Presents

International Symposium
DEMOCRACY AND THE EASTERN SCHOLARSHIP: ALLAMA IQBAL
MAY 18, 2013, 6-11 P.M., North Holiday Inn, Garland, TX In Collaboration With Exclusive Media Partner, FunAsia Radio Muslim Community Center for Human Services, Pakistan Chronicle, Pakistan Journal, South Asia Chronicle

Program Sponsors Dr. Ashfaq Siddiqui, Dr. Rehana Kausar, Dr. Arjumand Hashmi Mr. Irfan Ali, Mr. Tabassum Mumtaz, Mr. Azeem Yasin Organizing Committee & SADeW Board of Directors

Dr. Qaisar Abbas, Syed Fayyaz Hassan, Raja Muzzafar, Siraj Butt, Raja Zahid Akhtar Khanzada Aftab Siddiqui, Tausif Kamal, Asif Effendi

Program
DEMOCRACY AND THE EASTERN SCHOLARSHIP: ALLAMA IQBAL
Master of Ceremony: Dr. Arjumand Hashmi, (Mayor, City of Paris, TX) FOOD FOR THOUGHT: DEMOCRACY IN SOUTH ASIA Davinder Singh Daman, (Playright, actor and screenwriter from India): Theater and Political Consciousness in India Tausif Kamal, (Attorney): Elections in Pakistan: A Brief Analysis Syed Fayyaz Hassan, (Political Activist): Democracy in South Asia: An Overview DINNER PANEL DISCUSSION: ALLAMA IQBAL AND THE CONTEMPORARY WORLD

Dr. Basheer Ahmed (Chair) Dr. Masood Raja (University of North Texas) Misinterpretations of Iqbal Today Ms. Talmeez Fatima Burney (Urdu Writer, Radio Anchor) Iqbals Concept of Time Dr. Qaisar Abbas (University of North Texas) Allama Iqbal in the 21STCentury Turmoil DISTINGUISHED SPEAKER Dr. Theresa Denial, Commissioner Dallas County (Introduction Aftab Siddiqui Democracy in Developing Countries and American Policies KEYNOTE SPEAKERS Ambassador, Dr. Mohammed Mahallati, Oberlin College, Ohio (Introduction by Asif Siddiqui) Allama Iqbal as he is Viewed in the Contemporary Iran Dr. Nyla Ali Khan, University of Oklahoma (Introduction by Raja Muzaffar) Iqbals Notion of Democracy in the Context of India and Pakistan SEMI CLASSICAL MUSIC AND GHAZALS Ghazal Maestro Ustad Salamat Ali will sing Allama Iqbals Kalam (Introduction by Siraj Butt)

ARTICLES ON DEMOCRACY IN SOUTH ASIA

STATUS OF DEMOCRACY IN SOUTH ASIA Syed Fayyaz Hassan (Political activist and member South Asia Democracy Watch Board of Directors). Home to two nuclear powers and proximity to two other super powers makes South Asia as one of the most important regions in the world. The region that comprises eight countries, including Afghanistan, Bangladesh, Bhutan, India, Nepal, Pakistan and Sri Lanka, faces some common issues of poverty, development, equity and democracy. South Asian societies are at different stages of democratic development, though they are all moving into a democratic environment. Common challenges to democracy in most of these countries include womens empowerment, inclusion of religious minorities and voting irregularities besides violence and military interventions. India being the largest democracy in the world has built an enormous infrastructure supporting democratic institutions. Military, judiciary, bureaucracy and parliament are all cohesive units and work under their jurisdictions prescribed in the constitution. India however faces human rights challenges in various regions. Occupation of Kashmir against the will of its people is the biggest setback to Indian democracy. The extremist Hindu political parties pose a real threat to Indian democracy. Voter intimidation, denial of voting rights to women and low castes are other challenges. Pakistan, a nuclear power with multiple ethnic groups, is a constitutional democracy run by a bi-cameral parliament. However, Judiciary, Military and bureaucracy are constantly at war. A victim of its geopolitical location and a prolong ward in Afghanistan terrorism has become a huge challenge for Pakistan. An environment of confrontational politics is promoted by the power groups has further wakened democratic environment. In the environment where killing, 3

kidnapping, and coercion against media people are a norm, democracy is constantly under attack. Voter intimidation, especially women and minorities is quite pervasive. Pakistan is moving to institutionalize the democratic process and its voters are quite resolute in their struggle for democratic rights. Afghanistan has been under foreign occupation by two superpowers for the last two decades. Currently all institutions in the country are dependent on NATO and American whims and wishes. However elections had been held and a constitution is written by an elected assembly. A continuous state of war has resulted in conversion of a beautiful country into a large battleground. As American and NATO forces are planning to withdraw by 2014, the nation, democracy in Afghanistan will remain a dream for some time. Bangladesh is still battling structural issues and constitutional balance of power after 42 years of independence. Although the country has improved tremendously in building political institutions, Army intervention in politics is an ongoing challenge to democracy. Development of two political parties is a positive development even though their human rights record is not so bright. NGOs in Bangladesh play an important role in poverty alleviation and literacy improvement. Social changes and capacity building took place in the last decade has helped in political stability of the country. Electoral reforms, human rights abuses, military interventions and women empowerment are the contemporary issues Bangladesh democracy is facing today Sri Lanka has been a functional democracy for 80 years now, with Universal Adult Franchise bestowed by the British in 1931. The country followed the classic Westminster bi-cameral parliament model and, does not separate the Executive from the Legislature. Thirty years internal insurgency which ended in 2009 has an enormous impact on Sri Lankas society. The human rights abuses during the insurgency were at alarming level. UN Human rights Sri Lanka with its best social indicators is fully capable of building back cohesiveness in society as well as democratic institutions

Nepals democracy is in its embryonic stage which faces several challenges from various fronts. Converting a 240 years old monarch into a democracy and bringing Maoist rebels into democratic setup is a herculean task by itself. Nepal today is a multi-party parliamentary democracy with bicameral legislature and is adjusting to democratic norms and building democratic institutions. Nepal is one of the few countries in Asia to abolish the death penalty and is the first one in Asia that allowed same sex marriage. Maintaining an equitable balance between diverse ethnic compositions poses an ongoing challenge to democracy in Nepal. Bhutan had been an absolute monarchy till 2007 and democratization was accomplished in 2011. The expulsion of minority communities and human rights abuses of minorities continues as regular practices even in democratic regime in Bhutan. The country lacks traditional democratic institutions and its democracy is taking shape on a continuous basis. Proximity of India, Nepal and China also pose challenges in keeping balance in foreign and domestic policies. Expulsion of people of Nepalese origin from Bhutan has created an international refugee crisis. Maldives is a presidential republic, with the President as head of government and head of state. Following the introduction of a new constitution in 2008, direct elections for the President take place every five years, with a limit of two terms in office for any individual. Maldives is yet to have full democracy in its institutional setup. However, the independence of judiciary is enhanced by a constitutional amendment in 2008 and several reforms lately have set the country on the right path.

WHAT HISTORIC ELECTIONS? Pervez Hoodbhoy (Pakistans leading political analyst and member South Asia Democracy Watch Advisory Council). Thankfully they are over and done with, and only a few hundred not a few thousand lives were lost. The PPP's rout was extremely welldeserved. It is headed for the dustbin of history unless, by some miracle, it miraculously reinvents itself as a non-dynastic mission-driven party. One feels somewhat sorrier for the ANP in spite of its general ineptness and inability to deliver on honest governance. But it was targeted by TTP fanatics and, in the words of Asfandyar Wali Khan, the election campaign became a matter of "picking up the dead, carrying their funerals and taking the wounded to hospitals". The long anticipated tsunami, it turned out, belonged to Nawaz Sharif. This victory of a center-right leader may not be much to celebrate but, at least for now, he is acting as a statesman and saying many of the right things. Meanwhile a certain disappointed cricketer, who kowtows to the Taliban and justifies their every atrocity, is venting his spleen from his hospital bed. Breathless commentators have termed these elections "historic". But what exactly will they change? Contenders had competing claims of how they served local communities, and won or lost largely on those grounds. Quite properly, those who had pocketed too much were booted out. Musical chairs are always fun to watch as various players jockey for personal power. But there was no battle of ideas. Many deeper issues were only barely touched, if at all. Here are three: Foreign Relations: Pakistan's steady descent into chaos and terrorism is fundamentally connected with the conduct of its foreign policy, at the core of which has been the export of jihad into Kashmir and Afghanistan. Apart from the international condemnation that this has earned for Pakistan, the blowback has been devastating. Fortunately, there now is some glimmer of recognition and a desire to change this.

Although he did not make it a major election issue, Nawaz Sharifs keenness to normalize relations with India is probably genuine. But does that really matter? After all, Zardari too had been keen but his efforts were made largely ineffective after the Mumbai attacks. A normalization would amount to a fundamental reorientation of the Pakistani state a reorientation that will be resisted tooth and nail by jihadist forces on Pakistani soil that operate with full knowledge and consent of the Army. Relations with Afghanistan and the United States, as well as nuclear policy, are considered by the Army as matters which are far too important to be left to politicians. Still, there is hope that Nawaz Sharif might be able to pull some weight. The army has been weakened and divided by the relentless insurgencies it has had to fight, and its confidence shaken by insider attacks. General Kayani's successor will formally be chosen by the prime minister. Here will lay the first test. Baluchistan: Expelled just after the elections, Declan Walsh, correspondent for the Guardian and the New York Times, had written a moving account of the situation in Baluchistan: "The bodies [of abducted Baloch youth] surface quietly, like corks bobbing up in the dark. They come in twos and threes, a few times a week, dumped on desolate mountains or empty city roads, bearing the scars of great cruelty. Arms and legs are snapped; faces are bruised and swollen. Flesh is sliced with knives or punctured with drills; genitals are singed with electric prods. In some cases the bodies are unrecognizable, sprinkled with lime or chewed by wild animals. All have a gunshot wound in the head." How will elections change this awful situation, especially since ethnic Baluch parties have done poorly? Talk of reconciliation with Baluch nationalists comes cheap, but trust is lacking. For decades the Baluch have complained of illtreatment. They say their natural wealth has been expropriated by Punjab and that Baluchistans natural gas reached remote Punjabi towns long before it was available in Quetta and then only because an army cantonment needed it. 5

Baluch representation in the civil and the military bureaucracy remains close to zero. Fearful Minorities: Pakistan's religious minorities Ahmadis, Shias, Hindus, Christians are watching, not rejoicing. The call to create a more open and tolerant society was too weak to be heard during the election rumpus. Several Islamic extremists were candidates themselves, an indication that in today's political climate extremism is no longer to be considered extremism. No public outrage followed as, in the run up to the elections, the TTP took upon itself the role of kingmaker by murdering hundreds they deemed as too secular or liberal. The state's performance in protecting minorities has been dismal. It has stood as a silent spectator to the daily murder of those citizens whose particular variant of Islam differs from that of the majority. Shia neighbourhoods have been devastated by suicide attacks, and men identified by Shia names like Abbas and Jafri have been dragged out from buses and executed Gestapo style. Ominously, the PMLN hosts active, well known, Shia killers in its party's ranks. Ahmadis have nowhere to go. The police remain unconcerned when they are murdered, or have their graveyards dug up and desecrated openly by the local powers-that-be. Although Sind was traditionally much more tolerant than Punjab, Hindus have fled Sind en masse. Conclusion: A country's politics reflects the underlying social relations between its communities, relations with the rest of the world, and the distribution of economic power. The recent election brought none of these fundamentals under serious questioning. Unlike the 1970's election campaign of Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto who had made grand promises for land reform and redistribution of wealth that he never intended to fulfil this time around large issues were not even on the agenda. Instead we had Cricketer Khan's hopelessly wild claims: corruption to be eliminated in 90 days; the same educational syllabi to be enforced in Waziristan and Kurram as in Lahore and Karachi; and the end of terrorism once Pakistan starts shooting down American drones. A prediction: in the initial period Pakistan is likely to see a somewhat more efficient and less corrupt

government, more hours of electricity, improved tax collection, and hopefully a tad less extremist violence as well. This will come as a relief to weary Pakistanis. But shortly thereafter it will become business as usual. "Shortly" could mean six months, or a year. In the absence of a drastic reorientation of basic attitudes, longer is unlikely.

LONG MARCH FOR PEACE AND HARMONY Dr. Sandeep Pandey (Peace activist based in India and member Advisory Council, South Asia Democracy Watch.) This article discusses two grassroots campaigns in the Indian subcontinent a long march to end violence between Hindus and Muslims, and a crossborder peace march in India and Pakistan. These marches proved to be very enriching experiences for the participating people and the common people who interacted with us on streets and in the public meetings that we organized. Hindu-Muslim Violence Violence against the Muslim community in Gujarat had taken place in 2002 with the collusion of state government headed by the right wing Chief Minister Narendra Modi after a train compartment carrying Hindu right wing activists on the way back from the holy city of Ayodhya was burnt mischievously in Godhara located in Gujarat itself. It was alleged that the train compartment was 6

burned by Muslims outside the railway station in Godhara after a young Muslim girl was pulled inside the train by Hindu activists over a dispute with her father, a tea vendor on the railway platform. Ashok Singhal, the President of Vishwa Hindu Parishad, a right wing organization which was behind the demolition of Babri Mosque in Ayodhya in 1992 and planned to build a temple dedicated to Hindu God Ram at this place, had issued a warning: Gujarat was only a laboratory, the entire country would be converted into Gujarat. We resolved that we would not let UP become another Gujarat. A march for communal harmony was planned from Chitrakoot to Ayodhya, both places of religious significance associated with Ram, whose character had undergone a transformation during the Ram temple movement. The moderate family loving Ram had been converted to a belligerent one in graphic depictions. It was a 26-day march during the summer of 2002. We carried various printed material related to communal harmony for distribution along the way. Although at some places there were altercations with people influenced by religious fundamentalists, the march was otherwise peaceful. The District Magistrate, chief executive officer at district level, of Faizabad would not let us enter Ayodhya and finally the march had to be terminated in Faizabad. Swami Agnivesh, a progressive Hindu leader who had devoted his life to social justice, arrived for the occasion. After the final meeting some of us in a vehicle went to Ayodhya to hold a symbolic meeting inside a temple. This was organized by Yugal Kishore Sharan Shashtri, a Mahanth or chief priest of a tample, who had been fighting against the communal politics living in Ayodhya. Since then Shashtri has taken out numerous yatras or marches for communal harmony. Soon his temple will transform into a multi-faith harmony center which is at a visible distance from the disputed site.

When we took out the communal harmony peace march in 2002 no organization, except for the right wing ones, were allowed to organize events in Ayodhya, especially if they questioned the communal politics no matter which government was in power in the state. The right wing bias in the administration was quite clear. However, since then, a series of events mainly organized by Yugal Kishore Sharan Shashtri, have played an important role in defusing the atmosphere of fear and terror created by right wing Hindu organizations. The secular activists had to pay a price for this as Shastris programmes were banned and he has been arrested and spent three and a half months in jail on one occasion. I was arrested also in Ayodhya twice in 2002 and 2003, and faced a case of sedition in a Faizabad court. Marching Across the Border On the first day of the Global Peace March in Pokaran the opposition was raising a question. We could protest against Indian test as India was a democracy, however, could we do the same in Pakistan? Since then I started thinking to organize a march between India and Pakistan for disarmament and peace someday. Only a joint campaign between the two countries had any meaning as they had armed themselves to the teeth against each other. The opportunity came in 2003. I went to Pakistan as part of a big delegation to participate in a PakistanIndia Peoples Forum for the Peace and Democracy convention, which was held once in two years. The first Pakistani citizen I met at the border, Saeeda Diep, now a well-known pro-democracy and human rights activist in Pakistan, was later to agree to cooperate in taking out a joint march. The march finally happened in 2005 between the shrine of well-known Sufi saint Hazrat Nizamuddin Auliya in Delhi, India to the shrine of another Sufi 7

saint Bahauddin Zakaria in Multan, Pakistan. Sufi saints symbolized tolerance, peace and communal harmony and were equally popular among the people of all faiths on the both sides of the border. I had personally requested the external affairs minister of India, Natwar Singh to grant visas to Pakistani citizens so that they could walk from Delhi to the Wagha border of Pakistan. The practice between India and Pakistan is to give city specific visas to visitors from other country. To give him credit, he gave visas to Pakistani citizens for the 14 districts which fell on the way to participate in the march specifically. But there was a delay of ten days. The Pakistani interior ministry took further 13 days to grant permission to cross the Wagha border. Anticipating such obstacles we had decided to begin the march from Delhi even if Pakistani marchers didnt arrive in time. Similarly Pakistani marchers were expected to complete the Pakistani leg, Wagha to Multan, in case we didnt make it there. Three Pakistani citizens including actress Meera were there to flag off the march on 23rd March, 2005. When Meera arrived at Delhi airport from Karachi she was told that her port of entry was Mumbai and she would have to go back to Karachi and then enter India through Mumbai! Such are the ridiculous restrictions on travel between the two countries. It was due to Mahesh Bhatts intervention, the known Bollywood movie director, who came for the inauguration ceremony too, that Meera could finally come out of the airport in Delhi. Nine Pakistani citizens including the prominent activist Saeeda Diep joined us on the banks of River Beas when we were in the last Indian district of Amritsar. We went into the water removing our shoes and took a pledge that we did not recognize the division of land, water and nature and believed in the oneness of humankind. The marching

Pakistanis received very warm response on the Indian roads and markets. Then we hit the barrier at Wagha. Even though I had gone to Islamabad and personally handed over a list of 110 Indian citizens who wanted to participate in the march to the Prime Minister Shaukat Aziz and received his assurance that we would get the visas, we were eventually denied the visas. The meeting with the PM was organized by the main Pakistani organizer for the march Karamat Ali, a trade union activist. After several days, 12 of us were granted visas but not for the march. We had permission to drive through from Lahore to Multan. A warm response awaited us at the border when we entered Pakistan. Unlike India, politicians and bureaucrats were willing to officially welcome us in Pakistan. The mayor of Lahore went so far as to say that we could organize a march inside the city from any point to anywhere. On our way from Lahore to Multan we stopped at Sahiwal and Chichawatni. The Gaddi Nashin, spiritual head, of the shrine at Nizamuddin Auliya, Nazim Ali Nizami was travelling with us. Huge crowd came out to see him and convey their wishes to him which they wanted to be made at the dargah (shrine) in Delhi. Impacts of Peace Marches Through these peace marches we broke several barriers and accomplished the tasks which seemed impossible. The people who participated in these marches went through a life-transforming experiences and we initiated healthy debates wherever we went. Some experiences, however, were simply mind boggling. One such from the India Pakistan peace march will always stand out in my mind. We were approached by a Tadi Kirtan singer of a Gurudwara 8

on his bicycle from the back as were to enter Jalandhar. He referred to our signature campaign sheet in which we were asking people to sign on three demands: India and Pakistan should resolve all their disputes through dialogue; they should end the arms race and destroy their nuclear armaments and they should do away with the Passport-Visa system and allow free passage across the border. He suggested that if we were to make our last demand as our first it would be easier for us to resolve the other two as well. I had not expected this wisdom from such a simple person. It occurred to me then that we educated activists sometime decide an agenda which is quite different from peoples priorities. It was a very humbling and educative experience for me.

____________________ THE ESCALATING TURMOIL IN BANGLADESH Lal Khan (International Secretary of Pakistan Trade Union, Defense Campaign) A recently established tribunal on war crimes in Bangladesh on February 5 sentenced the Jamaata-Islami chief, Abdul Qadir Mullah, to life time imprisonment on the charge of crimes against humanity during the civil war in 1971. Ever since Bangladesh has been embroiled in unrest in which several people have been killed and wounded. The ongoing turmoil comes against the background of innumerable industrial actions and militant protests by the workers in the last few years. Also, in the last couple of years two factory fire incidents claimed the lives of hundreds of textile workers, mainly women. The garment industry is countrys main export. In the 1971 war of liberation, about three million Bengalis were killed while tens of thousands of Bengali women were raped by soldiers of the West Pakistani army that was trying to crush a mass revolt in East Pakistan, as it was known at

the time. In December the Indian army invaded East Pakistan and after a 13-day war the Pakistani army surrendered. The rest is history. While in Bangladesh and India, Pakistani high-handedness is stressed, in Pakistan, the Indian hand is blamed for the secession of East Pakistan. However, both versions have been distorted to serve the interests of the ruling elites. The movement that erupted against the regime in the united Pakistan began not in East Pakistan but in Rawalpindi when a student of the polytechnic college was killed by police firing on a student demo. This triggered a mass upheaval that spread throughout both wings of the country. It soon developed into a class struggle with revolutionary politics and socialist ideals dominating the uprising. In East Pakistan the main leader that emerged in this movement was Maulana Abdul Hamid Khan Bashani, a Maoist, who was the leader of the National Awami party. As the movement became stronger with the involvement of the proletariat and began to threaten the regime as well as the state apparatus and the system, Bashani was instructed by Mao himself, a close friend of the Pakistani military ruler Ayub Khan, to back out. This was a severe setback for the class struggle. However, East Pakistan was also subjected to a brutal national oppression. Sentiments of deprivations were widespread. Consequently, struggle assumed a nationalist color. Imperialists and the Indian ruling classes heaved a sigh of relief as they were terrified that the mighty wave of the class struggle that was developing in East Pakistan would spill over into the state of West Bengal in India, a state that was already in ferment. Such a development would have meant a revolutionary wave engulfing the whole of the south Asian subcontinent. This propelled Sheikh Mujib ur Rehman, a bourgeoisie demagogue, into the leadership of the nationalist struggle. He was a staunch adherent of capitalism and had links with the Indian bourgeoisie. In a revealingly frank interview with AFP published in Le Monde, Paris, on 31st March 1971 Mujib complained, Is the West Pakistan government not aware that I am the only one able to save East Pakistan from communism? 9

The Indian army invaded East Bengal not really to defeat the Pakistan army but in fact to crush the soviets or the Panchayats of the workers, peasants and youth that had sprung up in the areas liberated by the mass struggle under the leadership of the Jatiyo Samajtantrik Dal (JSD) and other left organizations. But what is also true is that the atrocities committed by the Pakistani Army were complimented by the vigilantes of the Jamaat-aIslami, organised in its armed wings of Al Badar and Al Shams. The deep involvement of the Jamaat in the Operation Blitz is revealed in the book The Indo-Pak War by Major General Hakeem Arshad Qureshi, who was a battalion commander in the Dinapur district of East Pakistan during the operation. He narrates: Maulana Tufail Mohammad (Amir) of the Jamaat-a- Islami visited us after the military action...The Maulana was particularly concerned about the performance of the Razakars(volunteers) locally recruited and belonging to his party... He jokingly remarked that his party cadres had always come to the rescue of the Army in tough situations. There is no doubt that these leaders of the Jamaata-Islami now being tried in the war crimes tribunal were involved in the heinous crimes against the Bengali masses in the war of liberation. But the question arises as to why these trials are being conducted forty two years after the crimes were committed. The motive of the incumbent government is to distract the masses from the burning issues. In addition, we might also ask why the Jamaat is still a substantial political force in Bangladesh when its leaders played such a treacherous role during its independence struggle. In spite of a secular constitution and the demeanor of its mainstream leaders, the independence of Bangladesh has failed to alleviate the masses from deprivation, misery and poverty under a capitalist regime. Both the mainstream parties represent the interests of the Bengali ruling classes that took control of the state and the economy after the creation of Bangladesh. It also proves that any independence on a bourgeois basis cannot resolve the burning problems afflicting

a society owing to capitalist exploitation and imperialist plunder. Fundamentalism breeds in this malaise that has set in due to the stagnation of the workers movement and the misery that prevails in society. The tens of thousands protesting in the Shahbagh square are mainly the petit bourgeoisie expressing their frustration with the burgeoning social and economic crisis that has now started to bite even the middle classes. Those who are ferociously belligerent for the utopia of Islamization are from a similar class background with almost the same frustration with their lives in this system in decay. It is unfortunate that most of the left leadership, in the name of secularism and democracy, has abandoned the urgent need for a socioeconomic transformation in order to achieve the emancipation of the Bengali masses. (From Viewpointoline.net).

In the aftermath of the United States signing a treaty of nuclear collaboration with India, Pakistan, reportedly, is trying to be the fifth largest nuclear power in the world by developing a record number of nuclear weapons (Masood, 2012). According to some estimates Pakistan has 70-90 warheads as compared to 60-80 warheads of India. Both neighbors have declined to sign the Nuclear Nonproliferation Treaty (NPT) and the Comprehensive Test Ban Treaty (CTBT). While for Pakistan, being a weaker and smaller military power, nuclear capability becomes a security issue, India, ironically uses the same logic against China as a justification to continue the nuclear mad race. For India, the nuclear regime rests on using unclear weapons as a defensive strategy; Pakistan reserves its right for a first strike. In this crazy competition if India develops the nuclear Ballistic Missile Defense (BMD) shield, possibly Pakistan will also follow the suit. It is argued that nuclear capability acts as an effective deterrence but the fact that both South Asian countries have had armed conflicts with each other even after their nuclear tests, makes the situation even more volatile for the whole region. Analyzing the four conflicts between the two rival countries, Brasstacks in 1987, Kashmir uprising in 1990, the Kargil attack in 1999, and border tensions in 2001-2002, a study concludes: Overall, the entry of nuclear weapons into the subcontinent, ostensibly to ensure national security, has not made the region more stable or conflict less likely. The Kargil conflict and the year-long border confrontation between the two countries have proven to be exception to the accepted wisdom that nuclear weapons stabilize relations, strengthens deterrence, and discourage both conventional and nuclear conflict (Chari, Cheema and Cohen, 2007). Evidently, the nuclear tests did not stop small scale adventures; they did point to the possibility of similar conflicts in the future with a possible threat of nuclear holocaust in the region. Probably based on this depressing prediction, a recent report highlighted the need for nonproliferation of nuclear arms in the region: 10

NUCLEAR MARATHON IN SOUTH ASIA Dr. Qaisar Abbas (Assistant Dean, University of North Texas and member South Asia Democracy Watch Board of Directors). On April 19, 2012, India tested its long range ballistic missile Agni 5 with a capability to carry a nuclear warhead for 3,100 miles. Although experts believe the test was China-centric as it had the capability of reaching major cities of Beijing and Shanghai, it also revealed a nerve-wracking nuclear race between India and Pakistan where the two neighbors, equipped with dangerous weapons, are also in a constant state of armed conflict. In an apparent response, Pakistan also conducted a missile test the following week on April 25 exposing the intensity of the nuclear race in South Asia.

For now, India, Pakistan, and the international community must focus on incremental steps to bring these two states into the global nonproliferation regime while working to enhance strategic stability in the region, thereby reducing chances of a nuclear catastrophe (Yousuf, 2010). The case of South Asia, however, is more alarming than other nuclear zones in the world. Not only it is one of the most dangerous world regions, it is also surrounded by two nuclear giants, Russia and China. __________________________ ALLAMA IQBAL AND KASHMIR Raja Muzaffar (Known Kashmiri leader and member South Asia Democracy Watch Board of Directors) There are so many facts about Kashmir not known even after 66 years of partition in the subcontinent of India and Pakistan. In addition, the rumor mill has been busy in creating baseless and untrue stories about Kashmir, its history and its people. Religious extremists in India and Pakistan, calling the partition as an incomplete agenda, have also spread false and misleading ideologies. This militancy has consumed three generations in the subcontinent. Ill-conceived notions of hatred have now permeated into the society so much that violence has not even spared our mosques, temples, churches, streets and alleys. Kashmir was very close to Allama Iqbals heart and mind based on his historical links with the valley. As his family came from the Kashmir, he always kept its history and values alive in his work and poetry. In one of his poems, he laments the fate of Kashmirs people in these words: Today that land of Kashmir Once known among the wise As the Little Iran, Under the heels of the enemy Has become weak Helpless and poor. 11

When both nuclear competitors in South Asia only have poverty and human sufferings for their citizens, the nuclear race in the region seems to be an unfortunate development which has a capability of wiping out millions of people with horrifying global consequences. Unfortunately, while the whole world is watching silently, the nuclear marathon goes on in South Asia. _________________________

He was so concerned about the poor masses of Kashmir; his poetic discourse intensely narrated the large gulf between the common masses and the ruling classes of the whole region: A burning lament Comes down from the heavens When the man of veracity and integrity Is overawed by The power and pomp Of kings and land lords. Then, when he notices a small cottage of an old farmer away from the colors of the city, he could not help thinking about his inner, prevailing empathy with the lonely peasant in comparison to those who have all the luxuries in their world: The old farmers cottage On the mountainside Where despair prevails Tells another story of fate And its hardships. Moaning on the fate of his people, Iqbal seems to complain the Almighty to allow all of this. The candid commentary seems so contemporary as if the poet can see whats going on here in the 21st century in the whole region at large: So skillful with hands, So rich in wisdom These people, O God, your justice, So long delayed Must come at least

As a retribution! The wave of hatred has now taken over the whole society and mistrust is so deep in our culture that everyone has become a suspect in the eyes of others. In all developing societies, progressives, however, continue the process of exploring new possibilities and continue to embrace fresh ideas of promoting harmony and love, rejecting old and rotten theories of hatred. This was the context of creating a new organization, the South Asia Democracy Watch. It aims at finding new venues of human emancipation in South Asia by identifying hurdles in the path of establishing a democratic rule, justice, and equity in the region. We intend to work for strengthening the pillars of democracy and peace in South Asia. With this mission, the organization continues to work on researching and promoting democratic values among South Asians and among the diaspora all over the world. _____________________________ POST-ELECTION SCENARIO IN PAKISTAN Tausif Kamal (Attorney at Law and member South Asia Democracy Watch Board of Directors) General elections held on May 11, 2013 in Pakistan may be termed as a victory for democracy and an indication of peoples desire for self-rule and freedom. Defying threats of violence by the Taliban and Jihadists, there was a heavy 60% turnout of voters. However, it was marred by serious allegations of ballot rigging and irregularities at many locations and almost a boycott of elections by people in Balochistan. Be that as it may, the elections unveiled three surprises. A decisive victory by PML-N headed by a resurgent Nawaz Sharif, the twice prime minister, 12

securing a near majority of 127 National Assembly seats out of the total elected 272 seats. Secondly, the abysmal showing, with only 31 seats, of the outgoing PPP and its disappearance from Punjab is astonishing. Thirdly, a disappointing outcome for the popular Imran Khan and his PTI party, obtaining just 28 seats, amidst great though unrealistic expectations by PTI s youth fan base, clamoring for a Naya or new Pakistan. The religious parties like JI and JUI were unable to win a number of seats. As far as election results for the four provinces of Pakistan are concerned, PMLN with a huge majority will form the Panjab government, while PPP and PTI will lead the Sindh and KPK governments respectively. Balochistan government will probably be also formed by PMLN also in coalition with other parties. So what does the future hold for the country under the leadership of Mr. Nawaz Sharif? Sustaining democracy, protecting human rights especially of subjugated minorities, guaranteeing the safety and security of people, jump starting a bankrupt economy, promoting peace with its South Asian neighbors, would doubtlessly be a very daunting challenge for him. Nawaz Sharifs first and immediate task should be to stop without any delay the failing of the Pakistani state and rapid erosion of its authority by the relentless terror attacks in the country by the declared enemy, the Taliban. PMLNs second task should be to strengthen the civil government so that it can effectively govern and have the strength to enforce, implement and execute the laws. This will entail asserting civilian oversight over the army, restricting the politically ambitious, usurping, interfering superior judiciary to its constitutional function of interpreting and applying the constitution and law in actual legal cases.

The incoming governments third task would be its ability and capability, to deftly handle and effectively resolve a host of pressing domestic issues, such as ubiquitous power shortages, endemic corruption, inept governance, encouraging the much- needed domestic and foreign investment for infra-structure, creating job opportunities for millions of unemployed youth, improving the economy, providing health, and education facilities.

Its comforting to know that Nawaz Sharif has publicly advocated and has previously demonstrated his policy of closing ranks with India and developing constructive, peaceful and beneficial relations with all South Asian countries.

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SYMPOSIUM SPEAKERS
Dr. Qaisar Abbas With a Ph.D. in Mass Communication from University of Wisconsin-Madison, Qaisar Abbas has taught at several universities and currently he is Assistant Dean at the University of North Texas. He has organized UNT Peace Conference as its Chair on South Asia and the Middle East. He is also involved in community activities as part of the Board Directors of the Dallas Peace Center and President of South Asia Democracy Watch. He extensively writes on media, and socio-political issues for online and print journals. Before coming to the U.S. he worked for Pakistan TV as News Producer and earlier as Information Office in the province of Punjab. Ms. Talmeez Fatima Burney Ms. Talmeez Fatima Burney is an Urdu writer and poet. With Masters degrees in Urdu and Linguistics from Karachi University, Pakistan, she has been co-hosting a literary program on FunAsia Radio for the last five years. She also teaches Urdu in Brookhaven Colleges in Dallas. 13

Davinder Singh Daman South Asia Democracy Watch is proud to have a known Indian actor, stage director and screenwriter, Davinder Daman in its Advisory Council. Based in Chandigarh, India, he is known for his political activism who effectively uses street theater as his medium for raising political awareness. He has written and staged several plays in India, Pakistan, Britain and other countries. An anthology of his plays has been recently published in India. Dr. Theresa Daniel Dr. Theresa Daniel, as Commissioner of Dallas County, has extensive expertise in public affairs, economic development, housing, transportation, education, gerontology and local political thought. With a Ph.D. in public policy and administration, she is also a social science researcher and involved in public organizations for over three decades. Professionally, she served as a U.S. Congressional staff member, worked with the American Red Cross and has focused on public education for the past seven years. Prior to her election to Commissioners Court, Dr. Daniel worked with Dallas ISD in program evaluation and accountability and is also adjunct professor of urban and public affairs at UT-Arlington. Mayor Dr. Arjumand Hashmi Dr. Arjumand Hashmi, a cardiologist by profession, is Mayor of Paris in Texas. He did his medical studies in Karachi, Pakistan and has been living in Paris for the last five years. He is the first Pakistani American who became a mayor in the United States.

Syed Fayyaz Hassan Syed Fayyaz Hassan is Co-Chair of American Muslim Democratic Caucus. He has an MA degree from Michigan State University in Economics and Masters in Applied Sciences from University of Karachi, Pakistan. He is an activist with the Democratic Party and has been serving as the Democratic Party Executive Committee since 2002. Tausif Kamal Attorney Tausif Kamal is one of the Pakistani American pioneers in the legal profession based in the United States. He practiced general and corporate law in Ohio and California after obtaining his J.D. degree from University of Akon in Ohio in 1975. He has been actively involved in advocating and defending the legal rights of the Pakistani and other new immigrants in the United States. As a freelance writer and analyst on human rights issues in South Asia, he has written extensively on politics, democracy and rights of minorities and women.

Dr. Nyla Ali Khan 14

Dr. Nyla Ali Khan is a member of the Advisory Council of South Asia Democracy Watch. She has a Ph. D. in English Literature from the University of Oklahoma, where she also teaches South Asian Studies, Postcolonial Literature and Theory, and Cultural Studies. Formerly an associate professor at the University of NebraskaKearney, she is the author of The Fiction of Nationality in an Era of Transnationalism (2005) and Islam, Women, and Violence in Kashmir: Between India and Pakistan (2010). Dr. Mohammed Jafar Mahallati Dr. Mohammad Jafar Mahallati is currently teaching Islamic Studies at Oberlin College in Ohio. He has been Ambassador and Permanent Representative of Iran in the United Nations from 1987-1989. With a Ph.D. from McGill University in Islamic Studies and Masters in Political Science from University of Kansas, he has also taught at Georgetown, Yale and Columbia universities. Dr. Masood Raja Author of Constructing Pakistan, Dr. Masood Raja is Assistant Professor of English at the University of North Texas specializing in the postcolonial literature and theory. He edits Pakistaniaat: A Journal of Pakistan Studies and contributes regularly in academic journals and online blogs. ____________________

Mission Statement South Asia Democracy Watch (SADeW) works as a nonprofit organization to monitor and nurture democracy by promoting social justice, human rights and equity in South Asian countries. It intends to analyze and communicate the available data and research work to its audience in South Asia and everywhere else in the world. Vision

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South Asia Democracy Watch (SADeW) envisions becoming an internationally recognized and impartial pressure group to promote and nurture a culture of democracy and equity in South Asian countries . Objectives 1. 2. 3. To monitor democratic processes and systems in Pakistan and South Asian countries. To nurture a culture of democracy through educational, cultural and literary programs and events. To promote democratic values of social tolerance, freedom of expression, justice, fairness and equity to a broader American, South Asian and global audience through the modern channels of communication. Organizational Functions 1. 2. 3. 4. 5. To develop political leadership skills among men and women in South Asian countries through training programs and events. To empower people in urban and rural areas for effective participation in political process in the region through supporting, debating and communicating democratic values. To identify government and nongovernment policies and activities which hinder political process in the region. To collect data and develop educational materials on the democratic process and system in the region and communicate them to the diaspora, people in the regions and the American leaders and audience. To monitor legislative developments in the region for protecting women, religious and ethnic minorities and the under-privileged segments of the society at large.

6. To communicate and interact with American opinion makers, think thanks, policy institutes and media of communication in promoting SADeWs mission and objectives.

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