Sonderdruck aus

Falko Daim Jrg Drauschke (Hrsg.)

Byzanz das Rmerreich im Mittelalter

Teil 3 Peripherie und Nachbarschaft
Rmisch-Germanisches Zentralmuseum Forschungsinstitut fr Vor- und Frhgeschichte

RGZM

Sonderdruck aus Falko Daim und Jrg Drauschke (Hrsg.) Byzanz das Rmerreich im Mittelalter Teil 3 Peripherie und Nachbarschaft
Verlag des Rmisch-Germanischen Zentralmuseums Mainz 2010

Gesamtredaktion: Kerstin Kowarik (Wien) Koordination, Schlussredaktion: Jrg Drauschke, Evelyn Garvey, Reinhard Kster (RGZM); Sarah Scheffler (Mainz) Satz: Michael Braun, Datenshop Wiesbaden; Manfred Albert, Hans Jung (RGZM) Umschlaggestaltung: Franz Siegmeth, Illustration Grafik-Design, Bad Vslau

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ISBN 978-3-88467-155-9 ISSN 0171-1474

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JOHN LJUNGKVIST

INFLUENCES FROM THE EMPIRE: BYZANTINE-RELATED OBJECTS IN SWEDEN AND SCANDINAVIA 560/570-750/800 AD
In Swedish archaeology, finds of imported Roman goods were made at a very early stage. These objects in the shape of bronze vessels, coins and occasional finds of statuettes were not only fascinating evidence of long distance trade but they were also, for example, key elements in initial attempts to create a chronology of the Iron Age. The Roman export of objects to Scandinavia is multi-faceted. The distribution of glass and metal vessels is most evident 1. During the Migration period, especially after the mid 5th century, the true Roman origin of imports is not as evident since the workshops producing these goods had fallen either partly or totally under the control of new rulers. The large amount of gold solidi, primarily found on the islands of land and Gotland 2, is very distinct during this period. The inflow of solidi declines markedly during the first half of the 6th century and there are only a few Roman/Byzantine coins dated after Justinian II. There has only been scant research on Byzantine finds in Scandinavia from between the late 6th to 8th century. Apart from short articles dedicated to single finds or brief mention of bead types, such as the amethyst beads, there has been no work covering a number of find categories. Thus, to a large extent, the Vendel period 3 is the missing link between the identified import of goods from Byzantium/the Mediterranean/the Near East during the Migration and Viking periods respectively. The purpose of this article is two-fold. Firstly, I intend to present an overview of different kinds of Byzantine-related finds that have been made in primarily Swedish grave and settlement contexts. Secondly, I aim to place Scandinavian finds of Byzantine-related objects in a social and chronological context. It is interesting to evaluate how Scandinavians were materially linked to peoples in other parts of Europe and the degree to which Byzantine fashion reached Scandinavia and, more importantly, how Scandinavians served as symbolic ties between different parts of Europe. Here, I should like to take the opportunity to thank D. Lwenborg (Department of Archaeology, Uppsala University, S) for producing the distribution maps. The following discussion is primarily from a Scandinavian perspective. This is in itself not uncomplicated as this region can be divided into a number of areas, each with its own distinct characteristics. We cannot, for example, assume that imports have been spread evenly in terms of geography. This is an important critical consideration. The majority of the registered material has been found in Sweden, which has received most of my attention. Most of the Byzantine imports in Sweden are concentrated in two regions, namely the Mlaren region and the island of Gotland. The main reason for this is simply that many graves have been excavated in these areas. In addition, the distribution of imports and grave finds in general is

1 2 3

Nsman, Glas. Lund Hansen, Rmischer Import. Fagerlie, Late Roman. The absolute dates of the beginning of the Vendel period have, periodically, been the subject of intense discussion and problems with absolute dating methods still leave the question open. The classical, absolute dates of the Vendel Period are 550-800 AD. For this and other case, the author has, however, decided on a

date span between c. 560/570-750/800 AD, starting with an approximate equivalence of Rheinland Phase 5 presented by: Mssemeier / Nieveler / Plum / Pppelmann, Chronologie. The primary reason for this is an attempt to make comparisons with the continental phases. See motivations in: Ljungkvist, Dating 274-278. Compare also with: Arrhenius, The chronology. Nrgrd Jrgensen, Waffen. Rundkvist, Barshalder 31-35.

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Fig. 1 Parts of Scandinavia and the location of landscapes and regions in Sweden mentioned in the text: 1 The Mlaren region (with: 1, 1 Uppland; 1, 2 Vstmanland; 1, 3 Nrke; 1, 4 Sdermanland). 2 stergtland. 3 Vstergtland. 4 Gotland. 5 land. 6 Skne. 7 Halland.

related to how ancient people presented their burial ritual. In South Scandinavia, graves from the 6th to 8th century are, for a number of reasons, quite rare. To some extent, this explains why the number of Byzantine imports are few or almost nonexistent in this region (fig. 1). The Byzantine finds in Sweden were distributed over a period when major shifts in religion, power, economy and urban structure were taking place in the Mediterranean and the Middle East 4. In the late 6th century, Byzantium was under heavy pressure from Avars, Slavonic people pressing into Greece, internal stress, constant fighting with the Sassanians and, from about 640 AD onwards, the heirs of Mohammed. A number of serious events may well have had a severe impact on trade. However, throughout this period, Byzantium continues to be the most powerful and influential part in the eastern Mediterranean and Europe. Finds have been found from China in
4

Fig. 2 Sites with Byzantine-related finds in Sweden that are listed in tab. 1. For the Mlaren region see: fig. 3.

See for example Hodges / Whitehouse, Mohammed 54-57. Bagnall, Egypt 324. Haldon, Byzantium 123. Wickham, Early Middle Ages. Kiss, Alexandria 203. Sarris, Constantine to Heraclius 51-59.

420

J. Ljungkvist Influences from the Empire: Byzantine-related Objects in Sweden and Scandinavia

Fig. 3 Sites with Byzantine-related objects found in the Mlaren region that are listed in tab. 1.

the east to Sweden and England in the north and west 5. The archaeological material in Europe, and also in Scandinavia, reflects the continuity of Byzantine trade and influence. The trade in small finds is a complicated matter. In Scandinavia, there is a multitude of finds that can, to some degree, be related to areas in the Mediterranean, the Middle East, the Red Sea and the east coast of Africa and hence also, to some degree, to Byzantium. For each category of finds, there are unique questions regarding their origin of production, the source of raw material, etc. In the following, I have chosen to present some of those import finds that seem to be most common in the Mlaren region and Gotland in particular, with a special emphasis on the amethyst beads. A few objects with a very special, original character are also considered. In many of the categories discussed below, one might ask whether they are strictly of Byzantine origin and not, for example, from the Red Sea or East Africa. However, in all cases, Byzantium has played a central role as either distributor or producer of exotic goods (figs 2-3).

AMETHYST BEADS
Amethysts are semiprecious stones that have been popular for thousands of years due to their colour. In Egypt, they were mined in the Middle Kingdom when they were high fashion in the bead sets 6. Mines from the Middle Kingdom and Roman periods have been investigated in Wadi el Hudi near Aswan and Gebel el Asr, near Safaga in the Red Sea district, and there is also evidence of mining from Roman period sites 7.

5 6

Fagerlie, Late Roman. Yin, Gold coins. Aldred, Jewels.

Shaw / Jameson, Amethyst Mining. Shaw, The evidence. Harrell et al., Abu Diyeiba.

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However, until the early or mid 6th century, they seem very rare in jewellery sets from Yugoslavia in the east to England in the west 8. In a study of the eastern Merovingian material, J. Drauschke has identified 30 amethyst beads dated AM II. Their numbers increase dramatically during AM III 9. During the latest part of the 6th and, in particular, in the early 7th century, there is a dramatic increase in amethysts, not only in the eastern Merovingian material. From Italy to England and Sweden, amethysts turn up in beads sets from the late 6th and especially the 7th century 10. This is a phenomenon that seems to occur within a few decades all over Europe 11. Amethysts become high fashion in an area that stretches from at least present day Hungary to England and Sweden 12.

Their use in Scandinavia and links with Byzantium In Scandinavia, these beads have, to some extent, been examined by a number of scholars 13. As they clearly stand apart from the ordinary glass bead material, they have attracted some attention. However, no Swedish researchers have attempted to make a comprehensive survey of the material. In Denmark, M. rsnes presented all known Danish finds by the date of his publication. Working mainly with the collection at the Historical Museum (Stockholm), I have registered a total of 56 beads from graves, houses, unidentified settlement layers and uncertain contexts. There are a total of 28 contexts. Of these, 21 are graves, four are settlements and the rest remain uncertain (tab. 1). In all but one grave context, the amethysts are fire damaged. This means that they have lost their original colour, either in part or in full, and have instead has turned milky white. The amethysts are found in two shapes: either almond-shaped (fig. 4) or with a narrower, elongated form. In most cases, the cut is not completely rounded; instead they usually have what can be considered as rounded facets (fig. 4). Completely round amethyst beads have been found dating to the Viking age in

9 10 11

Christlein, Die Alamannen Abb. 83. Brugmann, Glass. Kazanski / Ivanievi / Mastykova, Les necropoles. Drauschke, Handel und Geschenk. Knaut, Grberfelder von Neresheim und Ksingen 65. Arrhenius, En vendeltida 60. Jessup, Anglo-saxon 52. Jrgensen, Lombard graves. Perea, El Tesoro.

12

13

Christlein, Die Alamannen 108. Drauschke, Imports 68. Hugget, Imported grave goods 66-68. Jrgensen, Lombard graves 99-107. Schulze, Einflsse. Arrhenius, En vendeltida 75-76. Arrhenius, Ein Amethystanhnger 12-14. rsnes, Form 173. Iversen / Nsman, Smykkefund 86-92.

Tab. 1 List of the registered finds of Byzantine-related objects in Sweden. Explanations of column headlines and abbreviations: Cat. No. (catalogue number): Each context, grave, house, stray find, etc. has been given a unique catalogue number. Landscape: The landscape in which the find was made. Parish: The parish to which the context belongs. Place: Either the place name or, in occurring cases with a number, the place name with the ancient monument number for the parish. Context: Note as to whether the context is a grave, settlement, depot, stray find or belongs to uncertain circumstances. Name: The excavators name or the number of the context. Museum: The museum collection to which the find belongs and, in occurring cases, the inventory number. SHM: Statens Historiska Museum (Stockholm). UMF: Uppsala Universitets Museum fr Nordiska Fornsaker, Museum Gustavianum (Uppsala). SSM: Stockholms Stads Museum (the City of Stockholm Museum). Phase: The phase to which the context has been dated (fig. 5). LIA: late Iron Age (c. 550-1100 AD). Uncertain: Dating uncertain. Sex: Archaeologically determined sex. The determination is based solely on the grave goods. Ostheological analyses exist in some cases but are too few to be considered. The categories are: F = Female; M = Male; F+M = Two ostheologically determined individuals in the grave and finds indicating both a buried male and female; ? = Archaeologically determined sex considered too hard to determine. Ivory ring: The number of certain or probable ivory rings. Amethyst: The number of amethyst beads. Cyprea: The number of Cyprea shells. There are two different types of material: the large Cyprea pantherina and the smaller Cyprea moneta. In some cases, it is not entirely certain whether the Cyprea is a pantherina or the closely related leopardensis. Shell bead: The minimum number of shell beads. They are found in two different types: discoid shell beads and beads of varying shapes and sizes from Cyprea shells. Silk: Evidence of silk in the shape of gold foils, marked with an x = existing or ? = uncertain find. Other: This column includes imports of unique or very rare cases. These are the metal vessels from Helg, gaming pieces and the cameos from Vsthgen in Gamla Uppsala. Elite status: Whether the grave has been interpreted to have elite status based on the criteria in: Ljungkvist, Valsgrde tab. 8. Reference: Literature or museum collection reference. Many of the graves have never been published or only in part.

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b
Fig. 4 The Broby 1 amethysts in Uppland, see tab. 1 (cat. no. 14).

Gotland 14. These beads do, however, belong to a different period with another economic and cultural situation 15 and are thus not dealt with here. Compared with the very large amount of exotic beads during the Viking age, they are very rare. In order to estimate the shifting occurrence of amethyst beads over time, their frequency in five different phases has been estimated. This has been defined in conjunction with the work on the Valsgrde grave field from Uppland 16 (parish Gamla Uppsala, S). In absolute dates, the four Vendel period (Vet 1-4) phases represent approximately 560/570 to 750 AD (Swedish: Vendeltid). Vit 1 (c. 750-800 AD) is the first phase of the Viking age (Swedish: Vikingatiden) (fig. 5). Almond-shaped amethysts in Sweden do not seem to occur during the early Vendel period (Vet 1), which is characterised by jewellery sets containing small equalled arm brooches and beads from Petrs bead horizon P3 17. In absolute terms, this phase dates to c. 560/70-620/30 AD and, to some extent, it seems to correspond with, for example, Rheinland Phase 5 and at least early AM III 18 date Anglo-Saxon finds to periods B2-C (580/600 AD and onwards). The number of graves containing amethysts is not as large as one might wish for when making reliable statistical interpretations regarding the use of amethysts through time. However, some tendencies can be noted. All graves containing four amethyst beads and more 19 belong to Vet 2 or 2/3. Of the 42 amethyst beads that can be related to datable graves, 25 belong to these phases. This indicates that amethysts were introduced quite suddenly to Scandinavia and that their use peaked in the 7th century. They then tend to be less common and the last grave containing an almond-shaped amethyst bead is dated no later than about 850 AD. It seems that, as suggested by M. rsnes, few 20 Danish finds fall into the same pattern. M. rsnes counts 25 beads in total. They originate from five known places, two of which are graves. One find has no location. The rby (grave?) find contains 17 beads in a very large bead set. The two closely datable finds from Denmark, rby and Kyndby finds, both from the island of Sjlland, belong to his phase

14 15 16 17

Personal comment by L. Thunmark-Nyln. Callmer, Bead 199. Ljungkvist, Valsgrde. Petr, Arkeologiska 61-62.

18

19 20

Ament, Chronologische Untersuchungen fig. 1, 135. Mssemeier / Nieveler / Plum / Pppelmann, Chronologie. Brugmann, Glass 40; 43-70 fig. 173. Cat.no: 2; 4; 13; 14. rsnes, Form 173-174.

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J. Ljungkvist Influences from the Empire: Byzantine-related Objects in Sweden and Scandinavia

Fig. 5 Late Iron Age phases used for Valsgrde in relation to corresponding Scandinavian phases and examples of typical graves from each phase: A male burials. B female burials. The examples can be tied to the following references: Arbman, Historiska relationen (Birka, parish Adesl, S). Arne, Bootgrberfeld (Tuna i Alsike, parish Alsike, S). Petr, Arkeologiska (Lunda, parish Lov, S) Nordahl, Btgravar (Gamla Uppsala). Stolpe / Arne Necropole de Vendel (Vendel, parish Vendel, S). Waller, Drktnlar (Brista, parish Norrsunda, S). Waller, Drktnlar (Roma kloster, parish Roma, S) Statens historiska museum 4366 (Stockholm). (Tureberg, parish Sollentuna, S) Statens historiska museum 29783 (Stockholm). (Eke ng, parish Vaksala, S) Statens historiska museum 18684 (Stockholm).

1-2, which is equivalent to Vet 1-2 (see below). Surveys of published literature from Finland, land and Gotland have not revealed any amethysts. Those areas do, however, reveal other finds of a Byzantine or Mediterranean origin.

IVORY RINGS
There are numerous finds of ivory rings, particularly in Germany, and these seem to originate mainly from Africa 21. In Sweden, they were first noticed by B. Nerman 22 who identified the thus far single unburnt find from Sweden, made in Kylver (parish Stnga) on Gotland, where fragments of a ring were also found in a cremation burial. Careful investigations of cremation burials on Lov 27 23 (parish Lov) revealed three more rings found in female burials. The systematic search for further ivory rings, mainly in the cremation burials of rich females, has produced a further seven finds of ivory rings (tab. 1), which brings the present total in Sweden to 12. It seems evident that these objects are far more common in the Swedish material than was
21 22 23

Drauschke / Banerjee, Elfenbein in der Merowingerzeit. Nerman, Elfenben.

Petr, Arkeologiska 43.

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Fig. 6 The number of graves with amethysts relating to different phases.

Fig. 7

Ivory ring fragments found in grave 5, a cremation grave in Kylver, see tab. 1, cat. no. 35.

previously thought. Ostheologists and archaeologists have simply not been trained to recognise them. No ivory rings from Denmark or Finland seem to have been identified. The dating of the ivory rings spans from the transition from the Migration and the Vendel period to the middle of the Vendel period but with a distinct peak at the beginning of the latter period (fig. 14). Like similar continental finds 24, they were prob-

24

Schulze, Einflsse Taf. 41. Garam, Funde Taf. VIII-IX. Perea, El Tesoro.

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J. Ljungkvist Influences from the Empire: Byzantine-related Objects in Sweden and Scandinavia

Fig. 8 Cyprea shell with bronze attachment ring found in Grtlingbo, see tab. 1, cat. no. 44.

Fig. 9 Discoid shell beads and glass beads from grave 303a from Vi Alvar, see tab. 1, cat. no. 43.

ably worn as pendants. However, as most come from cremation burials, it is not possible to give a definite answer (fig. 7).

COWRIE SHELLS AND SHELL BEADS

Cowrie shells are primarily found on Gotland. This is partly due to the excellent preservation conditions of bones and partly due to the fact that, in contrast to the mainland, inhumations are comparatively common here. There is a total of seven finds of cowrie shells. Six are from the large Cyprea pantherina, originating from the Red Sea, and were worn as pendants together with other dress accessories. The seventh find consists of six Cyprea moneta from the Indian Ocean. These beads were found in one of the very few inhumations from the Vendel period on the island of land 25. The Cyprea finds tend to date mainly from the Early Vendel period (fig. 14) but they are also found later on and also during the Viking period 26. Discoid shell beads are the third category of imported shell objects. They originate from the eastern Mediterranean or the African East Coast/Red Sea 27. All but one find in Sweden are like the cowrie shells found in non-cremation burial contexts outside the Mlaren region. Possible shell beads placed in funeral pyres
25 26 27

Johansson, Molluscs 348. Jansson, Communications. Johansson, Molluscs 51.

Drauschke, Imports 67.

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have simply disintegrated into unidentifiable fragments. As regards Gotland, it is probably possible to find a number of additional discoid shell beads in the museum collections. This, however, requires thorough special studies. This is because the people on Gotland used local lime stone fossils for local bead production. After almost 1500 years in the earth, to some extent, some of these beads resemble the discoid shell beads, which have calcified and lost their original mother-of-pearl lustre. Four out of five finds are dated to between Vet 1 and 2. The latest recorded find of shell beads from Hallvede in Eke parish, Gotland, does not consist of discoid shell beads. Instead, it seems to comprise a large number of beads in varying shapes made from a Cyprea pantherina. At least one find with many discoid shell beads and also two Cyprea moneta originates from Finland 28. On the island of Bornholm, at least two inhumation graves with cowrie beads have been found 29 (figs 8-9).

SILK PRESENTED THROUGH GOLD FOIL STRIPS

Silk is an easily forgotten find category in the Swedish material. A major reason for this is that the silk itself is not preserved. Only fragments of the gold strips woven into the fabric remain in the cremation burials. There are five Vendel period finds (tab. 1). This is not a material that can be closely dated, however, graves with evidence of silk are found throughout the Vendel period. The graves in which these finds occur all belong to the group of the richest graves in the Mlaren region. Vsthgen (parish Gamla Uppsala) and Brunnshgen (parish Husby-Lnghundra) can be defined as royal burials.

CAMEOS FROM VSTHGEN IN GAMLA UPPSALA

In the late 6th to early 7th century grave, Vsthgen in Gamla Uppsala, five peculiar objects were found 30. These are cameos, two of which still have a visible mythological motive (fig. 10). The first depicts Eros with wings and equipped with a horn. The other is fragmentary. It depicts a bull in a crouching, dead position. Lindqvist considered the cameos as belonging to the oldest objects in this grave, which he dated to around 550 AD 31. B. Arrhenius 32 made a scientific analysis of the cameos and concluded that they were made of onyx or sardonyx. On the basis of a number of parallels, she dated them from the late 4th to 5th century with a Sassanian provenience. She connected the bull with the typical Mithras motive of the god slaying a bull. J. Spier recently registered a group of cameos into a family he calls the Mythological Workshop, sixth century(?) 33. The group is difficult to date since mythological motives continue from the Roman period and well into the Byzantine age. In this case, the dating contexts presented by J. Spier, who was not aware of the Vsthgen cameos, is interesting. Two finds have a general early Byzantine date and one has a 7th century context. One further cameo 34 depicting a woman with a bull has striking similarities with the bull from Vsthgen. Other finds 35 have close stylistic similarities with the Eros from Vsthgen. There is no

28 29 30

31

Kivikoski, Die Eisenzeit Abb. 463. Jrgensen / Nrgrd Jrgensen, Nrre Sandegrd Pl. 31; 34. Lindqvist, Uppsala. Duczko, Uppsalahgarna 88-89. Arrhenius, Granatschmuck und Gemmen. Ljungkvist, Dating. Lindqvist, Uppsala 185; 230-232.

32 33 34 35

Arrhenius, Granatschmuck und Gemmen 32-35. Spier, Gems 139-141. Spier, Gems no. 767. Spier, Gems no. 763; 769; 779.

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J. Ljungkvist Influences from the Empire: Byzantine-related Objects in Sweden and Scandinavia

Fig. 10 Four of the cameos from Vsthgen, see tab. 1, cat. no. 47.

clear evidence that the Vsthgen cameos date to the 6th century but a recent dating of the mound to 575625 AD 36 fits reasonably well with the contexts presented by J. Spier. The closest parallels to the Vsthgen cameos now suggest a 6th century Byzantine context rather than a 5th century Sassanian one 37. On the basis of the vast material from Late Antiquity, these cameos were originally used as inlays on finger rings. However, this does not reveal anything about the Vsthgen cameos. It seems quite unlikely that an individual in Vsthgen would have carried a total of five finger rings with cameos. No Byzantine finger rings have been found in Sweden. It is more plausible that they had some other, secondary use. B. Arrhenius suggests that they were either mounted on a helmet or on a casket. The latter interpretation is based on Late Roman ridged helmets from Hungary 38. However, this interpretation is also unlikely. Early ridged helmets have not been found elsewhere in Scandinavia and none of the Hungarian helmets have inlaid cameos. Thus, the last use of the Vsthgen cameos is still far from certain (fig. 10).

OTHER FINDS
The remainder of the Byzantine-related finds in Sweden consists of a number of finds even fewer in number than the categories discussed in the above. Coins dated to after Justinian I are compared with solidi from the
36 37

Ljungkvist, Dating 275. Spier finds a Sassanian provenience unlikely (personal information).

38

Arrhenius, Regalia 332-333.

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Fig. 11 The Coptic ladle found at building group 2, the central farm at Helg, see tab. 1, cat. no. 21.

5th to earliest 6th century, mostly consisting of bronze or copper follies. Furthermore, the contexts to which they belong are, to a large extent, also questionable 39. These coins indicate some kind of continuity in the import of coins, however, the number of imported coins seems to have been very small and difficult to interpret. Furthermore, there do not seem to be any finds of Byzantine coins from the 8th century in Sweden. With regard to belt details, N. berg presented two buckles that he interpreted either as being Byzantine or having been made under its influence 40. Byzantine belt details and metal jewellery that can be related to the late 6th century and onwards are very rare in Sweden. In comparison, Finland has far more metal objects that can be related to the Avar/Byzantine sphere of influence 41. Finlands greater geographic proximity to the Russian river routes is probably reflected in the archaeological material. In contrast to the Viking period, finds from Eastern Europe are extremely rare in the Mlaren region during the Vendel period. Byzantine metal vessels are another important object in the continental discussion of trading contacts with Byzantium 42. However, Coptic bowls and jugs seem to be almost completely missing in Scandinavia. One peculiar exception is a copper alloy ladle (fig. 11) with punched decoration in a Coptic tradition that, together with an imported silver bowl, was found on the central farm, building group 2, on Helg 43 (parish Eker). This seems to be an almost unique vessel as no parallels have been found, either in Scandinavia or in Europe. Regarding a fragmentary silver bowl found at the same place (fig. 12), it seems plausible that this object has the same origin. Closer datings and parallels have, however, not yet been determined. Another famous group of Byzantine-related objects in Europe are the Spangen helmets (Spangenhelme). In Sweden, parts of a very fragmentary but clearly identifiable helmet of the Baldenheim type been found in Tuna (parish Vte) on Gotland (fig. 13), perhaps the hitherto richest settlement on Gotland for the Migration period 44. The dating of the helmet is problematic as it was found in a find rich layer with datable objects ranging from the Migration to the Vendel period. It does, however, seem plausible that it was
39 40 41

Hammarberg / Malmer / Zachrisson, Byzantine coins. berg, Historiska relationen 105-106. Kivikoski, Die Eisenzeit fig. 539-541; 549; 560-568; 574. berg, Historiska relationen 105-107.

42 43 44

Prin, A propos. Harris, Byzantium 66-68. Holmqvist, Excavations at Helg 1; 55. Fabech, Fra offer. Nerman, Ein Spangenhelm. Vogt, Spangenhelme 267-277.

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J. Ljungkvist Influences from the Empire: Byzantine-related Objects in Sweden and Scandinavia

Fig. 12 The silver bowl from Helg found next to the Coptic ladle at building group 2 on Helg, see fig. 8 and tab. 1, cat. no. 21.

originally a 6th century find. Another find consisting of a probable Spangen helmet has been made in a depot on a grave field dated to the early 6th century in Grimeton (parish Grimeton) in Halland 45. Unlike the Tuna helmet that M. Vogt, amongst others, believes has a Byzantine origin, whether from the western or eastern part of the empire 46, it is not possible to make a closer determination of the Grtlingbo helmet. The largest group of imported Byzantine or Mediterranean finds in Scandinavia is probably glass beads. However, this discussion is so extensive that it has been excluded here. Millefiori beads 47 in particular are an interesting category found in dozens of
45 46 47

Nerman, nnu. Vogt, Spangenhelme 185-186. B. Brugmann names this family of beads as mosaic beads.

Fig. 13 The crest top of the helmet from Tuna, see tab. 1, cat. no. 54.

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Fig. 14 The frequency of Byzantine-related finds in relation to grave and settlement finds datable to phases in Sweden.

cases, primarily in Gotland. A more in-depth discussion regarding their provenience is necessary before some final conclusions can be drawn 48.

SHIFTING IMPORT TRENDS

The number of Byzantine-related objects in Sweden and Scandinavia is not large enough to be able to make statistically valid interpretations regarding import trends. As a basis for further studies in the future, it can, however, be interesting to note whether there are any differences in datable contexts with different categories of imports. When comparing finds of amethysts with Cyprea shells, ivory rings, discoid shell beads and evidence of silk, there are at least distinct differences between finds of amethysts and ivory rings (fig. 14). A clear majority of the ivory rings belongs to the earliest phase of the Vendel period that, thus far, does not contain any amethysts. The latter period begins when the ivory rings are declining in numbers. Although Cyprea shells are more common in the first phase, they do exist in later periods, as well as in the Viking period 49.

GEOGRAPHICAL DISTRIBUTION AND THE REGIONAL USE OF EXOTIC OBJECTS

The concentration of imports to the Mlaren valley has been mentioned above. This can be partly explained by the infrastructural development in this area, which has led to many excavations, but also by the investigations carried out by the departments of archaeology in Stockholm and Uppsala. If we examine amethyst beads in particular, there are a few finds in other parts of Sweden, such as Eketorp (parish Grsgrd) on land (fig. 15). One would expect a substantial number of them from Gotland. However, here we find other types of Mediterranean imports, such as millefiori beads, ivory rings and cowrie beads represented in a number of cases (fig. 16). It is also important to point out that glass and bronze vessels are far more frequent on Gotland than in any other area of Sweden. This is especially true for Nerman period VII:1 and VII:2 50. However, not a single almond-shaped amethyst bead has been registered from the island. It is
48

Fremersdorf, Kln-Mngersdorf 81-90. Volkmann / Theune, Merowingerzeitliche Millefioriperlen 525. Brugmann, Glass 38.

49 50

Johansson, Molluscs 100-103. Nerman, Die Vendelzeit. Nsman, Vendel period glass. Ljungkvist, Continental imports.

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Fig. 15 The geographical spread of amethyst beads in Sweden with the amount of beads found on different places.

Fig. 16 The geographical distribution of ivory rings, cowrie shells, etc.

possible that amethyst beads were never deposited in female graves on Gotland. However, in view of the numerous finds of other imports, this is unlikely. Most of these objects are also found in other parts of Scandinavia, which shows that Gotland was part of the same trade network as other areas. The lack of amethyst beads in the Gotland graves thus indicates that the import of different goods was not only a conscious but also a selective act. Luxury objects like these were imported with a specific purpose. It seems that the people of Gotland simply did not want amethysts. This is quite interesting when we look at the bead carrying tradition in subsequent centuries, from the late 7th century and into the Viking age. From the late 6th century, the people on Gotland were strengthening their regional identity, developing a regional metal jewellery and bead tradition 51. This separates the island not only from mainland Sweden but also from South Scandinavia and Finland.

THE SOCIAL CONTEXT

In the Scandinavian Iron Age, imported goods such as glass and bronze vessels, were largely the preserve of the elite. In this study, the relation to an elite from the registered graves is determined according to criteria presented in my dissertation 52. In this categorisation, amethysts are themselves indicative of an elite
51

Callmer, Bead.

52

Ljungkvist, En hiar fig. 14.

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Fig. 17 The number of graves with Byzantine objects that can be interpreted as elite.

status. For methodological reasons, it is interesting to see how many graves can be given this status without the amethysts. Out of 21 graves, eight can be linked to the elite on the basis of these beads (fig. 17). In other cases, the jewellery has an unusual character. The bronze objects are often larger and of higher quality than the average types, the outer grave construction is larger than normal and the number of deposited animals is distinctly higher than usual. Even though it cannot be measured in all ways, amethysts, as well as cowrie shells and ivory rings, are to a large extent related to the elite, or to a distinct group from a higher social strata. One prominent example of a grave with amethysts is Valsgrde 57 on the famous boat grave cemetery. The cremation layer of this burial is located beneath the largest mound on the grave field. It contained fragments of large, garnet-decorated bronze jewellery pieces and a high proportion of burnt bones 10.3 l (c. 710 kg) that represents a number of cremated animals including dogs, at least one horse, etc. It can be compared to an average of 1-2 l of burnt bones on the Lovn (parish Lov, S) grave fields 53. Among the generally bone-rich Valsgrde cremation burials from the Vendel and Viking periods, the average volume of bones is 7.17 l (among the graves with a measured volume) 54. Considering gender, most of the Byzantine imports can be linked to females. This is quite logical as most of the material dealt with is linked to female jewellery. Exceptions to this pattern are the silk fabric in the shape of gold strips and the ivory gaming pieces. These categories are primarily linked to males. In a few cases, using jewellery to determine the sex of graves is not without its problems. Most interesting is Broby 1 (parish Brje, S), where bones from one individual have been found. It has not been possible to determine the sex via an osteological analysis 55 where bones from only one individual were found. In terms of the amount of deposited animals, the grave is extremely rich. It contained eight dogs, five horses, seven pigs, eight sheep/goats, two cattle and 16 birds. The latter include at least four peregrine falcons. Only one grave in the Mlaren region has an equivalent amount of economically important animals such as horses, cattle, sheep/goats and pigs and no grave has an equivalent amount of raptors 56. A female gender of the grave is indicated by the amethyst beads, a few glass beads and a bronze pendant. On the other hand, the grave contains large whet-stones, horse gear details, gaming pieces and raptors. All these objects indicate a male, which means that the gender is still uncertain. One parallel to the Broby grave is the 8th century boat grave Vendel III (parish Vendel, S) 57. It is partly plundered but has a small necklace, with very rare imported beads, placed on the position of the body. To some extent, it contradicts the horse harness and other equipment in the grave, which indicates that it is exclusively male. It seems that some elite graves can contain objects relating to both males and females. It is striking that these graves also contain exclusive beads. The beads in the Broby grave are in average much larger than the amethysts in other graves. If we take a look at grave fields with Byzantine finds as a whole, we see that these finds are never common. Quite a large grave field, Lov 27, consisted of 155 excavated graves. It mainly dates to between the 5th

53 54 55

Ljungkvist, En hiar 99-100. Ljungkvist, Valsgrde tab. 2. Stavrum, Grav 1 i Broby.

56

57

Ljungkvist, En hiar fig. 39. Sten / Vretemark, Storgravsprojektet tab. 3. Stolpe / Arne, Necropole de Vendel 19-24 pl. XLVI.

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J. Ljungkvist Influences from the Empire: Byzantine-related Objects in Sweden and Scandinavia

and the 8th century. Three ivory rings were found on the site; this is more than on any other site so far. Only one amethyst bead was found. If we look at an elite site such as Valsgrde with a total of 39 graves from the corresponding period, we see that two out of ten identified female graves contain Byzantine imports. One is the Vet 1-dated grave 63 with an ivory ring; the other is the Vet 3-dated grave 57 with amethyst beads. None of the four famous Vendel period boat graves contained Byzantine imports. If we look at male elite burials as a whole during the Vendel period, no boat grave from the sites of Vendel, Valsgrde or Ultuna (parish Bondkyrka, S) 58 contain Byzantine imports 59. The same pattern is repeated for a number of rich cremation burials with west European glass vessels 60. Byzantine finds related to strictly male graves, such as the remains of silk, ivory gaming pieces and the Vsthgen cameos, belong to a group that can be identified as an upper aristocracy or royalty. In these cremation burials, we also find fragments of other gold objects that are almost completely missing among the boat graves. Settlements can potentially give a different picture of social context for amethysts in particular, but also for other Byzantine objects. Compared with excavations of Roman Iron Age settlements, there are much fewer excavated settlements from the 7th and 8th centuries. I have found a total of four sites with amethysts, Helg and Birka (parish Adels, S) in the Mlaren region, Jrrestad (parish Jrrestad, S) in Scania, (southern Sweden) and, finally, Eketorp on the island of land. On Helg, the single amethyst bead was found in building group 2. No doubt this is a magnates estate with an almost unique amount of imported finds. In these cases, we have Vendel period settlements or graves with imports; the objects tend to be linked to the North Sea region or the Merovingian/Frankish area. However, here we also find the above-mentioned Coptic ladle and silver bowl 61. Jrrestad is an interesting place as excavators found unique semi-finished products of beads bearing some resemblance to amethysts. They are, however, from a local mineral. The only true drop-shaped amethyst was found in a post hole of house A, which is assumed to have been built in the 8 th century 62. Also, in this case, everything points towards an interpretation of the farm as a magnates estate. For example, it bears close resemblance to Tiss in Denmark (county West Zealand). A total of four amethysts and 18 discoid shell beads were found in the fortress of Eketorp on land. Two of the amethysts, as well as all shell beads, could be related stratigraphically to glass beads belonging to the same probable depositions in floor layers. The beads can be dated respectively to Vet 1-2 and Vet 2 63. The finds of amethyst beads at the Viking age town/emporia Birka 64 were probably old finds when deposited. Unfortunately, it is difficult to place them in a closer context than the city layers. The earliest dating of the trading place is today determined to about 750 AD 65. To summarise the evidence of amethysts and other Byzantine finds in settlements, it is evident that, during the 7th and 8th centuries, they primarily occur on sites that are not normal farmsteads. Jrrestad and Helg building group 2 must be considered as magnates estates or elite settlements. During this period, the fortress of Eketorp is far from a normal farmstead and Birka is a market place with its own special characteristics. These results clearly underline what can be seen in the grave material. It is possible to conclude that Byzantine-related objects were imported to Scandinavia on a regular basis during the Vendel period. In terms of sheer volume, these were in much smaller quantities than the oriental import during the Viking period. Furthermore, in the Vendel period, the Mediterranean/Byzantine/oriental objects such as beads were far more related to the elite than during the later period.
58

59 60 61

Stolpe / Arne 1927, Necropole de Vendel. Arwidsson, Valsgrde. Ljungkvist, Ultuna. Perhaps with exception of the beads in Vendel III: see above. Bratt, Makt. Holmqvist, Excavations at Helg 1. Holmqvist / Arrhenius, Excavations at Helg 2. Holmqvist, Excavations at Helg 3.

62 63 64 65

Sderberg, Aristokratiskt 77; 240-242. Iversen / Nsman, Smykkefund 85-92. Arrhenius, Ein Amethystanhnger Abb. 5. Ringstedt, The Birka chamber-graves 37.

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EXOTIC OBJECTS AT THE END OF THE TRADE CHAIN

A major result of this survey is that it shows that jewellery pieces with Byzantine origin were widely distributed in Scandinavia during the late 6th to 8th centuries. Considering the distribution chain, we can probably rule out a regular direct contact between Byzantium and Scandinavia. The goods probably reached Europe through an intermediary. In very general terms, the goods reached Scandinavia via either an eastern or a western alternative. If we consider the eastern routes, the goods travelled via the Byzantine sphere and then further along the Central European and Russian rivers to the Baltic 66. The western alternative can also be divided into different routes 67. Some travelled via Italy or the French rivers into the Merovingian/Alemannic regions for further distribution to northern Germany and thereafter Scandinavia. As an alternative, the goods could have travelled along the Atlantic coast and then into the North Sea and beyond. In order to determine which routes were important, it is necessary to look at other categories of imports to Scandinavia. When it comes to glass vessels, in the mid or early 6th century, there is a clear shift in the trade routes to the Baltic area in particular. We then see a shift in glass imports from Eastern Europe and the western Black Sea region to the North Sea area 68. Until the second part of the 8th century, when the large-scale import of Arabic and, to some extent, Byzantine objects starts to flow in through the Russian river routes, the North Sea region and perhaps also the river routes in Northern Germany, with its links with all parts of Western Europe, continues to be the main distributor of glass, glass beads and probably metal vessels to the Mlaren region and Gotland. There are thus only very few finds in Sweden from Eastern and Central Europe dating to the later 6th to mid 8th century. In order to understand how the Byzantine objects were used in Scandinavia, it is thus appropriate to make comparisons with areas in the Merovingian/Frankish, Anglo-Saxon and perhaps Langobardic areas. In comparison with the Merovingian, Anglo-Saxon and Langobardic counterparts, the Scandinavian female jewellery sets are of a highly independent and regional character. In Scandinavia, there are further regional differences between the metal jewellery in Southern Scandinavia/Southern Norway, the Mlaren region, Gotland and Western Finland/land 69. Amethyst beads, cowrie shells and ivory rings have a special position as they are not only international objects but they are also carried in more or less the same way, whether, for example, in England or Allemania (fig. 18). The Scandinavian elite imported these objects much more than it did foreign metal objects. This can be explained in more than one way. They knew that Byzantine objects have an exotic origin from the great distant empire of Byzantium. These objects are truly international and are highly regarded throughout most of Europe. By necessity, the metal jewellery seems to be of a regional character. No continental brooch seems to have been found in a Swedish burial. This obviously indicates some kind of regional identity and, in some cases, of course, also social status. More than any other jewellery, Byzantine objects seem to reflect something other than regionality. They seem to be purely status symbols reflecting the higher international connections of the person wearing them. Although she may not have seen other areas of Europe, the exotic objects show that she has close diplomatic connections, a control of import and can perhaps also claim ancestry with important foreign persons. In a number of 7th century cases, continental royal houses claim to have a Scandinavian origin 70. The Byzantine objects in Scandinavia are perhaps evidence of an interaction between the Scandinavian and European aristocracy and they reveal that the Scandinavians were in constant contact with different parts of Europe in the 7th to 8th century. A few objects, such as the cameos in Vsthgen, the Coptic bowl on
66 67 68 69

Sindbk, Vargiske fig. 7. Harris, Byzantium 64-72; 175-180. Nsman, Vendel period glass. Ljungkvist, Continental imports. Petr, Arkeologiska. Purhonen, Vainionmki. Kivikoski,

70

Kvarnbacken. Nerman, Die Vendelzeit. Jrgensen / Nrgrd Jrgensen, Nrre Sandegrd. Hilund Nielsen, Animal style 37-41.

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Helg and perhaps the ivory gaming pieces, are so unusual and are positioned in such exclusive contexts that they seem to be more than just trading objects. In these cases, the cameos and the ladle are probably unique objects outside the Mediterranean and, as such, they must be seen as diplomatic gifts, perhaps between the royal houses in the Mlaren region and Anglo-Saxon England. The gold object fragments from Vsthgen have some of their closest parallels to objects found in Taplow (Buckinghamshire, UK) and Sutton Hoo (Suffolk, UK) 71. The Sutton Hoo grave also contains Byzantine objects interpreted as diplomatic gifts 72. In Swedish archaeology, the Roman age and Migration period has traditionally been linked more closely to the Roman and Byzantine Empires than to the later Vendel period. To a large extent, this can be explained by the finds of glass and bronze vessels in the former period and solidi in the latter 73. During these periods, there is also a strong connection with the metal jewellery material. Fibulas and brooches in particular bear evidence of a distinct interaction or influence upon Scandinavia from Rome and its provinces but also of Germanic-speaking people from different parts of Europe 74. After 550 AD, there is a distinct shift in the influence upon Scandinavian metal jewellery. The Style II ornamentation is a widespread symbolic connection within the whole Germanicspeaking community of Europe. There is, however, no longer any close jewellery connection between Scandinavia and the Anglo-Saxon, Merovingian, Alemannic or Langobardic areas. If we want to find any closer connections between the Swedish and continental material, we have to go to either Northern Fig. 18 A reconstruction of the jewellery equipment from the Germany or to Friesland 75. The symbolic connection, rich female burial in Kirchheim (Baden-Wrttemberg, D), Grab 326: The cowrie shell and ivory ring in this burial, here highvia jewellery, between the continent and areas in lighted in grey, were most likely carried in the same style in Sweden in particular, is weakened to some extent. A Scandinavia, compare with fig. 8. link between the continent and Scandinavia through the exotic Byzantine objects does not seem to exist before c. 550 AD. After this date, these objects contribute to form a new link/symbol between the continental and the Scandinavian elites in particular. They function as, so to speak, as an international language.
71

72 73

Duczko, Uppsalahgarna 83-85. Arrhenius, Merovingian 175. Ljungkvist, Dating 273. Harris, Byzantium 178-179. Lund Hansen, Rmischer Import.

74 75

Nsman, Glas 109-118. Bemmann, Relieffibel. Arrhenius, The chronology. Bos, Equal-armed brooches. Olsen, The Development.

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ILLUSTRATION REFERENCE
Figs 1-3, 14-17 J. Ljungkvist. Fig. 4 According to Arrhenius, Ein Amethystanhnger Abb. 4. Fig. 5 According to Ljungkvist, Valsgrde tab. 1a-b. Figs 6-9, 13 Photo J. Ljungkvist (SHM, Stockholm). Fig. 10 Fig. 11 Fig. 12 Fig. 18 Photo B. Lundberg (Riksantikvariembetet, Stockholm). According to Holmqvist, Excavations at Helg 1, pl. 29, 2. According to Holmqvist, Excavations at Helg 1, fig. 17. According to Clauss, Die Tragsitte Abb. 6.

ZUSAMMENFASSUNG / ABSTRACT / RSUM

Bislang wurde den byzantinischen Importen nach Skandinavien zwischen 560/570-750/800 wesentlich weniger Forschungsinteresse entgegengebracht als den Importstrmen der Rmer- und Wikingerzeit. Dies ist zum Groteil darauf zurckzufhren, dass whrend der letztgenannten Abschnitte enorme Mengen an Mnzen, rmischen Bronzegefen, Glas usw. nach Skandinavien gelangten. Der vorliegende Artikel versteht sich als der Versuch einer Betrachtung der Importe aus Byzanz und seiner Interessenssphren (Rotes Meer, Afrika und angrenzende Regionen im Mittelmeerraum, je nachdem wie eng bestimmte Objektgruppen mit einem speziellen Gebiet in Verbindung gebracht werden knnen) der Zeitperiode von 560/570 bis 750/800. Die Grundlage fr diese Untersuchung bilden Kleinfunde wie Amethystperlen, Elfenbeinringe, Kaurimuscheln, Seidenfragmente und andere Hinweise auf exklusive und zugleich bislang wenig beachtete Objekte. Der vorliegende Beitrag zeigt auf, dass bereits vor dem massiven Importstrom der Wikingerzeit (beginnend um 750/800) regelmig Objekte aus dem stlichen Mittelmeerraum und darber hinaus nach Skandinavien gelangten. Die Untersuchung macht auch deutlich, dass die Mitglieder der weiblichen Elite versuchten Verbindungen zwischen sich und ihrem westeuropischen Gegenpart besonders zu betonen, allerdings nicht durch das Tragen des gleichen Metallschmucks, sondern durch andere Trachtelemente. In diesem Zusammenhang war die byzantinische Herkunft der Objekte von bergeordneter Bedeutung. K. K.

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Compared with the amount of attention paid to materials from the Roman and Viking periods, little research has been carried out into Byzantine imports to Scandinavia in the period 560/570-750/800 AD. To a large extent, this can be explained by the spectacular inflow of materials from these periods in the form of coins, Roman bronze vessels, glass, etc. This article can be considered as part of an attempt to overlap the above-mentioned older and younger periods with regard to the import from Byzantium and its sphere of interest, including the Red Sea, Africa and perhaps some bordering regions in the Mediterranean, depending on how closely a type of object can be related to a specific region. The study is mainly based upon small finds in the shape of amethyst beads, ivory rings, cowrie shells, evidence of silk and other both exclusive and today quite anonymous objects. The study reveals that the regular import of objects from the eastern Mediterranean and beyond existed before the massive inflow of goods during the Viking period (beginning in 750/800 AD). The results also reinforce the concept that the female Scandinavian elite had an ambition to show a connection between themselves and their Western European counterparts in particular, not by wearing similar metal jewellery, but via other objects in their dress. In this case, objects with a Byzantine origin played a prominent role. Jusqu prsent les importations byzantines vers la Scandinavie entre 560/570-750/800 prsentaient beaucoup moins dintrt pour la recherche que les importations de lpoque romaines et Viking. Cest en grande partie ce qui explique que pendant la priode cite parvinrent en Scandinavie de grandes masses de monnaies, des rcipients romains en bronze, verre etc. Le prsent article se veut tre un essai de la prise en considration, durant la priode allant de 560/570 750/800, des importations en provenance de Byzance et de sa sphre dinfluence (Mer Rouge, Afrique et les rgions limitrophes mditerranennes, cela dpendait de la relation troite que lon pouvait tablir entre certains groupes dobjets et une rgion spcifique). La base de cette recherche est constitue de petites dcouvertes, des perles en amthyste, des anneaux en ivoire, des morceaux de soie et dautres indications sur des objets spcifiques et peu pris en considration jusqu prsent. La prsente contribution dmontre que, par le pass, les importations massives d objets de la priode Viking (commenant autour de 750/800), provenant de lespace mditerranen oriental, voir plus loin, arrivaient en Scandinavie. La recherche montre clairement que les membres de llite fminine scandinaves ambitionnaient de souligner leurs relations avec les occidentaux, non seulement par le port des mmes bijoux en mtal, mais aussi travers dautres accessoires dhabillements. Dans ce contexte lorigine byzantine des objets jouait un rle prominent. E. L. Dr. John Ljungkvist Institutionen fr arkeologi och antik historia, Arkeologi Uppsala universitet Box 626 S - 751 26 Uppsala Sweden john.ljungkvist@arkeologi.uu.se

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BYZANZ DAS RMERREICH IM MITTELALTER

VERZEICHNIS DER BEITRGE

TEIL 1

WELT DER IDEEN, WELT DER DINGE

Yvonne Petrina Kreuze mit geschweiften Hasten und kreisfrmigen Hastenenden Anastasia G. Yangaki The Scene of the Holy Women at the Tomb on a Ring from Ancient Messene and Other Rings Bearing the Same Representation Ellen Riemer Byzantinische und romanisch-mediterrane Fibeln in der Forschung Aimilia Yeroulanou Common Elements in Treasures of the Early Christian Period Tivadar Vida Zur Formentwicklung der mediterranen sptantikfrhbyzantinischen Metallkrge (4.-9. Jahrhundert) Anastassios Antonaras Early Christian and Byzantine Glass Vessels: Forms and Uses Binnur Grler und Ergn Lafli Frhbyzantinische Glaskunst in Kleinasien Ronald Bockius Zur Modellrekonstruktion einer byzantinischen Dromone (chelandion) des 10./11. Jahrhunderts im Forschungsbereich Antike Schiffahrt, RGZM Mainz Isabelle C. Kollig, Matthias J. J. Jacinto Fragata und Kurt W. Alt Anthropologische Forschungen zum Byzantinischen Reich ein Stiefkind der Wissenschaft?

WELT DER IDEEN Ernst Knzl Auf dem Weg in das Mittelalter: die Grber Constantins, Theoderichs und Chlodwigs Vasiliki Tsamakda Knig David als Typos des byzantinischen Kaisers Umberto Roberto The Circus Factions and the Death of the Tyrant: John of Antioch on the Fate of the Emperor Phocas Stefan Albrecht Warum tragen wir einen Grtel? Der Grtel der Byzantiner Symbolik und Funktion Mechthild Schulze-Drrlamm Heilige Ngel und heilige Lanzen Tanja V. Kushch The Beauty of the City in Late Byzantine Rhetoric Helen Papastavrou Classical Trends in Byzantine and Western Art in the 13th and 14th Centuries

WELT DER DINGE Birgit Bhler Is it Byzantine Metalwork or not? Evidence for Byzantine Craftsmanship Outside the Byzantine Empire (6th to 9th Centuries AD) Isabella Baldini Lipolis Half-crescent Earrings in Sicily and Southern Italy

TEIL 2

SCHAUPLTZE
ANDRONA / AL ANDARIN Christine Strube Al Andarin, das antike Androna Marlia Mundell Mango Androna in Syria: Questions of Environment and Economy

KONSTANTINOPEL / ISTANBUL Albrecht Berger Konstantinopel Grndung, Blte und Verfall einer mediterranen Metropole Rudolf H. W. Stichel Die Hagia Sophia Justinians, ihre liturgische Einrichtung und der zeremonielle Auftritt des frhbyzantinischen Kaisers Helge Svenshon Das Bauwerk als aistheton soma eine Neuinterpretation der Hagia Sophia im Spiegel antiker Vermessungslehre und angewandter Mathematik Lars O. Grobe, Oliver Hauck und Andreas Noback Das Licht in der Hagia Sophia eine Computersimulation Neslihan Asutay-Effenberger Die justinianische Hagia Sophia: Vorbild oder Vorwand? rg Dalg The Corpus of Floor Mosaics from Istanbul Stefan Albrecht Vom Unglck der Sieger Kreuzfahrer in Konstantinopel nach 1204 Ernst Gamillscheg Hohe Politik und Alltgliches im Spiegel des Patriarchatsregisters von Konstantinopel

AMORIUM / HISARKY Christopher S. Lightfoot Die byzantinische Stadt Amorium: Grabungsergebnisse der Jahre 1988 bis 2008 Eric A. Ivison Kirche und religises Leben im byzantinischen Amorium Beate Bhlendorf-Arslan Die mittelbyzantinische Keramik aus Amorium Edward M. Schoolman Kreuze und kreuzfrmige Darstellungen in der Alltagskultur von Amorium Johanna Witte Freizeitbeschftigung in Amorium: die Spiele

CHERSON / SEWASTOPOL Aleksandr Ajbabin Das frhbyzantinische Chersonesos/Cherson Adam Rabinowitz, Larissa Sedikova und Renata Henneberg Daily Life in a Provincial Late Byzantine City: Recent Multidisciplinary Research in the Southern Region of Tauric Chersonesos (Cherson) Tatjana Jaaeva Pilgerandenken im byzantinischen Cherson

AGHIOS LOT / DEIR AIN ABATA Konstantinos D. Politis The Monastery of Aghios Lot at Deir Ain Abata in Jordan

ANAIA / KADIKALES Zeynep Mercangz Ostentatious Life in a Byzantine Province: Some Selected Pieces from the Finds of the Excavation in Kuadas, Kadkalesi/Anaia (Prov. Aydn, TR) Handan stnda Paleopathological Evidence for Social Status in a Byzantine Burial from Kuadas, Kadkalesi/Anaia: a Case of Diffuse Idiopathic Skeletal Hyperostosis (DISH)

EPHESOS / SELUK Sabine Ladsttter Ephesos in byzantinischer Zeit das letzte Kapitel der Geschichte einer antiken Grostadt

Andreas Klzer Ephesos in byzantinischer Zeit ein historischer berblick Andreas Plz Das Stadtbild von Ephesos in byzantinischer Zeit Martin Steskal Badewesen und Bderarchitektur von Ephesos in frhbyzantinischer Zeit Gilbert Wiplinger Die Wasserversorgung von Ephesos in byzantinischer Zeit Norbert Zimmermann Die sptantike und byzantinische Malerei in Ephesos Johanna Auinger und Maria Aurenhammer Ephesische Skulptur am Ende der Antike Andrea M. Plz und Feride Kat Byzantinische Kleinfunde aus Ephesos ein Materialberblick Stefanie Wefers und Fritz Mangartz Die byzantinischen Werksttten von Ephesos Manfred Koob, Mieke Pfarr und Marc Grellert Ephesos byzantinisches Erbe des Abendlandes Digitale Rekonstruktion und Simulation der Stadt Ephesos im 6. Jahrhundert

KRASEN Valery Grigorov The Byzantine Fortress Krasen near Panagyurishte

PERGAMON / BERGAMA Thomas Otten Das byzantinische Pergamon ein berblick zu Forschungsstand und Quellenlage Manfred Klinkott Die byzantinischen Wehrmauern von Pergamon als Abbild der politisch-militrischen Situationen im westlichen Kleinasien Sarah Japp Byzantinische Feinkeramik aus Pergamon

TELANISSOS / QALAT SIMAN Jean-Luc Biscop The Roof of the Octagonal Drum of the Martyrium of Saint-Symeon

USAYS / ABAL SAYS Franziska Bloch llampenfunde aus dem sptantik-frhislamischen Fundplatz abal Says im Steppengrtel Syriens

IUSTINIANA PRIMA / CARIIN GRAD Vujadin Ivanievi Cariin Grad the Fortifications and the Intramural Housing in the Lower Town

TEIL 3

PERIPHERIE UND NACHBARSCHAFT

Pter Prohszka Die awarischen Oberschichtgrber von Ozora-Ttipuszta (Kom. Tolna, H) Falko Daim, Jrmie Chameroy, Susanne Greiff, Stephan Patscher, Peter Stadler und Bendeguz Tobias Kaiser, Vgel, Rankenwerk byzantinischer Grteldekor des 8. Jahrhunderts und ein Neufund aus Sdungarn dm Bollk The Birds on the Braid Ornaments from Rakamaz: a View from the Mediterranean Pter Lang Crescent-shaped Earrings with Lower Ornamental Band Mikls Takcs Die sogenannte Palmettenornamentik der christlichen Bauten des 11. Jahrhunderts im mittelalterlichen Ungarn

Franz Alto Bauer Byzantinische Geschenkdiplomatie

DER NRDLICHE SCHWARZMEERRAUM Elzara Chajredinova Byzantinische Elemente in der Frauentracht der Krimgoten im 7. Jahrhundert Rainer Schreg Zentren in der Peripherie: landschaftsarchologische Forschungen zu den Hhensiedlungen der sdwestlichen Krim und ihrem Umland

DER UNTERE DONAURAUM Andrey Aladzhov The Byzantine Empire and the Establishment of the Early Medieval City in Bulgaria Stanislav Stanilov Der Pfau und der Hund: zwei goldene Zierscheiben aus Veliki Preslav

SKANDINAVIEN John Ljungkvist Influences from the Empire: Byzantine-related Objects in Sweden and Scandinavia 560/570-750/800 AD

DER MITTLERE UND OBERE DONAURAUM Jrg Drauschke Halbmondfrmige Goldohrringe aus bajuwarischen Frauengrbern berlegungen zu Parallelen und Provenienz

Unter diesem Banner erscheint im Jahr 2010 eine Reihe von Publikationen des Verlages des Rmisch-Germanischen Zentralmuseums, die sich mit der Archologie und Geschichte des Byzantinischen Reiches beschftigen. Anlass ist die Ausstellung Byzanz Pracht und Alltag, die vom 26. Februar bis zum 13. Juni 2010 in Bonn gezeigt wurde. Veranstaltet von der Kunst- und Ausstellungshalle der Bundesrepublik Deutschland wurde sie vom RGZM in Zusammenarbeit mit zahlreichen Fachkollegen konzipiert. Das RGZM setzt damit seine Forschungen im Bereich der Sptantike im Mittelmeerraum und des Byzantinischen Reiches fort, die bereits auf eine lange Tradition zurckblicken knnen und die in den letzten Jahren nicht zuletzt durch einige Projekte, die zusammen mit Kooperationspartnern an Pltzen im Gebiet des Byzantinischen Reiches selbst durchgefhrt werden zu einem Schwerpunkt der Ttigkeiten des RGZM geworden sind.

Falko Daim Jrg Drauschke (Hrsg.) Byzanz das Rmerreich im Mittelalter Monographien des RGZM Band 84, 1-3 Teil 1 Welt der Ideen, Welt der Dinge 507 S. mit 319 meist farb. Abb. ISBN 978-3-88467-153-5 90, Teil 2 Schaupltze 2 Bd., 922 S. mit 701 meist farb. Abb., 1 Falttaf. ISBN 978-3-88467-154-2 170, Teil 3 Peripherie und Nachbarschaft 451 S. mit 261 meist farb. Abb. ISBN 978-3-88467-155-9 80, Teil 1-3 zusammen 295,

Jrg Drauschke Daniel Keller (Hrsg.) Glas in Byzanz Produktion, Verwendung, Analysen RGZM Tagungen Band 8 270 S. mit 200 Abb., 15 Farbtaf. ISBN- 987-3-88467-147-4 44,

Mechthild Schulze-Drrlamm Byzantinische Grtelschnallen und Grtelbeschlge im RGZM Teil 1: Die Schnallen ohne Beschlg, mit Laschenbeschlg und mit festem Beschlg des 5. bis 7. Jahrhunderts Kataloge Vor- und Frhgeschichtlicher Altertmer Band 30,1 2. Aufl., 268 S. mit 545 Abb., 4 Farbtaf. ISBN 978-3-88467-134-4 70,

Mechthild Schulze-Drrlamm Byzantinische Grtelschnallen und Grtelbeschlge im RGZM Teil 2 Die Schnallen mit Scharnierbeschlg und die Schnallen mit angegossenem Riemendurchzug des 7. bis 10. Jahrhunderts Kataloge Vor- und Frhgeschichtlicher Altertmer Band 30,2 (2009) 414 S. mit 522 Abb., 2 Farbtaf., 1 Beil. ISBN 978-3-88467-135-1 98,

Fritz Mangartz Die byzantinische Steinsge von Ephesos Monographien des RGZM Band 86 122 S. mit 100 Abb., 23 Farbtaf. ISBN 978-3-88467-149-8 45,

Henriette Kroll Tiere im Byzantinischen Reich Archozoologische Forschungen im berblick Monographien des RGZM Band 87 306 S. mit 80 Abb.; 16 Farbtaf. ISBN 978-3-88467-150-4 ca. 55,

Birgit Bhler Der Schatz von Brestovac, Kroatien Monographien des RGZM Band 85 ca. 400 S. mit 300 z.T. farbige Abb. ISBN 978-3-7954-2348-3 ca. 120,

Falko Daim (Hrsg.) Die byzantinischen Goldschmiedearbeiten im Rmisch-Germanischen Zentralmuseum Kataloge Vor- und Frhgeschchtlicher Altertmer Band 42 ca. 300 S. mit 650 meist farbigen Abb. ISBN 978-3-7954-2351-3