Performing For Strangers: Women, Dance, and Music in Quattrocento Florence

Performing for Strangers: Women, Dance, and Music in Quattrocento Florence Author(s): Judith Bryce Source: Renaissance Quarterly,
Vol. 54, No. 4, Part 1 (Winter, 2001), pp. 1074-1107 Published by: The University of Chicago Press on behalf of the Renaissance Society of America Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/1261967 . Accessed: 24/05/2013 18:40
Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of the Terms & Conditions of Use, available at . http://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsp
.
JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of content in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new forms of scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact support@jstor.org.
The University of Chicago Press and Renaissance Society of America are collaborating with JSTOR to digitize, preserve and extend access to Renaissance Quarterly.
http://www.jstor.org
This content downloaded from 146.155.94.33 on Fri, 24 May 2013 18:40:17 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
rStrangers: and Wlomen, Dance, Performing Alusic in ( uattrocento Florence*

by JUDITH BRYCE to a tradition insistence on theinvisibility Contrary ofscholarly ofFlorentine patricianwomen outsidethedomestic it can be arguedsuch womendid in effect a significant, sphere, perform or in the between the and other public, quasi-public, function negotiation ofrelationships Republic evidence and Italian,andEuropean,elites.Thisarticle assemblesfragmentary concerning dancing towards theentertainment notables in the ofvisiting musicalperformance bywomendirected secondha4Fofthe Quattrocento, and usesmodernconcepts and the ofgenderedperformance to on the nature women that the involved. of ofgender speculate performance experiencefor n the arrival of Pope Pius 11 in Mantua for the Congress of 1459, among those waiting outside the Cathedral to greet him, strategically
positioned on a specially constructed platform, were Barbara of Brandenburg, wife of Lodovico Gonzaga, Marquis of Mantua, and Bianca Maria
Visconti, wife of Francesco Sforza, Duke of Milan, the latter accompanied by her children, including the thirteen-year-old Ippolita Sforza, and a retiThe girls and women" (nobili fanciulle e gentildonne). following day, Ippolita famously delivered a Latin oration to the Pope and his entourage.' In 1471, by contrast, when the next Duke and Duchess of Milan, Galeazzo Maria Sforza and Bona of Savoy, visited Florence with a nue of "noble large following, no Florentine women (contrary to the account of the Milanese historian Bernardino Corio), were among the formal welcoming party, with Riccardo Fubini commenting that the presence of women in public was contrary to Florentine custorns.'
forthisjournal,including *Thanksaredue to thereaders TimothyMcGee and Michael in Florence, to StephenJ.Milnerforcheckingreferences comments, Rocke,fortheir helpfid his bibliographical All translations as always,forsharing and to TonyAntonovics, expertise. stated. are mine unlessotherwise to Ippolita'sperformance, see Magnani, xxiii, 'Piccolomini, 1:417. For male reactions to FrancescoSforza. doc. 29, 28 May 1459, Otto del Carretto of the eventby Corio who rewrites the erroneousdescription 'Fubini, 171, contrasts of Milanese ones (among thosewho wentout to meetthe social customsin terms Florentine thentheyounggirls"; le matrone de womenofthecity, Duke and Duchess were"themarried accountby a Mantuan, BartolomeoBonatto, la bella cit, puoi le pulcelle),witha first-hand to Lodovico Gonzaga on 17 March 1471 (193). Women were,however, presumably writing winall the streets, among the anonymouscrowdsalso mentionedby Bonatto: "in the city, et copertierano tuctele strate, fenestre werepackedwithpeople" (in la terra dows,and roofs thanthreereferences made by Galeazzo carichide populo. Ibid., 193), and see, too, no fewer Renaissance 54 (2001): 1074-1107 Quarterly
[ 10741
PERFORMING
FOR
STRANGERS
1075
thepublic, Thisapparent absence ofFlorentine women from commuin recent to thelarger discourse on literature nal stagehas contributed the of the women of the merwomen's history citys concerning invisibility cantile classes,withobvious comparisonsmade betweenthe more to other on theItalian aristocratic elites states glamorous belonging peninofFerrara andMilan,ortheroyal ofNaplessula- theducalcourts court thehousewives, oftheFlorentine andthebonnes freRepublic, bourgeoises, a as to to control and confined presented subject rigid patriarchal quently 3 theprivate, domestic realm. Thereis,ofcourse, a degree oftruth in thenotion ofFlorentine patricianwornens difference their from aristocratic sisters butthe elsewhere, in terms contrast is sometimes which areperhaps to be toostark presented in thecontinuing useful of in women's lives Rereally enterprise exploring naissance Florence.Some patricianwomen did, afterall, have the ofmeeting suchhigh-ranking visitors. In 1471,thevenue was opportunity theambiguously "where there were Palace, private spaceoftheMedici many women the to a but number of them Duchess,"' waiting greet significant enter thepublic with their in involvement the did,at times, arena, notably official balls ordances heldatfairly intervals the regular throughout century and attended andlargely elites. Richard non-Florentine, male, byvisiting, as so often, the lead with the incontrovertible statement: Trexler, gives "govknew ernments that without andwomen, there wasno dance"(1980, girls willconstitute theprimary focus ofthepresent 236). Suchpublic dancing thenotion willbeextended of"public" toincorporate examstudy, although of what term one occasions when women danced, ples might "semi-private" in their owndomestic withor for spaceor elsewhere, visiting strangers.
MariaSforza tohisfather on thesubject oftherichly dressed Florentine women seenduring hisentry intothecity in 1459 (Magnani, doc.20, 17 April). Forvery similar attenxii-xiii, tion paid to the publicpresence of women, see thevaluable first-hand accountof the Chastellain: "at all thewindows wereladiesand young chronicler, Burgundian Georges whodelighted theeyes ofthe visitors as they entered thecity, for there women, were so many, and ofsuchexcellent that all eyesand hearts were fenestres es(toutes beauty, captivated" toient de dames etde belles de la ville, damoiselles dontI'aornement etla specieusite' garnies ammusoit lesyeulz desentrans, careny avoit si grant nombre etde si diverse beault6 que les nes'enpooient ne lesceurs ravoir distraire. yeulz 220). fundamental 3Seethe contributions 1985and1990.Recent byKlapisch-Zuber, bibliogwhichexpandsour knowledge of theparticularities and paradoxes of women's raphy in Quattrocento Florence wouldinclude and Kuehn; Cohn;Chabot;Strocchia; experience Rosenthal. Forexample, thelatter's balanced on theissue ofwomen's position agency particin thepresent recommends itself context. See,too,Bryce. ularly in Fubini, 'Bonatto erade molte 193: "dove doneperaccogliere Madona."
1076
RENAISSANCE
QUARTERLY
andother forms ofsocialbebetween Giventheclosecorrelation dancing will the havior suchas vocalandinstrumental however, article performance, women occurofthese latter alsogo on to consider byFlorentine examples 5 in or contexts. the similar, same, ring very a range ofpossible Before relating interpretative approaches considering in thedance, weshould havebefore us someconcrete towomen's visibility in theQuattrocento available ofthekindofinformation sources, examples What is a substantial. which information is,in fact, emerges surprisingly with the women in Florentine festive of dancing publicby longtradition and andJune, between ofthedancing moments January year falling major and with festivals: associated Carnival, Calendimaggio, the major frequently at Theprincipal Battista. San Giovanni ofthecitys feast venue, saint, patron but the Mercato tohavebeen in thefifteenth least Nuovo, century, appears in 1414,1419,1421,1454, with events wasalsoused, PiazzadellaSignoria diarists thebrief ofcontemporary and 1466glimpsed descriptions through 6 In Del Corazzaand Giustod'Anghiari. di Michele suchas Bartolommeo their celebrated women thedominio, too,Florentine citysfeast publicly ina in in 1441 Pisa described for San Giovanni at a for dance days, example from Rosello to Cosimo Medici Giovanni de' 24 di letter dated June private with the oftheFlorentine thearrival whowasawaiting Roselli Along galleys. to be delayed, them for Roselli rest ofhiscompanions, prays the that she comI swear because won't the Bischeri sothat keeps goaway, girl was held her. A is love with in and entertained, today greatfesta everyone pany was held ball anda magnificent inPisa, ladies attended inher honor byallthe the women for the and were one Two inthe Consuls' awarded, loggia. prizes the Biswon headdress was a beautiful scarlet Theformer for the men. other by ofmine.7 went toa relative a fine the cheri hat, latter, girl;
andat thenearby atpurely ofsocial 'Consideration spaswhich parties private dancing to willbe deferred women ofFlorentine numbers were patrician byconsiderable frequented atFlorentine onenotable with andsimilarly, another occasion, weddings. dancing exception, fesbookson thecity's a number ofrecent andalso,among 'See Trexler, 1980,235 ff., "I balli"(147-53)in chap.3, "I comportamenti thesection tive life, Ciappeffi, particularly on 26 Febfor to Del Corazza, andtherelated fpubblici"', example, According bibliography. that is a an event in the Mercato citizens "a of Nuovo, 1420/1, organized ruary group young fecittadini di giovani men"(unabrigata. andyoung invited andthey women, dance, many e moltedonnee giovani e invitarono in Mercato festa ciono una. Nuovo,cio di ballare, is Giusto and and see also 254 277, 276). extensively diary d'Anghiari's unpublished garzoni. usedbyCarew-Reid. vea Dio, chemainonpossino la brigata 607-09:"Ettucta 7Flamini, qui fanno priego ch6permiaf essaneneinfesta deiBischiri fanciufla accibchequesta nire, [sic]nonseparti,
PERFORMING
FOR
STRANGERS
1077
Thisletter offers a comparatively rare to identify an individual opportunity womanin sucha context: "theBischeri is almost di certainly girl" Filippa Bartolo di Noferi Bischeri whosefamily to the Florentine ecobelonged 8 elite nomic andwhomarried di Leonardo inthat Strozzi same Filippo year. The caseofFilippa links in to thelarger Bischeri ofthepublic visisubject of Florentine its its and and we shall women, bility opportunities problems, heragainlater mention ofthepresent we on, butforthepurpose study should nowconcentrate more on those dances specifically bythe organized in honor commune ofhigh-ranking, non-Florentine the visitors, although of these latter and sometimes with in coincide events could, did, presence theregular festive calendar.9 Someideaofthenumber and identity offoreign visitors (principally butalsooccasionally Flomale, female), passing through fifteenth-century rence comes from from orfrom letters, ricordanze, publicrecords, notably 10 the Libro cerimoniale the second half ofthecentury. These visitors covering - theEmperor, from and nobility theKingofDenmark, the range royalty theDukesofMilanorCalabria, andbrides suchas IppolQueenofCyprus, - to itaSforza andEleonora on their husbands d'Aragona waytojoin their condottieri suchas Roberto da Sanseverino and Federico da Montefeltro, andchurchmen, bothpopesandcardinals. Of themany ambassadors, possibleexamples ofpublic dances for orattended organized bysuchvisitors, twoin particular offer thesort ofdetail most suited to ourpurposes. These
la brigata, tutta et non veruno chedi leinonsiaintabacchato; et persuoamore oggiqui sutafacta unanotabile ovesonno state tucte le donne di questa etnella festa, dei terra, loggia s'6facto Consoli unomagnifico etdatidoihonori, unoalledonne etI'altro ballo, agliomeni: chefuunobellobalzode chermisi, 1'ebbe donne, quellodelle quelladeiBischeri; quellodegli chefuuno bellissimo 1'ebbe unornioparente." ForRoselli, omeni, seealsoibid., cappello, 278 ff.
8See Fabbri, weglimpse 21, 37-38,105,192,and209. Bya lucky chance, Filippa again some this time thecritical ofAlessandra Strozzi whouses later, twenty-five years through eyes theBischeri/Strozzi match as a negative due to Filippis"flightiness" exemplum (cervellagand her husband's failure to control her(Strozzi, to herson,Filippo, of 13 470, letter gine), her mother's andbefore her went to with live 1465).After death, September marriage, Filippa messer MannoTemperani, but"behaved in sucha waythat waitto getridof couldn't they ta'portamenti, her' (fece cheparve loromill'annide levarsela dinanzi. Ibid.).Interestingly, Alessandra usesthesameverb as Roselli to describe di ("intabaccare"/"attabaccare") Filippo Leonardo's towards hiswife, butagain ina spirit ofcriticism. was in widowed feelings Filippa 1449 (Strozzi, of4 December 56,letter 1449). theproblem 153. He raises ofdetermining thepublic/private ofsuch nature 9Ciappelli, events andthefinancial andorganizational involved O 50-50. responsibilities 'OTrexler 1978.Trexler GeneBrucker's view on changes in theFlorentine attisupports tudetowards suchvisitors in thefifteenth (I 980,304-05). receiving century
1078
RENAISSANCE
QUARTERLY
datefrom ofambassadors oftheEm1433and 1459,the visits, respectively, with their and Galeazzo Maria of eldest son suites, Sforza, Sigismund peror oftheDukeFrancesco Sforza ofMilan.In 1459,as inso many the instances, inpublic with women involved visitors remain butwe anonymous, dancing twonames inconnection with the1433visit: have that ofFrancesca, daughandAlessandra, ter ofAntonio di Salvestro ofBardo de' Serristori, daughter in theaccount de' Rinuccini, as revealed BardiandAlessandra composed 1 1 in thecentury da Bisticci. later byVespasiano himself wasin Sienafor months before on many proceeding Sigismund IV in hiseventual hiswayto Romefor coronation May byPopeEugene himentry which to thecity, haddenied 1433.The Florentine government, to in negotiations, and inJanuary wasnevertheless involved 1433 sought GerMorelli as a hisambassadors, identified Giovanni di honor by Jacopo and imperial and theGenoesediplomat councillor, man,a Hungarian, " In theFlorentines "didthem Battista Cicala. words, every posVespasiano's them with someentertainment, andso that sible andtoprovide honor, they fine the and also its chaste see the women beautiful, city possessed, might was The this occasion to hold a ball."" venue on decided men, they young with cova large wasconstructed PiazzadellaSignoria where seating stage The young menwere a in rich oftapestries. fabrics anda display ered given all with the while covered women, naturally very livery pearls young green were with bedecked inVespasiano's beautiful account, patriotic, idealizing thelatter de' Bardi, Serristori andAlessandra (2: 477-78).Francesca jewels are Palla to Lorenzo di in hermid-teens andalready then Strozzi, engaged dancers: the most skillful the and the writer as most beautiful identified by in a trio. ambassador theleading Vespasiano they consequently, partnered thevisitors with in serving andgrace skill Alessandra's alsostresses confetti acmenandwomen a group ofyoung Attheendoftheevening, andwine. in Corona Osteria della to their the (the lodgings companied ambassadors Morelli to Giovanni di Jacopo Albizzi O 07)). The according Borgodegli
" For the "Vita dell'Alexandra de' Bardicompostada Vespasianoet mandataa Giovanni de' Bardi",see Vespasiano,2: 467-99 (in particular, 477 ff.). 12 See Giovanni di Jacopo Morelli, 107-08, and Nuti, 293-97. In 1434, accordingto Nuti, Cicala was accordedFlorentine citizenship. et perdar loro loro tuttele speciedeglionorisi potessino, Vespasiano,2: 477: "feceno donne avevala citt et et pudicissime vedessinoe ll'ornatissime et perch6 qualche ricreatione with relations fareun ballo." For Florentine il similegli ornatissimi giovani,diterminorono remindsus vol. 7, 1: 34 ff.Trexler the Emperor, see ibid., 2: 273-74, and also Gregorovius, first Florencein 1451/2on hiswayto Rome,thiswas thecity's thatwhenFrederick III visited See ceremonial its impacton Florentine visitforcenturies and he stresses practices. imperial also and and 95-96. Mantini, 310, Trexler, 1980, 259, 300,
13
PERFORMING
FOR
STRANGERS
1079
first ambassadorpresented ringsto Alessandraand her companion in turn andtheyoung women were home(Ves(Francesca?), accompanied 2: pasiano, 479). In lateApril1459,extensive festivities were for organized PopePius11 andmembers ofhiscourt on their ofMantua, andfor wayto theCongress in members oftheItaliannobility connection with Florence the visiting A ball was with Galeazzo dulyorganized, fifteen-year-old Pope'spassage. MariaSforza as theprincipal ThistookplaceintheMercato Nuovo guest." on Monday thedayafter a jouston PiazzaSantaCroce, andinvi30 April, tations were extended to young elite whomadea brave peopleofthecitys in their of and (Trexshowing finery quantities pearls other including jewels other more detailed ler,1978,77). On this occasion, however, descriptions a letter ofGaleazzoMariadatedthesameday,and two survive, namely in terza verse narratives rima.15 In Sforza's around estimation, anonymous women both married and unmarried 150 ("maritata", participated, "pulNone areidentified. After theentry ofthe zella","donna", "fanciulla"). heralded camethegrand ofGaleazzo Mariahimwomen, byfanfares, entry self(Smith,1: xv-xvi), and general commenced the dancing involving women andsixty dressed men.Twoyoung women then splendidly young Galeazzo himtodancea "danza andinvited Maria, bowed, approached perhimbackto hisseat(the (Rossi,1895,line22), afterwards egrina" leading in thepoemis confirmed information This trio would letter). bySforza's seemtohavedanced alonebecause theother dancers aredescribed as rising andbowing whenever 20-2 in Sforza turn invited a (lines 1). they by passed " inhis of women as some of the did 26), (line suite, [sic] pair "gran singnori ofwhom theonly named individual is thecondottiero, CountTiberto Brandolini(line32).16 From GaleazzoMaria's we learnofthe letter, however,
inFlorence, Maria Galeazzo wasa guest oftheMedici inVia Larga. As "Duringhisstay wellas Magnani, xiiiff., doc.20, seeHatfield. 1 theevent 5Sforzadescribes as "oneofthefinest women's festivities I think I've ever seen"(unade le piu bellefeste de donecMo credochese vedesse xxi-xxiii, may, Magnani, doc.28, 30 April Partial 1459to Francesco ofoneofthepoems Sforza). (Bibtranscriptions lioteca Nazionale di Firenze Centrale (hereafter BNCF), Magl.VII,1121),arein Rossi1895, and recently in Smith, 1: xiv-xix. Where thesametext is available in bothsources, I have
to Rossi'sreading. Anotherverseaccountof the 1459 festivities is in Volpi, givenpreference 1907, based on BNCF, Magl. XXV,24, and see also Volpi, 1902, 12, wherediarists who mentiontheseevents arelisted.The 1459 festivities arereferred to byvirtually all modernscholars and dance in Renaisance Florence/Italy. For examples of the visual writingabout festival recordof eventsof thistypesee, forexample,Padovan, 1987, and Sparti. "On Brandolini, see Partner, in theservice 43-47. Initially of theVenetians, Brandolini took Polisena,daughter of Gattamelata, as his first wife.He changedto the serviceof Milan in 1452/3.A decade later, he died in a Milanese prison,accused of treachery.
1080
RENAISSANCE
QUARTERLY
ofhisownparty ofunidentified members in thetrio-dancing participation one ofwhom oftheDuke ofBurgundy, as wellas oftheambassadors may in Florence is mentioned whosepresence havebeenSimonde Lalaing by " The an hourandwasfollowed lasted Chastellain. byredancing Georges in the confections elaborate with silver dishes freshments, symbolic bearing number ofpages(Rossi,1895, andlionscarried bya large shapeofvipers women two served Mariawaspersonally line73). Galeazzo (line by young 86). whichtookplacethatday,the"salofdancing In thethree sessions butalsomentioned as theprincipal ishighlighted tarello" dance, bythepoet "la speranza", "belriguardo", areballisuchas "la chirintana", "Lioncel". arenotidentified still others while and the"danzadel re", bella", Ccangiola intheconareto be found dances allofthenamed (lines130-34).Virtually and Antonio da Domenico treatises of Cornazzano, Piacenza, temporary in the ambit of all three Ebreo Ambrosio), (Giovanni working Guglielmo Italian courts." thenorthern toenterhadhadan opportunity theMedici women inthevisit, Earlier with this time villaat Careggi, Mariaat thefamily tainGaleazzo single-sex described theevent (unafesfestivity" byhimas"awomen's being dancing, in than seems tohave varied were more The dancers de done).'9 age tagliola di wife ofPiero Nuovo:Lucrezia beenthecasein theMercato Tornabuoni, then the one ofherdaughters, Cosimode' Medici, Bianca, elder, probably di Niccolo" thelatter's Alessandri, aunt,Ginevra agednotquitefourteen, wife ofPierdi Jacopo Laudomia di Cosimo, ofGiovanni wife Acciaiuoli, woman oftheStrozzi and"a young de' Medici, di Lorenzo francesco family least is at in the beautiful most not the if she is who, byvery city, surpassed almanla piubella,,,di di Strozi, cita, few" (unagiovane questa qualese none"
between BoloatFirenzuola Mariaas dancing "i miei',identified byGaleazzo "Among Pieroda Gallarate,Federico gna and Florenceon 15 April,are TibertoBrandolini, andNiccolbda Tolentino Antonio xi,doc. 19, to Bianca Trotto, Pallavicino, (Magnani, xxii. seeChastellain, de Lalaing, ForSimon 220,andMagnani, MariaSforza). and2: 2: 283, "La Speranza"; 2: 286, "Lioncello"; 2: 51,"La chirintana"; "See Smith, ofGuglielmo with thework waswellacquainted Ebreo, 83-84,"Danza del re."Brandolini 1:177).The difficulties in 1458 (Smith, a year earlier hissecond whohadattended wedding arementioned on dancing offered theinformation ofinterpreting bymost bysuchsources Maria Galeazzo The "danza and Smith scholars by peregrina" performed Sparti. including 2: xvi 1: and "La be the called dance Smith, with twofemale (see Pellegrina" may partners in danza" amendue "missero 49 n. 6'). The mysterious line, 237-40,butcf Sparti, gliarrosti 2: Gioioso"(seeSmith, to thedancecalled"Rostiboli 1895,16,line131) mayrefer (Rossi, andHeartz, 267-72, 360). Sforza Maria toFrancesco Galeazzo 347-48).Itis of23 April "Letter 1459from (Buser, was also Brandolini that Tiberto 347). (ibid., present possible
PERFORMING
FOR
STRANGERS
1081
isvery tohavebeen cho avanzata da puoche, Buser, 348). Thislatter likely tenoreleven, Marietta di Lorenzo di PallaStrozzi, then probably agedabout ofAlessandra de' Bardi whohad dancedwith thedaughter theEmperor's in 1433.Five Marietta wastobe singled outfor her ambassadors later, years in Marco as the same Lucrezia Doand Parenti, placed by beauty category and celebrated nati,admired by Lorenzode' Medici.20 These patrician women were localwomen" andalldanced (alcune villane), joinedby"some "intheFlorentine with and ofstep" very style, elegantly, leaps quick changes la con salti et scambieti a la a different sort Buser, (a fiorentina, 348), polita, ofperformance from themore andwidelym-known dances chosen for courtly 21 theMercato Nuovo. a year in 1460,on thepapalpartys Lessthan return later, early journey from in a Mantua toRome, fascinating letter recently published byWilliam wecatch ofBianca de'Medici with the Prizer, sight dancing Rodrigo Borgia, future then in late Alexander his a cardinal and VI, twenties, Pope already 22 Vice-Chancellor oftheChurch. da Mon Teodoro Apostolic Protonotary tefeltro theeventin somedetailforthebenefit describes of Barbara of of Marchioness Mantua. said to be Bianca, Brandenburg, (correctly) aged anda gooddancer wearetounderstand, not fourteen, fair, lively, (although, as goodas Ursolina, one ofBarbara's in was the of servants!), company her anda group ofwomen to Piero related andJacopo sister, Nannina, younger di Andrea de' Pazzi.Thiswasthefamily intowhich Biancawasto marry later that sameyear, beenengaged to Guglielmo di Antonio a Pazzi, having
hisbrother-in-law, bridefor MarcoParenti "Describinga possible FilippoStrozzi, writes: "she doesnt have the looks ofArdinghello's wife Palla's [Lucrezia Donati]ormesser girl [Marietta Strozzi]" (il visonon di quelladell'Ardinghello [Lucrezia Donati]o di quelladi messer Palla[Marietta of27 July identifies 95,letter Parenti, Strozzi], 1465).Yvonne Maguire thegirlas Marietta without ado (67). ForMarietta Strozzi see,too,Martelli, anyfurther to Ferrara transferred with heruncle andmarried CountTeo1980,245-54.Sheeventually filoCalcagnini. ForLucrezia see note71 below.ForGinevra Alessandri and Tornabuoni, seePieraccini, 1: 87 ff., and 1: 154-55. LaudomiaAcciaiuoli, 21 Similar beenoffered entertainment had already to Sforza on 15 April at Firenzuola: t(some dancedin theFlorentine with manner ofstep, pretty girls leapsand quickchanges which thewhole belle (siballsperalcune gave company pleasure" great puteal modofiorensaltando etfacendo di chepertuta la compagnia s' priso unogrande tino, scambieti, piacere. was followed xi,doc. 19, GaleazzoMariato BiancaMariaSforza).This Magnani, bya "a round dance"(a "balloretondo") with singing. 22 See Prizer, isdated from 6 February 1991,3-4and53-54.The letter Siena, 1460,and is in theArchivio di Statodi Mantova, Archivio Gonzaga,busta1099,fols603-04. My thanks to Professor David Fallows for to this article. ForBorgia, see myattention drawing Mallett.
1082
RENAISSANCE
QUARTERLY
ofPieroandJacopo, 2' The encounter sincetheprevious summer. nephew bothmusical involved to which we shall return and later, performance, which "until about continued first then and 7:30, balletti, saltarelli, dancing theballata."24 finally The writer is alsointerested in themanner ofsalutation usedwith the Florentine women and other who the visitor byBorgia, by distinguished that metthem earlier Cardinal Guillaume D'Estouteville, day, Archbishop 25 ofRouenandPiccolomini's rival for thepapaltiara in the1458conclave. alltenwomen' intheFrench kissed D'Estouteville, bythePazzi, encouraged to whereas the Italian of conformed Bianca's style, Borgia practice touching French handin spite ofthePazzi's insistence that follow the fashhe,too, 26 ion. One presumes in thismatter, as in the thatthefamily's eagerness wholeencounter, or potential financial is notunrelated to actual relations as prestigious merbetween cardinals clients and thePazzias international 21 of chants that sort and bankers. It seems considerationsthis outweighed
10 September See Strozzi, dateofbirth, 1459. ForBianca's 1445,see 155,20 July f.78v.The inJune 58-59n. 159. Forhermarriage 1460,seeGiustod'Anghiari, Rochon, Milner for to Dr.Stephen wasinCarew-Reid, reference 24, butmythanks checking original her to themonth. The terms refer status as enusedin theletter, "maridata", may "spossa", was or the not consummated that be also mean that to married but yet may marriage gaged for toher I amgrateful toMichael Rocke shehadnotyet husband's house. transferred pointeramaritata 2: 478: "I'Alexandra latter too,Vespasiano, possibilities. Compare, ingoutthese to Bernardo a marito." Nannina became inquell'anno etnoneraandata de' Medici engaged 1466(seeRucellai, the himon 8 June in 1461andmarried di Giovanni Rucellai 28). Among of Piero's the 1460 event are some seven Pazzi women Caterina, possible daughters: attending "Donneuscite"). Manoscritti andMarietta 402, Pazzi, Costanza, Oretta, Alessandra, (ASF, 24 finalhe meza, ha le doe hore Trans. baleti, Prizer, 1991,4 (fino prima poi saltareli, mente la balata. Ibid.,54). D'Estouteville as having conducted hiselection "A hostile PiusII describes campaign e carico 1: 201-03, the inthe latrines for Vatican 205),as being (Piccolomini, "Pingue papacy e dell'ozio" deipiaceri d'anni" (2: 2455). Fora recent (2: 1529),and"arnante study piuttosto ofD'Estouteville's seeGill. patronage, 26 "I wasthinking ofcomRosello Roselli toGiovanni di Cosimode' Medici: Compare in order I hearthat notto go there areladiesthere to (at Petrioli), ing seeyou,butbecause ... I decided arrival" as they toawait do in France them, (lo deliberava your astray bykissing sonodonne, acci6chenonmivemaperch6 checostf a vedere; intendo devenirti (a Petrioli) la venuta tua. ... 6 deliberate nisseerrato, a basciarle de aspettare comesi fain Francia, n. 281 Flamini, 2). 21 andBruges, thecomin Rome, Marseilles Withbanking Lyon, Avignon, operations de' Pazziarereckoned ofJacopo de' PazziandthesonsofAntonio binedhouseholds byDe Other Pazzi inthelate1450s(30 andpassim). tohaverivalled theMediciinwealth Roover in 1099,andtheir ofJerusalem with thetaking assets their connection included legendary intheritual life oftheFlorentine as significant status (Ciappelli, Republic players consequent
23
PERFORMING
FOR
STRANGERS
1083
28 women ofa manofBorgia's thepotential to their reputation. danger willsuffice. The likelihood Bianca One lastexample that andNannina no de' Mediciwere involved is but individual name is offered again strong inJune available Marco describes Florence the sources. Parenti the visit to by on her Sforza south to to Duke 1465ofIppolita Alfonso, way Naples marry ofCalabria, sonofKingFerrante. Shewasaccompanied eldest byAlfonso's Parenti cannot resist and by"molte Federico, brother, (whom damigelle" "le with nostre" at the Medici (77). Ippolita's stay unfavourably comparing for Palacecoincided San Giovanni, with thepublic festivities buttheparty withAmbassador also enjoyedtheirown entertainments Nicodemo a first-hand account. for Tranchedini had, They example, played offering inMilan.Several "Some oftherespectable wearewont which to play games from in thecity women thebestfamilies were He continpresent." young of theseyoungwomen ues: "After thevisitors several watched supper, in the till ofAntonio to after sunset the house de Pazo[but bagpipes dancing in fact where is Roberto and Pucci?], [daSanseverino]staying: onecoul&t for have wished to me,saying better that did they they although apologized " Further what elsetodo toplease took notknow theguests. place dancing ofGiuliano later atthehouse inOgnissanti, followed Vespucci bythepossiofstill more at theinitial venue. bility inmind, suchexamples With itis nowtime toleave behind description inorder ishappening insuchevents toexplore which what involve themarofFlorentine women orfor, intoperforming with, non-Florentine, shalling in public whether or in private. likea citys male, visitors, Women, usually arefundamental monuments andother of resources, components itshonor
168 ff),something in thelight haveexploited ofthecrusading zealofPiusII and they may thesubject under discussion attheCongress ofMantua. 28 In Mantua, in"galant hadbeeninvolved inSiena adventures" andwasso again Borgia in May 1460 at festivities a baptism for from which andother husbands malerelatives were A letter tohavebeenabsent. ofcensure from PiusII followed on I I June. SeeAdy, reported that historians haveoverreacted to thisstory and 238, butalsoMallett, 88-91,whoargues for consequently immorality. exaggerated Borgia's reputation 104 n. 58: "poy disnare fecero onesti de quellinostri alcuni de Ia':a 29Rochon, giuochi se trovarono Zovene le de de . . . Cit. Cenato che ebero viquali parechie principals questa de questeDame al logiamento derobalareparechie del Sig.rnostro in casa de Roberto Antonio de Pazo,fin a mezzora de nocte, etfecero Zovenette cumtanta liberalita' queste quel chiedere fina la cornamusa: chemeglio nonse poriadire:scusandose sepero questinostri chenonsapevano chefar theletter inhisedition meco, Guasti, piu" percontentargli." citing ofAlessandra Strozzi's letters in herrecent edition ofMarco (Strozzi, 431), and Marrese, Parenti's letters Antonio 87 n. 59),both Pucci rather than Pazzi.Parenti (Parenti, (82) suggest remarks dueto continued for hisfather, didnotwish Piero hisvisithat, Cosimo, mourning to danceintheMediciPalace. tors
1084
RENAISSANCE
QUARTERLY
ofthestate orprestige, canbe pressed intotheservice and and,likethem, ofcivic doesGrethepromotion andenhancement as,for identity example, of "Florence has such refinement and Dati: and women manners, girls gorio as to deso respectable, and beautiful virtuous, marvelously appear angels from ha fancitille e donne n-tilezza heaven" di tanta scended (ella[Firenze] ge e di be' costurni, e vertudiose chepaionoangeli oneste e bellea maraviglia ofreal as wellas constituting discesi da cielo,119-20).Furthermore, objects in women function between men the Florentine market, exchange marriage oftheperennial Flofor in thewider as capital context symbolic exchange of with non-Florentine rentine about the anxiety negotiation relationships ofhigh-ranking visitors social The positive reactions (ortheatsuperiors." ofsuchreactions) of the tribution tothe talents, beauty, public display grace, ofFlorentine ofthecitys reornobility women as a component part civility, is clearly of Libro to the authors the cerimoniale: sources, deeply gratifying were "And those from outside thecity bythequantity particularly impressed ofdancing ofnoblewomen, theorderliness oftheyoung themanner men, with andcelebrating andcivilized Similarly, enjoyment."" propriety great of bothVespasiano the celebrations andtheanonymous 1459 see,in poet and de' Bardi di Antonio theonecase, Alessandra andFrancesca Serristori, as special intheother, conduits a number ofanonymousfanciulle anddonne, of the honor between transmission for thetwo-way (albeit ) asymmetrical been acin The its visitors. ambassadors and 1433, "having city Emperor's Siena to tell the wait return to not to such could corded honor, great what hadseen."32 Emperor they ofitswomen to theRepublic's The dancesymbolizes temporary gift female not for visual visitors, (the bodyis consumption only high-ranking in in of forms but available dancethan other more activity), alsoto visually ofdance theconventions whichis licitonlythrough touch,something ofsalutation ofdesire), orthrough theforms butnotsatisfaction (arousal
on thecontext offeminist See Trexler, 236. Within 1980,particularly scholarship, most are"the article seetheseminal women as objects ofexchange byRubin(women prewe aretalking thepoint that whostresses ciousofgifts," 173),andalsoIrigaray exclusively in practice, men: about relations everywhere, prohibited although among "Reigning orsign, andheteroofwomen, thebodies isplayed outthrough matter, hom(m)o-sexuality, with ofman's relations thesmooth hasbeenup to nowjustan alibifor workings sexuality men"(172). ofrelations himself, among 31 nola quantitdelle cosamirabilissima a gl'esterni Trexler, 1978,77: T maxime parve d'onest e e festeggiare conognigenere el mododeldanzare l'ordine de' giovani, bilidonne, civile allegrezza." loro, 2: 479: "sendo sl grande sutolorofatto onore, pareva. ognidI mille, "Vespasiano, veduto." a Siena,a narrare allo'rnperadore pertornare quelloavevano
30
PERFORMING
FOR
STRANGERS
1085
tothePazziin 1460aswellas totheletterwhich areofsuchintense interest 33 writer to hisaddressee, and presumably, theMarchioness ofMantua. In spiteofVespasiano's liberal useoftheword"nobile" is (Alessandra "born ofvery noble both on herfather's in andhermother's fact stock, side, 34 thenoblest inthecity"), such whether duvisitors, among imperial, regal, moreconventionally in outdotheFlorentines cal,or simply aristocratic, socialstatus. The citys is mercantile a characterized simultapatriciate by neoussense bothofsuperiority ofdifference andinferiority, as free citizens a in free andofanxious toequal,oratleast toholdtheir republic, aspiration with to their socialsuperiors. Socialcredit canbe accumulated own, regard theadoption ofthehonor-bearing codesandbehaviors ofthearisthrough tocratic cultures which in elsewhere the and,indeed, predominate peninsula 35 in Europe. On therare occasions whenFlorentine malenarrators "see" women at all,and in fact in their order to a less construct require visibility of Florentine as parochial image Republican identity, habitually perceived maleandtherefore of haverecourse to exclusionarywomen, they naturally an aristocratic discourse which women's honorable permits public presence, evenCcen rue"(out in thestreets), touseGeorges Chatellain's loaded pleine (220). phrase Further themselves inrelation tothepublic of meanings suggest display women orbythecommune, families from social the and debyelite ranging totheeconomic. of"socializzazione mographic Ciappelli speaks prenuziale" of and rites for nubile girls (153 n.138; socialisation) (prenuptial passage mostofournamed havebeenyoung alwomen 276). Although examples to be we know that Alessandra Strozzi made use of married, ready engaged theadditional of unattached women festivals visibility young during public to scrutinize a prospective Caterina di Francesco daughter-in-law, Tanagli: "I'llseeifI cangeta lookat herduring thefestive period" (ingegnerommi, 'io la potr" vedere inqueste feste, Strozzi, 529,21 December 1465). The ageofthewomen intheMercato Nuovo- girls dancing ("pulzelle", - themarriageable, and young women theengaged-to-be"fanclulle"), - theactivity and theyoung married andvery married, itself, frequently
"The notion ofthelicit(andtherefore theillicit) in connection with women's public of their is Lorenzo de' Medici andin bodies, (175): "inwalking display clearly by expressed andinthose inwhich itis permissable for to utilize women their bodies... dancing, things shewaselegant andattractive" e nelballare e nelle coseche lecito alledonne (e nelloandare il corpo... eraelegante e avenente). On issues ofdanceandgender in a broader d'operare historical I owea debtto HannaandtoThomas. context, 2: 474: "nata di nobilissimi coslperpadre comepermadre, de' "Vespasiano, parenti, nobili dellacitt." piu" 94 ff. "See, for Becker, example,
1086
RENAISSANCE
QUARTERLY
ofyear, thetime all emphasise and thusdisplay to thecity and to fertility outsiders Florentine women's which the potential reproductive pothrough - a particularly lisrenews itself of sensitive issuein these anxious decades 36 and crisis. recurring plague consequent demographic Iffemale can be converted intohonor or intodemographic sexuality itcanalso,crudely, be converted Of into Pius benefits, profit. his1459visit, II remarked: "the rich with an vawomen's seemed incredible very clothing oflocalandforeign The whiteness oftheir faces riety styles. clearly betrayed theuseofcosmetics."37 which is echoed andclarified It is a description by ' letter as 3' The contemporary custom ofchang' Galeazzo Mari of30 April. ing twoorthree times a ballonly theadvertising outfits increased power during an influx ofpotential customers. ofsuchevents, which attracted inevitably 1: The rich of and indeed of the men the women, (Piccolomini, clothing of the which saw the the formed of festive scene 365), festooning part larger and richfabrics. facades ofpalaces, churches and botteghe with tapestries other a purely Florentine butwhereas Noneofthis was,ofcourse, custom, so have it to advertise Florence did centers used their may power, purchasing to advertise itscommercial and contemporary capability, contradictory themselves infavor ofperonostentatious resolved views luxury presumably Mercato lawstemporarily with massiveness, sumptuary suspended.39The
"See, for Herlihy. example, 37 era 1: 349: Tabbigliamento molto delle donne ricco; Piccolomini, stupenda appariva deivolti mostrava chiaramente di foggia la bianchezza la varietdelle vesti localee straniera; Nso di cosmetici." 31 andrichly somein were doc. 28. Allthewomen dressed, xxii, "bejewelled Magnani, In ofsilk, somein another. indamask, others someinonetype cloth ofgold, someinvelvet, all in French emtall headdresses the woollen cloth. had nonewere short, style, Fifty wearing itwouldbe difficult to andsilver, with suchfineness andelegance that with broidered pearls all or someother had Florentine headdresses oneself The others style, adequately. express etornatissiitifonehadnotseenit"(azoiate One wouldnothavebelieved adorned. richly chide chide damaschio, chide unaseta, chide drapo chide veluto, mamente vestite, d'oro, conle trali qualiglineeracirca senza di panno, vestiti alcuni unaltra. Insomma, cinquanta con tanta di perleet d'argento, tutericamate di testaaltea la franzese, polidezaet fogie di testa a la fiorentina, Ix altre, cosasaria chedifficile qualiad exprimerlo. qualifogia ligiadria a chinonle ha viste). See et inmodoincredibile tute ornate unoaltro, diligentissimamente and totherich alludes doc.20), which of 17 April alsohisletter xii-xiii, clothing (Magnani, hisentry intothecity. outtoview headgear ofthewomen 39 to citizens ... toallow lifted lawwasfrequently See Hughes, 90: "Sumptuary properly Senate of the Venetian the function." She fulfil their civic(andhighest social) gives example voted to tothecity, ambassadors andimpress theFrench towelcome in 1459,who"inorder andornament andwear the dresses toappear inbright inattendance allwomen jewels require inmost restrictions (93) that sumptuary bythelaw."Shealsomentions prohibited generally 1 18-19. Kovesi unmarried for were lesssevere cities too, See, Killerby, esp. young, girls.
PERFORMING
FOR
STRANGERS
1087
with itsconlocation ofthefifteenth Nuovo,thefavorite century, dancing of banksand botteghe associatedwithcloth spicuous concentration a or fashion showforthe became window silk, shop notably production, which were central to Florentine of the fabrics the conscious luxury display all as the of its and the more and the wealth citizens, important economy or other feudal/aristocratic was unableto puton a showofmilitary city or at least and unambiguously. forms ofpower, to do so bothconvincingly in external ambivalence Suchdisplay, inevitably spectators aptto inducing of underlies theSienmeditate activity, upontheignoble aspect mercantile ese pope's maliciousplay on wordsas he describesFlorenceas both theareaaround andharlot." The fact that theMercato mercantile Veccity a walk with few minutes' was associated women chio, away, truly public their for salereminds bodies us ofanother use displaying (donnepubbliche) ofthefemale ofexchange, and also that bodyin thepatriarchal economy 41 wasa business runbysomeofthecitys families. prostitution major In availing ofthemultivalent ofwomen's themselves the bodies, power needed to ensure as far as possible theexistence ofcontrolled community which madeclear thedistinction conditions between thelicit andtheillicit 41 - women inpublic versus women. Itwasa potentially hazardous enpublic as thecitizens were wellaware, andmale all andnarrators terprise, organizers evince theneedfor their celebration offemale control, containing beauty bothliterally within with the which, (thestaccato protective fencing palcol in a rich cloth theillucreates and, 1459, overhead, (stage) canopy palchetto 41 -verbal language of sionofa temporary with thenon "court"), figuratively andthrough itself. The fre(thePazziandtheir women), etiquette language
1: 663: "cittmercatrice See alsoibid.,1: 365. Piccolomini, pernondirmeretrice." See Mazzi,347 ff., andalsoTrexler, thePope's on words as an 1981,whoadopts play tohisstudy on Florentine on sumptuary distinctions See,too,Hughes prostitution. epigraph "between meretrix andmatrona" (92-93). 42 thecontemporary Ferrarese in whichDeannaShemek context finds two Compare kinds ofcontrasting sexual "the contained state-condoned, activity: family-oriented, sexuality oflawful and thepunishable ofopenand ignoble sexual commerce" society transgressions "two irreconcilable 'bodies': her'natural' (44). See alsoIrigaray (I 80) on women's bodyand hersocially which is a particularly mimetic ofmascuvalued, body, exchangeable expression linevalues." 41 2: 477. The anonymous in partby See, forexample, Vespasiano, poet,published oftheseparation ofa high-status arena within theMercato Nuovofrom Rossi, 1895,speaks themassofpeopleoutside. The latter arenevertheless ofthecity's socialtriumph spectators andbenefit from itslargesse as theremains ofthefestive foodaredistributed to them: "they threw sweet here andthere tothepeople whowere a tremendous noise. Some things making threw to thewindows, them someto thestand, and someto womenand menup on the roofs" e 1 di confetto/ al un gran romore./ Chi I gitta (gittavano qua quel popol,chefacea
40 41
1088
RENAISSANCE
QUARTERLY
thelicit, of thetalismanic word,onesto, emphasizes quentrecurrence of of women's while the them as ancontrolled sexuality, description aspect 44 The them in/from to desexualize paradise attempts altogether. gels which is the transformation ofthecourtly tradition predominant bourgeois narrative alsoallowthepoetto indulge toneofsucha verse does,however, inspeculation afforded as to theerotic by fairly comfortably opportunities more than in "love tied first dance session theevent. the 1459: April During - butsuchsen_ a maleperspective oneknot"45 from presumably purely with theelevated association aresafeguarded andennobled timents bytheir such theneedtomaintain In a private realms ofcourtly love. letter, however, to Roselli is absent, andRosello orto deploy sucha myth a facade responds at Pisain 1441 in a text ofFilippa Bischeri thememory pointedly dancing a Latin while erotic inbed"andaccompanied as "written described verse, by ofRoBianca thebehaviour with de' Medici, weeks after theencounter few were from whichmalerelatives Sienesefestivities drigoBorgiaduring and norms behavioral offragile led to a transgression absent, reputedly 46 codes. informs thelargely which that sense offragility Itisofcourse partly nega view on dancing, and churchmen moralists viewofcontemporary ative female ofall practitioners, theconsciousness wouldhavepermeated which thesoulsof women whodestroyed Cavalcaattacked and male.Domenico 41 was Morebalanced dances. menwiththeir young songsand seductive in hisdeath from 1446until thecitys Antonino Saint Pierozzi, archbishop endanceandother ForAntonino, ofPius11. after thevisit 1459justweeks and a wasteoftime, sin butmere vanities werenotmortal tertainments either bethat "mortal sin ensue too warned he byaccident, may although of human the perversity cause of some consequentevil, or through to desire is induced women as whensomeone, intention, dancing, seeing
e maschi. allefernmine e chial tetto allefinestre, chial palchetto/ 1895,17,lines158Rossi, of30 April in Galeazzo Maria's letter to be found is a detail xxii). 61). Thisagain (Magnani, lines 37-42. 1895, 12, Rossi, 44E.g. 41 1: xvii. line44). See,too,Smith, d'unnodo"(ibid., "Amore strinse piu' ofthehistoriMallett's reservations. 28 above for Michael note Irrespective 'Compare cal truthof what occurredin Siena, however, gossip and rumoroperateto form a historical reality. contemporary opinion, constituting e canti" andchap.XXVIII, e dissolute balli, 47Cavalca, chap.XXVIL259-69,"De vani, e comequeste ballatrici cheancoci biasimano 269-75,"De molte questo peccato, ragioni, i sette della Chiesa." fanno contra tuttiSagrimenti
PERFORMING
FOR
STRANGERS
1089
cheri,"is Paradise"(qui e'el paradiso, Flamini,608). The same sense of fragility also undoubtedly informs the exaggerated ofAlessandra de' Bardias she is presented exemplarity byVespasianoin a biography which works overtime to offer an idealized image of a recent whichis now lost: comparatively goldenage of female comportment I(( theirdresseswerenot low-cutas theyare today,but had high necksand werevery beautiful and elegant" iscollate come sono (non eranole vesteloro, ma accollate et venustissime et 2: On feastdays, ornatissime, 478). oggi, Alessandra's motherwould take her to visitconvents:"she was not in the habitof doing what mostwomen nowadaysdo, namely, insteadof taking their to visitholywomen,they takethemto weddings and dances daughters and suchvanities, and they to to hire masters to come to the go great lengths houseto teachthemdancing, notthinking thatrespectable womenoughtto learnotherthingsthan being able to move theirfeetin timeto music."49 Alessandra's dancing,accordingto Vespasiano,althoughin public (forthe withinthelimits of propriety, and greater good of thecity!), stayed CC )) dignity, CC with such as pudica and pudicishonor, regularly recurring adjectives sima" (modest)standing Moral beautycombined guardoverthe narrative. withphysical in his description. leitmotif beautyis an obsessive In spiteofVespasiano's ofthefashion for disapproval dancinglessonsfor women from and his insistence that Alessandra de' Bardihad professionals been well taught, apparently by hermother(2: 474 and 479), we mustassume thatsome,and possibly a good deal of instruction and rehearsal went into thesuccessof thepublic eventsin particular, both in orderto uphold civic honor,and to ensurethatindividuals and theirfamilies did not lose face.This raisesissuesrelating to thetraining processes undergone by Florentine and women before in the Mercato Nuovo. The girls young dancing seemsto havehad a clearcompetitive 1459 event element to it,withdancers
"48 them. '(Here,"as Rosello Roselliirreverently said, describing FilippaBis-
" "E tuttavia ilpeccato mortale a causadi unqualche maleche pubesservi peraccidents, ne possaconseguire o perla perversity comeaccadequandoqualcuno dalla dell'intenzione, vista di donne chedanzino viene a desiderarle." CitedbyMartelli, 1994,83 n. 50. On spinto attitudes todance, seealsoCiappelli, 147-48. religious
de tempinostri, che in luogo di 'Vespasiano 2: 474: "nonneusavaquello usavanole piu" menarlea vicitare le santissime donne,le menano alle noze et i balli et alle vanit et mettono studiiin casa di farvi venire che insegnino loro ballareet andarea tempo, maestri, grandissimi et non pensinoall'onestissime donne convenirsi a porrei piedi secondo i altro,che imparare suoni."
1090
RENAISSANCE
QUARTERLY
a Wassuchtraining toa selection maleandfemale?) (both process." subject as neither suchskills andwere worthwhile investment, therefore, regarded mercantile Florentine in the of the nor anomalous daughters exceptional as a possible bride Caterina still Alessandra elite? Strozzi, Tanagli researching suchas Costanza, from information for herson,Filippo, neighbors sought uncouth I asked ifthegirl hadanything ofPandolfo "andwhen wife Pucci, andknows howto shehasherwitsabouther, shesaidno,that abouther, di l'aveva del dicemi se domandando danceandsing"(e no,clMl'ei' zotico, e cantare, e sa ballare Strozzi, 464,31 August desta, 1465).Thishasthering ofsuchyoung thequalities and measuring ofa toposusedin describing Morelli of Mea to mindthemuchearlier women and brings (b. example have served and and would in "who was skilled 1365)) very singing dancing, similar toperforming a accustomed as at as table person deftly young guests servthe Aswehave events."" andsimilar services atweddings seen, graceful and the well as and as festive food of drink, elegant expert dancing ing ofthewomen wereall required ofreverential pergestures, performance of1433or 1459. formers ofan official hasbeenfound toTimothy McGee,no record According on teachers information while the teacher by commune, employed dancing 51 the scarce. Who,for is still sources from example, taught private relatively as described Antonio of cathedral Squarcialupi, organist daughters young
that theyoung echoed whowas,inturn, Pietrobuoni 5'Trexler cites byCambiinsaying n. 72). at "the were most 235 chosen whowere menandwomen 1980, (Trexler, apt dancing" women couldactas dance that an interesting comes Del Corazza From detail, judges: namely (C hadto sitina more andthey women whohadtojudgethewomen's four elected prize they The a judgeto decide on themen's elected like elevated prize. they Similarly judges. position latter to the and ... del of to the was awarded former Bene, daughter Filippo dAmerigo prize delle a l'onore che avessino donne Gherardi" thesonofBernardo (Elessono giudicare quattro a giudicare chiavesse e cosf elessono a sedere altecomegiudicatori; e stettono donne, quello del Bene,e ... d'Amerigo di Filippo allafigliuola de' giovani. Quellodelledonnedierono di Bernardo al figliuolo 276,2 February Gherardi, [1420]).The Magi.VIL quellode'giovani whoare to someofthedeselected refers 1121 poetspecifically (atleastas regards dancing), whether is inappropriate whomdancing "women for on thesidelines: seated through age, o per a ballare chenonsonoatte arewidows" orbecause (donne pertempo they pregnancy, translation. SmitEs 1: xv).Compare o vedovato. Smith, grossezza 51 sere arebbe e danzare, cantare di Giovanni Pagolo 153:"sapea Morelli, perfettamente a nozzeo usoe pratico comegiovane coslpulitamente o di donne d'uomini vitoa unamensa a simili cose." 52 of contribution thefinancial See McGee,1988,210 n. 18. Ciappelli, 151,mentions with In connection visitors. for events festive as regards thecommune foreign organized transacthat Dei (67) which 1459,seetheinformation might suggest byBenedetto provided of accounts in the be located could of the teachers, tions, private including payment dancing thedesignatedfestaioli.
PERFORMING
FOR
STRANGERS
1091
in a letter of8 July Ginevra to her dancers Alessandri 1455 from stunning Giovanni di Cosimo de' Medici?53 Christiane husband, Klapisch-Zuber poras harboring Florentines meninvited aboutunknown into trays suspicions home as teachers "the wolf in the il the butshedoes fold", luponell'ovile), ( offer ofspecialists in dance, oneortwoconcrete andsingmusic, examples as well-off families. Francesco di Matteo Castellani, ing being by employed cchas for someone to teach danceto hisdaughters and example, agedseven ten))(7 July namein thiscase beinga piffero-player 1460), theteacher's 54 Bernardo di Santi. called Itisworthwhile with theCastellani for a moment. sisters Their pausing mother wasLenadi Francesco di Piero Francesco's second Alamanni, wife, whom he married in 1448.Maria, theeldest wasbornin March daughter, in December inApril 1450,Margherita 1453,anda third child, Ginevra, 55 As inthecaseofFilippa luckis on oursidefor, inaddition 1456. Bischeri, tothesparse references intheir father's from obscuRicordanze, they emerge on atleast twoother occasions which arerelevant tooursubject. rity Firstly, inAugust tenyears after thedancing MarcoParenti, in 1469,nearly lessons, search ofa wife for hisyounger Lorenzo mentions brother-in-law, Strozzi, ifonlyto dismiss them on grounds which remain unthem, immediately clear: "Thenthere's Francesco Castellani's second the who is first, daughter: is not an attractive and the second [or married?], engaged prospect, they say
""For yourinformation, I went to Fiesole with Piero and Lucrezia,and Agnolo della Stufaand the singers of San Giovanni.And there was a fine of festaand as forthe daughters serAntonio,don'task ["they danced" is deleted]fortheyperformed out of miracles, things thisworld,whichsentthespectators wild withenthusiasm, and we stayedso long thatitwas two hours after sunsetbefore we got back to Florence"(Avisotichome andammo a Ffiesole Piero et la Lucreziae Angniolodella Stufae chantori di San Giovannie anno fattouna bella festae le fanciulle de serAntonionon domandare[cassato:"ballaro"]che anno fatto miracoli e chose deH'altro mondo che inpazzavachiunceVera,che sterno tantoa vedereche era du'ore di notteinantitonassimoa Firenze.Giacomelli,267 n. 3 0. The girlswereGinevra,Maria, and Lucreziaborn in 1445, 1446, and 1448 respectively. Tita (b. 1450) was presumably still too young(see Parigi,53-54). ""Fa daredelle lezionidi danza aflefiglie di 7 e 10 anni" (Klapisch-Zuber, 1984, 789 n. see Castellani,1995, 105. My thanks to TimothyMcGee 68). Forthefullreference, however, who was able to disprovemy initialspeculationthat Bernardomighthave been one of the musiciansin the employof the Signoria,althoughhe indicatesthe existence, earlierin the of an official Santi di Gherardo,possiblyBernardo's father. For the century, piffero-player, moraldangers ofdancingand fencing schoolsforyoungFlorentine males,see Rocke, 158-59. One such dance school was actually run by a knownsodomite(ibid., 161 and note 75). 55 See Castellani1992, 16, 19, and 2 1. Francesco's first was wife,Ginevradi Palla Strozzi, the sister-in-law ofAlessandrade' Bardiwhom we have seen dancingin Piazza della Signoria in 1433.
1092
RENAISSANCE
QUARTERLY
))56 one is worse. The eldest, Giovannidi Niccol6 Cavalcand Maria,married thatsame year, while in 1473 Margherita married one of the Bernardino, of the sons Otto Niccolini,who had been a majorfigure in lawyer, family's Florentine publiclife(Castellani,1:29). Amongthelatter couple'swedding Florentine chansonniers of appearsto havebeenone ofthefewsurviving gifts 57 thisperiod. in Parenti's letter What is also interesting is his discussionof suitable The specific conbridesin terms of rustichezw orgentilezza. and unsuitable in the bridedestined for a manliving text is thatofa Florentine and working of the Kingdomof Naples, but one is rather different social environment to relatethe terms of such a debate to social transformations also tempted in thecourseof thecentury. itself Comwithin Florentine and shifts society in with from a Florentine terms), patrician family ("patrician" dancing ing whatever theirotherfaults, and hersister, and musicalskills,Margherita in the sense of lackingsocial not among the "rustiche" werepresumably 58 graces. ofdancingteachers, and theavailability of indiTo return to thematter in or indeed,musicalskills foremployment vidualswithparticular dancing, householdson a casual basis,we have the exampleof a certain"serLina" to see in 1445 whomGiovannidi Cosimo de' Mediciwas beingencouraged includin well known to Italian rulers an these and as being expert matters, 59 FrankD'Accone has locateda ing theDuke of Urbino. More concretely, therenting Mariotto di Bastiano di named Francesco, declaring harpplayer of his return 1440 Of in tax ofa roomforthepurposeofteaching dancing a schoolset is information about interest, however, thetantalizing particular di Domenico da Veneziain up by GiuseppeEbreo da Pesaroand Francesco
la Francesco di messer 1469: Icci la seconda Castellani; Parenti, 197, 11 August che la seconda dicono non a verun e ch' modo, maritata, peggio." piace prima, 57 intheNicwaslocated ofuntexted French The songbook, chansons, largely consisting Staatliche andis nowin Berlin, theeighteenth in Florence until colini century library family as to whether the 1: 59-60). The debatecontinues 78.C.28 (Census-Catalogue, Museen, the with DavidFallows, orFlorentine, is Neapolitan 1993,arguing provenance manuscript's from further receives His conclusion latter. Warmington. support with Maria oftheir lateness comments on therelative "Giovanni marriages, Ciappelli their dowries that the size of He surmises nineteen and finally may twenty. aged Margherita in this or status thedisadvantages oftheir haveovercome period family's marginal political 1: 30 andn. 137). lackofbeauty theyoung womens (Castellani, perhaps 12July 1445 from Ferrara de' Medici, sonofCosimo is Carlo, '9Thewriter illegitimate 1: 78). 1893,15,andPieraccini, (seeRossi, 1992,263 n. 8. 6OD'Accone,
16
PERFORMING
FOR
STRANGERS
1093
forthepurpose.61 own homesor in premises rented oftheQuattrocento, The mosteminent masters oftheprincipal authors dance manualsof theperiod,Domenico da Piacenza,Guglielmo surviving Italian Ebreo, and Antonio Cornazzano, all associatedwiththe northern but Lorenzode' Medici atcourts,seem not to have operatedin Florence, fortheweddingof IppolitaSforzain 1465 in tendedtheMilanesefestivities in thedance culture and his interest of whichall threemen wereinvolved, own work as a the two bassehis hisdayis attested namely by choreographer, danze included in Guglielmo'smanual De praticaseu artetripudii vulgare A fourth one ofwhosedances master, GiuseppeEbreoda Pesaro, opusculum. of Guglielmo's also appearsin some of themanuscripts manual,was, however,in contactwithLorenzo in the late 1460s, the periodwhichsaw the above. former's proposedlaunchof thedancingschool mentioned of thiskind thatmoresophisticated notions connections It is through artof social dance withits developed(and gendered) of thecontemporary down through Florentine mermusthavepercolated setofaesthetic criteria, a there For Florentine remained cantilesociety.62 women,however, problem of males of available femalearistocratic models,giventhe preponderance as comto the cityand Florentine women'slessermobility among visitors men. In this of Sforza to the brief residence and her sense, Ippolita pared in June1465 musthaveprovided a comparatively rareopladiesin Florence the city's to a relatively restricted numberof women from social portunity in Ippolita's elite.63 also speculate about thepresence, One might entourage,
theaimofteaching danceandmusic toboth either intheir 1467with sexes,
SeeVeronese, 51-57. 6'For thecriteria laiddown seethetreatises inSmith, 1. masters, bysuccessive published Forcriteria women's seethe"Capitulum Mulierum" ofthe performance, regulating Regulare De Pratica Arte seu Ebreo andalsoFranko, (ibid.,1: 141-42), byGuglielmo Trupudii esp.44indance, involvement seeMcGee,1988,Padovan, See 45. ForLorenzo's 1992,andGargiulo. alsonote33 above. 63 Parenti chooses to highlight Federico second son,rather d'Aragona, KingFerrante's than "hedances andisfavoured women andbythemen, andthe well, byallthe very Ippolita: bride looksat him,andtalks anddances with as though he were a god"(danzamolto him, e la gratia di tutte le donne e degl'uomini, e la sposalo guata, e ragiona e danzacoAlui, bene, chepare chellavegga unsuoIddio.82,22 June andLorenzo In Na1465toFilippo Strozzi). "wasvery muchadmired 'for created twonewdances basedon French ples,Ippolita having chansons. His Majesty theKingseems to haveno other to seeherdanceand pleasure except alsosing"' assaiammirare 'aver facto balli nova dui francesi de (si fece duy per sopra canzuni suafantasia, chela Maestide Re nonhavealtro n6altro, nonpare chetrove, piacere, paradiso se nonquandola vededanzare etanche canthare.' Santoro. 93). See alsoSouthern.
61
1094
RENAISSANCE
QUARTERLY
known to haveattended thenewDuchessin ofGuglielmo Ebreohimself, 64 Naples. in Lorenzo's theinterest shown wedMcGeehasinvestigated Timothy andalsobyFilippus 1469 byGuglielmo, Ebreo, byGiovanni dinginJune or Filippo whotaught thechildren ofthecondottiero, di Biandrate Bussus ofSalerno, In a letter ofIO April Roberto Prince others. Sanseverino, among an of ofis important indicator contemporary Bussus 1469,which practice, ofthewedding to fered to cometo Florence or tendaysin advance eight wives teach then andNannina and Lorenzo, Giuliano, Bianca, (thelatter by fit "some anddignified 'balli'and'bassedanze', noble, beautiful, mothers), for rather than The bride, elevated status peopleofyour justanybody."6' in Clarice wasalready lessons Rome.' The Orsini, preparahaving dancing at this tions for other Florentine (and indeed dancing wedding weddings) thanjustthose involved more women to theimmediate many belonging as we know from a detailed and however, family, contemporary description from a remark as we cansurmise madebyMarcoParenti to hisbrother-inlaw:"They wantto organize thebiggest event that Florence hasever seen, will a need number andhave made thearrangements They accordingly. large "61 in thefestivities. In short, menandwomen to be involved it ofyoung for seems that some of the and the provided practice, training, weddings interms offestive more both ofdancing andoftheserving occasions, public foodanddrink. in Florentine, Aswe haveseen, andas wewouldindeed as in other expect, of freand the musical instruments, societies, dancing, singing, playing ofclosely bothin thepublic and as a trio related activities, appear quently in oursources. ofthis The next section events described theprivate study which on marshalling theeven more evidence willconcentrate fragmentary ofindividual Florentine skills and activities reveals themusical patrician
64 1: 71, forthe movements of Antonio See Smith,1: 178 and, less certainly, Cornazzano. 65 liballietbasse belli etdignissimi danze, McGee,1988,221,doc.IV: "alcuni signorili, It is siti et non da not da come sono cosse voy, ognipersona." degnie signori quali proprie ifBussus this rolein relation to theMedici known didgo on to fulfil wedding. 66 4 January de' Medici, di Filippo to Lorenzo ofFrancesco Tornabuoni See theletter 1469(ibid., 202). 21 April e coslordinano di toFilippo 1469:T' desiderano 178,letter Strozzi, 67Parenti, a questobisogna e maia Firenze: la maggior festa chesi sia fatta fare gran copiadi giovani see ofthefestivities Forthecontemporary da far festa." donne byCosimoBartoli, description 247-50. ibid.,
PERFORMING
FOR
STRANGERS
1095
inthis inwhich women andthe inrethese skills were ways period deployed
68 lation to visitors to the city.
The sacred lauds in its simplest(monophonic) formwould, one can to thevocal repertoire ofvirtually maleor assume,be central safely everyone, whether trainedor not.69 the cantasicome female, Furthermore, musically of a repertoire meanttheexistence whichspannedthetwo realms tradition of sacred and secular,with sacred textsset to secular music (and the rebut in March verse)." Lucrezia Tornabuoni'slaude are in this tradition, hermarriage to Pierode' Medici in June1444 we find 1445, not long after to herbrother-in-law, Giovannide' Medici,thata RoselloRosellisuggesting certainser Francescoteachher a piece of secular(?)musicsentby Roselli, as havinglearneda monophonicballata (the whilein Aprilshe is reported same piece?),seemingly written AntonioSquarcialupiwho by the organist relations with the hislife."Although there close Medici enjoyed throughout was is no concrete tendto assumethatSquarcialupi evidence, musicologists 12 an important forthemusicaltraining oftheMedici family. This cerfigure tainlyseems a fairassumptionin the case of Lucrezia'seldest daughter, forvisitors on thepositive Bianca,whomwe findperforming organon several occasions in the late 1450s and early 1460s. To entertainGaleazzo Maria Sforzain the Medici Palace in April 1459, forexample,Cosimo de' Medici "had one of his granddaughters play a pipe organwhichwas very to ... in fact to listen she has day since I have been playedevery pleasant here."" Indeed, Sforzaremarked to his father on the degreeof "intimacy" as a guestof the Medici, judged precisely (domestichezza)experienced by
I havefound "For thesection which thefollowing studies on women's musicfollows, Bowers and Tick (in particular thearticle Neuls-Bates; byH. M. making enlightening: andPendle. Koskoff-, Brown); 69 SeeWilson, andalsoBarr. "On thecantasi come with recent see D'Accone, tradition, references, bibliographical and 170-80. 1992,262 andn. 6, 275-76,andalsoWilson, 160,165-66, of23 March1445 (seeD'Accone,1992,266 n. 18),andalsothat "Letter of 17 April to Giovanni 1: 81). Somemusicologists di Cosimo(Pieraccini, make 1445,Ugo dellaStufa thepointthat learned Lucrezia thepiecein only three instead ofthree days daysago as the infact Italian seefor 3 dlsono").On Squarcialupi, Ccl)compiuto suggests d'aparare example, whoprovides more recent bibli49-67,andGiacomelli chap.3, "Eamicoorganista", Parigi, ForLucrezia seeLevantini-Pieroni; Tornabuoni, Martelli, 1994;Tornabuoni 1978, ography. 1992and 1993. 72 See,for DAccone,1992,270 andn. 27. example, 73 of 19 April to Francesco 149 n. 1, letter Sforza: "Feasonare una fighola di Perrens, Piero suo figliolo uno organo do cave[sic], cheeraunazentil ... laqualcosa cosada oldire l'hafacto intheinventory oftheconperb ognidl dopocYio sonoqui."Fiveorgans appear tents ofLorenzo de' Medici's drawn rooms in 1492 (Parigi, 20-21).Much up on hisdeath
1096
RENAISSANCE
QUARTERLY
74 thepresence ofthewomen. Perrens views these as "a matriarrangements monialoverture" on thepartoftheMedici(149). Although theevents described Bianca's to de' this precede engagementGuglielmo Pazzi, interpretation seems Itdoes, toconfirm that however, unlikely. appear performance ordisplay oreven the fact of their is intimately bywomen, purely presence, to thenegotiation ofrelationships linked men. among in thefollowing whenmembers ofthePapalCourtagain Early year, in Florence off on their theCongress of stopped waybackto Romeafter Bianca the for Cardinal Guillaume as Mantua, D'Estouteville, played organ we know from theimportant letter William Prizer. The locapublished by "insalla," refer totheSaladelPapaoradjacent rooms tion, may conceivably ofthat oftheSanta MariaNovella where the himself was part Pope complex housed. Teodoro da Montefeltro's to Barbara of was report Brandenburg unit "she well with finephrases and reservedly complimentary: plays very andimpressive The organ sheplayed later that proportions rhythm." day for at Pazzi the wish of her is described as in-laws, Rodrigo Borgia, express "incamera," in located which were not possibly Borgia's apparently lodgings in SantaMariaNovella, andtheinstrument is specifically identified as one toAntonio ofNaplesas a token Alfonso ofthe byKing Squarcialupi gifted 76 latter's esteem. tuned the her and assisted sister instrument, by Having
and work hasbeendonerecently on Galeazzo's musical interests, 1989;Welch; e.g. Prizer, have started for Bianca and AcNannina. Macey. may very early opportunities Performing in the to a letter from Piero de' Medici to his father from baths at 1455 cording suggestive wearebathing, allourtime andplayMacereto: "Hereunless istaken up bydancing, singing had beenhere, one of them wouldboundto havebeen ing. . .. If Biancaand Nannina nelbagnoinofceremonies for thewomen's section ofthebaths" mistress (Qui e dallostare e sonare . . .. Se la Biancha ci non s'attende se nonea ballare chantare e la Nannina fuori la madrina delle fussano state nonpoteva manchare cheunadi lorononfusse stata delbagno inthe 1: 82-83).Their isdescribed brother, Lorenzo, donne, Pieraccini, six-year-old byPiero as "Lord oftheBaths" sameletter delbagno). (Signiore 74 la domesticheza conmi 148n.4, letter of19April: "Ma molto l'usare Perrens, magiore ofdole donesuedoveio sto."In this seealsothetheme stare cheeglifainfare connection, and Francesco intheletters docs mestichezza 23 25 xvi-xvii, 24, byMagnani, April, published ofModenaandothers to Francesco to Cosimode' Medici, and30 April, theBishop Sforza hisson in 1457theDukeinstructs Francesco PicodellaMirandola to treat Sforza. Similarly, as a guest" thelatter's visit to Ferrara manner andfamiliarly, no longer in a "domestic during (Lubkin, 26). he cumbonissimi "Trans.Prizer, 1991,3-4,andseeibid.,53: "sonabenissimo ponti he misura avantazata." porporcione 16 ifnottoolarge. Prizer refers to that were (21) says transportable positive Parigi organs in 1450 (1991,4 n. 2), andseealsoGiacomelli, visit toNaples thesources for Squarcialupi's 266.
PERFORMING
FOR
STRANGERS
1097
Bianca whooperated thebellows, twopieces as named Nannina, performed "Fortuna" and "Duogl'angoseus" andanguish]), (Deuilangoisseux [Sorrow a described as followed third, (Prizer, by tantalizingly "tropo singulare" The can as second named be identified 1991, 53-54). piece beingbythe Franco-Netherlandish GillesBinchois andwas (c. 1400-1460), composer a setting ofoneoftheCent ballades ofChristine de Pizan."The originally is striking in thepresent fact andonecanonly that there are context, regret no real for that Bianca have aware that was been she might grounds arguing a piecebasedon a poemcomposed There is nothbya woman. performing to that herself on the she but rather it ing suggest sang accompanying organ, 18 that seems waspurely instrumental. It is very herperformance probable, that Deuilangoisseux in itsvocalguise, shealsoknew sinceitaphowever, inthemanuscript thechansons transcribed pears byherfather among gifted diArcangelo toPiero de' Bonaventuri ofUrbino, the latter's probably during in of mission to Florence a which re145 1, copy diplomatic presumably mained with theMedicifamily.' In fact, vocalperformance alsohaditsplacethat After thedancing, day. which hasalready beendescribed, anda supper, Bianca theorplayed again before a A with Nannina. canzonetta unidentified third, gan singing young woman seenote23 above), then (oneofthePazzidaughters? sang(byhercuerchiantes ioussement" Mon cuer chants selM, "Mourn (therondeau, heart and Binchois, [My joyffilly]), joyeusement sings present againby again in theBonaventuri issues ofperformance in manuscript, raising practice in French andofItalian inparticular, which continue general performances
to exercise modern MUSiCologiStS.80
The importance oftheinformation da MontefelbyTeodoro provided tro's letter isemphasized the ofother relevant sources, by contrasting scarcity
"This early oneofa number onthesubject ofwidowhood, isno.VI ofthe"Cent poem, ballades" de Pizan,1: 7). See alsoWillard, (seeChristine 44, and54. Forthecomposition by seefor a four-voice with version on46-47.Bonnie Binchois, 45-46, Rehm, example, J.Blackburn's review ofa 1995Binchois inNewYork refers toa paper on symposium byLianeCurtis "Dueilangoisseux" (Blackburn, 184-85). "For keyboard in themid-century versions Buxheim seeKemp,520-21, Book, Organ andJones, 133. 79Wiffiarn Prizer theconnection with this nowin the 0 991, 5 n. 6) makes manuscript Vatican MS Urb.Lat. 1411. In hisroleasprocuratore to Federico da Montefeltro, Library, tohavevisited Bonaventuri Florence with thetask ofnegotiating a newcondotta for appears hisemployer 24 n. 19). 460-61,andMoranti, (seeFranceschini, 80 areclearly Suchquestions thescope(andexpertise) ofthepresent On beyond study. issues raised seePrizer, 1991. On theproblems Italian performance bytheletter, surrounding inFrench, seeLitterick, heconFallows, 1989,andalsoFallows, 1993,inwhich performance on thebasis cludes oftheletter Prizer that "the French wascultipublished by songrepertory
1098
RENAISSANCE
QUARTERLY
these us to regard thelackofevidence neednotnecessarily oblige although from NicoThe letter women's skills as uncommon." Florentine musical of ofthevisit to Francesco cited earlier demoTranchedini Sforza, apropos thatthe in June1465, reveals and Federi& d'Aragona IppolitaSforza the ofLuin their natal homeonceagain former's residence gave daughters visitors: "as for an opportunity to perform crezia Tornabuoni high-ranking in will various instruments Piero's haveeaten, soonas they daughters play instruse sonera' theDuchess's chamber" (Disnatochehaverano parechij n. 58). 104 Piero in menti le de Camera de Rochon, Madona, per figliole toIppolita when she have beenfamiliar Thissort ofsocial ritual would who, for Duke of wasjusteight Rene', old,had herself years sungFrench songs 12 in Pavia 1453. Anjou, visiting the so toointhecaseofmusical Asinthecaseofdancing, performance, to be adin Florence needs of women's question training Quattrocento to thelauds repertoire, in relation As hasalready beensuggested dressed. havedepended on both sexes would muchsolovocalmusic by performed For musical rather than on a more oraltransmission literacy. sophisticated instruments suchas for andparticularly vocalmusic, however, polyphonic wasrequired and consequently theorgan, thelute, and theviola,training which some an this was As with ofmoney. someoutlay expense dancing, in to the relation to at were countenance Florentine men, least, prepared butfor a Biancade' Medici, in their women household. Andnotonlyfor from thearsee from as we can lessexceptional women, examples young in Doffo 1419 chives citedbyChristiane Spinipaidout Klapisch-Zuber: di Simona("unmaestro for hisdaughter, teacher to a singing four florins in 1477 Bartowhile cantare allamiafigliuola che'nsegna canto Simona"), There was for his lessons for Sassetti lornmeo daughter-in-law's paid organ amateurs and Florentine between no lack of teachers, potential certainly attheBapsuchas thesingers ornon-Florentine professionals professionals,
the hedescribes where inFlorence in 1460"(55). See,too,ibid.48-49, vated andappreciated often dismal as "in "a little 1 he calls a 141 Lat. in Urb. (which messy being songbook") songs thatare demonstrably and a fewascriptions texts withmiserably incompetent readings didnotexist." that wishes It is oneofthose everybody probably manuscripts wrong. remains to be explored. at private "The evidence ofmusic-making bywomen parties dated de' Medici Martelli to Lorenzo ofBraccio 1465in theletter 27 April See,for example, Del Lungo, 32-42. 82 in to thelatter's tutor GaleazzoMaria,according 185. Ippolita's brother, Southern, lessons. He in hissinging hi'spupilwasthesameage,"ismaking 1452when goodprogress ad imparare benissirno newones"(attende andevery French haslearnt daylearns songs eight de li altri. e onidi ni impara octocanti francesi et imparato cantare Prizer, 1989,151). 83 1984,789 n. 68. Klapisch-Zuber,
PERFORMING
FOR
STRANGERS
1099
theCathedral, orSantissima ofthem recruited Annunziata, tistry, many by intheLowCountries Florentine merchants andversed, onemight suppose, inboth thesecular andthesacred ofNorthern as wellas repertoires Europe, ofsupervising thepronunciation ofFrench texts." capable being laments D'Accone thelackofinformation theformal musiconcerning cal training of [male] Florentines in this even in Cathedral schools period, and monasteries: "No reports ofthetypical musical curriculum havesurbutitseems reasonable to assume that solmization and methods of vived, vocalproduction, thebasicprinciples ofmensural notation and perhaps even some were toyoungsters" (I 992,280). elementary counterpoint taught As regards the he offers is that of Guido Machiavelli layamateurs, example to hisfather, in 1505 aboutlessons in "'singing, Niccolo', writing playing andwriting with Bartolomeo a succes3-part counterpoint"' degliOrgani, sorofSquarcialupi as Cathedral (280-8 1). organist We can add moreinformation on women's musical at least training, within a religious to KateLowe's thanks work on thenunsofthe context, Benedictine convent ofLe Murate. Hersource, a latesixteenth-century hisof the convent Giustina reveals the introduction one Niccolini, tory by by of thenuns in plainsong oftraining delivered andthecommubytwopriests, to"polyphonic therules of nitys graduation singing, learning counterpoint, and else art of about the A (Lowe, 216). porharmony, everything singing" table andan organist were andtheorganist some introduced, organ taught ofthenuns.In 1461,a nunlately arrived from Viterbo became choirmisand herconsorelle in singing Massesand Vespers. tress, gainedexpertise alsomentions Giustina theemployment ofsinging In 1480,durteachers. a formal visit to the Ferrarese ambassadors andother convent, ing dignitaries both thenuns' and one of the visitors praised organ-playing singing, reportwith ingbackto Duke Ercoled'Estethatthewomenwerecomparable male choirs ad una ("bastaria Kent,1995, contemporary chapel capella," Le Murate visited on hiswayto Romein April 358). The Duke himself inMay1495,Savonarola 1492." Three wastodescribe later, however, years thenuns' musical activities as satanic We have comebackfull (Lowe, 216).
See, forexample,DAccone, 1961, 307-58, and 1992, 259-90. See also thequotation in note 53 above. DAccone, Strohm, and othersmentionthe hiringofJeanCordier,one of the most famoussingers of the period.See, forexample,Tommaso Portinari to Piero di Cosimo in February1467 cited by Strohm(37). The itinerant natureof the music profession was an obvious aid to the geographical diffusion and circulation of music. Strohmmakes a particular (138). See also McGee, 1999. point of the Bruges, Naples, Florencetriangle 81 42. In RichardTrexler's thewomen of Florentine Perini, conventsfuncformulation, tion as "liminal bridgesbetween different powers, servingto disarmvisitorsand permit communication betweenmales" (1980, 236).
84
1100
RENAISSANCE
QUARTERLY
inwomen for circle tothehazards involved andtheinperforming strangers with evitable of female female sexuality. performance linking within as hazardous The nature offemale but,nevertheless, performance limits as sometimes and defined (male-) socially acceptable, even precisely can be as simply constitutseen and politically economically advantageous, and a conscious (and/orunconscious)patriarchal manipulation ing inwhich insidiofwomen thelatter arepositioned and,more exploitation women of Florentine as The themselves, objects. "visibility' ously, position arthanhasbeentraditionally in suchcontexts maybe somewhat greater constituted for are few that such but there visibility grounds claiming gued, within thefirst ofthe rather to thesocialstatus a challenge quo,remaining relations of and four byEllen proposed categories performance inter-gender the established that "confirms and maintains Koskoff, namely performance toadopt a different social/sexual (IO). Evenifwearetempted arrangement" inthis theactivities described from which toview namely study, perspective themselves as emwomen to be as offering by opportunities exploited For will arise. some to example,the degree problems powering but muchofthisarticle, malegazehaseffectively dominated exploitative involved? to thewomen ifwe shift theemphasis whathappens Exposure, or ofpowerful, sometimes tothecompany however exotic, brief, glamorous, Milan to of of the Duke son theadolescent evendangerous men,from a women Brandolini and Cardinal CountTiberto Rodrigo Borgia, brings which ofunaccustomed, form is, sanctioned, visibility potenyetsocially as a sense ofself-worth a pleasurable at least, experience, engendering tially has which Thisis a power oftheir ofthepower wellas a sense femininity. a modern from even as highly beenregarded perspecproblematic, illusory, Lucrezia notionforBianca's a seductive butit is certainly mother, tive, female a is such whose Salome ("I Tornabuoni, figure powerful precisely hiskingto giveme half theKingwants knew howto danceso wellthat herauthor must whom nevertheless, dom"), reluctantly, relinquish perhaps a negative as constituting exemplum."
" 1' ho mivuoldare"("Vitadi che'I remezzoil reame in talmododanzare/ saputo in stanza SanctoGiovanni 1978, Tornabuoni, OCKXV, 193). The poetofthe Baptista," which is division as totheconventional us inno doubt 1459ballleaves passive/active gender whoare atandthose wholook,those "there arethose whoarearelooked inhistext: implied e chi e chi vagheggiato e chifisso altri whodesire" andthose desired (chi mirato guarda/ with the is dominant woman whereas Tornabuoni's 1: (male) Smith, xvii), dancing vagheggia. I don't beto thefull. oftheartofdancing hercommand in thrall: "sheexploited spectators so had beenset on fire, wouldhavebeen awareifthey lievethatanyof thosepresent a far nessun lasciava non her wonderful her and were (et dancing" by beauty captivated they
PERFORMING
FOR
STRANGERS
1101
In their orsemi-public women these were performances, public playing in for stakes relative as a did which hada terms), (in they society high living for a in which were and themselves passion judging ranking,practice they a high ofinternalization ofthemale-dominated butwith involved, degree norms oftheir Wemight for an element society." gender imagine, example, a of the and relaelement) (perhaps strong rivalry among participants their as regards intheMercato tives theevents Nuovo- whowere inthe selected first whowere themost thebest thebest the beautiful, born, dressed, place, bestdancers, whodancedfirst withthemostimportant visitor and who the honorable role of handmaid to the orguests played distinguished guest - butsuchcompetition hasmost often beenviewed as serving andsustainwithwomenisolated from one another, ingmalehegemony, hopelessly in thediscourses ofpatriarchy to roles." trapped relating gender The private ofBiancade' Medici, to pleaseCardiagenda performing nalsD'Estouteville and Borgia, well have been dominated may bychiefly - thefurthering maleconcerns ofherbrother Giuliano's ecclesiastical ca- butevena more reer or ofhernewfamily's business interests personal for in terms ofidentity and self-worth, havebeen must agenda, example influenced andshaped maleviews andvalues, both strongly byhegernonic secular and religious." Her sister Nannina's in a letter outburst to their mother dated12 July be borna woman ifyouwantto have 1479: "don't own si vole nascere fernina chi vuole fare a suomodo), offers (non your way" whatis,at present, a rare of women's consciousness of example Florentine their ownsubject conditionsButthat denial ofagency is a topos seeming
belgiuoco/ chefussi al danzare Stati sarebbon innungran credo sentito foco,/ apartenente./ nonI'arebbon tanto contenti stavano ad mirare/ le suo bellezze e 'I suo gentil quellegenti,/ ballare. Tornabuoni, to-be-looked1978,191,stanza CXXX).On themalegazeandwomen's in a modern at-ness seeMulvey. context, `Alessandra Strozzi offers an example ofthis ofinternalization sort as manifested inher letters tohersons. Nannina de' Medici's Bernardo remarked that mothers husband, Rucellai, were toshow their totenmenthan toonewoman (seeKent, 1983,336 n. happier daughters 7). to Irigaray, from their no longer relate to each 'nature', "According "uprooted they other in terms of what in men's andaccording tothe'forms' that desire, except they represent this areseparated his themselves, imposes uponthem. (I 88). Among they by speculations" '9Pius11mentions a meeting with Cosimode' Medicion hisreturn to Rome journey in 1460during which thelatter a cardinalate for hisgrandson early (Piccolomini, requested 1: 661). Nanninisonlyextant is unfortunately 9'This, omitted from Patrizia letter, Salvadori's edition ofLucrezia Tornabuoni's butsee Pieraccini, 1:147. Surprisingly, correspondence, Pieraccini describes itas revealing di eccellend sentiment "Copia
1102
RENAISSANCE
QUARTERLY
in there wasroom for hides theextent towhich manoeuvre which perhaps ofgender rules ofthestretching or manipulation terms rules, frequently in reality oradhered butnever uniformly society applied bythis promoted of in favour to womena degree of restoring to. The attractive argument in of terms their and presentation counteracting prevailing agency, thereby alentertained but can be by tempered passivity, perhaps cautiously helpless to arena. thepatriarchal for within itsexistence Returning primarily lowing that near ofthis remark cited thebeginning Trexler's Richard namely study, for a female wemight wasnodance," andwomen, there "Without argue girls in to the order to access ofthis public necessity manipulation gaingreater as perhavebeenexperienced arena andgreater ofwhat possibilities might in publicspaces("enpleinerue")and in terms ofdancing sonalfreedom bodtheir laws current displayed publicly sumptuary byenhancing flouting as noted thelatter andmakeup, ieswith critically, luxury clothing, jewellery, wehaveseen, byPiusH." de' Bardiand her Alessandra de' Bischeri, Biancade' Medici,Filippa role thetitle Scala Alessandra or indeed Marietta Strozzi, playing daughter as to in 1493,areallsilent inGreek inthefamily inSophocles' Electra palace of that and consideration of oftheir thenature experience performance, any would female for a a vehicle as self-expression be specifically performance 92 of wasan awareness have shared must One thing they speculative. purely linedividing virtuous insistence onthethin culture's their (Koperformance moral without skoffs 6-7) standing," compromising "Public performance of the at least chaste from itsopposite (or (Salome), appearance display disorder. and orderfrom blatantexhibitionism, chastedisplay)from hascometous,stands that inthe(male)record atleast de' Bardi, Alessandra and after lusted line:Filippa on onesideofthat Roselli, Bischeri, byRosello woman as a Strozzi Alessandra later criticized dangertransgressive by years on theother.9' stands just howthis probably ouslyout ofmalecontrol, lived relates tonecessarily realities, obscuring complex polarization symbolic of either the on and ofpersonal an element woman, part negotiation agency elusive. remains
UNIVERSITY OF BRISTOL
" Forthe as simultaself the(gendered) ofperforming oftheexperience interpretation Fora De Certeau. for and coercive 173-74, instance, Carlson, see, citing neously enabling, for andlimitations anditsadvantages notion ofresistance ofthelater Foucault's discussion seeMcNay, 38 ff. feminism, in isdescribed Herperformance andalsoA. Brown. "For Alessandra Scala,seePesenti, Poliziano one of the terms erotic 254). (Pesenti, spectators, Angelo by scarcely disguised 93 See note8 above.
PERFORMING
FOR STRANGERS
1103
Bibliography
Ady,Cecilia M. 1913. Pius II: (iEneas Sylvius Piccolomini)theHumanist Pope. London. Barr, Cyrilla. Lauda 1988. The Monophonic andthe LayReligious Confraternities of Tuscany andUmbria Late inthe Middle Ages. Kalamazoo. B. 1988.Civility Marvin andSociety Becker, in Western Europe, 1300-1600. IN. Bloomington, Bonnie Blackburn, J. 1996. "Binchois tout seul?P Music 24: 184-85. Early Bowers Jane, andJudith Tick,eds. 1986. Women MakingMusic: The Western ArtTradition, 1150-1950. London. Alison. 1979. Bartolomeo Brown, Scala 1430-1497Chancellor of Florence. The as Bureaucrat. Humanist Princeton. Brown,HowardMayer.1986. "Women Singersand Women'sSongs in FifIn Bowers teenth-Century Italy." and Tick,eds.62-89.London. Bryce, Judith. Forthcoming. "ReconsideringWomen's inQuattrocento Literacy InAtthe Florence." Margins: Minority Groups in Pre-ModernItaly, ed. Stephen J.Milner. Minneapolis. Buser, B. 1879.Die Beziehungen der Mediceer zu Frankreich wdhrend der Jahre 1434-1494. Leipzig. Carew-Reid, Nicole.1995.LesFetesflorentines au temps deLorenzo ilMagnifico. Florence. Carlson,Marvin. 1996. Performance: A Critical Introduction. NewYork. Castellani, Francesco di Matteo.1992.Ricordanze A' (1436-1459). Ed. Giovanni Ciappelli. Florence. . 1995. Quaternuccio egiornale 'B' (1459-1485).Ed. Giovanni Ciappelli. Florence. Cavalca,Domenico.1837. Ilpungilingua. Ed. G. Bottari. Milan. Census-Catalogue ofManuscript Sources of Polyphonic Music,1400-1550.197588. 5 vols.Neuhausen-Stuttgart. Isabelle. Chabot, 1986."'Sola,donna, non girmai': le solitudini femminili nel Tre-Quattrocento." Memoria. Rivista di storia delle donne 3: 7-24. Chastellain, Georges. 1991. Chronique: les fragments duLivre IVrevdIcs parlAdditional Manuscript 54156 de la British Library. Ed. Jean-ClaudeDelclos. Geneva. Christine de Pizan,1886-96.GEevrespoetiques de Christinede Pisan. Ed. Maurice Roy. 3 vols.Paris. Ciappelli, Giovanni. 1997. Carnevale e Quaresima: comportamenti e culsociali tura a Firenze nelRinascimento. Rome. Cohn,SamuelK.,Jr. 1981. "Donnein piazzae donne in tribunale a Firenze nel Rinascimento." Studistorici 3: 51533. D'AcconeFrank A. 1961. "The Singers of San Giovanni in Florence during the 15th Century."Journal oftheAmerican 14: 307-58. Musicological Society . 1992. "Lorenzo theMagnificent andMusic."In Lorenzo il Magnifico e il suo mondo, ed. G. C. Garfagnini, 259-290.Florence. Dati,Gregorio. 1902.L'istoria di Firenze di Dati dal 1380 al 1405. Ed. Gregorio LuigiPratesi. Norcia. Dei, Benedetto. 1984.La cronica dall'anno 1400 all'anno 1500.Ed. Roberto Barducci.Florence. Del Corazza, Bartolommeo di Michele. 1894."Diariofiorentino di Bartolommeo di MicheleDel Corazza. Anni 1405-1438." Ed. G. 0. Corazzini, Archivio storico italiano,5th ser.,14: 233-98. Del Lungo,Isidoro.1923. Gli amoridel magnifico Lorenzo. Bologna.
1104
RENAISSANCE
QUARTERLY
de Roover, Raymond. 1966. TheRiseand Decline oftheMedici Bank, 13971494.NewYork. Fabbri, Lorenzo. 1991. Alleanzamatrimoniale epatriziato del400: nella Firenze studio sullafamiglia Strozzi. Florence. Fallows, David.1989."French as a Courtly Language in Fifteenth-Century Italy: The MusicalEvidence." Renaissance Studies 3: 429-41. . 1993. "Polyphonic Songin the Florence of Lorenzo's Youth,Ossia: theProvenance ofthe Manuscript Berlin 78.C.28: Naplesor Florence?" In La musica a Firenze al tempo diLorenzo ed. PieroGargiulo, ilMagnifico, 4761. Florence. Flamini, Francesco. 1891. La liricatoscana delRinascimento anteriore ai tempi del Pisa. (Facs.rpt., Magnifico. Florence, 1977.) Franceschini, Gino. 1970. I Montefeltro. Varese. Franko, Mark.1986. TheDancing in Body Renaissance Choreography (c. 14161589). Birmingham, Alabama. Fubini, Riccardo. 1992."In margine all'edizione delle'Lettere' di Lorenzo de' Medici,I: La visita a Firenze del ducadi Milanonel 1471,II: L'ambasciataa Romadi Alamanno Rinuccini nel 1476." In Lorenzode'Medici. ed. G. C. Garfagnini, Studi, 167-232. Florence. 1993."'Leggiadri Piero. Gargiulo, passicon intellecto attento': Lorenzo teorico di bassedanze."In Gargiulo, ed., 24955. Florence. a Firenze al , ed. 1993. La musica tempo di Lorenzo il Magnifico. Florence. Gabriele. Giacomelli, 1993."Nuove giunte allabiografia diAntonio Squarcialupi: i viaggi, le esecuzioni." In l'impiego, Gargiulo ed.,257-73.Florence. theDanger Gill,Meredith J.1996."'Where wasGreatest': inSanta A Gallic Legacy
Maria Maggiore, Rome."Zeitschrift firKunstgeschichte 59: 498-522. Giustod'Anghiari. Memorie, 1437-1482. Florence, Biblioteca NazionaleCentrale, II. II. 127. Gregorovius, Ferdinand. 1900-02.History oftheCity ofRome in the Middle Ages. Trans. AnnieHamilton. 8 vols.Secondrevised ed. London. Hanna, Judith Lynne. 1988.Dance, Sexand Gender: Signs ofIdentity, Dominance, Defianceand Desire. Chicago and London. Rab. 1970."SomeUnknown Hatfield, Deof the Medici Palace in scriptions 1459."Art Bulletin 52: 234-49. Heartz,Daniel. 1967. "A 15th-Century Ballo:Roti BouilliJoyeux." InAspects of Medievaland Renaissance Music.A Birthday toGustave ed. Reese, Offering Jan LaRue,etal.,359-75.London. David. 1977. "Deaths, Herlihy, Marriages, Births and theTuscanEconomy (ca. InPopulation 1300-1550)." Patterns in ed. Ronald the DemosLee incolPast, withRichard laboration A. Easterlin, etal., 135-64. NewYork andLondon. Diane Owen. 1983. "Sumptuary Hughes, Law and Social Relations in Renaissance Italy." In Disputes and Settlements: Law andHuman Relations in theWest, ed. JohnBossy, 69-99. Cambridge. Luce. 1985. This SexWhich Irigaray, Is Not One. Trans.CatherinePorter with Burke. Ithaca. Carolyn Lewis.1997. "Fourteenthand FifJones, in teenth-Century Keyboard Music", toMedievaland RenaisCompanion sanceMusic,ed. Tess Knighton 'and David Fallows, New 131-34.Oxford, York. Kemp, Walter H. 1979."'Deuilangoisseus' and 'Dulongesux'." EarlyMusic 7: 520-21. F.W 1983."AProposal Kent bySavonarola forthe Self-Reform of Florentine
PERFORMING
FOR STRANGERS
1105
in the Church. Readat the1989 Women DoPapers (March1496)."Memorie 14: 335-41. Summer andthe1990 Winter menicane Meeting Meeting ofthe Ecclesiastical . 1995. "Lorenzo de' Medici,MaHistory Soed.W J.Sheils andDianaWood, donna Scolastica Rondinelli e la ciety, dimecenatismo 209-21.London. architettonico politica 1994. A Renaissance nel convento delleMuratea Firenze Lubkin, Gregory. (1471-72)." In Arte, committenza ed Court: Milan under GaleazzoMaria a Romae nellecorti economia delRiSforza. Berkeley. nascimento (1420-1530),ed. Arnold Macey,Patrick.1996. "Galeazzo Maria Eschand Christoph Luitpold FromSforza and MusicalPatronage in Mimel, 353-82.Turin. lan: Compere, Weerbeke and and Kuehn,Thomas. 1991. Law,Family Josquin." Music Early History 15: 147Women. TowardA 212. LegalAnthropology ofRenaissanceItaly. Chicago and Magnani, Rachele. 1910.Relazioniprivate London. trala Corte di Milanoe casa sforzesca Christiane. Klapisch-Zuber, 1984."Le chiMilan. 1450-1500. Medici, avi fiorentine di Barbablu; Maguire, Yvonne. 1927. TheWomen ofthe l'apprendimento della a Firenze lettura Medici. London. nelXV secolo."Quaderni storici 57.3: Mallett, Michael.1969. TheBorgias. The 765-92. Rise andFall ofa Renaissance Dynasty. 1985. Women, andRitual London. Family in Renaissance Trans.LydiaG. Italy. Silvia.1995.Lo spazio Mantini, sacro della Cochrane. Chicago. Firenze medicea.Trasformazioni uretlenom. . 1990.La Maison Strate'bane e cerimoniali pubblici tra gies et rituels dans l'Italie de la e Cinquecento. Quattrocento Florence. Renaissance. Paris. Martelli,Mario. 1980. "Nota a Naldo ed. 1987. Women Koskoff, Ellen, andMusic I 26 54." Interpres Naldi,Elegiarum, in Cross-Cultural Perspective. New 3: 245-54. York. . 1994. "Lucrezia Tornabuoni." In Kovesi Catherine. Killerby, LesFemmes 1994."Practical dcrivains enItalie au Moyen Problems in theEnforcement ofItaleta la Renaissance, Age ed.Georges Ulian Sumptuary Law,1200-1500."In ysse, 51-86.Aix-en-Provence. Crime, and the Law in Renais- Mazzi,Maria Society Serena. 1984."II mondo della sanceItaly, ed. T. Dean and K. J. P. prostituzione nellaFirenze tardo meLowe,99-120.Cambridge. dievale." Ricerche storiche 14.2-3:337G. 1888.Lucrezia Levantini-Pieroni, Torn63. abuoni,donnadi Pierodi Cosimo de' McGee,Timothy J. 1988. "Dancing MasMedici. Florence. ters andtheMediciCourtin the15th Litterick,Louise. 1.980. "Performing Studi Century." musicali 17: 201-24. Franco-Netherlandish Secular Music . 1999."Dinner Musicfor theFlooftheLate 15thCentury. Texted and rentine Signoria, 1350-1450." Untexted Parts in theSources." Early Speculum 74: 95-114. Music 8: 474-85. Lois.1992.Foucault McNay, andFeminism: Lowe,K. J.P. 1990. "Female Strategies for Power, Gender and the Self Success in a Male-Ordered World: Cambridge. The Benedictine Convent ofLe MuMedici, Lorenzode'. 1991. Comento de' ratein Florence in theFifteenth and miei sonetti.Ed. Tiziano Zanato. Sixteenth Early Centuries." In Women Florence.
1106
RENAISSANCE
QUARTERLY
Maria. 1986. "Organizzazione Moranti, da Mondi Federico dellaBiblioteca Lo da Montefeltro. InFederico tefeltro." ed.G. Cerboni la cultura, stato, learti, andPiero Giorgio Chittolini, Baiardi, 19-49.Rome. La cultura, Floriani. di Iacopo. 1770-1789. Giovanni Morelli, In DelMorelli." di Giovanni "Ricordi ed. Ildefonso toscani, eruditi iziedegli vol. 19. Florence. di SanLuigi, Morelli,Giovannidi Pagolo. 1986. "RiRicordi scrittori. cordi."In Mercanti e RinascitraMedioevo nellaFirenze Branca.101-339. ed. Vittore mento, Milan. Laura. 1989. Visualand Other Mulvey, Basingstoke. Pleasures. in Carol,ed. 1982. Women Neuls-Bates, Readings Source Music. AnAnthology of theMiddleAgesto thePresent. from NewYork. Cicala." 1960-.In DizNuti,G. "Battista degliitaliani,25: ionariobiografico 293-97.Rome. M. 1987. "La danzanellecorti Padovan, e arte figurativa delXV secolo: italiane etartedel In Mesura fonti storiche." da Pesaro e la Ebreo danzare. Guglielmo delXVsecolo, corti italiane danzanelle Castelli,MaurizioMined. Patrizia 59-112. andMaurizio Padovan, gardi Pesaro. . 1992. "Lorenzode' Medicie la danza." Rinascimento 32: 247-52. Ed. Maria Marco. 1996. Lettere. Parenti, Florence. Marrese. Lorenzo Luigi. 1954. Laurentiana. Parigi, della musica. dei Medici cu/tore Florence. Brandolini." 1960-."Tiberto Partner, Peter. italiani, degli In Dizionario biografico Rome. 14:43-47. andMusic. ed. 1991.Women Karen, Pendle, IN. A History. Bloomington, di Fra Davide A. 1917. Un emulo Perini, da FraMariano Savonarola: Girolamo Rome. Genazzano.
ofFlorence. F.-T.1892. TheHistory Perrens, London. Trans. H. Lynch. Scala, una G. 1925. "Alessandra Pesenti, fiorentina." dellaRinascenza figurina italdellaletteratura storico Giornale iana85: 241-67. Enea Silvio (Pope Pius II). Piccolomini, Ed. LuigiTo1984. I Commentarii. 2 vols.Milan. taro. de' Gaetano.1924-25.La stirpe Pieraccini, 3 vols.Florence. Medici di Cafaggiolo. William F. 1989. "Music at the Prizer, and Courtof theSforza:The Birth Musica Death ofa MusicalCentre." 43: 141-93. Disciplina Secular . 1991. "GamesofVenus: VocalMusicin theLateQuattrocento of Journal and EarlyCinquecento." 9: 3-56. Musicology von 1957. Die Chansons Wolfgang. Rehm, Mainz. Binchois (1400-1460). Gilles de LauAndre.1963.La Jeunesse Rochon, Paris. (1449-1478). deMedicis rent FriendMichael.1996. Forbidden Rocke, andMale Culture Homosexuality ships: New York, Florence. in Renaissance Oxford. ElaineG. 1988. "The Position Rosenthal, Florence: ofWomenin Renaissance norSubjection." Neither Autonomy StudRenaissance InFlorence andItaly: ed. Rubinstein, ofNicolai iesinHonour 369Elam, andCaroline Peter Denley 81. London. di Gioe gli studi V. 1893. L'indole Rossi, e Notizie de'Medici. di Cosimo vanni Rome. documenti. . 1895. Un ballo a Firenzenel 1459.Bergamo. Rucellai Giovanni. 1960.Giovanni Rucellai, e il suo zibaldone. 1: II zibaldone London. Ed.A. Perosa. quaresimale. Rubin, Gayle. 1975. "The Trafficin EconNoteson the'Political Women: omy' of Sex", in Toward an R. ed. Rayna ofWomen, Anthropology NewYork. 157-210. Reiter, Varese. Caterina. 1968.GliSforza. Santoro,
PERFORMING
FOR STRANGERS
1107
Richard Shemek,Deanna. 1998. Ladies Errant. Trexler, C., ed. 1978. TheLibro Wayward Women and SocialOrder in Cerimoniale Florentine ofthe Republic by Francesco Filarete ManandAngelo Early ModernItaly. Durham and London. fredi. Introduction and Text. Geneva. A. William, ed. andtrans. . 1980. PublicLifein Renaissance Smith, 1995.FifDance and Music. Florence. teenth-Century Ithaca andLondon. Twelve Transcribed ItalianTreatises . 1981. "La Prostitution and florentine in the Tradition Collections au XVe siele: patronages et cliofDomenico da Piacenza.2 vols. (Vol. 1: ent6es." Annales E. S. C. 36: 938Treatises andMusic, 1015. Fifteenth-Century DanceTreatises andMusic; Vol.2: Cho- Veronese, Alessandra. 1990. "Una societas reographic Descriptions with ebraico-cristiana In docendo tripudiare Concordances ofVariants.) sonareac cantarenella Firenzedel Stuyvesant, NY. In Guglielmo Quattrocento." da Ebreo Southern, Eileen, 1985."APrima Ballerina Pesaro e la danzanelle corti italiane del of theFifteenth in Music Century", Atti XVsecolo. delConvegno Internaziand Context. Essays for onale di Studi,Pesaro16/18 luglio johnM. Ward, ed.AnneDhu Shapiro, Cam183-97. 1987, ed. MaurizioPadovan, 51-57. MA. bridge, Pisa. Sparti, Barbara, ed. and trans. 1993. Vespasiano da Bisticci. Le vite. 1970-1976. Ebreo De Pratica Guglielmo ofPesaro. Ed. AuloGreco. 2 vols.Florence. seuarte On the tripudii. Practice orArt Volpi, G. 1902.Lefeste di Firenze del1459. ofDancing. Oxford. Notiziadi unpoemetto delsecolo XV Strohm, Reinhard. 1985. Music inLateMePistoia. dieval Oxford. Bruges. , ed. 1907. "Ricordidi Firenze Strocchia, Sharon T. 1999. "Learning the dell'anno MCCCCLIXdi autore anonVirtues: Convent Schools andFemale imo"in Rerum Italicarum Scriptores, Culture in Renaissance Florence." In vol.27, pt.1. Cittadi Castello. Women's Education in Early Modern Warmington, Flynn.1993. "The Missing Europe:A History, 1500-1800, ed. BarLink:The Scribe oftheBerlin Chanbara J.Whitehead, 3-46.NewYork. sonnier in Florence", in La musica a Strozzi, Alessandra. di una 1877. Lettere Firenzeal tempo di Lorenzo il Maggentildonna delsecolo XV ai fiorentina nifico, ed. P. Gargiulo, 63-68. figliuoliesuli. Ed. Cesare Guasti. Florence. Florence. S. 1993. "Sight, Welch, Evelyn Soundand Thomas,Helen,ed. 1993. Dance,Gender in theChapelofGaleazzo Ceremony andCulture. London. MariaSforza." Music Early History 12: Tornabuoni, Lucrezia. 1978.Ipoemetti sacri 151-90. di LucreziaTornabuoni. Ed. Fulvio Willard, Cannon.1984. Christine Charity Pezzarossa. Florence. de Pizan. Her Lifeand Works. New 1992. La istoria dellacastaSusYork. anna.Ed. PaoloOrvieto. Bergamo. Blake.1992.Music Wilson, andMerchants. 1993. Lettere. Ed. Patrizia SalvaTheLaudesiCompanies ofRepublican dori.Florence. Florence. Oxford.

Performing For Strangers: Women, Dance, and Music in Quattrocento Florence

Загружено:

Сведения о документе

Оригинальное название

Авторское право

Доступные форматы

Поделиться этим документом

Поделиться или встроить документ

Параметры публикации

Этот документ был вам полезен?

Это неприемлемый материал?

Авторское право:

Доступные форматы

Performing For Strangers: Women, Dance, and Music in Quattrocento Florence

Загружено:

Авторское право:

Доступные форматы

Performing for Strangers: Women, Dance, and Music in Quattrocento Florence Author(s): Judith Bryce Source: Renaissance Quarterly,

rStrangers: and Wlomen, Dance, Performing Alusic in ( uattrocento Florence*

"48 them. '(Here,"as Rosello Roselliirreverently said, describing FilippaBis-

theaimofteaching danceandmusic toboth either intheir 1467with sexes,

Вам также может понравиться