 2002 What'sreallyinteresting,though,iswhathappenswhenthingsdon'tgoaccordingto"business asusual".Forexample,in2002agroupofyoungpeopleorganisedaprotestabouttheway Dublincitycentreisgivenovertocarsattheexpenseofbikesandpeople.Agroupofpolicewere sentout(illegally)withouttheiruniformnumberson.Removingnumbersistheusualindication thatpoliceexpecttogetviolentastheydid,leavingatrailofteenagebloodalongDameStreet (or,ifyouprefer,heroicallykeepingthestreetssafefromcrime).Sofar,businessasusual exceptthatthenextdayeventhetabloidswerefullofheadlinesabout"copriots",andtherewas amajoroutcryaboutit.Why? Onesimpleansweristhattraineegardaweredozingoffintheirsociologyclassesat Templemore,andcouldn'ttellthedifferencebetweennicekidsfromgoodfamilieswho happenedtobewearingfunnyclothesandgoingabitwild(whichisusuallyallowedifyour parentsarerichenough)andworkingclassladswhocananddodieinGardastationswithout anyonebeingheldtoaccountforit. AnotherpossibleansweristhatGardamanagementwerespendingtoomuchtimeinEuropol seminarsbeingshownphotosofprotestorsinSeattleandGenoaandbeingtoldtheseareyour newsubversives,andforgettingthatordinaryIrishpeoplemightfinditjustthatlittlebitharder tofeelseriouslythreatenedbyastreetparty. Onewayoranother,thecopsoversteppedtheline(itdidn'thelpthattheyalsoattackedanIrish Independentreporter,andbusinessexecutiveswaitingatthetaxirank).Theywerealsocaught doingit,thoughonavideowhichwassenttoRTintimetomakethe6o'clocknews,andwas producedclearlyenoughthatRTcoulduseit.Sointhiscase,theguardsgotitwrong,andthe Indymediacameramanwhodidthevideowasabletocatchthemout. 47

ThefalloutwasnotgoodnewsforGardamanagement,whodidtheirbesttoputalltheblameon individualcops.Inthe(internal)inquirythatfollowed,thecopswhoactuallytookpartlied throughtheirteethandallclaimednottohaverecognisedanyoftheircolleagueswhotookpart. Onetraineewasmadeanexampleof,andthat(apparently)wasthat.Thepointwasrubbedinat thenextReclaimtheStreetsdemo,whenthefrontlinecopshadtheirbatonstakenoffthemasif managementcouldn'ttrustthem(asiftheyhadnotgiventhenodandthewinktoeventslast timeround,whenseniorofficerswereclearlyvisibleinthemiddleofthepolicemayhem).The riotsquadwereofcoursewaitingroundthecorner,justincase. Gardastrategistsdidn'tliketheresultsofthis:notjustwereordinarypolicemorereluctantto putthebootinwhenorderedincasetheywerehungouttodryafterwards,butthemedia couldn'tbereliedontotoethelineastheyusuallydo,andtheremightevenbelegalfallout,or questionstobeansweredfromhigherup.Whattodo? M ayday 2004 Theproblemdidntgoaway:in2003PeterSutherlandcalledinafewfavours,andtheWorld EconomicForum(thendoingawhistlestoptouroftheworldscontinentstodealwiththeir inexplicablybadpublicreputation)wereduetoholdaregionalmeetinginDublin.TheIrish SocialForumandtheGrassrootsGatheringsbothannouncedplansforprotests,andthemeeting wascancelledatthelastminute. APRexecutiveabsentmindedlycitedsecurityreasonspresumablythedifficultyofeffectively policinganeventinDublinCastlewithoutshuttingdownthecity,orperhapstheprospectof morebatonchargesonDameStreetremindingpeopleofthepreviousyearbutitdidnttake verylongtorealisethatthiswasnotthebestmessagetobesendingout,andonmature recollectiontheofficialstorywaschangedtoaconsultantnothavingfinishedtheirreporton time. Clearly,thepolicewerestillonthebackfootasfarasdealingwithprotestswent,andintherun uptotheevenmoreprestigious2004EUenlargementsummittheyinvestedalotmorein training,wenttoyetmoreinternationalseminarsonhowtodealwithprotestors,polishedup theirmediastrategiesandthoughthardabouthowtheyweregoingtoreestablishasituation wheretheycouldattackthepeopletheyaresupposedtoattack,withoutriskingtoomuchmedia orpoliticalfallout.Thistimetootheygotitwrong,but(fromtheirpointofview)notsobadly wrong. Therewasasteadydripfeedofscarestoriestothepressfedbyanonymous"securitysources" tocrimecorrespondents(whodependonthepolicefortheirdailybreadandbutterofcrime stories).Muchusewasmade,byRTinparticular,ofendlesslyrecycledmaterialfromthe SeattleandGenoaprotests.Unfortunately,the"leaks"(aboutarmsdumps,international anarchistvisitors,planstosetfiretoBlanchardstownshoppingcentreetc.)weresoludicrous thatmuchoftheseriouspresscouldusethemtohaveagoatthetabloidmedia. Eventheattempttosetupadefactocurfewbygoingroundcitycentreshopswarningthemof thelikelydamagefromprotestorsandencouragingthemtoboarduptheirshopsforthelong weekendwasawashout.Sympatheticshopkeeperspassedthestoryontoactivists,sothatwhen RTEmysteriouslygotholdofthestorythatshopkeeperswerefleeingthecityinfear, organiserstoldthemexactlywherethiswascomingfrom.Thestorysomehowdied. Theannouncementatthelastminutethattheriotsquadwouldbedeployedatthelong publicisedstartingpointfortheDublinGrassrootsNetworkmarch(andtheattempttospread thestorytothemediathatthemarchhadbeencancelled)alsobackfired,andintheeventfar morepeopleturnedupforthemarchthanwouldotherwisehavedone:peoplewhomightnot haveagreed100%withthemarchorganisers,butfeltthatfreedomofspeechandassemblywas tooimportantaprincipletodependonthewhimoftheGardaCommissioner. 48

Atthefinalconfrontation,neartheAshtownGate,thepolicewereheldrelativelyinchecknot ofcoursebytheprotestors,whowereoutnumberedbypoliceandsoldiers,butbythepresence ofahugeamountofmedia,muchofwhichwaswillingtolistentowhatprotestorshadtosay abouttheevent,byawellorganisedlegalteam,andbythefactthatmuchofthesurrounding workingclassareahadturnedouttowatch. Theoriginalgoalimpliedbythedirtytrickscampaignofcreatingamoralpanicaroundthe protests,beatingprotestorsoffthestreets,anddescribingthemasriotersfailedoutright,and theclandestinepresenceofobserversfromotherEuropeanpoliceforcesmadenonoticeable differencetotheoutcome.Intheeventtherewereonlyahandfulofarrestsforminoroffences (virtuallyall"refusaltoobeytheorderofagardatodisperse"or"breachofthepeace"),and manychargescollapsedincourt.Judgesmadeitclearinseveralcaseshowlittlerespecttheyhad fortheblatantlies,orincompetentpreparation,ofthepolicewhoactasprosecutorsand witnessesintheseminorcases,throwingoutthemostseriouscharge(ofpossessingstencils!)on thegroundsthatthepolicehadfailedtobringanyevidencetoshowthattheaccusedwasnot intendingtostenciltheirownbedroom. Itwasprobablyimportant,fromGardamanagement'spointofview,toholdabatonchargeand usewatercannonotherwise,howtojustifythedeploymentofhalftheentireforce,callingout thearmy,preparingbodybagsandclearingwingsofhospitalsandjails?Hadeventsgone differently,nodoubtfarmoreseriouschargeswouldhavebeenlaidagainstorganisersandthose arrested.Thefactthatthisdidn'thappenmakesitclearthatGardamanagementdidn'tbelieve theirownstoriesorrealisedthatthecourtsandmediawouldnt. Occupying Erris Intheevent,then,the2004protestleftthepolicewithouttheirtraditionalrighttodefinepublic gatheringsasriotswhentheydon'tlikethem.ThiswastobereestablishedinErris.Asother articlesinthiscollectionmakeclear,inErriswehaveseentheeffectiveoccupationofanentire communityforyearsatatime,theintimidationof(oftenelderly)individuals,astringofassaults bygarda,repeatedthuggerybyprivatesecurity(treatedasanextensionofthepolicerather thanasprivateindividualswhoseviolentactsarejustasseriousasanyoneelse),thedeployment oftheNavyagainstpeacefulprotestors,andtwousesofparamilitarymethods(gangsofmasked menassaultinganindividualandinanothercasesinkingaboat)withtheevidentapproval(and "blindeyes")ofthepolice.Howwasthispossible? WhiletheErriscommunitywasinmanycasespreciselythekindofcommunitythatgardaare traditionallyrecruitedfrom,andweresurprisedaswellashorrifiedatthekindoftreatment theyhavereceived,theyhaveneverthelessbeenwellorganised,withgoodmediaandlegal work,nationalandinternationalsolidarity. Shell'sinitial94dayimprisonmentofthe"RossportFive"turnedouttobeacostlymistake,as thepieceelsewhereinthispamphletexplains.Followingthis,thepoliceconsciouslydecidedon a"noarrest"strategy.Inthis"noarrest"period,individualprotestorswereassaultedinways thatdonotleavemarks,attackedoffcameraorawayfromprotestevents,hadfingersandribs brokenduringapparentrestrainingprocedures,andwereintimidatedbyconsistentuseof intrusivepolicing,directfilmingandcollectionofinformation,andadozenothermethodsof makingeverydaylifeaconstantexperienceoffear. AnotherimportantelementofpolicingErris(withtheenthusiasticcooperationofmany journalists)toclaimthatthewholeprotestissomehowsubversive,ledbySinnFin,infiltrated byparamilitariesorotherwisetainted.WhileSinnFinhaveindeedbeeninvolved,sohavemany otherpoliticalparties,includingtheGreens(untiltheywentintogovernment)andtheLabour Party(ditto),aswellasleftwingparties,tradeunions,environmentalistsandanarchists.Inthe Republic,oncesomethingisaccusedofbeingrepublican,anykindofbehaviourisjustified,and (asVillagemagazineandIndymediahavepointedout)fewofIrelandsfearless,hardheaded, 49

investigativecrimejournalistswillaskquestionsevenaboutShellsecurity'slinkswithEastern Europeanfascistgangsandmercenaries,orabouthowpolicecouldstandbyandletmasked menbeatanelderlyfarmer.Itisntclearwhetherthissilenceisbecausejournalistsdonotinfact thinkthathard,orbecausetheyknowtheansweronlytoowell. Ithasalsohelped,nodoubt,thatoneofthemainlocaljudgestookituponherselftotreatthe wholeprotestascriminal(orinthecaseofMauraHarrington,psychiatric).Thisbehaviour(and thehandingdownofmanysentencesquashedbyhighercourts)isnodoubtcompletely independentofthefactthatsheismarriedtoaFiannaFilexminister.Repeatedchallengesin courttoherimpartialityweremetwithherwalkingoutorinterruptingtheapplications. Theneteffectofallofthisisthatgarda"specialunits"andthe"riotsquad"(ordinarygardawho volunteerforthejoysofbeatingupprotestingcitizens)havebeenabletouseErrisasatraining groundwheretheycanhonetheirskillsindeniableviolenceandintimidation,playwargames againstdefencelessopponentsandgenerallyenjoyactinglikethepoliceforcesinNorthern Ireland,BritainortheStatesthatgardaoftenenvy.Itisnotjustpolicemanagementwholook beyondthe26countiesforideas. Conclusion FromtheviewpointofGardamanagementinparticular,the"battleofErris"isabattleovertheir righttousewhatviolencetheychoose,againstwhomtheychooseandinwhatever circumstancestheylike.Theyhavenotyetwonthisbattle,althoughclearlytheycansmell victory.Inparticular,oncethemilitaryhadbeenbroughtintobreakprotestsatseaand mysteriousforceswereallowedtoattackleadingfiguresinthecampaign,thenoarrestpolicy hasbeenended(althoughasnotedmostarrestshavenotstooduponappealtheirpurposehas ratherbeentoharassprotestors). Nevertheless,solidaritywork,mediaandlegalsupport,aswellasthephysicalpresenceofas manyoutsidesupportersaspossible,havehelpedtoprotecttheRossportcommunityfroma situationthatcouldhavebeenfarworseandenabledthecampaigntocontinuefarbeyondthe normallengththatsuchstrugglesagainsttheworldslargestenergycompaniesnormallylast.In thissense,politicsisultimatelymoresignificantthanpolicing:ithasclearlybeenpoliticianswho havesetthetoneateachstageoftheconflict,startingfromthemysteriousdecisionofRay Burke,theonlyministereverjailedforcorruptioninthisstate,tohandovertheStates ownershipofnaturalresourcestotheenergycompaniesandendingwiththesendinginofthe navy. Whilewritingthispiece,falloutoverpoliceattacksonstudentprotestors(amountedchargeon StephensGreen,thebeatingunconsciousofayoungwomaninsidetheDept.ofFinance,andRT beingforcedtoshowitsownfootageoftheseeventsafter80,000peoplehadwatchedthemon Youtube)continued,anddespiteroutinedirtytricksinrelationtoantibailoutproteststhe gardadonotseemtohaveablankcheque.Indeed,ablowmayunintentionallyhavebeenstruck forhumanrightsbytheannouncementofacutof1,500fromgardanumbersandincreased restrictionsonovertimepayment. Thebattleoverthepolice'srighttodecidewhotoattackisnotfinishedintheRepublic,and neverwillbesolongasprotestorsareabletoworkoutwaystosupporteachotherinthefaceof physicalassault,torecordeventsanddevelopeffectivemedia,legalandsolidaritysupport. Policearenotallpowerfulorimmunefromcomeback,andwecansetsomelimitstotheir behaviourindifferentwaysindifferentcases,butfollowingsimilarprinciples.

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Fromforcetofencing: politicalpolicingintheRepublicofIreland
Thisessayattemptstodescribesomeofthehighlightsofthepolicingofpoliticalprotestinthe RepublicofIrelandfromthelate1960stothepresentday.Wemaybeginwithsomeobvious generalisations:therearedifferencesbetweenGardapolicingofprotestsbyrespectableand nonrespectablegroups,andprotestsbyrepublicansorradicalsreceivemoreforcefulpolicing thanprotestsbytradeunionsorfarmers.Thedifferenceliesingardaperceptionofthe legitimacyoftheseprotesters,notinthegroupsactualprotestbehaviour.Farmerswere permittedtousedisruptivetacticswhilepeacefulmarcheswerephysicallyattacked. ThroughouttheperiodinquestionwecanseeGardaresponsetoprotesterinnovations,although responseswerenotlimitedtothegarda.Weshouldnotethestatelegislativeresponseto protestthroughthepassageoflawssuchastheForcibleEntryActandsuccessiveCriminal JusticeActsbroadenedGardapowerstointerveneinandcontrolprotest. The early period: 1960 -1980 Fortheearliestperiod,Brady(1974:245)notesonalltoomanyoccasionssince1969,street demonstrationsandprotestshavebeenmishandledbyoverreactinggarda.Thelatesixtiesand earlyseventieswerecharacterisedbyanincreasinguseofdirectactionbyleftistsandIRA membersinsupportofsquattersandothersresistingeviction,whichoftenledtostandupfights withgardaandprivatesecurity.Forexample,DublinHousingActionCommittee(DHAC) protestsincludedbothtraditionalmarchesanddirectactiontofacilitateandprotectsquatters. InJanuary1968thebattleofSarahPlaceinInchicore,whereresidentsbarricadedthemselves intotheircottagestopreventrelocationtoBallymun,ledtoDHACandOfficialIRAmembers opposingCorpobailiffsand30gardaiattemptingtobreachthebarricades,resultingin24 arrests,includingthatofProinsiasdeRossa.(HanleyandMillar2009:97).DHACmarchesalso receivedattentionfromthegardai:a2,000strongDHACmarchonJanuary18,1969,ledto runningbattlesonOConnellStreet(HanleyandMillar2009:108109)after,inthewordsof BallsbridgeresidentandveterancampaignerHilaryBoyle,gardaattackedlikemadbullsThey hitoutwiththeirbatons,theykickedandpushedandgenerallyactedasagentsprovocateurs. ShewrotetoTaoiseachJackLynchThingshavecometoaprettypasswhenatameoldladyof 70whowascompletelypeacefulcanbekickedbyagarda(Statepapers2000/6/423).A campaignledbySeamusCostelloagainsttheprivatizationofBrittasBayinWicklowalsoledto clasheswithprivatesecurityandarrests.(HanleyandMillar2009:111). Inresponsetothegrowingstreetprotestsin1968,thegovernmentputforwardtheCriminal JusticeBilltogivegardagreaterpowertoprohibitdemonstrationsandtoarrestforconduct likelytoleadtoabreachofthepeace(HanleyandMillar2009:106).Thelastmajorstreetbattle resultedfromanevictionattemptonasquattedbuildingonPembrokeRoadownedbyproperty developerMattGallagher,andsawthefirstdeploymentingardahistoryofriotshields,and hoursofviolentconflict. ForstudentsanexampleisprovidedbytheBattleofBelfieldinJanuary1975,whenstudents protestingatfeesandcutbacksfoughtgardawhileprotestingatthepresentationofachequefor $100,000toUCDtofundaprofessorshipinAmericanhistorybytheDuPontFoundation(setup byUSindustrialistAlfredDuPont)andagardabatonchargeledtorunningscufflesonthemain concourse.30
30http://ucdhiddenhistory.wordpress.com

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Inthelate1970sandearly1980s,securityaroundsummitswaslight.DuringtheEuropean CommissionHeadsofStateprotestsin1979,securitywassolightthatagroupofantinuclear protestersnotonlysucceededinoccupyingtheECofficesinMerrionSquarebutalsofounda Commissionerunprotectedintheofficestheywereoccupying.Aprotestmarchthatnightwas allowedtoproceeduptothelockedgatesofDublinCastlewheretheCommissionerswere dininginstate. 1980s-1990s Asthe1980sprogressed,thestatebegancordoningoffspaceinvariouswaystocontainprotest andtopreventprotestersfromreachingthesiteatwhichtheywishedtoprotest,thoughthey alsomaintainedelementsoftheirpreviousrepertoire.Thefirstmajorindicatorofthechange camewiththeJuly18th1981hungerstrikemarchtotheBritishEmbassyonMerrionRoadin Dublin.Whilein1972thegardastoodasideandallowedcrowdsangryatBloodySundayto burntheBritishEmbassy(theninMerrionSquare)theHBlockmarchwasstoppedatthe junctionofSimmonscourtandMerrionRoadswheregarda,aftertakingafairamountofstick, attackedwithasavagebatonchargewhichpushedthemarchbackindisarray.Some2000 gardawereondutythatdayandovertimecostswere310,000punt.200peopleweretreatedin hospital,150ofwhomweregarda.TheNationalUnionofJournalistscomplainedthat journalistswereassaulted,harassedandattackedbygarda,whileotherscomplainedthatmany gardadidnotweartheirnumbers.(DailReport23/7/81). ThegardamaintainedtheirtraditionalmethodsofdealingwithRepublicanprotests.Gene KerrigansreportongardabrutalityonOConnellStreetafteranotherHBlocksmarchstated that
DownatClerys,nearSackvillePlace,amanwascroucheddownbytheshutter,onehandonhishead. Fourgardawerekickinghim,kneeinghimandhittinghimwithbatons.Theycouldnotallreachhimat thesametimeandwerejostlingeachother.ThemanhadbeenstandingatClerysholdingablackflag, standingapartfromthemarchwhenitcamebackdowntotheBHS.Whenthegardahadfinished beatinghimtheywalkedawaytowardsAbbeyStreet.Theydidnotarresthim.(MagillMay1981:9)

Gardawerealsouptotheirtricksofnotdisplayingnumbersoridentifyingthemselves:
IranafterthefourwhohadbeatenupthemanoutsideClerysandaskedfortheirnumbers.They worenoshouldernumbers.Iwastoldtofuckoff.Iaskedforthenameoftheofficerincharge.One turnedandraisedhisbatonandsaidFuckofforIllgiveyouwhatsyournumberupyourarse. (MagillMay1981:11).

KerrigannotesthatwhiletheattacksonthegardawereundertakenbyDublinyouth,thegarda responsewasnottoattacktheyouthbuttoassaultHBlockCommitteestewards. WiththeReaganvisitin1984,avarietyofrestrictionscameintoplay,withonecriticclaiming theconstitutionhadbeensuspendedfortheweekend.Secretregulationswereintroducedto removetheWomenforDisarmamentpeacecampfromthePhoenixPark,includingdetentionfor breakingbyelaws.Over7000gardaisome70%oftheforcewereinvolvedintheReagan operation,aswellasarmedmembersoftheUSSecretService,andsome500protesterswere keptamileawayfromShannonAirportwhenhearrived.Some10,000protestersparticipatedin theRingAroundReaganmarchtocoincidewiththestatedinneratDublinCastle.Thismarch wasturnedatCityHall/ParliamentStreetwhilethemarchoccurringwhenReaganwasspeaking totheDilwasallowedintoMerrionSquare. Anotherinterestingexampleofhowpoliceperceptionandjudgementaffectedtheirtreatmentof protestwasprovidedbytheDublinGayPride1984marchwhere,whenthemarchattemptedto rallyoutsidetheGPO,thegardacontinuedtodirecttrafficupOConnellStreet,heedlessofthe physicalsafetyofthedemonstrators.Onemarcher,CathalKerrigan,endeduponthebonnetofa carthathadbeendrivenattheparadeandcontinuedupOConnellStreet,thedriverignoringthe situationuntilMrKerriganfelloffinParnellSquare.Theattentionofthegardawasdrawnto 52

thisbyaPridestewardbutthiswasignored.Later,however,thegardabegantocooperatewith Pridemarchstewardswhosoughtgardainvolvementduetoconcernoverthephysicalsafetyof marchers.Similarlythegardarestrainedtheirpolicingofotherpoliticalmarches,intervening onlyonrareoccasions. Thusprotestpolicingbecameasroutinisedasprotestitself,themajorgardainvolvement outsideSpecialBranchattendanceandharassmentbeingtrafficmanagement.The80salso sawtheclosingoffofpublicspacesuchastheblockadingoftheAmericanEmbassyallegedlyin responsetothetransnationalterroristthreatwherepreviouslypicketscouldbemountedon thegates.AnotherexamplewastheclosingoffofthestepsattheCentralBank,whichhappened in1994inresponsetoastripteasebytheDicemanonthestepsfollowingtheGayPridemarch celebratingthelegalisationofhomosexuality. Thegardaialsobegantocooptsomeoftheircritics.From1999theIrishsectionofAmnesty Internationalworkedwiththegarda,includinginanadvisoryroletotheGardaHumanRights WorkingGroupsinceitsfoundationin2000.TheGardaHumanRightsWorkingGroupaimedto buildahumanrightsculturewithinthegarda.(GardaReviewMay2003:2730). From 2000 on: neoliberal policing (of/and) anti-globalisation protest WiththedevelopmentoftheantiglobalisationmovementinIreland,thegardafound themselvesfacinganewgroupwhichwasnothappytocontinuewithbusinessasusual demonstrations.InOctober2001protestersataninternationalprivatizationconferenceatthe BurlingtonHotelinDublinwereattackedbygardawithbatons,aidedbywhatappearedtobe privatesecuritywithsticksandtorches.Photographerswereattacked,14arrestsweremade andthosearrestedheldovernightunderSection6ofthePublicOrderAct.Anattemptwasmade tomakeanexampleofRoryHearneofGlobaliseResistanceandtheSocialistWorkersPartywho wasaccusedincourtofcallingforachargeagainstthehotel,butthechargesfailedtostick. TheReclaimTheStreetspolicingoperationinMay2002wasbasicallyacaseofthegarda puttingmannersonthoseitbelievedhadbrokentheunwrittenrulesaboutwhatwas acceptableprotestbehaviour.Whatbeganasarowdystreetpartyendedwith24arrestsand12 peopletakentohospital,includingbadmistake,thisaphotographerfortheIrishIndependent. Garda,manyhavingremovedtheiridentificationnumbers,batonchargedthecrowd.Following complaintsandanofficialinvestigation,sevengardaifacedassaultandothercharges,thoughthe onlycasewhichcametocourtresultedinanacquittal,asthegardashoweddeficienteyesight andmemorieswhencalledontotestify,beingunabletorecognizeoridentifygardashownon videoandinphotographsbatteringprotesters;theofficerinchargewassimilarlydeficientin identificationskills.Whilenointernaldisciplinaryactionwastakenagainstthegardainvolved, 228,700waspaidoutincompensationtothoseassaulted.(IrishIndependent6/7/08). FollowingtheRTSdebacletheGardaCommissionerrecognisedtherewasaneedtobuildthe organizationalcapacityfordealingwithsituationsofviolentdisorder.Thisinvolvedthecreation inalltheregionsthroughoutthestateofprofessionalpublicordercapability.ByMayDay 2004therewere950membersinthepublicorderunit,allofwhomwerevolunteers.(Garda ReviewApril2004).TheendresultofthistrainingwasthepolicingofMayDay2004:Training fortheselargescaleeventshasultimatelychangedthewaypolicingisdoneinthiscountry. (GardaReviewApril2004:34). WithMayDay2004wesawpolicecontrolofspaceescalateinlinewithinternationalpractice. ThestateclosedofftheentirePhoenixParktopreventanychancethatprotesterswouldcome physicallyclosetotherulingelite,whiletheplacingofarmedsoldiersintheParkwasintended towarnoffanyonefoolishenoughtoconsiderignoringtheexclusionorderforthePark.This wasinlinewithaninternationaltrendinrespondingtomassantisummitprotestsbycreating exclusionzonesandmilitarisingpolicing.Thegardawelcomedandpublicizedinternational assistanceandtrainingforpolicingofthesummitandproudlyannouncedtheloanofwater 53

cannonfromthePSNI.Inlinewithinternationalpracticegardaalsoprovidedapermittedplace ofprotest:wemetwithorganiserstosuggestlocationswhereprotestsmighttakeplace.Wefelt therewasasuitableopenarea(GardaReviewApril2004:34).Thesitewasofcourseonthe oppositesideoftherivertothePark;furthermoretheriotsquadjusthappenedtohavebeen orderedtocongregateontheoppositesideoftheriverattheannouncedstartingpointofthe DublinGrassrootsNetworkmarch,representinganeffectivebanonthatmarchtakingplace. Theprotestswereprecededbyapublicrelationscampaignbythegardademonisingthe protestsandprotesters,claimingananarchistarmyofbattlehardenedcontinentalprotesters woulddescendonDublin,whileanarchistshadstockpiledweaponsandplannedtoattack shoppingcentres.Practicallythiswasintendedtodiscourageprotestersfromtakingtothe streets,whileideologicallyitwasintendedtoprovideadvancelegitimisationofaggressive policingtactics.TherewasindeedagroupofprotestersdressedinBlackBlocstylewho advancedonthegardalinesinCabralaterthatnight,butthesewerefarfromseasoned continentalfightersfreshfromGenoaandsimilarclashes:allthosearrestedandchargedwere Irishcitizens,someontheirfirstprotest.Whatoccurredandwasreportedinthemassmediaas ariotwas,inthewordsofHarryBrowne,agardariotcontroloperationwithoutariot. SomeconsideredtheMayDayoperationrepresentedadryrunforthepolicingoftheimpending US/EUsummit,atwhichBushwastoappear.FortheJune25/262004BushvisittoDromoland Castle,inbothShannonandNewmarketonFergus,accesswasrestricted,residentswere requiredtoobtainpermitsfortheircarsandthoseofanyvisitorsduringtheweekend. TemporarywallsandbarrierswereerectedaroundthecentreofShannononBushsroutetothe castle.Theairportitselfwasprotectedbyarmouredpersonnelcarriersandarmytanks. ArrangementsweremadeforLimerickPrisontobeavailable,whileaunitintheShannon IndustrialEstatewasmadeavailableanddesignatedaGardaStation/CourthouseandDetention Centretoensurethesmoothandtimelyprocessingofprisoners31.USsecurityserviceswere involvedintheplanningofthepolicingoperation,aswerethedefenceforces.Thethreatof Islamicfundamentalismwasusedtojustifythemilitarizationoftheprotestpolicingandthe SpecialBranchhadbeendiligentincreatingfilesonmorethan300suspectedIslamic fundamentalists.(GardaReviewApril2004:34).Acoupleofthousanddemonstratorsmarched tothenewlyerectedsecurityperimeterattheairport,whileupto20,000marchedinDublin againstthevisit. Aswellastheseindividualprotestevents,therearecurrentlytwolongrunningproteststhatthe gardaarepolicingatShannon,Co.ClareandatRossport,Co.Mayo.WhileUSaircraftbegan usingShannonAirportinNovember2002theintensegardapresenceattheairportbeganwhen theCommissionerreviewedsecuritytherefollowinganattackonaUSplaneonFebruary3rd 2003.Staffatthelocalstationwasincreasedfrom30to144,whilemilitarysupportwasalso calledin.TheoperationissettolastaslongasthewarlastsaccordingtotheGardaReview (April2003:15).From2006to2009theoperationhascost8.68millionEuro,2.76millionof whichwentonovertime.Whilegardaclaimtheoperationistoprotectpersonnel,staff, passengersandpropertyattheairport,JohnLannonofAmnestyInternationalsaysthesafetyof personnel,staffandpassengersatShannonAirporthasneverbeenputatriskbyprotesters (LimerickLeader14/9/09). Rossport/Shell: M ayo under garda occupation ForRossportweseeanextensionofthepublicspacethathastobepoliced,aswellasthe privatizationofpublicspacesuchasGlengadBeachwherethenativeinhabitantspeopleand birdslosetheirrightstoatransnationalcorporation(TNC).Therehadbeenprevious
31www.garda.ie/press/2004/..%5C2004%5Cp22jun2004.html

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temporaryoccupationsoflandtoallowspecificoperationstooccurtothebenefitof multinationalssuchastheerectionoftelemasts(forexampleinKerrykeel,Co.Donegalin December1998whereatademonstrationonWednesday2ndDecember,accordingtoallegations atapublicmeetingthefollowingMonday,protesterswerekicked,abused,assaulted,elbowedin themouthanddraggedalongthestreetbyofficerswhorefusedtoidentifythemselvestwoof theofficerssaidtheywere007andJackStrawWearebeingtreatedlikeanarchistssays KevinKingstonofthelocalenterprisegroup32),whileonMay15th1978gardaishovedtheirway throughapicketlineofmainlywomenandchildrenatOvens,Co.CorktoallowUSTNC RaybestosManhattandumpasbestoswaste.TheproblemwithRossport,however,isthatthe occupationisnotforacoupleofdaysbutongoinguntilthepipelineislaidgardapresenceis necessary(andpossiblyafterwards?). From2003to2008statesecurityforShellcostover10million(IrishTimes20/9/08:Supp3), withcostsforOctober2008alonereaching1,035,000.Thisdoesnotincludethecostsofthree IrishNavyboatsusedintheoperationaroundtheSolitairepipelayingshipinSeptember2008. Costswereexpectedtoexceed15millionbytheendof2009.(SundayBusinessPost10/5/09: 2).ByJanuary2009,accordingtoMayoGardaDivisionreports,74peoplehadbeenarrested,14 chargedand31convictionsrecorded.(WesternPeople20/1/09:11). Originallythegardacededgroundtothelocalpeople.Theentrancetothesitewasblockedfora yearandahalf.Localpeoplehadavetoonwhowentinandoutofthesite.(GardaReview November2006:4).ThenonOctober3rd2006thegardabroketheprotestersholdonthe refinerysitebybringinginsome170gardawhoforciblyremovedsitdownprotestersand pinnedthembehindbarriers(acharacteristicofpolicingtheantiglobalisationmovement, accordingtosomeanalysts,butactuallyingeneraluse).Furtherprotestsmetaheavypolice presenceandprotesterssufferedinjuriesandverbalabuse.OnNovember10th2006abaton chargewasusedtodisperseprotestersblockingtheroadtoShelltrucks. AreportbyGlobalCommunityMonitor,basedoneyewitnessreports,photographsandvideo footageconcludedgardawereusingexcessiveforceandinfringingonprotesterscivilrights33. TheSundayIndependent(13/5/07)reportedthereisstrongevidencethatmembersoftheforce mayhavebeenoverzealousinquellingthesubsequentdemonstrations.Thegardafolloweda policyofnonarrests,toavoidthecreationofmartyrsaroundwhomcampaignscouldbe orchestrated. Thispolicinghasbeenexperiencedbylocalresidents(andnotjustthelocalprotesters)asakin tooccupation.Oneunaffiliatedlocaldescribedthesituationaspre1922:itisnotjusta roadblockinGlengad:thenorthoftheMulletpeninsulaisineffectcordonedoff.(lettertoMayo News16/9/08:31).Theassaultonthegroundhasbeenaccompaniedbyanassaultinthemedia, withprotesterstaintedbyassociationwithdissidentrepublicans.Gardadividetheoutside protestersintogenuineenvironmentalists(thosewhostayedintheareaoverthewinter)and whattheycallrentamob,thosewhoarrivefromoutsideforspecificprotests.Thegardahave alsopublicisedtheiruseofinternationalpolicelinksthroughInterpoltotracetheidentityof nonIrishactivistssupportingthelocalopposition(IrishTimes1/9/08:2)butdidnotcallon theselinkstoidentifysuspectedEastEuropeanneofascistsoftheSzeklerLegionworkingfor ShellssecuritysubcontractorsIRMS(IrishExaminer28/4/09:6).Newspapershavefacilitated thiscampaignbyassigningtheircrimereportersratherthanenvironmentalorregional reporterstothestory. ThestatehascomplimentedthisPRcampaignbyselectiveprosecutionofthemoreforwardand vocalamongtheprotesters,withthepolicyofnonarrestsreplacedbyapolicyoftargeted arrestsandprosecutions,withuseofsuspendedsentencesinsomecasesandimprisonmentin
32http://donegalcounty.com/nw2.html 33www.gcmonitor.org/article.php?id=598

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others.RecentlyMauraHarringtonandNiallHartnettwerebothtargetedwhile,inamove reminiscentoftheuseofpsychiatrytocontroldissidentsintheSovietUnion,JudgeMaryDevins referredMauraHarringtonforapsychiatricexaminationonjailingherfor28daysinMarch 2009.(IrishTimes13/3/09:6). WiththereturnoftheSolitairein2009gardausedinnovativemethods,suchaspreemptive detentionwhengardadetainedtwofishingboatsundertheMaritimeSafetyAct.Thegarda havealsobeenimaginativeintheirselfjustification,claimingtobepolicinga500metre exclusionzonearoundtheSolitairepassedbytheDepartmentdespitetheDepartmentof Transportdenyingthatanysuchorderhadbeenissued.(IrishTimes27/6/09:2). WithCorribwecanalsoseeseveralcharacteristicsofneoliberalpolicinginaction.The coordinationofsecurityoperationsbygardaandprivatesecurityforcesisevident,asisthe closeconnectionbetweenthestatepoliceandtheTNCwhoseinterestsarebeingdefended,in, forexample,theuseoftheShellcompoundbygardatoillegallydetainarrestedprotesters.The increasinguseoftechnologicalsurveillancethroughvideocharacteristicofpolicingtheanti globalisationmovementcanalsobeseen.InRossport,forexample,
Muchoftheprotestisbeingvideorecordedaspartoftheevidencegatheringprocess.Thisisanew conceptinIrishpolicingplans.Membershavebeenfilmingthreetofourhoursofvideofootageper day,andnowhadwellover50hoursoftapebytheendofOctober.Thethinkingbehindthisistokeep properrecordsthatcannotbecontradictedaspartoftheevidencegatheringprocess.Thereisachain ofcustodyforthosetapesandanexhibitsofficertoadministerthem.Theyaretreatedinthesameway asanyelectronicrecordingofinterviews.(GardaReviewNovember2006:11).

Stillreassuringlythesetechnologiessometimesfail:forinstancetheConnaughtTelegraph (14/10/08:11a)reportedonesuchoccasionundertheheadlineCamerawasnotrecording whenprotestersgotallegedbeating. Conclusion Ifwecomparepolicingoverthetimeframethisarticlecoverswecanseeincreasing encroachmentbygardaontoprotestersrightsandprotestspaces,aswellasavarietyoftactics andbehavioursthatcontinueovertheyears.Gardapolicingofprotesthasevolvedfromthe roughandreadydirectactionoftheearlyperiod,throughgreateradvanceplanningandcontrol ofspaceinthe1980stotheneoliberalmodelofpolicingvisibleinthelastdecade.Comparingthe ReaganvisitwithMayDay2004,wecanseethesechangesinpolicingpractice.WhenReagan stayedinthePhoenixParktheParkremainedopen,thoughthepeacewomenwereexpelled fromtheParkandeventuallydetainedintheBridewell;still,theyhadbeenallowedclose enoughtotheambassadorsresidencetoprotestthere;in2004theParkitselfwasclosed. Similarly,marcheswereallowedmuchclosertothesitesatwhichtheelitewerepresent. FurthermoretherewasreporteddissentamongGardaranksattheUSSecretServicetakinga leadingroleinsecurityprecautionsandcarryingarms;therewasalsodissentamongthelocal politicalelite,thoughitrequiredconservativepoliticianandconstitutionallawexpertJohnKelly tolayitonthelineintheDailastohowtheconstitutionwasflouted.Gardapolicingofprotestis increasinglysimilartointernationalpracticeandinternationalcooperationisroutine,whilethe statenowunquestioninglycedessovereigntytotheEUinawaythatwouldhavehorrifiedthe nationaleliteeventwentyyearsago. Therearealsocontinuitiesinpolicingthatmaybeobserved.ThusGardaprovocationofpeaceful protestappearsin1969andinErris40yearslater.Thereisalsoacontinuinguseofthemedia againstprotesters,demonstratorsanddissenters,stretchingfromtheredscareinthepapersin thelatesixtiesinrelationtothehousing,fishinandotherradicaldirectactionsofthetime,via theIRAscareusedagainsttheCPADinthemediainthe1980suptotheforeignagitatorand anarchistscareusedagainstMayDayin2004andtherepublicandissidentscarecurrently beingpeddledinthepaperstodemoniseRossportprotesters.AnothercontinuityistheGarda concernnottocedecontrolofthestreets:thisconcernnotonlyinvolvestrafficmanagement 56

whichshouldnotbeunderestimatedasamotivationforGardaaction,reflectingasitdoesGarda responsibilityforthesmoothcirculationofworkersandconsumersinthecapitalcitybutalso Gardadesireforuncontestedcontrolofthestreetsandthephysicalspaceofprotests.Finally therehavebeencontinuouslegislativeresponsestoprotest,withnewlegislationincreasingly encroachingonthecivilandhumanrightsofdissidents. References Brady,Conor(1974)Guardiansofthepeace.Dublin:GillandMacMillan Hanley,BrianandMillar,Scott(2009)Thelostrevolution:thestoryoftheOIRAandtheWorkers Party.Dublin:PenguinIreland.

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PartIII Respondingtoabusivepolicing:practicalresources

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Challengingthegarda:apersonalexperience
Challengingthegarda:apersonalexperience The incident OnaSaturdaynightinJuly2008atabout11pm,Iwaswaitingoutsideafastfoodrestaurantin Drumcondraforafriend,whenovereightgardavehiclescamespeedingfromafewdifferent directionswiththeirsirenson.TheypulledupoutsideapubjustuptheroadfromwhereIwas.I cycleduptohavealookatwhatwasgoingon.WhenIgotupthere,theredidntseemtobealot goingon.Istartedtofilmthelineofgardavehiclesparkedinthecentreoftheroad.Ihadbeen filminglessthanaminutewhenaguardapproachedme,demandingthatIgivehimthecamera.I putthecamerainmypocketandtoldhimitwasapublicareaandIwasentitledtofilm. Hegrabbedmebythearmandtriedtotakethecamerafromme.Iresistedandcontinuedto insistthathednorighttotakethecamera.Thenanotherguardgrabbedmefromthelefthand sideandreachedintomypockettotryandtakethecamera.AtthisstageIwasbeingpulledfrom bothsidesandmybikewaspulledfromunderme.Imsurebythisstagemoreguardshadgot involvedandwereholdingmefrombehind.Iwasthenshovedupagainstavan,lightlykneedin thebackofthelegsandmyrightarmwastwistedupbehindmyback.Whileallthiswasgoing on,thesecondguardwasstilltryingtoprythecamerafrommyhand,theyweredemandingthe cameraandIwasrefusingtohanditover. AtonepointIremembertellingthem,iftheyletgoofmeIddeletethefootagemyself,towhich oneofthemrespondedNoyouwontyousmartlittleprick,orsomethingalongthoselines. Eventuallytheguardonmyleftgotthecamerafrommeandtheyreleasedme.AsIturned aroundtheguardsbehindmeturnedtheirbacksandwalkedawayabit.Iturnedtotheguard whohadtakenthecameraanddemandeditback,buthesaidhedidnthaveit.Itookoutmy phoneandsavedhisnumberintoamessage.AnotherguardsaidIcouldhavemybikebackanda fewofthemchuckled.Iwentuptotheguardwhohadgrabbedmefromtheright.Toseehis numberIhadtomoveastrapwhichwascoveringit,hesnappedgetyourhandsoffmeyoulittle prick. Iwentaroundapproachingotherguardsandaskingthemiftheydseenwhathadjusthappened andwhetherornottheythoughtitwasjustified.Oneplainclothesbanguardcommentedwe dontwannabeseenonyourindymedia.Afterafewminutestheguardwhohadtakenmy cameracameuptomewithitinhishandandaskedhowtodeleteonit.ItoldhimIdidntknow, asitwasntmine.Hefigureditout,deletedthefilesandhandeditbacktome.Iquestionedhim foraminuteonwhetherornotherealizedwhatheddonewaswrongandunjustified.Whilehe wasntapologetic,heseemedcalmandtryingtobefair,butjusthonestlybelievedtheyhadthe rightandjustificationtogoonlikethat.Iwalkedawayabitshookupandbemusedbytheir wholeheartedbeliefintheirrighttoroughpeopleupandtake/interferewithpeople'sproperty howevertheypleased. The com plaint Laterthatnightinthepub,whenIhadtimetothink,Istartedtogetfiredupabouthowwronged IdbeenandhowIhadtodosomethingaboutit.Oneofmyfriendswastellingmeitwas pointless,theyalwaysgetawaywithit,butIwasadamantIdmakesomethingofit.Thenextday asIwrotedownmyaccountofeventsinmydiary,Iwasbeginningtobelieveitwaspointless. Therewasnovideoevidence,nowitnesses;itwasjustmywordagainsttheirs.Thenanother friendwhowaslessskepticalaboutthestateandaccountability,spurredmeonandsaidthatI 59

hadtotry,soearlythatweekIwentintotheGardaSochnaOmbudsmanCommission(GSOC)to givemystatement. Theinvestigatingofficerwhotookmystatementseemedveryopenandhonest.HetoldmeIwas rightnottoholdmybreath,butthatIhadgotagoodcaseforacomplaintifIwantedtogoahead. Igavehimacopyofmyaccountandthenhetookastatement.WhenthestatementwasdoneI readbackoveritandsaidthatIwashappywithit.AcoupleofweeksafterIgavemystatementI receivedalettertosaythatmycomplaintwasadmissibleandithadbeenassignedtothesame investigatingofficerwhohadtookmyoriginalstatement.Soonafterwardstheinvestigating officercontactedmeandaskedmetocomeinandgiveanotherstatementandtoputhimin touchwithmyfriendwhoownedthecamerasothathecouldsendthememorycardofftoseeif thefootagewasretrievable.Allthiswassortedoutoverthenextfewmonths. AfewmonthsafterthatIreceivedalettertosaythatcriminalchargeswerebeingbrought againstthetwoguardsIhadidentifiedinmystatement,whichsurprisedmeasallalongIhad thoughtthatitwouldjustbedealtwithasadisciplinarymatter.Theinvestigatingofficer contactedmetocheckiftherewasanytimeIwasntgoingtobeavailableoverthenextcoupleof monthsasIwouldbeneededtoappearincourtasawitness.ThenextIheardafterthatwasa textfromafriendtotellmemynamewasinthepapersinrelationtotwoguardsappearingin court.AfewdaysafterthatIwascontactedbytheOmbudsmantotellmethedateIhadto appearincourtandIhadtogoinandsignanoticeofsummons. Court WhenIarrivedincourtonthemorningthecasewasheard,IwasintroducedtotheDPP barristerwhowouldbeprosecutingonbehalfofthestate.Shetoldmetobepreparedtobe thoroughlycrossexaminedandpossiblyhavemycharacterattackedastheywouldbefighting fortheirjobs.Isupposeitwasnaiveofme,butIhadntrealizeduntilthenjusthowseriousit wasandIwasquitetakenaback.EventhoughshesaidtomethatIshouldntfeelbadaboutthat asitwasuptothecourt,Idid,asitwasmethathadmadethecomplaintand,eventhoughI knewIhadbeenwronged,Ididntfeelcomfortablewithtwopeoplelosingtheirjobs,foracting inawaytheyhadbeentaughtwasok. Whenthecasewascalledthefirsthourwasspentdealingwithtechnicalargumentsagainstthe casegoingahead,butthejudgeruledagainstthemandthehearingbegan.Iwascalledfirstto givemyevidence.ThankstothefactIhadwrittenmymemoryoftheincidentdowntheday afterwards,Iwasabletorecallitquiteclearlyandwasconfidentinansweringanyquestionsthe judgehadforme.AfterIgavemyaccounttheprosecutionaskedmeafewquestionstoclarify myaccountinrelationtomystatement.Whentheprosecutionwasfinished,Iaddressedthe judgetotellhimIwasuncomfortableknowingthattheguardsjobswereonthelineanddidnt feelitwouldbejusticefortwoguardstolosetheirjobsasscapegoatsforwhatwasthementality ofmostoftheguardswhoweretherethatnightandofalotoftheoneswhowerent.Atthis stageIthoughtitwasthejudgewhowoulddecideiftheywouldbepunishedbylosingtheirjobs andhadntrealized,itwaspolicythataguardwithacriminalconvictionautomaticallyloses theirjob,soinorderforthemnottolosetheirjobs,hewouldhavehadtonotgivethem convictions. Thedefencethenbegantocrossexamineme;beforemovingontoattackingmycharacter,he wentbackandforwardonmyaccountoftheincident,tryingtocatchmeout,butasIwastelling thetruth,Iwasabletoanswerthequestionswithconfidence.Iwassomewhatpreparedfor themtobringupmyinvolvementingrassrootscampaignsasImentioneditinastatement, becauseIfeltnotrevealingmyreasonforhavinganinterestinpolicingcouldbemadetolook dishonestandIhadnothingtohideanyway.Iwasalsopreparedwhentheybroughtupmy involvementintheShelltoSeacampaignasIhadbeenarrestedandconvictedforpublicorder offencesinrelationtoprotestsinMayo.But,whentheybroughtupthefactthatIwasinvolvedin ClimateCampinOffalyduringthesummer,Iwascaughtoffguard.Ifeltintimidatedandthatmy 60

privacyhadreallybeeninvaded,becauseIknewofnorecordofmybeinginvolvedwithClimate Camp,sotheymusthavereallybeendoingtheirhomework. Theprosecutionobjectedtothelineofquestioningandthejudgetoldthedefensetogettothe point.Itwasntuntilthesummarythathispointbecamecrystalclear,butitwasbasicallythat, althoughIwaswellwithinmyrightstoengageinlegitimateprotestsandIcouldnotbefaulted fordoingso(engagingin'legitimate'protests),myinvolvementinsuchprotestshadclearly desensitizedmetowardsgardascenes.ThereforehearguedthatIwasnotcapableof differentiatingbetweenalegitimateprotestandanormalgardasceneandnobodyintheirright mindwouldhavegoneintothemiddleofascenewheretheyhadjustseengardavehicles racingtowards.AfterthecrossexaminationthejudgethankedmeformyevidenceandIwas excused. IwastoldIcouldgo,butIwaitedtoseetheguardsevidenceandtheoutcome.Theybothgave falseaccounts.Bothdeniedgrabbingmebythearm,eventhoughtheyhaddonesohardenough toleavebruises.TheysaidIhadfallenoffmybikeandlandedupagainstthevan.Theonewho tookthecamerafrommesaidhehadpulledmyhandfrommypocketbymysleeveandtaken thecamerafrommyhand.Idontknowanybodywhowouldnotbeabletokeepacamerafrom someonewhowasnteventouchingthem.Iknowtheywerelyingtotryandsavetheirjobs,but itmademealittlemorecomfortablewiththemlosingtheirjobs,toseethemliethroughtheir teethandbasicallymakemeouttobetheliar.Afterhearingthefinalsubmissionsfromboth sides,thejudgesaidthathewasacceptingfullytheevidencegivenbymeandnotacceptingthe evidencegivenbytheguards.Inmitigationthedefencepleadedthatthejudgedealwithit withoutconvictionsasitwouldleadtofulljobseverance.Thejudgenotedthattheyhadnot takentheoptionofpleadingguiltybeforeconvictingthem,finingthemandorderingthemtopay compensationtome. The Appeal SomemonthslaterIwascontactedagaintocomeinandsignasummonsnoticefortheappeal andIwasinformedthattheappealofoneoftheguardswouldtakeplaceinJune2010.WhenI wenttocourttheprosecutionfortheDPPwassurprisedtoseemeandaskedifIhadgotthe messagethatIdidnthavetocome,whichIhadnt.ShesaidIcouldstayifIwanted,butthere wasreallynoneedbecausetheywerentappealingtheconvictionbutonlytheseverityofthe sentence,soIleft,buthadafriendsitintoseehowitwent. Laterthatdaymyfriendrangmetosaythatitlookedliketheywereprobablygonnagetoff.I wentbacktohearthejudgesummarisehisfindings. Hebasicallyfoundthattheywereoverallreallydecentguards,whomadeamistakeinahigh pressuresituationandifIhadjustfollowedtheadvicethathisparentshadgivenhimlongago tostayasfarawayasyoucanfromanythinglikethat,theincidentwouldhaveneveroccurred. Unlikethejudgebeforehim,hedidnttakeintoaccountthefactthatthesedecentguardshada chancetoadmitguilt,butinsteadchosetoperjurethemselvesinthestandandheshowedthem theleniencyofthecourtingivingthemsuspendedsentencesandnoconvictionsmarkedagainst them.Somethingabouttheprosecutionfeltstrange,shewasnthalfasconfidentasshehadbeen originallyandseemedtohaveforgottenthegreatargumentshemadeforthisbeingdetrimental tothefactthatthatweliveinademocracy. Atthetimethatreallypissedmeoff,thatIwasmadeouttobeatfaultandthepoorguards,just madeanerrorinthecourseofduty,butwithtimetothink,Irealiseditwasalljustabigjoke anyway.Theyreallapartofthesamesystemandthatsystemcanonlybestrongsolongasthey lookoutforeachother.Theoriginalconvictionwasatbestastrokeofluck,thattheprosecution madeaparticularlygoodcaseontheday,thedefensefumbledandthejudgewasafairone(orat leastonthisoccasion).Atworstitwasallcontrivedtoallowtheshowofjusticeinthedistrict court,onlysothingscouldbeputrightinthecircuitcourt,eitherwaythesameresult. 61

Funny,Ihadtheimpressionoftheombudsmanthatdealtwithmycomplaintthathewasa decentguyandhehadalwaysseemedfairandnice,butafterthatdayincourthewasoutside shakinghandsandchattingwithotherguards,hewouldntevenlookatme,letalonecomeover totalktomeaboutwhathadjusthappened.Ilearnedafterwardsthathehadbeenontwoyears leavefromtheguardsandwentbacktotakeuphishighrankingposition. Ifoundtheprocess,verydrainingandverydisempowering.Itwentonforalmostexactlytwo years,throughoutwhichtimeIwaskeptnottoowellinformed.Thesummonsingwasoneofthe mostbizarrethingsIthought.Idmadeacomplaintagainsttheguards,Ihadnosayinhowthe complaintwouldbedealtwithonceitwasmadeandwhenitwenttocourtifIdidntshowupI couldbeimprisonedorfined.Itsalsomessedupthatassoonasacomplaintismadetheguard thecomplaintisagainstwillbeinformedofthecomplainantsname.Ican'timaginethiswould inspiretoomanypeopleinfearoffurtherharassmenttomakeacomplaint,particularlyifthey knowwhatlittlegooditslikelytodointheend. IguessImstillgladIwentthroughthewholeprocess,evenifitwasonlypartofalarger personalprocesstofindoutformyselfthatitsallacompleteshambles.Itsfrustrating,because Ivesincebeenassaultedandarrestedbytheguards.Iveseenothersaroundmeabusedandthe abuseofpowerseemssoengrainedwithintheguardsandthewholesystemthatIknowIshall continuetowitnessoppressionfromtheguards.NowIknowfirsthandthattheonelegitimate courseofactionavailableonlyservestodisempowerpeoplemore.Idontknowwhatcanbe donebutIknowsomethinghastobe.Ithinktheresaseriousneedforanindependentbodyto dealwithcomplaintsabouthumanrightsabusesbytheguards.Peopleshouldalsobeallowedto makeanonymouscomplaintsagainstguards,evenifonlytohelpexposetheirbehaviourto people,sothatthefacadeofjusticecanbesmashed,becauseIdon'tbelieveyoucanexpectany justicefromasystembasedoninjustice. Postscript Sincethiscasefinishedinthecourtsandtheauthorsetaboutmakingapersonalrecordofit, theyhavecontinuedtoprocessthisandotherexperiencesofengagementwithAnGarda Sochna,thecourtsandGSOC.Whilestillmaintainingalltheabovetobetrueandaccurate,they nowfeelthat,havingdonemuchselfhealingandrecoveringfromtrauma,withloveandsupport offriendsandfamily,thatforthem,itisimportanttocontinuetoengagewithAnGarda Sochna,thecourtsandGSOC,astheonlyotheroptionswouldseemtobetocompletelyretreat tothelifeofahermitortolearntoturnablindeyetoinjustice,neitherofwhich,dotheywishor aretheywillingtodo. Whileremainingawarethattheiroptimismcanleadtodisappointment,theyalsowishedtonote thattheyhavewitnessedglimmersofhopefromwithinthesystemsofoppression.Moreand more,theybelievethatthereisstillhopethatthefolkwithinthesesystemscanstarttorealise theerrorsofthesystemandthatI'mjustdoingmyjobisnotagoodenoughanswer.Whileit's understandable,theyareinfearoflosingtheirjobs,itdoesnotnegatepersonalresponsibility foractionswhichharmothers.

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ThePrisonersRightsOrganisation: acasestudyingrassrootsorganising,historyfrombelowand policeaccountability

ThePrisonersRightsOrganisation(PRO)wasfoundedintheearly1970s.Beforeitsdissolution inthelateeightiesitwasinmanywaysauniquephenomenonasmallbuthighlyenergetic grassrootsorganisationthatconsistentlycalledpublicattentiontocasesofpolicebrutalityand misconductthroughvariedformsofstreetprotestandmediawork.Thisarticletellsthestoryof theformationanddevelopmentoftheorganisationandthehiddenhistoryofthePROs attempttomakepoliceaccountable. The origins of the PRO AsthenamesuggeststhePROwasnotinitiallyconcernedwiththegardabutwithprison conditions.Intheearly1970stheprisonsystemreachedcrisispointasmoreandmorepeople wereincarceratedinfilthy,badlyplannedVictorianprisons.AsaresultIrishjailswere convulsedbywavesofprotestandrepressionandthePROemergedfromthiscycleof resistance.SpecificallytheorganisationsrootslieinaPrisonersUnionsetupinPortlaoisein 1971followingaseriousassaultonaninmatebyawarder.WhenmembersofthePortlaoise unionweremovedontotheCurraghandMountjoy,prisonersunionswereestablishedthere. Throughtheunionstheprisonersbegantodocumenttherealityofincarcerationandto formulatecleardemandsforamorehumaneprisonsystem34.Thedemandswerepublicised outsidetheprisonsbyahastilyformedCommitteeforPrisonReform.In1972anumberofthe prisonerswhohadbeeninvolvedintheunionswerereleasedandbegantoworkwithsomeof themembersoftheCommitteeforPrisonReformwhichledin1973totheformationofthePRO. TheorganisationwaslaunchedpubliclyinJuly1973atapackedmeetingofexprisonersand humanrightsactivists.Thegroupsoonprovedtobeextremelyactiveandinnovative.Inthe followingmonthstheyorganisedanumberofhighprofilemeetingsinDublinatwhichradical clergymen,Irishandinternationalpoliticalactivistandtradeunionists35calledonthe governmenttoreformtheprisonsystem.Atthesametimetheywereroutinelyorganising picketsandprotestsoutsideprisonsandtheDepartmentofJustice. Withinacoupleofyearsoftheirinception,thePROwasinvolvedinanenormousnumberof intiativesandprojects.Thisactivitytookthreeformspracticalsupportandsolidarityfor prisoners,politicalagitationandprotest,andmediaandresearchwork.Thepracticalsupport forprisonersinvolvedawiderangeofservicesandevenincludedrunningabusforfamilies visitinginmates,butmostfrequentlyinvolvedmakinglegalrepresentationsandcomplaintson behalfofprisoners.Thepoliticalandmediaworkdrewdirectlyontheinformationgathered
34Itisnoteworthythatcomparedtoothergroupsinvolvedinthewaveofprisonproteststhattookplace

Europe in America in the same period, both the PRO and the Prisoners Unions demands were very modest.AlthoughthePROwascriticalofthejusticesystemandclassinequalitytherewasnocallforthe abolition of prisons and the group was certainly not explicitly anticapitalist. Instead they called for reform and less punitive conditions and demanded meaningful rehabilitation through education. Interestinglysomeofthe JailJournalarticlesevenexpressedconcernaboutwardersworkingconditions. ThisofcoursereflectsthemooringofthePROinprisonersexperienceandapoliticalpragmatismrather thanradicalpolitics.InfactsomeseniorPROmembersdeeplydistrustedideologicallydrivenactivists.
35 In the first few years of the PRO, the organisation tried hard to develop connections with the trade

union movement and called for the formation of official prison unions which would be affiliated to the IrishCongressofTradeUnions.

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whileofferingpracticalsolidaritytoprisonersandwasthendisseminatedbothintheirown publicationsandthroughthemainstreammedia. However,despitetheimpressivelevelofenergyshownbythePROthroughoutitshistory,the coregroupofactivistswasverysmallbetween10and15people.Initiallyitwasmainlymade upofexprisonersandwasbasedsolelyinthenorthinnercityofDublin.Overtheyearsthe compositionoftheorganisingcommitteeofthePROchangedsomewhatanddespitepositioning itselfasanexplicitlynonpoliticalorganisationitdidattractanumberofpoliticalactivists frombothinsideandoutsidethecommunityintoitsranks,mostnotablythefeministand socialistMirndeBurcawhoseinterestinprisonreformstemmedfromherownexperienceas aninmateandJoeCostellowhowasaspokesmanfortheorganisationforseveralyearsandlater becameaLabourTDforthenorthinnercity.However,politicalactivistswereneveramajority withintheorganisingcommitteeorthegroupasawhole. Althoughthecoreactivistgroupremainedsmall,thePROdidovertimespreadbeyondthenorth innercityinDublinandeventuallysetupanotherbranchinCorkanddevelopedafairlylarge activesupportbaseofpeoplewhowouldturnupatprotests.BythelateseventiesthePROhad alsodevelopedanetworkofinfluentialcontactsinthemediaandinthelegalprofession.In1979 theyhadthecontactsandwherewithaltoorganiseahighprofilethreedaypubliccommission onthepenalsystemchairedbySenMcBridewithextensivesubmissionsfromprisoners, academicsandlegalexperts.Remarkably,itwasthefirstreviewofpenalconditionsinthe historyofthestate.TheeventwasreportedbyRTEandtheIrishTimesandlaterresultedinthe publicationofabook36. AccordingtoacampaigneractiveinthePROthroughouttheeightieslettingthepublicknow bydocumentingandpublicisingtherealityofeverydaylifeintheprisonsystemwasseen internallyasoneofthecentralfunctionsoftheorganisation.Particularattentionwasgivento thepersonalexperienceofprisonersandinthisrespectthePROcanberegardedaspartofa seriousandsustainedattempttowritethehistoryofthecriminaljusticesysteminfrombelow. AkeypartofthiswastheregularpublicationanddistributionoftheJailJournalwhichcameout everycoupleofmonths.Thejournalwasmainlywrittenbyprisonersorexprisoners,andthe bulkofthepublicationwasconcernedwiththeexperienceofimprisonmentthroughpersonal testimonies,poems,reportsandanalyses.Althoughinthelatterhalfofthelifeofthe organisationthetoneofthejournalbecamealittlemoreformal,italwaysretainedasenseof immediacyandaconnectionwitheverydaylife.Thepublicationbuiltuparegularcirculationin thelowthousandsbymemberssellingitinpubsandatdemonstrations.ThePROtirelesslytried tobringtheissuesraisedintheJailJournaltotheattentionofjournalistsandanumberofthe storiesfirstcarriedinthejournallaterfeaturedinthenationalmedia37. ThemainpublicationwastheJailJournal,butthePROalsopublishedarangeofothermaterial includingabookonhowtouseprisonrulestomakelegalcasesaboutprisonconditions.The organisationalsotookuponitselftodomoreacademicresearch.Itcompletedsocioeconomic surveysofyoungandadultoffendersanddrewupreportsonindividualinstitutions38.This grassrootsresearchoncrimeandpunishmentwascompletelyunprecedentedinanIrish contextanddemonstratedinasystematicway,forthosewhomayhavedoubtedit,thatthere wasaclearlinkbetweenpovertyandimprisonment.
36SenMcBride(Ed)(1982)Crimeandpunishment.WardRiverPress:Dublin 37Thisofcoursedependedonatypeofcrimejournalismverydifferentfromthefarewhichpredominates at the moment (a mish mash of warmedover Garda press releases, sensationalism and right wing prejudice).Inthe70sand80sthepublicwaswellservedbytheinvestigativejournalismof Hiberniaand MagillandtheworkofwriterslikeGeneKerrigan,NellMcCaffertyandVincentBrowne. 38SeeforinstancePRO(1978)LoughanHouse:asurveyoffifty1216yearoldmaleoffendersfromthe

SeanMcDermottStreetSummerhillareaofDublinsinnercity.PRO:1978.

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GiventheemphasisthePROgavetocreatingspaceforprisonerstotellitlikeitisthe organisationinevitablyfounditselfgettingtogripswithandarticulatingwithawholeswatheof problemswhichhadabearingonprisonerslivesbutwhichwerenotdirectlyconnectedwith gaols.SoalongwithprisonconditionstheJailJournaloftencarriedarticlesaboutsocial inequality,mentalhealthandtheanomaliesandidiociesofthecourtsystem.Inthiswaythe remitoftheorganisationwidenedsomewhat.Asaconsequenceinthe1980sthePROeven founditselfinvolvedinthestruggleagainstthecriminalisationofstreettradersinDublinsinner cityanditevenbecameoneofthefirstgroupstodoadvocacyworkandpopulareducationon theissueofHIV/Aids. The PRO and Garda brutality Itisunsurprisingthenthatfromveryearlyoninitshistorytheorganisationfounditself documentingcasesofGardabrutality.ThiswouldcometotheattentionofthePROeither throughpersonalcontactsorfrompeoplewhowouldarriveattheregularcommitteemeetings andgiveanaccountoftheirexperienceatthehandsthepolice.Advicewouldthenbeofferedon howtoproceedagainstthepolice.ThePROwouldthendoublecheckthestoryandgreatcare wastakentobescrupulouslyaccurateandavoidanyexaggeration.Iftheythoughtthestorywas credibletheywouldcontactthemediaandholdapicketatthestationwheretheincident occurred.ThestorieswerewrittenupintheJailJournalandfollowedupinvariouswayseither throughfurtherprotestsorthroughlegalmeans.SignificantlythePROwouldoffersupportto thevictimrightthroughanylegalorcomplaintsprocess.Eventuallypolicingbecameoneofthe majorconcernsofthePROandeveryeditionoftheJailJournalprominentlyincludedalistof rightswhenarrestedandoccasionallycarriedadviceonhowtobesttodealwiththepolice. InfactoneofthehighpointsofthePROsactivityandcertainlysomeofthemostvisibleand angryproteststhatthePROwasinvolvedinconcernedahighprofilecaseofpoliceviolence. EamonnByrnea22yearoldfromthenorthinnercitywasshotduringafoiledarmedrobberyin November1982ontheNorthWall.OnthemorninginquestionByrneandtwootherwentto stealthecashfromthepursersofficeonaB&IferrydockedinDublinportbutwhenitbecame clearthatthegardahadforeknowledgeoftherobberyByrneandtheothersdecidedtoabandon theirplans.TheyattemptedtofleebutfailedandEamonnByrnewasshotwhileunarmedandon theground.Thegardasaidtheshotwasdischargedaccidentally,butitwidelybelievedthathis deathwassuspiciousandthatthegardahadsetoutthatmorningtosettleascorewithByrne. SomeofthesuspicionandangercreatedbythedeathofEamonnByrnestemmedfromthefact thathewasverywellknownandpopularyoungmaninthenorthinnercitywhowasviewedby manyasaRobinHoodsortofcharacter.Moreimportantlythough,itwascommonknowledge thatinthemonthsprecedingthebotchedrobberyByrnehadapproachedseveralorganisations includingthePROandtheIrishCouncilforCivilLibertiesandmadestatementsthatheworried abouthissafetyandthatthegardahaditinforhim.InthewakeoftheseeventsthePRO regularlymobilisedhundredsfornumerouswellattendedpicketsanddemonstrations. SympatheticarticlesaboutByrneappearedinthemainstreammediaandalthoughthegarda wereexoneratedthePROhadakeyroleinarticulatingacommunitysconcernsandcreating mediaandlegalpressureforgreaterpoliceaccountability. Assessing the im pact of the PRO on Garda brutality ByrnescaseisinsomewaysrepresentativeofthestrengthsandlimitationsofthePROworkin general.LookingbackovertheorganisationshistoryitisclearthatbecausethePROwas embeddedinthecommunity,hadastableorganisationalstructure,enjoyedanetworkoflegal,

65

mediaandpoliticalcontactsandaboveallwaswillingtoprovideapublicforumforstoriesof misconductandbrutalityitwasauniquelywellplacedtomaketheinvisibleabuseofpolice poweravisiblephenomenon39.Eventuallythroughanaccumulationofindividualstoriesthe PROwasabletobuildupapictureofwhatwashappeningincustodyinawaythathadnotbeen donebeforefornonpoliticaleverydaypolicing.Specificgarda,specificstationsandparticular patternsinbehaviouremergedasparticularlyimportantthroughthesestoriesandthePROwas abletolinkthemacrosstime.InsomewaysthePROhelpedconstructacollectivememoryof whatwashappeninginparticularstationsandseestructuralpatternswhichbeforecouldbe writtenasanomaliesortheactionsofroguegarda.Followingthisupoveranextendedperiod oftimedemonstratedthatviolentmachoculturesflourishedincertainstations40,mostoftenin orattheedgeofworkingclassareas,andmusthavethereforeeitherbeenencouragedoratleast giventacitapprovalbyseniorofficers. ThePROdissolvedinthemideighties.AccordingtooneofthemembersofthePROactiveatthis timethiswasprimarilybecausedrugabusechangedthesocialdynamicswithinthe communitiesthatPROwasrootedinandledtosomeoftheirerstwhilesupportersfallingaway. InretrospectitisdifficulttojudgehoweffectivethePROsworkwasinmakingthegardamore accountable.ThePROneverreached,andforvariousreasonsprobablycouldneverhave reached,thesortofsizewheretheirworkwouldhaveaclearlydiscernibledirecteffecton policing41.However,activitysuchasregularpicketsoutsideagivenpolicestation,thenamingof gardaguiltyofbrutalityinprintandthecreationofvisiblenetworksofsolidarity,howeverhard tomeasure,isverylikelytohavehadnumeroushiddenpositiveeffects.Whatiseasierto establishisthatthatthePROalongsideleftwingactivists,Republicansandtoalesserextent internationalNGOssuchasAmnestyhelpedtochange,tosomeextent,thepublicdiscourse aboutpolicingbetweenthe1970sand1980s. MoreimportantlystillwhatthePROdemonstratesisthattheworkofasmallcommittedgroup ofactivists,howeverpoorlyresourcedandhoweverenormousthetasktheyface,cancreatea newculturalandpoliticalspacewheresilencedstoriescanbeaired,elaboratedandthought through.Andattheveryleast,throughpersistentresearch,protestandmediawork,thePRO createdapowerfulchinkinthearmourofuntouchablemoralrighteousnessthatcontinuesto contributesomuchtothelackofGardaaccountabilityinIreland.

39Someofthevictimsofpolicebrutality,especiallyfromcommunitieswhereaggressivepolicingwasnot thenorm,whometwiththePROwererelievedtofindpeoplewhobelievedthatunprovokedassaultby theGardawasinanywaybelievable. 40ForexampleStoreStreet,FitzgibbonStreetandSundriveRoad. 41Asalreadyhasbeensuggested,boththestrengthandtheweaknessofthePROwasitwasdeeplyrooted

inthespecificsocialexperienceofprisonersandtoalesserextentembeddedinonespecificgeographical area (the north inner city of Dublin). Such a close identification meant that the PRO had limited appeal outsideofcommunitiesinwhichimprisonmentisafairlycommonexperience.Thisalsocertainlyputoff some of the more respectable members within the community from which the PRO drew most of its support.

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Challengingtargetedpolicing: myexperiencesintheOntarioCoalitionAgainstPoverty
MikeHarriscametopowerasPremierofOntarioin1995.Harriscouldeasilybecharacterised asruthless,callousandevenauthoritarian.OneofhisfirstactsasPremierwastoslashwelfare paymentsbyawhopping21.6%.UnderhisCommonSenseRevolutionHarriscancelled fundingforaffordablehousingandcurtailedservicestothehomeless,introducedworkfare, repealedprolabourlegislation,broughtintightereligibilitycriteriafordisabilityallowance,and introducedlegislationinrelationtorentingandtenantsrightsthatresultedinmanymore becominghomelessintheprocess.Poorpeopleweredemonisedandcastasscroungersand cheats,withwelfarefraudhotlinesestablishedtoreportthem. Oneofthemoredraconian,poorbashingmeasuresheinstitutedwastheSafeStreetsAct. Essentiallyasocialcleansingbill,thislegislationpushedthepoorandhomelessoutofsight, outlawingaggressivepanhandling(askingformoney)andsqueegeeing(cleaningofcar windowsatstoplightsinexchangeforsparechange,oftendonebykids).Thisactalsoallowed fortargetedpolicing(orcommunityactionpolicingasHarriscalledit).ModelledafterGiulianis zerotolerancepolicingpoliciesinNewYorkCity,itgaveincreasedpowerstothecops.This armedpoliceforceroutinelyharassedandillegallysearchedthehomelessandyouthsinan attempttoremovethemfrompublicspaces.Theyhavealsobeatenupseveralhomelesspeople atrandom.Homelesspeopleandsqueegeekidswereoftenarrestedandchargedwithloitering! AnothercommontacticwastoissuefinesforsupposedbreachesoftheSafeStreetsAct.These finesareunaffordableandalsorestrictedmovementintheirownspaceandcommunitiesasa wayofdrivingthepooroutofcertainareasofthecity.AstudyconductedbyaTorontolegal clinicreportedthat11.5%ofstreetyouthclaimedtheirworstvictimizationwasatthehandsof thepolice,asopposedtootherhazardslikesickness,beingattackedorthreatenedorsexual assault. ItwasinthisclimateIjoinedtheOntarioCoalitionAgainstPovertyorOCAP.Thebrainchildof JohnClarke,OCAPisadirectactionantipovertyorganisationbasedprimarilyinToronto. Clarkesideawastobuildamovementofpoorpeopletoresistoppression.ThehistoryofOCAP stretchesbackovertwentyyears,beginningwithafoundingconferencein1990.Priortothe formationofOCAP,manyofitsnowmemberswereinvolvedinmarchesagainstpovertyduring thelate1980s.The1990conferencebroughttogethergroupsfromovertwentyfivedifferent communitiesinOntario,solidifyingOCAPsidentityandpurpose.Ittherebydefineditselfasan organisationcommittedtomobilizingpoorandhomelesspeopletofightbackthroughmilitant, directaction.MostsignificantlyOCAPdecidedtorejectnotionsofbasingtheorganizationon methodsofconsultationandcompromisewiththoseinpower(OCAP2009). OCAPhasbeenaformidablepresenceonthepoliticallandscapeofOntario.Theyhaveorganized aroundhousingissues,deportations,FirstNationsstruggles,andcampaignsagainstcapitalism. Theyemploycreativeyetmilitanttechniquestochallengeoppression.Amongthetacticsused aremockevictionsandtakeovers,streetfeastsandfestivalsforthehomelessandpoorheldin wealthyareasofthecity,picketsofemployersusingworkfare,andcrashingglitzyfundraising eventsorganisedbypoliticalparties.OCAPalsoengagesindirectactioncaseworkoradvocacy forindividuals,actingasagobetweenforpoorpeopleandhostileserviceslikewelfareoffices. TodatetheyhaveanofficeindowntownTorontowithapaidorganisertohelpwiththeir campaigns. OneofthefirstdemonstrationsIparticipatedinwastheAllanGardenstakeoverinAugust1999. AllanGardensisalargeparkintheheartofTorontothatwasfrequentlyusedbythehomelessas aplacetosleepandcongregate.Policehadconsistentlybeendrivingpeopleoutoftheparkusing theSafeStreetsActastheirjustification.OCAPorganisedamasssleepoverinanattemptto reclaimthespace.Onthefirstdayalargepartoftheparkwascordonedoffandsupportersfrom anumberofsectorsincludingstudentsandunionsparticipatedtoshowtheirsupportforthe 67

project,includingmanyhomelesspeople.TheideawastohaveOCAPmembersandsupporters campintheparkwithitsregularresidentsasameansofdeterringthepolice. WhileatthisdemonstrationIspokewithmanymembersofthehomelesscommunitywho relayedstoriesoftheirexperiencesofpolicebrutality.Onemaninparticularstandsoutinmy mindtothisday.Amaninhis40s,hewashomelessuponhisreleasefromprisonafterbeing incarceratedforattackingamanwhohadrapedhisdaughter.Atonepointinourconversation hepulledupthelegofhistrouserstoshowsomeoftheinjurieshehadfrombeingattackedby policeoncountlessoccasionsbecausehesleptinthepark.Downonesideofhislegwasalarge amountofscarringanddisfigurationwhichhereceivedfrombeingrunoverbyapolicecruiser intheparkonenightsomethinghebelievedwasintentional.Hisstorywasbynomeans exceptional. Over100peoplestayedovernightinthepark,manypatrollingtheareatokeepitcopfree.It lastedfournightsuntilthecopsinvadedtheparkjustbeforedawntoevictallthosepresent. Twentysevenpeoplewerearrested.Wemetthenextdaytodecidewhatthenextstepwouldbe. Therewasadecisiontakentoabandonthepermanenttakeoverandleavetheparkforthe immediatefuture,thoughsincethattimeOCAPhasorganisedsubsequenttakeoversofAllan Gardens,themostrecentheldin2009.Whilethesetakeovershavenotresultedinapermanent reclamationofthepark,theyhavedrawnconsiderableattentiontotheplightofthosewhouse theparkasasafespaceandtotheabusetheyfaceatthehandsofTorontocops.Theyhavealso increasedsupportforOCAPandresultedinanincreaseinitsmembershipbase. AnotheractionOCAPorganisedtoprotesttheSafeStreetsAct,andparticularlythecops harassmentandticketingofthepoor,wasamasspanhandlingdemonstrationattheToronto InternationalFilmFestivalinthesameyear.SeveralOCAPmembers,includingmembersofthe homelessandpoorcommunities,parkedourselvesattheendoftheredcarpet,withourpailsfor panhandlingandshoutedthefilmsmightbenicebutthehomelesspaytheprice.Manyofthe glitteratiintheCanadianandinternationalfilmindustrywereshuffledinthroughaside entrancetoavoiduswhileothersbravedtheredcarpetforthephotoop,therebyensuringthat OCAPspresencewasfelt.ItalsodrewattentiontotheheavynatureofpolicingOCAPactions.As JohnClarkehimselfnoted,thehugepoliceforceinattendanceoftheevent,manyonhorseback, onlyaddedtotheactionssuccess. Thesewerejusttwoactionsinaseriesthatwereaimedatchallengingpolicecriminalisationand targetingofthepoor.OtherOCAPactionsincludedcollectingticketshandedouttothehomeless andsqueegeekidswhoweredeemedtobeinviolationoftheSafeStreetsActandchallenging theticketsincourt.Thishadconsiderablesuccess.WealsoinvadedTorontoswealthyYorkville district,hometocelebritiesandCanadaselite,foramasspanhandlingaction,stormingthe restaurantintheFourSeasonsHotel,grabbingfoodofftheplatesoftherichwholookedonin disgust,jumpingontablesanddisruptingtheirluxuriouslunch.Thisactionwassuccessful becauseadecoybuswasarrangedtotraveltoapublicizedactionasameansofconfusingthe policewhowerefollowingustheYorkvilleactionwaskeptsecretevenfrommembersuntilthe busarrivedatitslocation.Othertacticshaveincludedmockevictionsofgovernmentministers, andmasssquattinginabandonedbuildings. WitheverysuccessOCAPhashadithasbeenmetwithincreasingforcefromthepolice.Every OCAPeventhadanincreasinglylargeandhostilepolicepresence.Agoodexampleistheprotest onParliamentHillin1999wherethoseofusattemptingtogainaccesstothepublicgovernment chamber,manyofwhomwerehomeless,wereattackedbyriotcopswithpeppersprayand batons.ItwasthefirsttimepeppersprayhadeverbeenusedonParliamentHill. ManyOCAPmembershavebeentargetedbythepoliceovertheyearsfollowed,threatened, arrestedandfalselyimprisonedasameansofintimidation.Perhapstheculminationofpolice outrageagainstOCAPresistancewastheJune16th(2000)protestwhichwasdeemedariotby theTorontopolice.Thisprotestresultedintheunprovokedattackandbeatingsofmany protestors,severalarrests,includingthatofJohnClarke,andacourtcasetochargeJohnwith incitingariot.ClarkeandtwoothermembersofOCAPwerestripsearchedupontheirarrest 68

againasameansofintimidation.OCAPhasmanagedtosuccessfullychallengetheseactsof intimidationthroughthecourtsonanumberofoccasions,withatleastfourOCAPmembers successfullywinningtheircasesagainsttheTorontocopsandreceivingsettlementsasaresult. ThesedirectactiontacticsfurthermobilisedpeopleandOCAPsmembershipcontinuedto substantiallygrowoverthenextfourorfiveyears.SeveralchaptersofOCAPopenedinother partsoftheprovince.Ithinkthisshowsthatevensmallactsofresistanceareimportant mobilisingtoolsandareeffectiveindrawingattentiontopolicebehaviourandchallengingit. OCAPempowerspeopletostandupfortheirrightsandtostanduptothepolice.Thosewho havebeenthetargetofpolicybrutalitycannowstandinsolidaritywithotherswhohave experiencedsimilartreatment.Theycanseethattheirexperiencesarenotisolatedincidentsbut partofabroaderstructuredesignedtofurthermarginaliseandoppressthepoor. OCAPcontinuestoorganiseagainstpolicebrutalityandthecriminalizationofdissent.Thishas increasedpertinencesincetheQueensParkRiotaspoliceofficersfromoutsidetownsandcities arenowoftenbroughtinforOCAPdemonstrations.Forcedtobecreativeinthefaceofincreased policing,OCAPadoptedinterestingtechniquesasameansofachievingsuccessfulactions.These includedsnakemarchesandtimingdemonstrationstocoincidewitheventshappening simultaneouslyinthecity(e.g.thePopesvisit)asameansofensuringthatthepolicewouldbe ontheirbestbehaviour.Mostrecentlytheysuccessfullymobilisedinthefaceofincreasingpolice harassmentattheG20protestsinTorontoinJune2010.ForOCAPtherighttoprotestwithout threatofharmorcriminalityiscentraltotheiroverallgoalofsocietaltransformation. OCAPisparticularlyappealingtothosefrompoorandworkingclassbackgroundsbecausetheir messageisanempoweringone.Itofferstheopportunitytoparticipateinagroupthatnotonly recognizesthatthistargetedpolicingofthepoorexistsbutactuallyovertlychallengesit.Their rhetoricandactionhelpstomakesenseofoneslifeandthealltooroutineexperiencesthat accompanygrowingupinpoverty.OCAPhasmadeatangibledifferenceinthelivesofmany people. WhileOCAPmaynothaveyetfullychangedthenatureofpolicinginToronto,knowingthegroup takessuchexperiencesseriously,recognisingthemassystemicisquiteempoweringinitself.It letsyouknowthatyouhavesomewheretogotoshareyoursimilarexperiencesandgivesyoua meansofchallengingsuchrepression.That,Ithink,isinvaluable.

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Makingpolicinghistory:differentwaysofresisting
Howhaveactiviststriedtoputmannersonthepolice?Whichmethodshaveworked?Which mightbeworthtrying?Thisarticleisabriefoverviewofdifferentwaysofresistingpoliticaland socialpolicing. Ingeneral,itisverydifficulttosuccessfullydemonstratewrongdoingonthepartevenof individualpoliceofficers,letalonesystematicmisconductarulewhichholdsacrosscountries andpolice/legalsystems.Veryfewcomplaintsbroughtbymembersofthepublicareupheld, whilesuccessfulcomplaintsseldomtranslateintoanysignificantdisciplinaryaction;and successfulcriminalprosecutionsofpoliceofficersforactsofpoliticalorsocialrepressionare extremelyrare. Atpresent,forexample,theUKsIndependentPoliceComplaintsCommissionhasnotedthat despite333peopledyinginBritishpolicecustodyoverthepast11yearsnoofficerhasever beensuccessfullyprosecuted;amere13officerswereevenprosecuted.Mattersarenodifferent inIreland.Therehavebeenoccasionalsuccessfulprosecutionsforcorruption,makingitclear thatitisnotsomuchthatpoliceareuniversallyabovethelawasthatparticularkindsofcrime (violenceagainstthepoorandpoliticalactivists)aresystematicallytoleratedbythecourts, prosecutionservicesandotherpoliceofficers. Themainpurposeofthestrategiesdiscussedhereisnotthewideroneofcreatingasocietyin whichthisisnolongertrueonewhichdoesnotseethejobofthepoliceasdefendingtherich againstthepoorandthestatusquoagainstpopularmovementsbutthemoreimmediateoneof creatingaclimatewhich"putsmannersonthepolice",whereeitherpolicecommandersare reluctanttosanctionpreviouslynormalbehaviour,orindividualofficersrestrainthemselves fromsuchbehaviour.Itisimportanttorealisethatpolicecommandersarevulnerabletomedia criticism,andtocaseswhichcreatepublicembarrassmentfortheirownbossesingovernment, whileindividualpoliceofficersareconsciousofthepossibilityofwhattheytypicallyseeas unjustifiedpersecutionorscapegoatingbymanagement. Thestrategiesdiscussedbelowworkbothdirectlyandindirectly.Directly,strategiessuchasthe presenceoflegalobservers,thestatedconcernofhumanrightsgroups,thepresenceof independentmediaor"copwatch"patrolsallacttodiscouragepolicefrombehavinginways whichtheymayhavetoworkhardtojustifyorwhichtheyfearmayjeopardisetheircareers. Indirectly,thepublicisingofcasesofpoliceabuse(evenwhentheyneverreachthecourts),the disseminationof"knowyourrights"informationandsoon,acttocreateasituationinwhichthe publicatlargeislesswillingtograntthepolicecarteblanchetobehaveastheylike. Moregenerally,bothstrategiescancontributetocrisesofestablishedpolicingmodels,suchas thatafterReclaimtheStreets2002inDublin(discussedelsewhereinthispamphlet)orthatof IanTomlinson(whodiedfollowingpoliceassaultattheLondonG20in2009),wheremedia pressureleadstopolitical,policeinternalorlegalinquiriesintoparticularpoliceapproaches. Suchinquiriesrarelysolvetheproblem,buttheycansetadifferenttoneforwhatpolice commandersandindividualofficersfeeltheycangetawaywithorhowtheyareexpectedto behave. Onrareoccasionstheycanactuallyleadtoinstitutionalchange(mostnotably,thedisbandingof organisationswithaninstitutionalcultureofviolence,suchastheIrish"HeavyGang").The experiencecrossnationallyofpoliceinternalreforminitiativesandoversightbodieshasbeen relativelydisappointing,butattimespolicereformhasledtomoreeffective"commandand control"meaningthatpoliceviolencebecomeslessamatterofindividualbehaviourandmore amatterofdeliberatepolicy. Thuspolicingcampaignershavetobepreparedforarelativelackofvisibleresultsintermsof convictionsofviolentofficersetc.,inreturnforinvisibleresultsintermsofassaultsanddeaths nottakingplace,policerestraint,abroaderpublic"eyeonthepolice"etc.Policeviolenceand 70

abuseofpowersisextremelyunlikelytoceasewithincapitalism,butsomelimitscanbeplaced onitinsomecircumstances. Different strategies Disseminationofinformationisthemostwidespreadtacticusedinresponsetobothpolitical andsocialpolicing.Thisinvolvesmakingavailablebasicinformationonyourrightsfor example,inrelationtobeingstoppedbythepolice,toansweringquestions,tobeingsearched,to arrestsetc.inaneasytouseform(associatedwithcontactdetailsforpotentialsupport,such asalegalhotlineforaprotestoralocalcommunitygroup).Itcanbeeffectiveinencouraging thosetargettedbythepolicetostandupforthemselves. Stewardingisadoubleedgedtactic;inIrelandtheroleofstewardsisnowmostlytomakesure thatprotestorscomplywithprioragreementsbetweenorganisersandpolice,buttheirorigins lieratherinpoliceattacksonprotestors.TheIrishCitizenArmy,whoseorganisersincluded JamesConnolly,SeanO'CaseyandJackWhite,wasformedafterthedeathsoftwostrikersand policeassaultsonworkingclassareasduringthe1913Lockout,initiallytoprotectworkers' demonstrationsfromthepolice.(Notmuchhaschangedinthisrespect:thepolicewereacting onbehalfoftheowneroftheIrishIndependentamongothers,andweresubsequentlyrewarded fortheirbehaviourwithfreeuseofthetramswhichhealsoowned.)In1968,stewardinggroups incountrieslikeItalyagainbecamemorelikeselfdefenceorganisationsinthefaceofpolice attacks.Ifdemocraticallycontrolledstewardingcanhelpprotectprotestorsfrompolice provocationandmarchesfrombeingbrokenup,inpracticeIrishstewardingistypicallyabout controllingdemonstratorsanddoeslittletoprotectthem. Protesttrainingforallparticipantsoftenseemsamoreeffectiveapproachforcontemporary protests.Thereisawidevarietyoftrainingavailable,includingtheuseofaffinitygroups(small supportgroupswholookoutforeachotherondemos),dearresting(whatitsoundslike), resisting"kettling"(policeencirclementandextendedopenairdetentionofprotestors), spottingcovertarrests,groundingtechniques(ameansofstayingcalmandresistingpanic)and soon.Traumasupportwork(forthoserecoveringfrompoliceattacks)hasalsocometobean importantelement,bothintrainingandasprotestsupport,giventheeverpresentpossibilityof policeviolence. Legalobserversarewidelyusedatprotestsinmanycountries.Thetaskofalegalobserverina potentiallyconflictualprotestistoactasanindependentwitness,takingarecordofincidentsof policeviolenceandotherpotentiallyunjustifiedactionstoastandardsuitableforcourtroom use.Undertherightcircumstances,thepresenceofclearlyidentifiablelegalobserverscandeter policebrutality.Itisalsoarolewhichcanbeofferedto(forexample)older,moreestablishedor mainstreamallies,whoareunlikelytobethetargetsofpoliceviolencethemselvesandwho courtsaremorelikelytoseeasreliablewitnesses. Legalfollowupworkisresourceintensiveandtimeconsuming,butsometimeshashad remarkableresults.Agoodexampleisthelegalteamwhichworkedforthe9yearsfollowingthe 2001protestsinGenoa.Whiletheresultsforprotestorsfacingchargeswerenotgood,the team'scompilationofevidencewaspartofaprocesswhichsawaseriesofmajortrialsinwhich membersofthesecurityforceswerefoundguiltyofseriousoffencesinrelationtotheattackson protestorsattheDiazschool,thetreatmentofprisonersattheBolzanetobarrackswhichwas convertedintoatemporarydetentioncamp,andsoon.44people(includingcarabinieri,prison officers,soldiers,policeofficersanddoctors)werefoundguiltyintheBolzanetocasealone;in relationtotheDiazcasethosefoundguiltyincludedtheGenoachiefofpolice,theheadsofthe Romeriotsquadandthecurrentchiefofantiterroristactivities.WhiletheBerlusconi governmentdiditsbesttorescueitsclosestallies,outcomeslikethis(whichalsothreatenthe pensionrightsetc.ofseniorpoliceofficers)aregoingtobenoticedbythosewhomayinthepast havefelttheyhadafreehandinattackingprotestors.TheGenoalegalteamachievedthisata heavycostaconstantprocessoffundraisingandtouringtosupportthedevelopmentofsome 71

veryinnovativeworkwithvideoevidenceinparticularbuttheexampleisworthbearingin mind. Bycontrast,theGardaSochnaOmbudsmanCommissionhasbeenamajordisappointment (seethepersonalexperienceelsewhereinthispamphlet).Thevastmajorityofcomplaintshave noresult.However,onoccasion(asinRossport)theCommissionhasrecommendedaction(in thiscasereprimandingaseniorGarda).ElsewhereinthecaseofGardaattacksonstudents occupyingtheDepartmentofFinancein2010complaintstotheOmbudsmanformedthebasis ofastorywhichallowedRTjournaliststoreleasefootageofpoliceviolencewhichhad previouslybeenembargoed. Humanrightsandcivillibertiesgroupshaveanaturalbriefinpromotingtherespectof humanrightsandcivillibertiesbylawenforcement,court,prisonandmilitaryofficers.Their effectivenessdependsontheirindependence,theirnonpoliticalstatusand(often)thelegal expertiseoftheirstaff.Statewatch,organisedatEuropeanlevel,hasaparticularlyusefulwebsite forresearchpurposes. Independentmediacanplayacomparablerole;aswiththefilmingofthe"copriot"attheMay 2002ReclaimtheStreetsparty,highqualityvideoorstillphotographyinparticularcanplaya roleinhighlightingpoliceabuses;undersomecircumstances,thevisiblepresenceofa technologicalrecordcanputlimitsonpolicebehaviour,butsuitablearrangementsneedtobe madetoensuretherapidhandingonofimagestosafethirdparties(forexample,usingbike couriersorInternetcafestouploaddata).Independentjournalistscanofcoursethemselves becometargetsofpoliceattacks. Onerapidlydevelopingareaistheuseofonlinesitestorecordandpublicisepoliceviolencein particular,andmoregenerallytosupportdemonstrators(egcallingforpeopletocomeand supportprotestorsunderpolicethreat).Thiscanrangefromtwitterfeedscoveringpolice actionsvialivestreamingofdemonstratorsexperiencestodirectbroadcastingfromprotests. Copwatchtacticsaremoreassociatedwithissuesaroundsocialpolicing,forexample harassmentofyoungmenindisadvantagedcommunities.CopwatchgroupsintheUSAand Canadaorganisepatrolsmonitoringpoliceinteractionswithcivilians.Onoccasionthishasbeen successfulinforcinginquiriesintoparticularincidents. Inthecontextofpoliticalpolicing,theUKsFitwatchgrouphasbeenparticularlyeffectivein turningsurveillancebackontheintrusiveandaggressiveForwardIntelligenceTeams, publishingtheirnamesandphotosinanameandshameprocess,deliberatelyblockingtheir attemptsatsurveillance,andpublicisingillegalpoliceactivity. Communitybasedprojects,suchastheNewhamMonitoringProjectinLondon,canintegrate caseworkwithresearchandmonitoringonpoliceracismaswellascampaigningonspecific issues. Protestsdirectlytargettingpolicebehaviourcanoftenbeeffectiveinvariousways;inDublin policehavebeenwithdrawnfromthelocationsoftheTerenceWheelockcampaignmarches, whileinItalythereweremoreprotestorsatpoliceviolenceafterthe2001Genoaprotests(at whichoneprotestorwasshotandkilled)thantherehadbeenattheproteststhemselves. Selfdefenceandexclusionofpolicehasbeenaresponseofsomebeleagueredcommunities, usuallyethnicminorities.Sometimesthishasbeeninresponsetoattacksbyracistmobs(asin NottingHillin1958),atothertimes(aswithvariousNativeAmericanprotests)inresponseto policeracism;FreeDerryin1969startedwithassaultsontheBogsidebytheRUCand "Paisleyite"mobs.Suchorganisationshaveusuallybeentargetteddirectlybypoliceforces(most famouslyinthecaseoftheBlackPanthers,whichwerefoundedinoppositiontopolicebrutality inOaklandandwhichpioneeredneighbourhoodpatrols.) Criticalpoliceorganisationsandcriticaljudicialbodiesarerelativelycommoninwestern Europe,suchastheGermanBundesarbeitsgemeinschaftkritischerPolizistinnenundPolizisten (FederalWorkingGroupofCriticalPoliceOfficers,1987present),abodyofcurrentandpast 72

policeofficerswhounderstandthemselvesas"citizensinuniform",theRepublikanischer AnwltinnenundAnwlteverin(RepublicanLawyers,1979present),whichplaysasimilar roleforGermanlawyers,thecentreleftMagistraturademocratica(DemocraticJudiciary,1964 present)inItaly,Magistratseuropenspourladmocratieetlesliberts(EuropeanJudgesfor DemocracyandLiberties,1985present),representingtradeunionsandassociationsofjudges from11differentEuropeancountriescommittedtothedefenceofdemocracyandhumanrights, andsoon WithintheRepublic,the"barracksculture"ofthegardameansthatindividualwhistleblowers, letalonegroupsofcriticalpolice,areabsent,andthosewhofindthemselvesuncomfortable withintheforcetendtoleaveratherthantrytochangethings.However,thisneednotbea permanentstateofaffairs.WithintheUS,theBadCopspoliceoversightportalisorientedto "goodcops,communityleaders,victimsandotherconcernedcitizens". Finally,ifdisseminationofinformationiswheretheworkstarts,victimsupportandsolidarity comesattheendoftheprocess.Publicsupportofthosewhohavebeenthevictimsofpolice violenceisofteneffective,notablyincourtandprisonprocesseswhicharegearedtoisolating victimsandpunishingthemfurther.Thiscanincludeeverythingfromcourtroom accompanimentandprisonvisitsthroughtheorganisationoflegaldefencefundsorcollections formedicalfeestoawarenessraisingmeetingsandtheproductionofdocumentariesetc.One particularformofthisistheAnarchistBlackCrossorganisation,whichspecialisesinsupporting anarchistprisoners(andmorelocallyMauraHarrington). Clearlythereisno"onesizefitsall"modelofhowpolicecanbebroughttorespectbasichuman decency(letalonetheletterofthelaw).Perhapsthemostimportantoutcomefromthevarious experiencesmentionedhere,however,isthatyoucandosomething;thepolicearenotall powerful;noteveryoneacceptsthattheyhaveacompletelicencetodowhattheywant;anditis possibletosetsomelimitstotheirbehaviour. Whatarethemostusefultactics?Muchdependsonwhoyouareyourabilitytocommittime andenergy,takerisksandengagewiththeunpleasantnessanddirtytricksthatcanbeexpected fromchallengingthegardaandthekindsofactionsyouarecomfortablewith.Whatisclearis thatevenasmallgroupofdedicatedactivists(asnotedinthispamphletsarticleonthe PrisonersRightsOrganization)canhavearealimpactinspecificareas. Asnotedabove,indirecteffectsarereallyimportantasdirectsuccesswillprobablybelimited. Changewithinpoliceforces(whichdoeshappen)dependsonahugerangeofotheractors.Some oftheseareelitesmodernisingpolicemanagers,judgeswhoarenotwillingtogivethepolicea blankcheque,criticaljournalists,evenoccasionalpoliticians.Othershavemoretodowith communitiesresistingthepolice,adecreasingpublicwillingnesstoacceptpoliceviolence,even individualofficerswhobecomewillingtorisktheircareersbyactingaswhistleblowers. Resistingpolicingismultidimensional,andperhapsthebestadviceistopickonefieldof activitywhichcanbesustainedovertimebyasmallnumberofpeople,andattempttodothat wellwithoutlosingsightofthebiggerpictureandlinkstoothersworkingondifferentpartsof thejigsaw.

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Appendix
PolicingIreland:someusefulresources Thislistisintentionallypartitionistinthatitdealsonlywithpoliceinthe26countiesas providingmaterialonpolicinginthe6countieswouldeasilytreblethelengthoftheguide. Allen,Gregory(1999)Thegardasiochana:policingindependentIreland19221982.Dublin:Gill andMacmillan.306p.(Writtenbyanexmember,andwitheverysignofit) AmnestyInternational(1977)ReportofanAmnestyInternationalmissiontotheRepublicof IrelandinJune1977.London:AmnestyInternational.(Investigationofheavygang)(Unseen) Brady,Conor(1974)Guardiansofthepeace.Dublin:GillandMacmillan.xvi,254p.(Enlightening book,mainlydealingwithgardaifrom19221945,withashortandgeneralepiloguetackedon tobringthestoryuptoSunningdale.) Breathnach,Seamus(1974).TheIrishpolicefromearliesttimestothepresentday.Dublin:Anvil Books.230p.(Enjoyableaccount:pp.116193dealswiththeGardai) Brewer,JohnD.etal.(1988)Thepolice,publicorderandthestate.Basingstoke:Macmillan. (pp.85107isagood,briefandcriticalacademicarticle,notingspecialpowers,garda accountability,scandals,etc.) Browne,VincentandDunne,Derek(1983)Theseedsofapolicestate.Magill6(12):2539, September1983.(NickyKellycase) Caldwell,June(2004)MayDay.GardaReviewMay2004:3135.www.gra.cc/GARDA_5_04_p29 43.pdf Carthy,Marie(2007)InsearchofJohn:theAbbeylarastoryofdepression,lossandafamilys questforjustice.Dublin:HodderHeadlineIreland.249p. Connolly,Johnny(1997).Beyondthepoliticsoflawandorder:communitypolicinginIreland. Belfast:CentreforResearchandDocumentation.(Historyofcommunityselfpolicing). Cunningham,Gerard(2009)Chaosandconspiracy:theframingoftheMcBreartyfamily.Dublin: GillandMacmillan.373p. Davis,FergalF.(2007)ThehistoryanddevelopmentoftheSpecialCriminalCourt19212005. Dublin:FourCourtsPress. DublinGrassrootsNetwork(2004)FortressDublin?Thecriminalisationofprotestandthe demonisationofdissent.http://www.struggle.ws/eufortress/pr/fortressdublin7may.html Dunne,DerekandKerrigan,Gene(1984)Rounduptheusualsuspects:NickyKellyandthe Cosgravecoalition.Dublin:Magill.272pp. GlobalCommunityMonitor(2007)PublicmeetingheldatGlenamoyCommunityHall,County Mayo.Testimonygivenbyconcernedcitizenstointernationaldelegationofenvironmentalists andhumanrightsspecialists.Monday,26February2007. www.gcmonitor.org/downloads/glenamoyhearingtrans.pdf80pp. GlobalCommunityMonitor(2007)ReportofaninternationalfactfindingdelegationtoCounty Mayo,IrelandFebruary2327,2007 www.gcmonitor.org/Downloads/International%20Fact%20Finding%20Report%20February% 202007%20FINAL_1.doc7pp. Hayes,Joanna(1985)Mystory.Dingle:BrandonPress.192pp.(Kerrybabiescase). 74

Hennelly,Regina(2007)Abbeylara:thetragicshootingofJohnCarthy.Dublin:OBrienPress. 287p. Inglis,Tom(2003).Truth,powerandlies:IrishsocietyandthecaseoftheKerrybabies.Dublin: UCDPress.288p. Ireland:DepartmentofJustice(1968)DeathofLiamOMahony:reportoftribunalappointedby MinisterforJusticeonJuly19th,1967.Ireland:StationeryOffice.48pp. Ireland(1977)Reportofthecommitteetorecommendcertainsafeguardsforpersonsincustody andformembersofthegardasiochana.ChairmanBarraOBriain.Dublin:StationeryOffice 30pp. IrishCouncilforCivilLiberties(1993)Policeinterrogationendangerstheinnocent.Dublin:ICCL. 63pp. Kerrigan,Gene(1984)Inthecustodyofthestate.Magill7(8):2933,March1984.(Deathsin custody:oneeverythreemonths). Kerrigan,Gene(1985)TheKerrybabies.Magill8(14):1651,May30,1985. Kerrigan,Gene(1985)TheKerrybabiescase:ananalysisofMrJusticeLynchsreport.Magill 9(2):1634,November1985. Kerrigan,Gene(2005)Hardcases.Dublin:GillandMacmillan. Kerrigan,GeneandBrennan,Pat(1999)Thisgreatlittlenation:theAZofIrishscandals& controversies.Dublin:Gill&Macmillan.316p.(Greatlittlebook:seeunderDowra;Dromad; Gardaconduct:Cork;Heavygang;Kelly,Nicky;Kerrybabies;Lyons,Dean;OBrien,ConorCruise; Urlingfordsting). Kerrigan,GeneandShaw,Helen(1985)Crimehysteria:vestedinterestshaveturneda manufacturedproblemintoacrisis.Magill8(11):1021,April18,1985. Lyder,Andre.(2005)Pushersout:theinsidestoryofDublinsantidrugsmovement.Trafford Publishing.(forgardaresponsetocommunityorganising) McBride,Sean(ed)(1982).Crimeandpunishment.Dublin:WardRiverPress.184pp. McCafferty,Nell(1985)Awomantoblame:theKerrybabiescase.Dublin:AtticPress,176pp. McCarthy,Des(2008)Nojustice,justus:interviewwithLarryWheelock.RedandBlack Revolution14:37. McGarry,Patsy(2006)Whilejusticeslept:thetruestoryofNickyKellyandtheSallinstrain robbery.Dublin:LiffeyPress.250pp. McGlinchey,Karen(2005)Charades:AdrienneMcGlincheyandtheDonegalgardai.Dublin:Gill andMacmillan.272pp. McNiffe,Liam(1997)Ahistoryofthegardasiochana:asocialhistoryoftheforce19221952 withanoverviewfortheyears19521997.Dublin:WolfhoundPress.300p. Mulcahy,AoganandOMahony,Eoin(2005)PolicingandsocialmarginalisationinIreland. Dublin:CombatPovertyAgency. 39pp.www.combatpoverty.ie/publications/workingpapers/2005_02_WP_Policingand SocialMarginalisation.pdfaccessed23/8/09 Munnelly,Brendan(1987)Whosbuggingyou?Cork:MercierPress.90p. Nugent,Brian(2008)OrwellianIreland.www.lulu.com/content/1362154 Robinson,Mary(1974)TheSpecialCriminalCourt.Dublin:DublinUniversityPress.48pp.

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Scully,John(1994)Ashattereddream.Dublin:ScullyPublications.144pp.(Personalaccountby emigrantswhoreturnedtoopenashopinSummerhill,Dublinofharassmentbylocalsand gardai). Walsh,DermotP.J.(2009)TwentyyearsofhandlingpolicecomplaintsinIreland:acritical assessmentofthesupervisoryboardmodel.LegalStudies29(2):305337.(Looksatfailureof supervisoryboardmodel,aswellasgardaandgovernmentcontributionstothisfailure). Ward,N(2006)Reclaimingthestreets.GardaReviewNovember2006:413.(Corrib).

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