Vol.X, No.3, 2013 Vol.IX, No.

5,May-June September-October 2012

AWAKENING THE MATURITY OF DEMOCRACY

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Eradicating Corruption? Awakening The Maturity of Democracy The Dynamics of the 2013 Gubernatorial Election in Maluku

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An ASEAN Regional Perspective on Peace: Shifting the Paradigm Realize The Clean Ciliwung River Need Commitment

Editors Note

Eradicating Corruption?

or Indonesians, corruption is utterly not strange. Even it is quite familiar, with several different names but indicating the same thing: corruption, gratification, illegal levies, and the like. Indonesia is like a body aggravated with cancer. It has been for decades that corruption occurs, undermining presidential tenures from the beginning of independence day. It was probably even from the days of colonialism, meaning that it has been occurring for hundreds of years until now. So it is a big question whether or not corruption can be eradicated. The long history of the life of corrupt practices makes it to be seemingly impossible to eradicate. One thing for sure: it needs many extra efforts to minimize it, not yet abolish it. After six decades of independence, corruption is still far away from elimination le alone disappear. The kingdoms in many partsit might even be in all parts of Indonesia now there had existed kingdoms with parts formed small kingdomswere used to the tribute which in fact a bribe from the small kingdoms to the mother kingdom, and in return, the small kingdom would get a certain favor. This habit is still very much alive now, that lower officials use to send gift to their superiors in any special times, usually at the days of celebration like Eid al

Publisher: A. Watik Pratiknya, Co-editors: Andi Makmur Makka, Dewi Fortuna Anwar, Chief Editor: Siti Zuhro, Executive Editor: Mustofa Kamil Ridwan, Editors: Andrinof Chaniago, Rahimah Abdulrahim, Assistant Editor: Wenny Pahlemy, Copy Editor: Ibrahim Al Muttaqi, Secretary & Layout: Aryati Dewi Hadin, Circulation & Production: Ghazali H. Moesa, Address: The Habibie Center, Jl. Kemang Selatan No. 98, Jakarta 12560, Indonesia, Tel. (62-21) 781 7211, Fax. (62-21) 781 7212, thc@habibiecenter.or.id, www.habibiecenter.or.id- No. ISSN2087-1619
PostScript is published bimonthly by The Habibie Center. @2012 by The Habibie Center. All Rights reserved. Unless stated otherwise, all views expressed in PostScript reflect the views of the editorial staff. Inquiries on circulation and editorial correspondence should be addressed to PostScript editors.

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Editors Note

Fitr, Christmas, Independence day, end of year , etc. At present the habit of giving gift is being prohibited, people are still waiting for the rule to work because a long habit is hard to abandon or the basis of feeling embarrassed in the part of the lower officials not to send gift to their superiors. Many people know already that in the days of colonialism there sere a lot of members of the society that live in the mercy of the colonialists. They were employed from staff workers, heads of villages, up to high officials like regents and heads of residency, all were needed by the colonialists to support the system of the colonialism. They got many favors including enjoyed affluent life including the easiness of making business which were tax free, big monthly salaries, quite different from the life of the common members of the society. These people certainly try to keep their life everlasting until who knows when. Everybody understands fully that corruption is a virulent cancer, it will gnaw anything in the life of this nation until nothing left. Bankrupt. And, everybody wants it eradicated. But everybody also understands fully that it will be a very hard effort. Six decades this nation has tried by making quire a lot of bodies and agencies but the cancer in adamant. No body, until now, has been successful in eradicating it. The obstacles are a lot. Whenever somebody is putting forth an idea, an extreme one, like death penalty, there will somebody else who will say that such a way will not eradicate the corrupt practices. But everybody realizez that corruption cannot be let alive. It will have top be eradicated, any which way it can. So, the Corruption Eradicating Commission (L{L) has been formed, by the support of the president, , and be given a very big power, to investigate, to examine, and put into court. This include searching, tapping, confiscating, etc. Many object to the big power of the KPK, so that some people, including members of the House of Representatives, have said that KPK will be better be dissolved. But the KPK has resolved that it will go on to eradicate corruption as mandated. The leaders of the KPK know exactly that they face obstacles of gigantic size. But, the super body has got

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Indonesian people support so that it still can be optimistic to do its uneasy and inconvenient job. Whatever its task, however, it is a noble one and it is worth a struggle.

Editors Note

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Politics and Human Rights

Awakening the Maturity of Democracy

Inggrid Galuh Mustikawati, SNPK-THC Researcher, The Habibie Center

he maturity of democracy is again being questioned by a number of circles, when, the democratic fiesta are colored by violence that take lives. Recently, violent incidents in Palopo, South Sulawesi showed a series of brutal anarchic actions that burned and damaged a number of public facilities, among others Palopos Mayoral Office, the Election Commission, Golkars Regional office, the Palopo Pos Daily, and a number of others. It was sparked by the disappointment among a number of supporters at the defeat of one of the pair of mayoral candidates after the Judas Amir Ahmad Syarifuddin pair was determined as the mayor and vice mayor on March 13, 2013. Riots in Palopo was just one of a number of violent incidents that occurred as a result of disputes in the context of the regional heads election (Pemilukada), Not long ago, a number of violent incidents also occurred in the Aceh Province prior to and after the first round of Pemilukada that was carried out on April 9 2012. The organization of the Pemilukada was postponed four times due to inter-elite conflict, intimidation and violence among Acehs society. The violence even went along until the completion of the second round of Pemilukada. Some violence in Aceh that was related to Pemilukada, among others were grenade throwing to the former GAMs (Free Aceh Movement)s ex-minister of defense, the beatings of Irwandi Yusuf at the installing of

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Acehs Governor, the burning of the command post of the Aceh Party and the conflicts of the society with the task force of the Aceh Party. In 2013, there will be 14 Pemilukada at the provincial level, 123 at the regency level and 25 at the mayoral level based on the schedule released by the Election Commission (KPU). It means that potential conflicts will be looming at the horizon and bloody conflicts might reoccur. The Minister of Interior Gamawan Fauzi once said that ever since 2005 the democratic fiesta (elections) have taken more than 50 lives, a too expensive price for elections. The National Monitoring System of Violence (SNPK) also possesses an accurate record of violence related to Pemilukada and their impacts. SNPK is a breakthrough as an information system for providing data and analyses on conflict and violence occurring in Indonesia. This SNPK program, which is led by the Kemnekokesra (the Ministry of Cooperatives and the Prosperity of the People) with the support of the World Bank and The Habibie Center, records violence in nine monitored provinces. SNPK data that was downloaded on April 8, 2013, said that from 2005 to 2012 there was a recorded 188 violent incidents sparked by Pemilukada at the provincial level killing 11 people and leaving 161 injured and 74 building damaged. At the regency/mayoralty levels the number of violent conflicts were far higher where in the last eight years as many as 571 violent incidents were recorded where 41 people died, 391 were injured, and 410 buildings damaged. Compared to the 2011 Pemilukada, there was a rise in the number of violent incidents related to Pemilukadas organization as high as 228 percents while injuries rose by 268 percent. It is not only figures and data presented for the sake of just to be seen. There was a big problem behind the organizing of Pemilukada to the extent that evaluation is something that is crucial and must be done. From 2005 to 2012 the SNPK data also recorded 38 percent of violent incidents that were related to Pemilukada both at the provincial and regency/ mayoralty levels in the Aceh province and 15 percent in the North Maluku province. However, the biggest number of death was recorded in Papua with 79 percent. A series of violent incidents mostly in the form of destruction, torture, demonstration and clashes derived from the disappointment of the supporters of one of the regional heads towards the result process of the

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Pemilukada. Moreover, violence was often sparked by the ambiguity of the Pemilukada rules so that they were often interpreted differently by candidates for regional head. A number of money politic practices, the questionable mass media neutrality in their reporting and the black campaigns undertaken by a certain regional heads success team had made the situation murky often making violence inevitable. The responses to the disappointments themselves, then, were often miscellaneous, from cowardice and anarchical to elegance by using legal processes. In the yearly report of the Constitutional Court (MK) for 2012, as many as 77 regions organized Pemilukada, namely six provinces, 53 regencies and 16 mayoralties. The MK data recorded that 77 percent of Pemilukada that were legally referred to the MK were from four provinces, 43 regencies and 12 mayoralties. According to the types of its authority, 38 percent of them throughout 2012 were by the regional heads Sessions of the Election Result Dispute (Perselisihan Hasil Pemilihan UmumPHPU), besides the dispute over authority states institutions and the test of the law. From the 59 regions that were prosecuted to the MK, 91 percent of them could be solved in the form of decisions and nine percent in the form of stipulations. The use of the processes of law was not taken by certain groups of society to receive justice who instead chose shortcuts through conducting violence and destruction. Various circles started to put forth discourses to evaluate the organizing of the Pemilukada, especially at the regency and mayoralty level since the violence sparked by the Pemilukada often occurred at these levels. Among them was the full support of the Defense Ministry that suggested an evaluation should be carried out soon on the Pemilukada system. Moreover, the system of security mechanism in each region in actual fact is stipulated in Inpres (the Presidential Instruction) No. 2/2013 on the Domestic Security and Order that was recently enacted by President Susilo Bambang Yushoyono, in which the Governor as the holder of the highest regional administration must be responsible for the security in their regions. It is therefore the regional administrations that should be more responsive and responsible to the threat of violent conflict potentials that might happen so that what had occurred in Palopo could actually be minimized. The Palopo Incident could possibly become an indication of

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whether the Inpres is effectively being carried out or not by the related circles. Even though it was tarnished by violence, the organizing of the Pemilukada has become a historic momentum that indicated a step forward in the democratization process. The solutions to the problems of violence which have colored the Pemilukada process at every level should not be in the hands of the government alone but should also become a major home work on political parties participation in elections. Ideally, political parties have a great moral responsibility to provide political education for their members and supporters not to put forward solely the elites interests. The maturity of democracy could only be realized from the process of continuous education so that slowly but surely the society will be educated to be democratized wisely and thereby rejecting violence. On the other hand, a big challenge has come for the law enforcement apparatuses to handle the series of violence seen in the Pemilukada process and which should be followed up with fair upholding of the law in order to minimize continued violent actions as a response of the disappointed towards the slow process of the law. The actors of violence must be firmly punished to make a deterrent effect for the actors of violence. It could be ascertained that violence will not occur and spread out when the apparatuses are adroit and ever ready to the potential of Pemilukada conflict. Lastly, the policy makers seem to be reconsidering and evaluating the rules and methods of Pemilukada organizing by making clear rules and transparency to avoid multi-interpretation of the processes from organizing the Pemilukada up to the actual vote counting. If every process is carried out according to tight and transparent rules, followed up by the neutrality of the Pemilukada organizers in the regions, together with independent team of controllers at the level of regency and mayoralty as planned by Minister of Interior Affairs Gamawan Fauz, violence will no longer become something urgent to tackle. The abolishment of the democratic fiesta mechanism at the regency and mayoralty levels which according to the SNPK record show greater frequency of violence compared to the Pemilukada at the provincial level, will become something unnecessary to be done by the government. The election system either directly of indirectly has each its own pluses and minuses. However, the

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spirit of democracy lies upon the direct participation of the society in building the democratic process. For this, it is the political education that should entail the democratic process so that the society has the maturity in democratization. By this, then, it is not the election system that must be changed, but it is the improvement of the Pemilukada methods, continuous political education and the law enforcement which will become the factors that the government must prioritize to solve. -oooOooo-

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Politics and Human Rights

The Dynamics of the 2013 Gubernatorial Election in Maluku

Sopar Peranto, Junior Analyst for SNPK-THC Program

fter the significant victory of Karel Ralahalu in the 2008 gubernatorial election, the Maluku people need to find a new leader to exercise power at the provincial level. In the 2013 gubernatorial election, Governor Karel Ralahalu cannot run again because he was already elected to a second term in 2008. Therefore, it can be ascertained that the 2013 gubernatorial race will produce new governor and deputy for Malukans for the next five years. Besides finding a new leader, the 2013 gubernatorial election is a crucial step on Malukus approach to consolidating peace. Although, The Malino Peace Agreement in 2002 put an end to the series of communal conflicts between warring parties, nevertheless a decade after the peace agreement the peace among Maluku people is still fragile. Sporadic outbreak of sectarian violence continued for several years now among the communities there. For instance, violence related to inter-religious issue occurred in September 11, 2011 resulting in eleven deaths and hundreds of injuries ( HYPERLINK http:// www.snpk-indonesia.com www.snpk-indonesia.com). In addition, many issues of social relation such as social segregation and mutual distrust between Christian and Muslim communities are becoming unresolved problems for peace consolidation in Maluku (ICG Report, February 2012). The 2013 gubernatorial election would be a five-year cycle in choosing a provincial leader and a determinant factor of policy direction for peace-building in Maluku at the time.

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After the registration period in last February of 2013, the Maluku Election Commission (KPUD) confirmed five pairs of candidates who will compete in getting at least 30 percent of the votes to reach victory in the 2013 gubernatorial election. Most of the candidates had endorsement from political parties having seats in the Maluku Legislative Council (DPRD), but there were also candidates supported by political parties having no seat in DPRD. In this election, big political parties, like Golkar, PDI-P, and Democrat Party, became magnets for candidates as political vehicle to achieve top position in Maluku province. It was a rational way because big parties such Golkar have the political machinery which has long been established since the Soeharto regime. Meanwhile PDI-P, which had the golden era in Maluku during the 1999 election, has loyal grassroots - especially in the Christian community such as in Ambon. Meanwhile, in the 2009 legislative election Democrat Party got the third place of votes in Maluku province. Susilo Bambang Yudhoyonos influences as President of Indonesia and chairman of Democrat Party are believed to be a vote getter in the election. To receive the recommendation from one of the big parties for this election, friction within a party often occurred to wrest a gubernatorial race ticket. As can be clearly seen, deep frictions occurred between Abdullah Vanath and Jacobus F. Puttileihalat, as elites of the Democrat Partys Regional Leadership Board/DPD, to get the partys recommendation. On the last day of registration in KPUD, they claimed to have received the recommendation and mobilized their loyalists towards KPUD buildings. Fortunately, a clash between supporters of the two candidates was avoided by police officers (beritamaluku.com, 25 February 2013). Finally, Jacobus F. Puttileihalat obtained the recommendation from the Democrat Party to enter the election race and Abdullah Vanath got a ticket for the gubernatorial race from parties having no seat in the Malukus DPRD. Like the Democrat Party, friction among PDI-P members in Maluku occurred when Herman Martin Koedoeboen was nominated for gubernatorial election by the Central Leadership Board/DPP of the PDI-P. Dozens of members of PDI-P Maluku protested the partys decision and doubted that their party could be a winner in the 2013 gubernatorial election (siwalimanews.

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com, 26 February 2013). Meanwhile, the Golkar Party also had a problem in nominating a candidate within the party. Because Said Assagaf, who was a strong candidate for the gubernatorial race from the Golkar Party, was rumored to hold a membership card for the Democrat Party. This was when he intended to run for the Democrat Chairman of the Council Maluku 2012-2016. There were many elites of the Golkar Party in Maluku that were concerned about this problem and lobbied the Golkars chairman in Jakarta to impede Assagafs nomination for the gubernatorial race (siwalimanews.com, 14 February 2013). Nevertheless, Golkar Party has nominated Said Assagaf for the Maluku gubernatorial race. To reach victory in this election, support from political parties is not the only single factor that will be decisive for a candidates victory. In the Maluku context, which has a highly heterogeneous population in the regions, candidates were encouraged to form cross-religious pairs. This is because religious sentiment among most of the Maluku people remains alive in the post-Malino Peace Agreement in 2002. Unsurprisingly, all candidates in the 2013 Maluku gubernatorial race represented both dominant religious communities in Maluku, such as Christians and Muslims. They believed that power-sharing arrangement in the form of cross-religious pairs is the best way to gather votes from different religious background of Malukans. Besides gathering votes, the cross-religious pairs are the best strategy to maintain peace between dominant religious communities in Maluku. Therefore, as was seen during the 2008 gubernatorial race, the issue of power-sharing between Christians and Muslims at the elite level is still seen as an important political instrument to reach the highest position at the provincial government. Besides religious identity of pairs of candidates, another key factor in the 2013 gubernatorial race is the importance of ethnicity, or to be more precise, the candidates places of origin. As was known before, small groups of powerful families from the Lease Islands (Hatuhaha and Henahetu) have long dominated politics in Maluku. However, political diversity (outside the Lease Islands) has appeared since the 2008 gubernatorial election when two deputy candidates came from western Southeast Maluku. The issue of representation from the region outside of the Lease Islands to reach the inner cycle of politics

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in Maluku was put forward as a strategy to mobilize votes in areas outside Ambon and Central Maluku. In the 2013 gubernatorial election, five pairs of candidates have various ethnoregion backgrounds. Abdullah Tuasikal Hendrik Lewerissa (their acronym: BETA-TULUS) is a combination between Hatuhaha and Ambon as the candidates region background. Abdullah Tuasikal, former regent of Central Maluku, has political, economic, and ethnic (Hatuhaha family) networks, especially in Central Maluku. Another candidate such as Jacobus F. Puttileihalat Arifin Tapi Oyihoe (BOBARA) combines ethno-region background from West Seram Regency and the migrant community in MalukuButonese. This is the first-ever direct election (Pilkada) in Maluku where the people have a choice to elect candidate who are not native Malukans. It is reasonable to mobilize these votes because Butonese have large communities that spread across the region in Maluku. Next candidate is Abdullah Vanath Marthin Maspaitella (DAMAI). They combine the candidates place origin from East Seram Regency and Ambon. Abdullah Vanath has two terms of experience as East Seram Regencys regent, whereas Marthin Maspaitella is considered to represent Christian young intellectuals from Ambon City. Moreover, Herman Martin Koedoeboen Daud Sangaji (MANDAT) is a governor and deputy candidate combining power from Southeast Maluku regions and the Hatuhaha family. As mentioned, in post-conflict period, communities in Southeast Maluku have strong solidarity between Christians and Muslims (Salam-Sarani). This condition is different in some regions in Maluku where segregation between those communities is very pronounced. Last candidate is Said Assagaf Zeth Sahuburua (SETIA). They combine Arab lineage from Said Assagaf (deputy governor 2008-2013) and Nusalaut family as one of the small group of powerful families from the Lease Islands from Zeth Sahaburua. According to ethno-regional background of candidates in the 2013 gubernatorial race, there is a trend of political diversity across ethnic and region used to form the pairs. This shows that political powers no longer fully concentrate in small groups of powerful families or certain regions in Maluku.

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To conclude, in describing the dynamics of the 2013 gubernatorial election in Maluku, there are three prominent issues that have emerged during the race. First, the existence of political parties, especially big political parties, has provided magnetism politics for candidates to be nominated by them. With support from political parties, candidates assume that the local organizational structures of a party can actually be a very useful tool for campaign support and voter mobilization. Thus, the competition to get a recommendation from the political parties for the 2013 gubernatorial race tends to be more stringent and prone to internal friction within the party. Second, the 2013 gubernatorial election in Maluku indicates that there is a movement among candidates to bridge the religious communities (Christian and Muslim) interests. It can be clearly seen that all candidates form their pairs based on cross-religious backgrounds. There are no candidate pairs from a single religious background in the 2013 gubernatorial race. It seems that elite level power-sharing arrangement, especially between the religious communities (Christian and Muslim), has long been constructed to maintain peace in the divided society especially after the communal conflict in Maluku. Third, different from the last election, ethno-regional background of candidates is one of the strategic issues used to grab vote from regions in Maluku in the 2013 gubernatorial race. Candidates promote local civic identities to represent people from regions of Maluku, especially outside the Lease Islands such as Southeast Maluku or the Seram Islands. This phenomenon indicates that politics in Maluku is no longer dominated by small groups of powerful families and certain regions. The 2013 gubernatorial election in Maluku will certainly create a more interesting political landscape. -oooOoooThis article is written before the elections day (June 11, 2013). Karel Ralahalu and his deputy won more than 60 percent of the vote in the 2008 gubernatorial election.

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An ASEAN Regional Perspective on Peace: Shifting the Paradigm

A. Ibrahim Al Muttaqi, ASEAN Studies Program Officer, The Habibie Center
Do you believe your country is peaceful? A simple question it may seem, yet when it was posed to participants at The Habibie Center-ASEAN Foundations roundtable discussion on Culture of Peace in an ASEAN Regional Perspective last month in March, it drew a varied and wide-ranging response. Though all participants answered yes, they interestingly attached some form of caveat to qualify the term peace. These include peace as a process, as a perception, and as the absence of conflict. Additionally peace was qualified as social peace, political peace, and peace from a socio-economic development aspect. The difficulty in answering this question demonstrates the complexity of the issue we are dealing with, namely to define a common understanding of peace. One thing for certain, however, is that as the leaders of the ten ASEAN memberstates gather in Brunei Darussalam for the 22nd ASEAN Summit, they may reflect on a number of deadly conflicts that showcase a very un-peaceful region of late. Interreligious violence between Buddhists and Muslims in Myanmar, the Sabah stand-off between Malaysia and Filipino followers of the Sultan of Sulu, and clashes between Indonesias police force and army in South Sumatra, are just some examples. These cases pose disturbing questions

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about the appropriateness of ASEANs ambitious plans of forming an ASEAN Community in 2015. Arguably make a mockery of ASEANs Vision of a concert of Southeast Asian nationsliving in peace, stability and prosperity. Here then, we return to the heart of the issue: What do we mean by peace? It was for this very purpose that The Habibie Center-ASEAN Foundations roundtable discussion set out to address. Participants noted ASEANs tendency to have an outdated, limited and state-centric perspective on peace which often led to the oft-expressed but deeply flawed assertion that no wars have broken out in the region since ASEAN was established in 1967. This may be true if we use ASEANs outdated, limited and state-centric perspective on peace but for those involved in the interreligious violence in Myanmar, the stand-off in Sabah, Malaysia or the police-military clashes in South Sumatra, Indonesia, it is highly unlikely that the assertion the region is at peace will find much supporters. For victims, non-traditional conflicts cause no less suffering than classical state-to-state wars. In this sense, there is a need for a shifting of paradigm when it comes to our understanding of peace. In particular this new paradigm must be more comprehensive, encompassing and relevant to the 21st century. A good starting point may be The Habibie Center-ASEAN Foundations Key Elements of an ASEAN Culture of Peace and Key Recommendations towards developing an ASEAN Culture of Peace. It calls for an ASEAN Regional Perspective on a Culture of Peace that acknowledges the notion that peace is more than just the absence of war as well as taking a concern for climate change, ecological security, and equitable & sustainable development. This should be applauded for attempting to bring a more comprehensive definition to our understanding of peace. Similarly, its acknowledgement of the important role of women and youths, not only in peace-building measures and conflict resolutions but also in the area of good governance, demonstrates a more encompassing understanding of peace. In other words, peace is more than just men laying down their firearms but also requires the bringing of women and youths into the equation. At the same time, the emphasis on education illustrates the embracing of socio-cultural

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aspects into our understanding of peace that goes beyond the typical emphasis on politico-security and economic considerations. Lastly its relevance to the 21st century where we are now witnessing a rise in non-traditional conflicts that departs from the classical state-to-state warfare can be seen in the emphasis on changing the mind-set of the peoples (not states) of ASEAN to realize they are stronger together as one than apart as individuals. The call for us to respect and tolerate one another first and foremost as fellow citizens of ASEAN should be understood as raising our regional citizenship identity relative to our national identity. The old mentality of Us versus Them needs to be abandoned as it has no place in the increasingly connected 21st century of globalization. Related to this point is the call for the greater utilization of information and communication technology, especially social media, to propagate an ASEAN spirit from a bottom-up approach. This is particularly important as the role of social media has sometimes been used to perpetuate conflict through provoking and mobilizing perpetrators of violence. Thus, we need to seize such technology to serve as a force for peace rather than for violence. No doubt, peace remains a complex issue. The use of war and violence is so entrenched around the world that for some, the history of mankind is a history of war. Indeed Indonesias Foreign Minister, Dr. Marty Natalegawa noted that just as war is waged, so too must peace be waged with equal persistence and perseverance. By shifting the paradigm on our understanding of peace, we can take one small but significant step in our efforts to wage peace in the region. Hopefully a time will come when if the question, Do you believe your country is peaceful is asked, we, the peoples of ASEAN can all resolutely answer: Yes. -oooOoooThe Habibie Center-ASEAN Foundations Key Elements of an ASEAN Culture of Peace and Key Recommendations towards developing an ASEAN Culture of Peace can be viewed at http://www.scribd.com/doc/130962369/ ASEAN-Foundation-The-Habibie-Center-%E2%80%9CCulture-of-Peace-inan-ASEAN-Regional-Perspective%E2%80%9D

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Politics and Human Rights

Realize The Clean Ciliwung River Need Commitment

Rahma Widhiasari, Researcher

Jakarta residents are very familiar with the Ciliwung River. Ciliwung cuts across the capital region of Jakarta and Ciliwung is the longest river in Jakarta. It flows from its source near Puncak on the highlands of Mount Gede, West Java to the Jakarta Bay. Ciliwung is an urban river that has strategic significance in the national context, and so its need to be specially managed. The Ciliwung Rivers length from the upstream to the estuary on the coast of Jakarta Bay is 117 km, with a watershed area of Ciliwung approximately 347 km2. Around the Ciliwung watershed there are many development activities, in both the upstream and downstream. The development activities is very intensive, which is due to high population growth. This has caused the entry of pollutants into Ciliwung. The River pollution sources come from domestic waste, industrial waste, agricultural waste, and livestock waste Around 1720, there were many sugar factories built along the Ciliwung River. Out of some 130 factories, there were 50 sugar factories located on the banks of the river. The Ciliwung River is heavily polluted. Many poor citizens are forced to live by the river because it is all they can afford. There are no organized rubbish collections for this area, so waste ends up in the river. Because they cannot afford clean drinking water, many of the residents are forced to boil and drink the water from the river, causing many health problems.

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Heavily polluted The results of monitoring conducted by Badan Pengelola Lingkungan Hidup Daerah or BPLHD (2007) mentions that the river water quality of Ciliwung was increasingly polluted in the downstream section, which is located on the condition class IV. That means the river water can only be used for watering the plants. The results of Fadly (2007) revealed that the river water quality entering the city of Jakarta which is part downstream have been above the river water quality standard as stipulated by KepGub No.582 Jakarta 1995, which means it has been contaminated. The river or water bodies have the ability to recover and to do the cleaning themselves to a certain limit. This is known as self-purification. However, the increasing pollution load can reduce the ability of self recovery streams. This then impacts on the river water quality degradation. There is a lack of comprehensive study on the capacity in Ciliwung from upstream to downstream. On the other hand the water quality of Ciliwung is increasingly contaminated and leads to increased pollution load. Therefore, information is needed regarding the capacity of pollution load in Ciliwung, which later became the basis of pollution control in the management of Ciliwung. Research by Widhiasari (2010) calculated the pollution load of Ciliwung River, using the calculation method of Streeter Phelps (QUAL2Kw). This research shows that the river water quality from upstream to downstream has a decreasing trend, with more and more into the more polluted downstream water quality. The water quality condition based parameters dissolved oxygen (DO), biological oxygen demand (BOD) and chemical oxygen demand (COD) along the river from 2004 to 2008 fluctuated. In 2008, the DO concentration at the upstream was 6.13 to 10.29 mg / l; in the middle DO concentration was 3.85 to 9.19 mg / l and in downstream (Kelapa Dua-PIK) DO concentration was 0.56 to 3.05 mg/l. The smaller the dissolved oxygen concentration in the downstream, the greater the BOD concentration is in the downstream. In 2008, the BOD concentration at the upstream (Attaawun-Katulampa) was 1.8 to 4.8 mg / l; in the middle (Katulampa-Kelapa Dua) BOD concentration was 2.6 to 14.15 mg/l and in the downstream (Kelapa Dua-PIK) DO concentration was 7.9 to 19.58 mg/l.

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Using the QUAL2Kw program for the calculation, the river was divided into six segments. The analysis shows that the highest pollution load in segment Manggarai-Ancol, which amounted to 20674.66 kg / hr. River pollution load, from upstream to downstream increase significantly in the downstream part of the province of DKI Jakarta. Results of QUAL2Kw program analysis showing profiles of DO at the upstream of River revealed that the DO concentration reached 7 to 9.8 mg / l, and then began declining in the central part (2 to 6.8 mg / l) and downstream DO concentrations (0.30 -2 mg / l) Need Commitment Pollutant load control program can be done through the management of water bodies and environmental management. Media management focuses on improving the quality of river water by reducing the BOD, increasing the water discharge and increasing the supply of oxygen. On January 2013, The Jakarta administration has begun preparations for the restoration of part of the citys Ciliwung River, with the help of the South Korean government. Governor Joko Jokowi Widodo said the restoration would be on a stretch of the Ciliwung between Istiqlal Mosque and Pasar Baru in Central Jakarta.

Politics and Human Rights

The Govenor said that South Korea has good, clean rivers that have become tourist attractions. He wants to emulate that here in Jakarta. The governor said he had visited Seoul on a number of occasions and envied the pristine river banks he found there. In December 2012, Indonesia and South Korea signed an agreement to restore the Ciliwung River. The agreement commits about US$10 million to clean up the river, which is heavily polluted. Environment ministers from both countries signed a memorandum of understanding on the pilot project. The cooperative venture plans to restore a total of 13 rivers, beginning with the Ciliwung River. The Korean government will disburse US$9 million in grants to finance the project on the Ciliwung, while Indonesias Environment Ministry will be contributing around Rp 10 billion.

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The Ciliwung restoration project was expected to be completed in 30 months, including the building of a domestic wastewater facility and a learning center along 500 meters of the river. Jokowi also said that Jakarta was intent on more cooperation with Seoul in other areas like transportation, especially railways. The Governor said that they will focus first on the river restoration project. Jakarta has other projects with its foreign counterparts on the pipeline. The Ciliwung River is also one of the places where the administration is considering using bacteria to treat polluted water in a bid to find alternative sources of drinking water for the city. Ciliwung will be the focal point of a massive project to dredge and revitalize Jakartas rivers a project that has been stalled since last year. Hundreds of thousands of people living in slums along the river banks will be affected by the $190 million Urgent Flood Mitigation Project (JUFMP), which is primarily financed by a loan from the World Bank. The JUFMP will involve building dikes, dredging canals and overhauling four reservoirs over the next five years. The repair work on the Ciliwung River is expected to return the width of the river to its natural 50 meters. The central government and the Jakarta administration are planning to construct affordable apartment buildings to provide housing for residents who live along the banks of the Ciliwung and are facing eviction due to the dredging project. Nevertheless the Ciliwung restoration program will not succeed without the involvement of the community. Governments need to involve the community in creating a clean Ciliwung River. Public awareness to preserve the river is the key to realize a clean Ciliwung River. Therefore it takes a long time to realize the peoples awareness to maintain the cleanliness of the Ciliwung River.

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Vol. X, No. 3, May-June 2013

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END NOTES Widhiasari (2010), Kajian Daya Tampung Beban Pencemaran di DAS Ciliwung Djadjadilaga, et all. 2006. From Data to Policy (Ciliwung River Water Quality Management), The State Ministry of Environment Andreas D. Arditya, South Korea to help in restoring Ciliwung River, January 2013, The Jakarta Post Op cit

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