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International Journal of the History of Sport

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'Resurrecting' Ancient Bodies: The Tragic Chorus in Prometheus Bound and Suppliant Women at the Delphic Festivals in 1927 and 1930
Antonis Glytzourisa a University of Crete, Institute of Mediterranean Studies, Online publication date: 17 August 2010

To cite this Article Glytzouris, Antonis(2010) ''Resurrecting' Ancient Bodies: The Tragic Chorus in Prometheus Bound and

Suppliant Women at the Delphic Festivals in 1927 and 1930', International Journal of the History of Sport, 27: 12, 2090 2120 To link to this Article: DOI: 10.1080/09523367.2010.495225 URL: http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09523367.2010.495225

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The International Journal of the History of Sport Vol. 27, No. 12, August 2010, 20902120

Resurrecting Ancient Bodies: The Tragic Chorus in Prometheus Bound and Suppliant Women at the Delphic Festivals in 1927 and 1930
Antonis Glytzouris
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This essay aims at a systematic investigation of theatre performances of Prometheus Bound and Suppliant Women at the Delphic Festivals (1927, 1930) with particular reference to the art of dance. It attempts to analyse the artistic and ideological content of the tragic chorus such as conceived and implemented by Eva Palmer-Sikelianos. The article initially attempts to analyse her theoretical concerns and then attempts a detailed presentation of the Delphic performances. The revival of the tragic dance acquired an aura of resurrection, in the sense that it embodied a basic ideological component: the forging of Modern Greek identity upon alleged hereditary relations of afnity between the ancient Greece and the Modern Greek folk culture. In order to illuminate this objective, the essay also examines: (a) similar approaches attempted in the Modern Greek stage from the end of the nineteenth century, (b) the Neo-Romantic roots of the initiative and (c) instances of American lovers of ancient and traditional Greece in the rst quarter of the twentieth century.

1. The modern Delphic festivals were organized for the rst time by the Greek poet Angelos Sikelianos and his American wife Eva Palmer-Sikelianos in May 1927 at the archaeological site of Delphi in central Greece. In antiquity, the site had functioned as an oracle sanctuary dedicated to god Apollo and venue of the Pythian games, that is, the most prestigious after the Olympics athletic games in the ancient world. The modern festivals articulated the grand visions of the poet, dubbed Delphic Idea, as expressed in numerous lectures and publications since the early 1920s. [1] The objective of Sikelianos Delphic enterprise was to make Delphi once again the navel
Antonis Glytzouris, University of Crete, Institute of Mediterranean Studies. Correspondence to: glytzouris@gmail.com ISSN 0952-3367 (print)/ISSN 1743-9035 (online) 2010 Taylor & Francis DOI: 10.1080/09523367.2010.495225

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of the earth (it was reputed to be so in antiquity) through the establishment of a new world organization with Delphi as the headquarters, as well as through the foundation of a Delphic University. The revival of facets of ancient Greek culture was central in Sikelianos Delphic Idea: it was perceived as the means for the intellectual salvation of the human race worldwide. In this lofty effort modern Greece, as the perceived successor of ancient Greece, was to play a leading role. The rst modern Delphic festivals lasted two days (910 May 1927). The program of the rst day consisted of a tour at the archaeological site, modern Greek folk music performances, a presentation of the Hymn to Apollo and a performance of Aeschylus Prometheus Bound in the ancient theatre of Delphi. The second day consisted of a modern Greek folk art exhibit, a lecture by the German archaeologist Wilhelm rpfeld entitled On Ancient Theatre as well as athletic competitions in the context Do of which amateur dancers, wearing reproductions of ancient armour, performed the ancient Greek dance pyrrichios. The activities of the second day were concluded early in the evening with a Byzantine music concert, a performance in dance form of the ancient Greek myth of the ght between Apollo and the Python, a repeat performance of the Hymn to Apollo as well as a torch-relay conducted in the Sacred Way by athletes. [2] The rst Delphic festivals received wide publicity at home and abroad. As a result, they were eagerly repeated in 1930, this time complete with a dynamic advertising campaign. Besides Eva Palmer-Sikelianos, who incurred all the expenses for the 1927 festival, the state Greek Tourism Organization as well as a number of private sponsors contributed nancially. The expanded second Delphic festival commenced on 1 May 1930 with a tour of the archaeological site, followed by a performance of Aeschylus Prometheus Bound (incorporating different actors and a new stage set, compared to the 1927 performance of the same play). The day was concluded with the customary presentation of the Hymn to Apollo. The second day included a modern Greek folk art exhibit, a performance of Aeschylus Suppliant Women as well as a lecture by Sikelianos himself On the Delphic Enterprise. The Pythian athletic games, dedicated to the warriors of the Greek War of Independence in 1821, were conducted on the third day, followed by a performance of the pyrrhichios dance. It should be noted that according to the ofcial program, during meals villagers will sing folk bandit songs, accompanied by the music of local instruments. The entire program of the second Delphic festival was repeated twice (68 and 1113 May). However, the Sikelianos efforts to permanently establish the Delphic festival proved to be in vain. Following the 1930 festival Eva Palmer-Sikelianos, the main nancial sponsor of the events, had gone bankrupt. Soon afterwards, she returned to the United States in 1933. [3] 2. This paper will focus on a specic aspect of the Delphic festivals of 1927 and 1930, that is, the revival of the tragic chorus in the Aeschylus tragedies performed at the Delphi ancient theatre as part of the festivals in question. The set up was intimately

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connected to a more holistic vision of the resurrection of antiquity which, throughout the Delphic festival, positioned theatrical performances side by side with athletic events and craft fairs. The Delphic Revival pursued the course of drama, art and social thought, with athletics as pieces of a more ambitious program. [4] Thus, the sporting events were not separated from the theatrical performances. Similarly, the exhibition of folk-art weavings was not at odds with the Phyrric dance or the Septeria (the symbolic dance that represented the battle of Apollo with Python). A basic component of all these manifestations of Angelos Sikelianos Delphic Ideal was the exploration of a purely Greek expression as a clear reaction to the modern Western culture. As Eva PalmerSikelianos put it in an interview to Photos Yollis, everything will be shown puried from foreign elements. You will receive only what is pure Greek: on the one hand ancient art and life and on the other popular art and life. [5] The incorporation of sports at the Delphic Festivals of the 1927 constituted a kind of reply to the recent revival of the Olympic Games. Sikelianos, a staunch lover of antiquity was in this way reacting to the pernicious, as he perceived it, growth of modern mass sport. For this reason, it was prescribed that participation in the Delphic athletic events was restricted to young villagers of the mountain Parnassus area. As E. Palmer-Sikelianos wrote in 1924 in her application requesting permission to use the ancient stadium at Delphi for the modern Delphic festivals, these amateur athletes were the original heirs of a Greek competitive tradition, which was maintained virtually immutable over the centuries throughout Greece, and especially within the virile people of Parnassus; presenting the local games of the area as part of the Delphic Festivals would be an excellent opportunity for the diffusion of the authentic Greek athletic tradition. [6] In a similar way, Eva Palmer-Sikelianos rejected off-the-peg clothing industry in favour of folk clothing as well as Swedish gymnastics which the then Greek director of Athletics [Ioannis Chrysas] was promoting in the Ministry of Education. For Eva Palmer-Sikelianos, this was a type of gymnastics which created thousands of mechanical dolls in an industrial manner. [7] Her vision of athletics aimed at an idealized model athlete who, in some way interconnected with the ancient dancer and was puried of modern degeneracy. [8] Viewed from the same perspective, Palmer-Sikelianos was also opposed to the independence of dance as an art form the tiresome stiffness of the ballet or to the undulations of the body of the modern dancer (it is typical that even in the Pyrrhic dance she wanted men with heavy armour which would force them into movements; there could be no graceful leaps or pirouettes). [9] A thorough investigation of Palmer-Sikelianos concepts on the art of dance is directly related to the main theme of the present essay. Theatre performances were at the core of the programme of Delphic events, while the remaining activities were somewhat peripheral. Moreover, an elevation of the signicance of the human body was at stake, as well as an emphasis on dance, stage-direction and costume-design. All these issues went beyond the territory of verbal communication and tried to integrate

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in a particular way this purely Greek criticism of facets of modern culture. I believe that this shift of the centre of gravity from dramatic text to performance text had very serious consequences for the history of modern Greek theatre as well as for other issues related to the modern Greek ideological identity. Certainly, many aspects of the Delphic theatre performances are of broader artistic and ideological interest. However, it is no coincidence that, as all relevant sources indicate, the most signicant event of the Sikelianos Delphic events was the revival of the tragic chorus. Moreover, all relevant sources acknowledge Eva Palmer-Sikelianos as the driving force behind the developments related to the tragic choruses. In 1924, this American lover of Greek antiquity made it her goal to make choruses the heart of dramatic performances once more, the chorus which sings and dances and expresses through its movements all the emotion of the drama. [10] Palmer-Sikelianos theatrical past up until 1927 was exceptionally modest. [11] Her main occupations after 1907 were learning Byzantine musical theory alongside the composer Konstantin Psachos as well as practicing traditional weaving with the loom. [12] From 1924 until her departure from Greece in 1933, she dedicated herself to implementing her husbands Delphic idea. Palmer-Sikelianos main approach to the ancient chorus was essentially based on an interpretation of Platos denition (that the chorus is the unication of poetry, music and gymnastics) and, second, on a reference of Aristotles Poetics (that the chorus expresses in movement the ethics, passions and actions of the actors). A derivative of the Aristotelian reference was her view that the ancients had, a highly developed mimetic, pantomimic power in chorus and that they expressed entire plots through movements. Embedded in the Platonic triad was her belief that, in ancient Greece there was no dance for its own sake. [13] Paradoxically, the Platonic unity of the chorus predated tragedy and was an element in its creation. Eva Sikelianos believed also that ancient Greek dance emerged and ourished during the archaic period (ca. 800480 BC). These views came into agreement with the deep appreciation she harboured for Aeschylus as being closer to the archaic period than the other two famous tragedians of the fth century BC, that is, Sophocles and Euripides. [14] However, Palmer-Sikelianos was negative about the contribution of academia and in particular of scholars of ancient theatre to the issue of the revival of the ancient chorus. She alleged that it was not an issue for study and archaeological precision, but rather of internal enlightenment. [15] In reality, these views were not only related to the ancient past, but primarily to the present and future of the art of dance. The major boom in Western dance in the rst decades of the century was immaterial to Sikelianos since, as a whole, modern dance violated the Platonic triptych of poetry, music and gymnastics. [16] In other words, the issue went beyond the bounds of a simple revival of performances of ancient Greek tragedy and aimed at forming a new art form which based on a synthesis of Platonic elements would resurrect the ancient form. [17] Palmer-Sikelianos was certainly neither the rst nor the only one who, having started with ancient chorus, envisioned the reformation of the art of dance. At the

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turn of the twentieth century, a similar undertaking had been advanced by Isadora Duncan. The famous American dancer and advocate of the European Neo-Romantic movement took as her starting point the view that she wanted both the ancient and the modern man to be a product of nature and she placed the eternal solar plexus as the centre of his expression through dance. [18] For her compatriot Eva PalmerSikelianos, however, the aforementioned views did not refer to the prototype of archaic (or even classical) Greece, but to a later period of Hellenistic decline. [19] In her attempt to transcend this modern decadent state, Palmer-Sikelianos discovered after her rst encounter with modern Greece that the ancient dance could not be revived through the channels of nature but through the river of history. [20] More specically, Palmer-Sikelianos, in full agreement with basic tenets of Greek folklore, claimed that the elements of ancient Greek dance were alive in the sense that they had been preserved since antiquity in the Greek countryside which was supposedly unaffected by modern Western civilization. [21] Thus, she argued, that in Greek villages, the dance rhythms are all ancient and unknown in European music. However, she also added that village dances, even if they were valuable because they show the strength of the Greek tradition, were small relics of ancient dance on which no new development of the art could be based. In her opinion, contemporary Greek dances incorporated the Platonic triptych, but lacked the pantomimic dimension. [22] The revival of ancient chorus should be based on history, but in a more original or rather, more direct manner. 3. In this way, Palmer-Sikelianos attempted to nd a solution to the mimetic nature of ancient chorus whilst, at the same time, forming a purely Greek form of gymnastics which would become the basis of the artistic expression of the dancer. For this reason, she turned to ancient pottery, relief carvings and sculptures, with the aim of bringing their forms to life. [23] Initially, this was because they coincided chronologically with the high-point of ancient dance, and second because they presented the gures with the legs and head de prole, and the body en face. Palmer-Sikelianos believed that this was not an iconographic convention but a real dance move which was later named by her as the Apollonian movement in dance. In this movement, the dancer had to aspire to the isolating effect of keeping the head in prole with the chest en face which is characteristic of archaic Greek art. [24] The foundation for the revival of ancient chorus was music. [25] In this regard the historical continuity via Byzantine music was even more clearly ascertained: Greek music is ancient, and certainly, the only art form which has remained alive since antiquity, the only example which clearly demonstrates, that the Greece of today is the continuation of the ancient. [26] Byzantine musical tradition provided another important function for the revival of the Aeschylean text: the unbreakable connection between speech and music. [27] However, there was only continuity concerning the musical system which tradition had preserved. In other words, the

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goal was not to adapt ecclesiastical hymns to the text of the tragedy, but to use one method which the church and the people had preserved by employing it in new artistic creation. [28] Therefore, even though Angelos Sikelianos wanted Manolis Kalomoiris to compose the music of Prometheus Bound, his wife reacted strongly and eventually she succeeded in imposing the selection of Psachos. [29] Thanks to her insistence, Psachos was pressured into writing the Prometheus score in a Byzantine-way music notation, offering to all careful listeners the general idea of Greek music as a whole from ancient times until our days, both as far as music and rhythms are concerned. [30] In early 1925, Palmer-Sikelianos began to select the members of the chorus of Oceanides with girls from the Lyceum of Greek Women and then continued to develop the choreography. [31] For this task she had the assistance of the work of Psachos as well as the sketches, drawn by Eva Sikelianos herself and the young sculptor Bella Raftopoulou, of pre-classical pottery iconography depicting dancing scenes. [32] More specically, dance moves were selected from the ancient images whenever a pose or gesture matched the essential meaning of specic words or phrases in the text. [33] Once Palmer-Sikelianos had associated every word or phrase in poetry with the representations on pottery, she then had to put them in order and connect them to Psachos music. From the spring of 1926, when she again called the girls from the Lyceum, until early 1927, when the chorus had completed its Daedalean task, Palmer-Sikelianos taught the music orally and demonstrated specic movements for each word or phrase of Prometheus Bound. [34] This picture is completed by the handwritten choreographic guide to Prometheus, which is preserved at the Centre for Asia Minor Studies in Athens, Greece and which constitutes, from a historical perspective, probably the most important piece of documentation in connection with the staging of Prometheus. [35] The gures which have been sketched, as well as the comments which accompany them, refer to a pantomimic expression, dominated by gestures and bent knees while the body and head remain, generally, rigid. [36] A comparison of the sketches which were copied from ancient pottery with the notebook proves that in all cases, an effort was made to accurately transfer body positions, as depicted in ancient vases, to the choreography. The chorus would implement the Apollonian movement hence achieving a strict stylization of dancing bodies: the legs and the head in a lateral position with the chest en face; a series of poses which highlight a sense of inexibility and, in any case, not the free and uid expression of the body in the orchestra of the ancient theatre. The overall result of the intense gurativeness came both from the stylistic choices and from the fact that the postures and gestures of the dancers were suffocatingly calculated in their attempt to resurrect the pottery, mimicking the literal meaning of the words. Comparative measurements led to the unbelievable total of 285 alternate poses, something which means that each girl had to change into at least three positions in every verse in order to render the literal meaning of each word or phrase. [37] This highly stylized version of the chorus was also connected with the

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steps involved, which were very modest during the performance and which also had a pantomimic character. [38] All the above is complemented and corroborated both by articles in contemporary press and by the visual material available: photographs of the performances and the lm of the Delphic Prometheus by the Gaziadis brothers, the oldest preserved modern Greek documentary which provides us with a visual code of priceless historical value. [39] A. D. Keramopoulos, Professor of archaeology at the University of Athens, gives us a vivid description of the chorus performance in Prometheus:
Throughout the dialogue, namely the episodes, the chorus sat on the ground watching the developing action. However, when its turn came, they sang, danced and made a huge variety of movement of the body, and certainly of the hands, with these changing at each phrase. In order to understand its work, we must compare it to modern ballet. The prima ballerina now gives us the ideal of modern dance: Huge leaps, both in height and length, spinning the body until she is dizzy and then sudden immobile postures lead to resounding applause. Dizziness is the ideal [. . .]. The chorus at Delphi made no violent movements or jumps. Immediately after the action came the music, [. . .] the chorus danced calmly to the rhythm of the song, bending their bodies in various ways, their arms, necks, the wrists of one or both hands, this or that knee, making mimicked expressions through movements, making the meaning of the verses tangible, always in absolute agreement, forming at the same time various lines and clusters and lling the orchestra with superior aesthetic decorum [. . .] Dancing was based on numerous images from ancient works of Greek art, statues, reliefs and paintings on pottery. I observed that they also mimicked well-known positions of the arms such as those of Achermos Nike found at Delos, which is a position opposed to the psychology underlying the movements and must be attributed primarily to the clumsiness of Archaic art and is not found in previous works from that period. [40]

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The truth is that in the chorus of Suppliant Women, which involved far more dancers compared to Prometheus Bound, more importance was given to grouping as well as to movements and arrangement in the orchestra. However, yet again, both reviews and photographs of the performance testify in general terms to its intense archaic appearance, and to a succession of positions with the legs and the head de prole and the body en face. In all cases, witnesses speak of a resurrection of ancient Greek sculptures and Egyptian pottery or liken the dance to an archaic frieze which moves before our surprised eyes unfolding slowly like a ribbon. [41] The method of combining intense stylization and mimetic expression of the literal meaning of the text was also followed in the Suppliant Women. [42] In this case too, this treatment of the chorus had another effect in terms of its deployment within the orchestra. Although the performance was not given in the picture-frame stage of the nineteenth-century theatre, the conception of the chorus was based on lines and not on volumes. As is generally the case, the outdoor theatre was used solely for the suggestive elements of the setting, such as the echo which was created by the Faedriades rocks, in what was again a resurrection of the ancient landscape. [43]

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Nevertheless, almost all critics at the time recognized that for the rst time in the history of modern Greek theatre they were seeing a disciplined tragic chorus, which sang and danced in harmony to the verses of Aeschylus. Everyone acknowledged that they had attended a performance of ancient tragedy, which for the rst time placed the chorus in the fullness of its elements at the centre of the ancient drama. More precisely, the chorus was the protagonist of the Delphic performances. [44] From this perspective, the Delphic performances constituted a turning point in the stage interpretation of the ancient Greek drama in Greece. [45] However, the most signicant impact of the above conception of the chorus was the arbitrary downgrading of the verses into simple acoustic and visual units and the supplanting of any interpretative attempt of the role of the chorus. The presentation of the chorus which the spectators of the Delphic performances experienced was certainly an artistic innovation. However, the chorus episodes were almost autonomous musicaldance events, independent from the remaining body of the performance. [46] Moreover, the text of the tragedy itself was not perceptible, since the weight fell on pantomimic and musical-dance presentation. [47] The aestheticism which dominated the performance of the chorus episodes and the downgrading of the text does not mean, however, that Palmer-Sikelianos approach did not rely on a specic ideological position. 4. Returning to the choreography guide to Prometheus, we notice that a different deployment of the chorus appears in the choreography for six lines of the third stasimon. Moreover, the choreographic rendering of verses 88790, inspired from the meaning of the verse (with those who he is related to by marriage), proposes the following movement: like a syrtos [modern Greek folk dance], each dancer with one hand on the shoulder of the next. This is followed by two lines with pantomime and then, in order to render the following verses, the choreography guide indicates that the dancers split into pairs and turn and advance like a balos [modern Greek folk dance]. The representation of the next verse has already been replaced by mimetic movements, but the insertion of the balos and the syrtos is particularly signicant. Here, Palmer-Sikelianos model did not come from ancient pottery but from traditional Greek dances. The exceptionally brief use of folk dances is again related to the mimetic rendition of the meaning of the verses (related by marriage, wedding) which refers to a group expression. Moreover, the use of folk dances is not connected so much with dance conventions as with artistic compositions which complement the archaic-style dance moves presented in other parts of the play. Yet, the important point is that a connection between the meaning of the chorus verses from an ancient Greek tragedy and the modern Greek folk-dance tradition was materialized. The evidence of the choreography guidebook on this point is corroborated by other sources as well, according to which the link between ancient literature and modern Greek folk tradition may have been noted as the chorus entered the orchestra. [48]

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Throughout the duration of the performance, ancient and modern Hellenism certainly went hand in hand with the music of Psachos, which was another link between the ancient and modern Greek worlds. As at all Delphic events, folk music and village dances by traditional folk costume-wearers accompanied renditions of ancient dances such as the dance of Apollo with Python, or even the Pyrrhic dance performed at the ancient stadium at Delphi. As far as the Pyrrhic dance is concerned, it would seem that Angelos and Eva wanted to resurrect it, but not only through the method of copying pottery. They therefore hired the aviator Thanos Veloudios, who undertook to teach the Pyrrhic dance to select soldiers, regarding it as a distant ancestor of the modern folk dance zeimbekikos. In order to revive it, he turned to ancient depictions but, above all, he studied the contemporary skilled folk dancers, and was absolutely certain of the continuity involved:
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The post-Byzantine Modern Greek rebetes [i.e. musicians who created the underground folk musical genre of rebetiko which ourished between 1920s and 1950s] and manges [i.e. dropouts of the Greek counterculture which appeared in the rst decades of the 20th-century, closely associated to the rebetes], are the mystics and successors of a beautiful and glorious Greekness,

He wrote three decades later (when, of course, to a certain degree, the world of Rebetika had also become rmly established in Greek intellectual life, see Veloudios, Epitideigmi Pyrrihiou eis 9/8, 125). [49] Regarding the tragic chorus in Prometheus, it should be highlighted that the feeling was somewhat different compared to the above-mentioned views. The 40-piece orchestra, hidden in Prometheus rock, or the two solos interpreted by the operatic contralto Maria Yagkaki, suggest that, in Tsarouchis estimate, alongside the music with the pipes and drums which accompanied other Delphic events, Psachos music seems weak and somewhat Lenten [anaemic]. [50] However, no witness of the time doubts the fact that the music of the performances used melodies and rhythms from traditional Greek music. A similar approach was also on display in the silk costumes which adorned the bodies of the dancers. They were heavy costumes which hindered the body when dancing: it was a difcult garment, and a heavy one, which slipped from its correct position at every movement of the body, recalled the leader of the chorus Koula Pratsika later. [51] Nevertheless, it had one great advantage: with its folds, it highlighted the stylized movement and the re-creation of the body positions taken from ancient pottery. A traditional production process, which was known by PalmerSikelianos, was used to manufacture the clothing: weaving on a loom. This factor, which sought to dress the bodies of the members of the orchestra ideologically, was yet again integrated into a broader vision of the convergence between ancient and modern Greek folk cultures and complemented the folk art exhibition which accompanied the other events at the Delphic festivals. Certainly, Palmers interest in costume had begun from the bourgeois New York circles at the end of the nineteenth century, when she bought

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` pe [. . .] stuff that really came from China, but not many yards of very expensive cre ` pe de Chine. It was heavy and supple, and therefore at all like what is now called cre rather good for draping in Greek folds. [52]

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Later, her interests met with green-blue silken tunics in the Parisian performances of Symbolist dramas which would lead, nally, to the Delphic Festival in their historic maturity. [53] Palmer-Sikelianos consciously avoided archaeological accuracy in her attempt to create the costumes for the performances. Nonetheless, she resurrected the ancient Greek gures in a different manner: I knew that the ancient Greeks were supposed not to have silk, but I did not really care. I was not trying to be strictly correct. The goal was to prepare very elaborate dresses woven on a loom in such a way that the Oceanides dancing would make a reference to Greek reliefs. [54] Through the abovementioned Neo-Romantic European channels, and with Raymond Duncan as a very important link, Palmer decided, after 1907, to devote herself to the art of weaving in Greek villages. [55] This traditional method of weaving was ultimately used for the costumes in Prometheus and Suppliant Women, and therefore it revived the lost folding of ancient Greek tunics and mantles. [56] The issue was not therefore purely theatrical, as was also betrayed by the great exhibition of Delphic costumes which was organized by the Metropolitan Museum of New York in the summer of 1936. [57] From at least the beginning of the Inter-war period, Palmer-Sikelianos had begun to formulate opinions which supported the creation of a traditional Greek clothing industry. After the Delphic Festival, this was transformed into a more coherent proposal. In her exceptionally interesting article dating in the summer of 1930, she proposed both the creation of a purely Greek fashion in the off-the-peg clothing industry (as had happened with Indian clothing) and the production model of small-scale cottage industry as the basis of economic progress. Moreover, she considered it necessary to create a national bazaar for handmade Greek clothing and to form a national order for protecting the industry which would aim at attracting the interest of foreigners both in Greek antiquity and in the countrys folk culture. For aesthetic reasons, this initiative would develop a Greek style and at the same time would position the country rmly in the international marketplace. This, again, was a more comprehensive cultural and business proposition based on Greekness. [58] 5. The intention of this essay is not, of course, to exhaustively describe the revival of the tragic chorus at the Delphic performances, but to dene its artistic and ideological importance from the perspective of the aforementioned essential interpretative stance: the resurrection of antiquity through the nationalistic historical conception of Hellenism and the emphasis on the relationship of Greek antiquity with modern Greek folk traditions. In this light it might be advisable to consider the limitations in place for a modernist revival of the tragic chorus or more correctly its

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containment within an idealised resurrection of ancient Greek elements which survived hidden in various inaccessible corners of the Greek countryside. The question is certainly not new, since it leads us to the rst expression of folkloric interests in the nineteenth century. Even in the theatrical sphere, Palmer-Sikelianos was obviously not the rst to think of introducing popular tradition to performances of ancient tragedy. Music with a Byzantine motif, composed by Ioannis Sakellarides, had already been used in performances (in ancient Greek language) by Georgios Mistriotis since the last years of the nineteenth century. [59] A connection between ancient Greek chorus and traditional Greek music was also noted in December 1903 in an even more interesting manner. Isadora Duncan (known to Palmer-Sikelianos since the beginning of the century) danced in Athens the third stasimon of Suppliant Women, accompanied by a nasal music tone (i.e. in a Byzantine motif). It was sung by a 10-member black-clad choir of boys, headed by a cantor, a group which was probably a mixture of peasants and trainee monks from the Rizareios School. [60] Leaving the Greek capital, Duncan took with her the boys choir and together they gave performances as the chorus of Suppliant Women in Vienna and Berlin. However, the experiments into the historic revival of ancient dance quickly came to an end: the Greek-Byzantine melodies were replaced by the chords of Wagner, and Duncan later described the attempt as a glorious bubble. [61] It was no coincidence that Eva Sikelianos saw the aforementioned attempt as an opportunity for the dancer to understand the secret, and to face Apollo; an opportunity, however, which she did not make the most of. [62] Nevertheless, the use of folk Greek music in performances of ancient Greek tragedies in later years is witnessed by performances of her brother (the brother-in-law of Angelos Sikelianos), Raymond Duncan. [63] Since at least 1919, Vasos Kanellos (a student of Duncan) and his wife Tanagra had been combining popular music and traditional dances with ancient Greek subjects in dance and drama performances in the United States. [64] The list grows longer if one also takes into account the plethora of as-yet unexplored ancient dances which were performed by a host of Greek and foreign women dancers in Athens during the second decade of the twentieth century; [65] or the fact that the dances of Loie Fuller in 1914 brought thousands of spectators to the Panathenaic Stadium. [66] The lmed reports from many celebratory events in the Inter-war period are perhaps even more eloquent. These capture masses of Greeks in the Panathenaic Stadium who were thirsty for visions of the Great Idea, the ideology of Greek irredentism, watching parades with basket bearing Athenian women, Byzantine empresses and women peasants in folk costumes, in an illustration of all the centuries of Hellenism. In this respect the Lyceum of Greek Women was most important as it had formulated an ideological framework within which the co-operation with Palmer-Sikelianos later took place. The method of copying ancient pottery, for example, had been used as early as the Anthestiria Festival in 1911, where the girls of the Lyceum danced folk dances in an antique-looking dress. Beginning in 1925 and in the subsequent festivals of the Lyceum at the Panathenaic Stadium various ancient dances were represented and associated with syrtos and balos. [67] The rst

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impression from all these cases is, however, that the efforts to recreate ancient dances were still fragmentary and incomplete. Palmer-Sikelianos major contribution was primarily to bring these elements together as a whole for the rst time in performances of ancient tragedy, offering a unied theatrical experience: the spectators of the performances at Delphi watched a tragic chorus which wore stylish silk costumes woven in a loom, sang verses from an ancient Greek tragedy in the modern Greek language, danced to traditional music with Byzantine motifs, assumed archaic poses and sometimes danced the syrtos and the balos. This achievement was important because it revealed a consistent approach to the staging of ancient drama. In presenting these works in this way, Palmer-Sikelianos created an original directors perspective which organically highlighted the idea of the continuity of Hellenism on stage: from the Archaic period until 1927. To be precise, Hellenism, without ever escaping the bounds of history, began at the same time to formulate a transcendent, almost mystical entity within Delphic mythology. In other words, it began to be formulated both as a continuation of and as the intrinsic superiority of the Greek race. In his attempt to support the link of dances and music in the revival of ancient tragedy, Angelos Sikelianos attempted to overcome the conict between Asian and Greek music, attributing the latter to a distant historic past: the body of the Greek music tradition, he wrote in 1930, is rooted in an almost prehistoric ground, within which the Doric and Asian lyre in other words, the East and real Greece may have clashed at many points, but in the end, from the primeval Orphic years, they have been blended together naturally, organically and in technical terms. This was, in essence, also the reason why they could write the melodies of all peoples from the Danube to the Far East using Greek, Byzantine notation. For similar reasons, the Greek dance was superior to the dances of other peoples: it was a historic continuation of the archetypical Greek dance of Apollo with Python, which resulted from a Nietzschean composition. [68] As one is beginning to suspect, the Delphic revival of ancient dances did not stem so much from the Greek element as from a specic ideological basis which offered the synthesis of the arts via the Platonic triad. This ideological background manifested itself in the musical construction of the performance, the move towards the enchanting irrationalism of the archaic age as well as the dismissal of academic tradition in the staged revival of ancient tragedy or the handling of the performance as a religious ritual for unifying the community by worshipping a Christian Prometheus. When one reaches the last chapters of Palmer-Sikelianos autobiography, where the American lover of antiquity recollects, around 1938, her ideological fathers Arthur Schopenhauer, Richard Wagner, Friedrich Nietzsche and her dancing prototype, Duncan he/she ` cle realizes that her interpretation as a director was directly connected to the n de sie Symbolism and Decadence; it was a product of the Neo-Romantic and irrational challenge to bourgeois culture, its scientism, its industrialisation, its mass modernist society. [69] Palmer-Sikelianos Neo-Romantic roots had been laid down at a young age in America, even before she became acquainted with Nietzsches Birth of Tragedy. In the period 18891892, she recited poetry by Edgar Allan Poe and choruses from the

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tragedies of Algernon Charles Swinburne in an attempt to force language beyond melody. [70] Furthermore, the central axis of the Delphic endeavour was the Wagnerinspired meaning of the celebratory event, through which theatre would again acquire the ancient character of a collective and almost religious experience; it would again become the magical place where the primordial myths of the community are replicated. Thus, the attempt is included in a particular branch of French Symbolist theatre and Decadence which was led by well-known descendants of Wagnerism such as Edouard and Jose phin Pe ladan. [71] The similarities between the views of Sikelianos on Schure machine-made Western dress and those which were exhibited through the Arts and Crafts Movement are also interesting. The relationship has not been thoroughly studied, although Arts and Crafts was a movement which had an enormous impact (primarily in the United Kingdom and the United States) from the last decades of the nineteenth century until the First World War. One of the arts promoted within this context, and certainly in connection to the discovery of folk culture, was weaving on the loom, with perhaps the most typical case being that of Ethel Mairet. The foundations of the movement were rooted, once again, in the idealistic Neo-Romanticism of John Ruskin, Walter Pater, William Morris and Thomas Carlyle, and irted intently with the East from where it received inspiration (mainly from Japan, Persia and India). [72] Finally, one should not overlook the fact that these ideas relate to a specic historical context; an age when certain scholars, based on thinkers such as Oswald Spengler, began to seek out political solutions to the anti-parliamentarianism of Greek community and community consciousness. [73] The Delphic Idea was also based on the communalist proposal which expressed the ideals of the major AntiEnlightenment ideological movement: a synthesis of the communities of the Arian race in that diamond of the Earth (Greece) based around the metropolis of Delphi. [74] It was a full-scale attack on the French revolutionary tradition, on liberalism, on individualism and on parliamentary democracy. In spite of the best attempts of many researchers to disassociate Angelos Sikelianos from his relationship with the above reactionary political tradition (as the latter was a primary theoretical prerequisite for Fascism), a more level-headed historian can easily perceive the associations. [75] 6. The employment of Byzantine music in the Mistriotis and Duncan performances at the beginning of the twentieth century had been treated by a large section of the modern Greek intelligentsia with irony or awkward smiles. But the use of the same music in the tragic performances of the Delphic festivals in 1927 and 1930 won wide approval. [76] The Delphic Festivals inuence was critical: they helped crystallize a redenition of modern Greek nationalism, a redenition desperately needed after the military defeat in Asia Minor and other events in 1922 which essentially signalled the end of most irredentist claims. In the case of the Delphic festivals, the new Greek nationalism materialized with the help of a certain perception of the Neo-Romantic

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and Anti-Enlightenment European tradition. By enriching in this way the national Idea, Greek reality would come to be viewed all the more intensely via the ideological lter of Greekness: Greek nature, Greek light, Greek style, Greek speech. [77] One should also not forget that Palmer-Sikelianos did not base her work on any foreign director. Actually, no Greek revival of ancient drama had taken place up until then using costumes woven on the loom, Byzantine music and the syrtos and balos dances. In reality, of course, her choices were not Greek at all but that is something we know today with the benet of hindsight. For Palmer-Sikelianos, who treated the Western bourgeois tradition with disdain, something in the cultural foundations of the country was being transcended by reading the domestic reality of Greece via a dynamic entity, Greekness, which could be utilized and capitalized upon internationally. In this way, the Modern Greek suggestion of how to revive ancient Greek theatre entered the international cultural environment, something which had not been feasible up until then. [78] Undoubtedly, the turning point was the use of domestic, folk tradition. When researchers read the pages of Duncans autobiography which recount the discovery of ancient civilization in the faces of the Greek villagers of the time, they are left with no doubt that the Duncans certainly believed they had found the exotic natives of a primitive tribe, who were the untouched descendants of the ancient Greeks. [79] Palmer-Sikelianos had a similar feeling when she rst heard a Greek folk song sung by Angelos Sikelianos sister, and Raymonds wife, Penelope. The rst Greek-American wedding opened the horizons for reviving ancient tragedy based on Greeces folk tradition. The second marriage between Eva Palmer and Angelos Sikelianos completed it. Of course, neither Duncan nor Palmer was the only Americans to discover ancient Greek remnants in the culture of the Balkan natives which they could resurrect. This is indeed an area which is related to a new type of American philhellenism, a worship of both ancient and modern Greece, the latter being the heir of the former. In addition to Isadora and Raymond Duncan, the inscrutable gures of Prof. Von Oftendhal (or Oftenthal) and John Alden were integral in the burgeoning classical education offered by American universities. [80] A quick overview of the important activities of the American theatre manager George Cram Cook (Jig) and his wife and dramatist, Susan Glaspell, in Greece show that the worship of ancient, un-urbanized and unindustrialized Greece was a result of a radical doubt of their Western, modern identity. [81] Moreover, when they all arrived in Greece they cast off their Western clothing and put on the chlamys or a fustanella and then tried to adopt a Greek code of conduct, whether ancient or traditional. [82] From a similar perspective, the Greek language was treated by Palmer-Sikelianos as music in the sense intended by Schopenhauer. [83] Moreover, when Eva was watching traditional weaving techniques in the villages she noticed that spinning with the distaff was a social activity, a pleasant means of social interaction, which was much more pleasing that Western tea-parties. [84] The treatment of the body clearly had a specic socio-political dimension, that of aestheticizing it. That dimension can also be detected in Greek ideological currents

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of the Inter-war years. In his attempt to create an ideal form of gymnastics as the basis for modern dance which was based on ancient dance and which sought to purify the body, Raymond Duncan at rst copied, as we noted above, the poses shown on ancient pottery. However, when he abandoned his study of pottery for a while and travelled to Epirus, he saw that the bodies of the shepherds stood out for their amazing movement, not when they danced but when they were simply climbing the mountains. When he then went on to deal with Greek labourers and farmers he realized that their movements when they worked utterly resembled those which are depicted on the pottery. [85] Similarly, Palmer-Sikelianos started early on to categorically reject the off-the-peg clothing industry. [86] When she rst came to Greece, she settled with the vegetarian Duncans in the sui generis American commune in Kopanas, near Athens, living there in ancient Greek style; [87] and some time thereafter the body of a Greek sherman who used harpoons to sh in the islet of St Nicolas, Lefkada, reminded her of Poseidon since he portrayed a movement older than Greek art. [88] Precisely this experiment, to resurrect the ancient Greek bodies, later materialized into the bodies of the tragic chorus members of the Delphic performances dressed in loom-woven clothes. It is illustrative that at rst Palmer-Sikelianos had thought of selecting either middle class girls or village girls for the chorus of Oceanides. However, the latter, despite being beautiful in their simplicity, were nally rejected since were not evenly tanned to be able to wear the ancient costumes; and the result would not have been pretty because the face would have been a different colour from the arms, and the neck another colour. In the end she chose girls from the Lyceum of Greek Women who came from families of the Athenian elite although she was still hesitant about this. She was afraid that the girls from the wealthy class were unsuitable because they had adopted Western mores and customs, and did not represent truly the elements which had been preserved from ancient Greece. [89] Similarly, Aestheticism compromised with the taste and strict conservative morals of society amateur actresses affected the design of the costumes used to dress the Danaids in the chorus of the Suppliant Women. Relying on Egyptian monuments, Palmer-Sikelianos claimed that the Egyptian-style dresses of the chorus ought to be transparent. However, she back down when faced with the reactions of the mothers of the girls participating in the chorus. [90] About the same time the ideology of Ellinikotita (Greekness) was closely associated with that of Laikotita (Folkness) of Photis Kontoglou, Yannis Tsarouchis and Karolos Koun (who dared to choose the actors for the Folk Stage in 1933 from the working class). [91] However, as Palmer-Sikelianos said, the intelligentsia abroad admires and pays attention to Greece not because it resembles abroad but precisely because of the difference that exists with Europe and the similarity that exists with ancient Greece. [92] This argument once again brought to the fore the old interface, which existed since the nineteenth century, between Greek folklore studies (Laographia) and antiquarian studies and the love of antiquity. According to Greek folklorists, Greek folk culture existed as a cultural entity only in its capacity as the bearer of and continuation of ancient Greek culture. Although the

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perception of people within the Greek folklorist movement remained rather unchanged along the lines expressed by nineteenth-century scholarship, at the same time it was also clear that the Greek folk culture (and Greekness as well) attracted now the interest of a foreign, international audience. The traditional folk arts, Byzantine music and village dances had been included in the directorial approach to the tragic chorus not because Palmer-Sikelianos treated them as artistic equivalents to the ancient texts but because she considered them to be part of the heritage of ancient Greek culture. For that reason the artistic basis of the chorus was xated on archaic pottery, the Greek folk dance conventions were conned to just six verses, and the Lenten music of Psachos instead of traditional music was used. Folk culture was not treated as a functional and artistically self-sufcient system of values but only with the awe and respect of an ark which had preserved the ancient Greek culture; and of course as a means of internationally promoting Greece. In that sense, one can detect in these developments the origins of the post-war exploitation of ancient Greek theatre in connection with the growth of mass tourism (which was encouraged as a substitute of industry in this un-industrialized South-European country). The neo-Romantic roots of Palmer-Sikelianos exploration of how to harmoniously blend poetry, dance and music into a single piece of art were in large part due to the important shift in ideology about the continuity of Hellenism on stage from the words of the text to the poetry of the living body. This new correlation between elements drawn from both the ancient Greek art and contemporary folk art, articulated in the inclusion of the art of dance and the dancers body in modern Greek ideological and artistic tradition, opened up new paths towards staging ancient drama in the inter-war years and the decades thereafter. No matter how much the directorial approach was a rearguard of the European Neo-Romanticism of the start of the century, by Greek standards it had managed to change the landscape when it came to the issue of revival. Perhaps Palmer-Sikelianos greatest contribution to the revival of ancient theatre in Greece was related to this difcult area of the presentation of the tragic chorus on stage. On the other hand, it was unavoidable that the same developments in Greece took into account Western developments in the eld of dance; an art form which had entered the modern age in Europe and the United States via its exposure to the Symbolist environment. Besides Duncans achievements, it is perhaps sufcient to phane Mallarme on dance or Edward Gordon mention the theoretical views of Ste Craigs famous words: the father of the dramatist was the dancer. [93] To be sure, the possible inuences of Indian dance, from the Indian dancer and friend of the couple, Kourshed Naoroji, must also be mentioned. They spent the summer of 1924 together and she danced and sang at their home in Sykia. [94] However, it is a fact that there was really no intention to experiment with a modern directorial interpretation based on the analogies between the traditional and anti-realistic theatrical conventions of the ancient Greek tragic chorus and the equally non-realistic artistic conventions of the Greek folk music/dance tradition. Viewed from this perspective, the endeavour simply sought to cultivate an extreme Aestheticism which

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was responsible for some very serious contradictions. It is only from this standpoint that we can interpret the fact that the tragic chorus of the Delphic performances disdained the ancient text; that it was based on an arbitrary transformation of archaic artistic conventions into choric conventions, as well as a transformation of traditional folk-dance conventions into artistic conventions; or even that the director rejected the village girls because of their suntan, and used silk to weave the costumes on a loom. Moreover, Palmer-Sikelianos main purpose was not even dance or theatrerelated. She noted atly in 1925: I repeat that my objective is not primarily to play Aeschylus Prometheus but to take an unwavering decision to show that the centuries old elements of Greek culture are still alive. [95] The much-vaunted revival of the tragic chorus was attempted by amateurs, led by an enthusiastic noble ideologue; [96] by people who had not developed serious relations with either the theatre or the art of dance. That is all the more true for Angelos Sikelianos, the person who inspired the Delphic Idea and stressed its non-theatrical character. Even the choice of Prometheus Bound was made because of the plays relationship with the myth of Iapetus; in other words it served the ideal of an ecumenical renaissance. In reality, it related to a new, more spiritual resurrection of the Modern Greek nationalism of the nineteenth century in the Inter-war years, a re-denition of the Hellenic-Christian ideal and its re-afrmation as a key component of Greek ideology. [97] Behind that amateurism was a well-hidden fear of the threat of decadent modernism; that is, the fear that the entire issue would end up as a theatrical and dance event, the risk of making the Drama a simple theatrical performance; or as Eva put it in 1930 after the Delphic Festival to the then Minister of Culture I am not a ballet-master. [98] Apparently, this was another attempt of ideological formulation of Greek elite. The criticism in the professional modern Greek theatre of the era, as well as the Greek upper-class reaction to mass sport, constitute clearly a continuity with the ideals of a native amateurism as a vehicle for the social distinction of elite from the middle classes. [99] The fact that the Delphic performances were a major society happening is one aspect which has been overlooked. Researchers are often in the awkward position of collecting information about the chorus and preparations for it from the society columns of the daily press. Readers of this paper need to take into account that all the cream of Athenian society had been involved into these events and that, under normal circumstances, the spectators in the audience (when not foreigners, scholars and journalists) were members of the capitals high society. [100] The handling of the ancient chorus in the difcult to comprehend theoretical texts of the artistic Sikelianos couple and in the orchestra of the ancient theatre undoubtedly entailed a dialogue between Neo-Romanticism, the requirements of Greekness and authentic folk art. However, in the nal analysis that was something completely compatible with the fact that in the mind of Athens society and the readers of newspapers of the time, the artistic and ideological factors at play also included the talents of the then famous Greek beauty queen and Miss Europe, Aliki Diplarakou. Her presence at Delphi, as was expected, drew much attention. If one is to believe the artistic gossip of

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the time, before leaving for the European competition Diplarakou had promised to take part in the chorus and had learned the requisite 500 movements, but winning the prize meant she had to cancel her participation in the performance. However, it did not prevent her from turning up one day in traditional Macedonian costume and the next day in an Oceanides costume. In this way, she managed to give to several people the impression that she had been broken off from some masterly ancient relief. Her obligations towards the Miss Europe contest did not stop her either from dancing rst the Greek dance with the fustanella-wearing villagers at Psila Alonia. [101] It was also an opportunity for certain theories to be formulated about the relationship between the Greek pedigree and the female body in conjunction with US off-the-peg fashion of the day. The title of a relevant newspaper article speaks volumes: Eternal Greek beauty. Delphi, Miss Greece 1930 and the Revival of Antiquity. [102]
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Acknowledgements This paper is based on my two previous works published in Greek (Glytzouris 1998 and 2002), although these are strongly revised and augmented here and, at the same time, a more composite approach to the question is attempted. I would also like to thank Eleni Fournaraki and Zinon Papakonstantinou for their useful comments.

Notes
[1] [2] [3] [4] [5] [6] [7] [8] Sikelianos, Pezos Logos, vol. II, passim. Sideris, To arhaio theatro, 32062. Ibid., 40526. Leontis, Mediterranean Theoria, 103. Palmer-Sikelianos, Eva. I Ellas odigitis tis Anthropotitos. Excerpts from Palmer-Sikelianos application are cited by Papadaki, To ephiviko protypo, 1123. Palmer-Sikelianos, Upward Panic, 110. Palmer-Sikelianos, Upward Panic, 149. For the vision of the ancient athlete in terms of the ` cle Decadence, see relationship between the concept of health and the European n-de-sie Glytzouris, Parakmi, mystikismos kai oi nekrofaneies tis ellinikis ratsas. O Asklepios toy Angelou Sikelianou. See also Papadaki, To ephiviko protypo kai I delphiki prospatheia tou Angeloy Sikelianou, 51, 7879, 113. For Chrysas views see also Koulouris contribution in this volume. Palmer-Sikelianos, Upward Panic, 111, 183. Eva Sikelianos, Eisigisis eis ton Promithea [Introduction to Prometheus], Vradyni, 12 Jan. 1925. Up until 1902 when she came to Europe, she took part in few student performances and recitations at US colleges. Between 1902 and 1906 she had two unsuccessful attempts at taking to the stage professionally in London and Paris. During the same period, she associated with Neo-romantic artists in Paris and appeared in a few amateur performances which were dominated by an extreme Aestheticism. See Palmer-Sikelianos, Upward Panic, 3543, 1056; Papadaki, Grammata tis Evas Palmer-Sikelianou sti Natalie Clifford Barney, tation de lantiquite en Gre `ce moderne, 5054. From 1907 to 1927, 1519; Papadaki, LInterpre

[9] [10] [11]

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when she lived primarily in Greece, she appeared only once more on stage, which was in Paris in 1911, where she played the role of Hrysothemis in Sophocles Electra in a performance organized by Raymond Duncan and Penelope Sikelianos-Duncan (see note 55 below). Palmer-Sikelianos knowledge of traditional Greek music and the loom began in around 1904 in Paris, and was probably introduced to her by the Duncan couple. Her knowledge was later enriched and systematized in Greece. She attended music lessons with Psachos on an amateur basis from 1908 and more systematically after 1915. See Palmer-Sikelianos, Upward Panic, 9394; Dragoumis, Konstantinos A. Psachos, 31112. Finally, Sikelianos, Epistoles tis Evas Palmer-Sikelianou gia to arhaio drama is exceptionally useful for her views on the revival of ancient tragedy after 1933. Eva Sikelianos, I mousiki eis to arhaion drama [Music in the Ancient Drama], Eleftheron Vima, 5 Oct. 1931, Palmer-Sikelianos, Treis Dialexeis, 55, 5859, Prokirixi mousikou diagonismou gia tin melopoiesi ton horikon tis tragodias Iketides toy Aeschylou [Notice of a musical contest to set to music the chorus for the tragedy Suppliant Women by Aeschylus], a, 18 Jan. 1928, Sikelianos, Ti einai megalo theatro?, 39, Palmer-Sikelianos, Upward Pro Panic, 1056, 18890. She was thrilled when Suppliant Women was chosen for the second festival, not only because dance had a leading role, but because it was considered to be the oldest remaining tragedy. She noted that she would have been even happier if academics uncovered a work by Ferekydes, Pratinas or Thespis (Palmer-Sikelianos, Upward Panic, 12930). Tsarouchis later recalled that she did not love Euripides, except for the Bacchae, which she considered an Aeschylean work. Finally, she considered Sophocles work to be merely good theatre, always below Aeschylus (Tha borousa na grapso selides ateleiotes gia tin Eva Sikelianou, 234). Palmer-Sikelianos, Upward Panic, 1067, 1134. For an example of academic approach to the staged revival of the ancient chorus in Suppliant Women and Prometheus Bound, see Webster, The Greek Chorus, 1225, 130. Palmer-Sikelianos, Upward Panic, 1867. For the German expressionist dance and its transcription in Greece as an authentic model of the reborn Greek dance, see Hasioti, Politiki kai koinoniki diastasi tis shesis horou kai theatrou apo ton Mesopolemo mehri ta prota Metemfyliaka hronia, 50920. Palmer-Sikelianos, Treis Dialexeis, 7. See, for example, Daly, Isadora Duncans Dance Theory, 2431 and Daly, Done into Dance, 2387. Her views had been translated with great speed into Greek. For example, lengthy excerpts from her manifesto, The Dance of the Future (1903), were translated by G. Varounis and published in Panathinaia (D0 , 15 Oct. 1903, 67). Palmer-Sikelianos, Upward Panic, 196. We wanted to show, wrote Eva probably at 1928/9, that the chorus was not only the centre of the ancient drama and a reason for its existence, but also that the trend in modern art gropes along to rediscover the perfect form in the art, which the Greek race or at least a part of this had preserved the elements of ([Palmer-] Sikelianos, I tragodia kata Sikelianon, 6768). See, for example, Kyriakidou-Nestoros, I theoria tis ellinikis laograas, 8997, 14885. Palmer-Sikelianos, Treis Dialexeis, 5760. As well as weaving with a loom, Sikelianos had also learned the method of copying from ancient pottery and sculptures from Raymond Duncan, who used them for his sisters dances (Duncan, My Life, 54, 6566, Palmer-Sikelianos, Upward Panic, 4956). Palmer-Sikelianos, Upward Panic, 182. In addition, music was the only substantial resource available to Palmer-Sikelianos for the revival of dance. Her husbands proposal that she take over the choreography for Prometheus

[12]

[13]

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[14]

[15]

[16]

[17] [18]

[19] [20]

[21] [22] [23]

[24] [25]

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[26] [27] [28] [29] [30] [31]

[32]

[33]

[34]

[35]

Bound in 1924 certainly surprised her, and initially she responded as if it were an application of Greek music to drama. For her views, see her article I elliniki mousiki [Greek Music], Philotechnos (Volou), I, May 1927, 2778. Palmer-Sikelianos, Treis Dialexeis, 6971). Eva Sikelianos, I idrysis sholis ellinikis mousikis [The Establishment of the School of Greek Music], Vradyni, 3 July 1930. Palmer-Sikelianos, Upward Panic, 107. Ibid., 1078. See interviews with the composer in the newspaper Vradyni, 5 May 1927 and 19 May 1930. The Broader collaboration between Palmer-Sikelianos and the Lyceum, merits special research. See also Fournaraki, present volume, note 88. Initially, there was an idea of teaching the girls in the chorus the Byzantine musical notation so that they could learn to read the music of Psachos. At the same time, visits would begin to the National Archaeological Museum so they could develop a new type of gymnastics through studying the pottery. However, the girls seem to be bored and so, after only a few meetings, Palmer-Sikelianos abandoned the attempts (Palmer-Sikelianos, Upward Panic, 109; Pratsika, Anamniseis apo tis protes Delphices Yortes toy 1972, 1279). Pratsika, Anamniseis apo tis protes Delphices Yortes toy 1927, 1267, Mavrommatis, Bella Raftopoulou, passim. A few unsigned sketches from pottery have also been preserved in the Historic Archive of the Benaki Museum (Athens). Raftopoulou was present at the Delphic Festivals (Mavrommatis, Bella Raftopoulou, 40 and Bouketo, 29 May 1930, 531), whilst her sisters were part of the chorus of the Oceanides. A number of sketches by Raftopoulou for Prometheus Bound were found in the Melpo and Octave Merlier Archive at the Centre for Asia Minor Studies (Athens). Above each gure was the word or phrase from the verse which it represented. The correlation of course took place with a reasonable amount of arbitrariness. For example, a sketch which presents two gures with the explanatory note lamentation which was used for I lament of line 397 of Prometheus could also have been used in any other passage of tragedy where the same word or a derivative of this comes up. There is, for example, a copy from a vessel in the Benaki Museum which depicts Hercules bent over to lift up the Earth, from the mythological event with Atlas. Two variants of the same sketch were used to illustrate two different phrases in the verses of different tragedies. The rst, in the Centre for Asia Minor Studies, was to render line 429 of Prometheus (which always the weight of the Earth in I. Gryparis translation). The second, in the Mavrommati edition (142), accompanies line 475 of Antigone. Palmer-Sikelianos, Upward Panic, 109, Margariti Delphikes Yortes, Pratsika, Anamniseis apo tis protes Delphices Yortes toy 1927, 126. The general auditions and the nal selection of the 14 girls for the chorus took place on 29 March 1927 at the large society meeting place lices (see letter from the management of the De lices to Palmer-Sikelianos of the time, De dated 23 March 1927 at the Historic Archive of the Benaki Museum and The Society Card, Vradyni, 30 March 1927). For Suppliant Women, chorus rehearsals began at the end of 1929 at the Archaeological Society and at Atelier, see Eleftheron Vima, 7 May 1930. The manuscript was probably compiled by Raftopoulou as a kind of memo, or as a guide to the positions and movements of the chorus in the orchestra, and is probably the rst choreography notebook for a tragedy performance in the history of Modern Greek theatre. It has 27 pages and is available in photographic format at the Merlier Archive. It was located and published for the rst time by Mavrommatis (Bella Raftopoulou, 4259). The notebook covers the parodos (apart from verses 12835, 182) and the stasima, and has been preserved almost complete. The choreography for verses 1845 of the parodos, 55960 of the second Act and 9006 of the third Act has been lost (or has not been photographed). For the remaining parts, the choreography guide is accompanied by another single-page manuscript

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by Raftopoulou, which gives very general indications as to approximately how the chorus should react to the episodes. Concerning the choreography notebook, Raftopoulou initially wrote out the verses of the Chorus clearly, using the Gryparis translation, leaving the lower part of the page blank to sketch small gures which indicated the postures of the chorus. Below the gures she noted the steps each dancer must perform and, next to these, explanations and clarications of the posture they must make with their bodies. In addition, there are notes and sketches in the border, relating to the groupings and arrangement of the chorus in the orchestra, although there is no mention anywhere of the relationship between the dance and the music. Pantomimic expression is a demonstrative approach where the word is a person (towards the rock in Prometheus, towards the place from which the actress playing Io left, towards the skies of the gods) or part of the body (the chorus shows the heart, eyes, mind, etc. the corresponding parts of its body). In other cases some characteristic movement is adopted, for instance, when the word relates to an object (sharpened sword, knife), or if it refers to an abstract concept (with the hands tied behind and sitting on the pelvis or bound by chains, mimicking someone who lifts a weight for labourer, or lying down for the bridal bed, etc.). The journalist Sotos Petras calculated the movements of the chorus in Suppliant Women at 500 (Vradyni, 2 May 1930). For example, three continuous steps were used to render footsteps, or six continuous steps, with hands in an offering position, was noted to render the meaning of a sacricial offering. For this subject, see Lambrinos, I kinimatographisi ton Delkon Yorton, 13544 and Glytzouris I kinimatograki eikona os pigi tis istorias toy neoellinikoy theatroy, passim. From the rst shot, when the chorus is shown moving slowly and rhythmically in the orchestra, one can determine the awless coordination of movements and the stylization which had so impressed critics at the time. Furthermore, even when the shots show the chorus divided into four groups, it moves in serpentine shapes. The young ladies of the chorus, in their attempt to bring alive the images from ancient pottery with the head de prole and the body en face, created an enormous range of shapes which unfolded, in meandering fashion, one after another. This Art Nouveau arrangement of the chorus certainly continued even after the departure of Hermes, when a human ribbon was created on the pathway on the rock. The ribbon started at the crucied Prometheus at the top, and winds down the mountain to reach its base. The chorus, always with the body en face and the head de prole, walks with difcultly along the pathway of the articial mountain and then they quickly depart before the spectacular nale. Eleftheron Vima, 23 May 1927. Y. Miliades, Simera, 7, July 1933, 217, Vradyni, 6 May 1930, Ach. Mamakis, Ethnos, 2 May 1930, K. Ouranis, Eleftheron Vima, 3 May 1930, and others. Focused on the verse and the movement, the song, the stance, rolling and unrolling like living scrolls of papyrus. The same Egyptian sculptures from tombs or obelisks, coming together and separating, they make rivers or tall palms with their hands blowing in the wind like branches (Eleftheron Vima, 26 April 1930). But even if they wanted it to be so schematized on purpose, the chorus was so stylized, complained Sophia Mavroeidi, let us at least react more to the meaning of the whole attitude of the work and less to each phrase [. . .]. It ended up as a joke and not at all interesting. So you followed the parodos and many went and later you lost all interest. You know that the mountain will be depicted by a high curve, the sea by a wave of the hands, birds by a apping, the path of a river with a touch below the feet and the famous Aphrodite with a touch of the ear and reection (Elliniki Epitheorisis, 271, June 1930, 102). The resurrection of the Delphic landscape could magically inuence the revival of ancient drama but, in the end, it probably impeded the artistic experiment. In any case, it is a very important part of the Delphic performances that must, however, form the subject of another paper.

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[44] The chorus took back the place which, in all likelihood, had before: the rst, Alkis Thrilos told Nea Estia on 1 June 1927 (Thrylos, To neoelliniko theatro, 47). For the rst time we witnessed a performance of an ancient tragedy in the fullness of its elements, the speech, the music and the dance. It was truly something novel (Y. Miliades, Simera, 7, July 1933, 185). It made us wonder how we could for so many generations have endured [ancient] theatre without the chorus which, singing and dancing and acting as an intermediary between the characters in the drama and us spectators, remarked F. Dragoumis (Peitharhia, 31, 18 May 1930, 25). While Keramopoulos admitted: I am not ashamed to say that at Delphi I understood well why the ancient Greeks classied dance among the ne arts (Eleftheron Vima, 23 May 1927). [45] Glytzouris, I skinothetiki tehni stin Ellada, 25361. [46] Ibid., 49394. [47] I would have liked to try it, proposed Keramopoulos despite all this, at least in part, with more intense songs of the dancers, so that the feeling of the spectators would not have been focused only on the music and formation of the dances, but also on the meaning of the poets best verses. It seems to me that for the spectators, those who did not know Prometheus from their studies, or did not know the Greek language, the poet is discerned less than the music, while both must be honoured equally (Eleftheron Vima, 23 May 1927). Thrylos, on the other hand, also remarked that the chorus did not express the words, which did not sound like words, but just like sounds. Nevertheless, he considered that, in this way, the chorus expressed the mood and the musical atmosphere and thus Prometheus was reborn as a musical drama (Thrylos, To neoelliniko theatro, 4647). [48] Vasilis Rotas, for example, reported that the chorus entering, danced a clear syrtos and then took stylized poses supporting, certainly, the fact that the chorus should be arranged by a professional choreographer to a motif from modern Greek dances (syrtos, tsamikos, pentozalis, trata, etc.), which were also danced with the head and legs de prole and the chest en face (Ellinika Grammata, 12734). Tsarouchis was recalling that PalmerSikelianos copied positions from pottery and combined them together either with simple footwork, or with the rhythm of the balos or of the syrtos (Tha borousa na grapso selides ateleiotes gia tin Eva Sikelianou, 233). Kakouri, who played Io, reported that in the folkdance song, Eva and some of her specialized associates requested support for the rendition of the dances in the Aeschylean tragedy (Oi Delkes Yortes, 869). [49] Veloudios,Epitideigmi Pyrrihiou eis 9/8, 125. [50] Tsarouchis, Tha borousa na grapso selides ateleiotes gia tin Eva Sikelianou, 234. Yagkaki interpreted the solos of verses 14351 and 27783 (Eleftheron Vima, 23 May 1927) and appeared a few weeks later as Azucena in Trovatore (Vradyni, 26 April 1927, 4 June 1927). The truth is that Palmer-Sikelianos did not want an orchestra but a chorus acting of its own volition, the leader of which would play the ute. Later she considered it a personal error that she had deferred to Psachos, who had written music for an orchestra. Therefore, for the performance of Suppliant Women, she took the initiative to get rid of half of the instruments the composition required, and to place a small orchestra of two harps and a few wind instruments in the recess of the theatre, in front of the rst of the spectators seats. (See I mousiki eis to arhaion drama [Music in the Ancient Drama] and Arhaio drama kai mousiki [Ancient Drama and Music], Eleftheron Vima, 5 and 24 Oct. 1931; and PalmerSikelianos, Upward Panic, 1156. [51] Pratsika, Anamniseis apo tis protes Delphices Yortes toy 1927, 126. [52] Palmer-Sikelianos, Upward Panic, 47. s Dialogue au soleil [53] Sidonie Gabrielle Colette remembered Palmer playing Pierre Louy couchant with her at the start of the century, wearing a Greek chiton of blue-green, while I pe de Chine the colour of the ground. In thought myself a perfect Daphne thanks to a cre

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June 1906, Eva played the part of Timas alongside Penelope Sikelianos-Duncan playing quivoque (Papadaki, Grammata tis Evas Sappho in Natalie Clifford Barneys two-act work E Palmer-Sikelianou sti Natalie Clifford Barney, 1322 and Palmer-Sikelianos Upward Panic, 43). Ibid., 1089. Hand-woven fabric had already been used in 1911 in performances of Electra in the original which was organized by Raymond Duncan (see note 3 above). In the above performances appeared actors of the former Nea Skini [New Stage] (190106) which had been founded and directed by Konstantinos Christomanos, a major exponent of Aestheticism in modern Greek theatre (Angelos Sikelianos had also appeared as actor in this troupe in 1901). Other actors involved with this troupe were Eleni Pasagianni and Dionysios Devaris (later the cofounder, together with Karolos Koun and Yannis Tsarouchis, of the Laiki Skini [Folk Stage]). See Palmer-Sikelianos, Upward Panic, 55, and the memoirs of Raymond Duncan in the periodical Kainouria Epohi, Summer 1957, 19. Kakouri, Oi Delkes Yortes, 870. See also the laudatory critique Costume in Revivals of Greek Drama, Bulletin of the Metropolitan Museum of Art, XXXI, 6 June 1936, New York, 1345. Two years later, PalmerSikelianos gave a lecture at the Museum of Costume Art in New York on the subject of Ancient Greek Costume. Draping and Fabric (see Papadaki, Grammata tis Evas PalmerSikelianou sti Natalie Clifford Barney, 340). I Ka Sikelianou omilei dia tin ellinikin moda. H epivoli tou ellinikou rythmou [Mrs Sikelianos Speaks about Greek Fashion. The Imposition of the Greek Style] and I Ka Sikelianou synehizei tas skepseis tis dia tin ellinikin viotehnian [Mrs Sikelianos Continues her Thoughts on Greek Industry], Vradyni, 25 and 26 June 1930. See also her earlier discourse I moda stin Ellada [Fashion in Greece] in Sikelianos Treis dialexeis, as well as Palmer-Sikelianos, Upward Panic: 4748, 7580, 8586, 14142. It is worth noting the ideological coherence between PalmerSikelianos views and the views of Callirhoe Parren, President of the Lyceum of Greek Women, which since its foundation in 1911 had made the preservation and promotion of Greek womens folk art one of its major objectives. Since 1921 the Lyceum of Greek Women organised womens art and craft exhibitions; see the information and documents published in Eleni Bobou-Protopapa, To Lykeion ton Ellinidon, 191191, passim and especially C. Parrens speech (12831) at the inauguration of the rst Lyceum exhibition of this kind in 1921. Eva Palmer-Sikelianos, a member of the Lyceum at that time, participated with her work in the 1921 exhibition and was especially praised by Parren. Sideris, To arhaio elliniko theatro sti nea elliniki skini, 139, 164. V. Vekiarellis, an ardent supporter of the Delphic idea, urged the Sikelianos couple to use Sakellarides for his extremely Greek music at the next Festival (Elefteros Typos, 22 May 1927). The rst appearance was at the Municipal Theatre in Athens on 28 November 1903, and was followed by two performances at the Royal Theatre on 11 and 15 December 1903. The event took place at a time when the Duncan family had come, via Karvasara, on a pilgrimage to Greece, our Mecca, which, for us, meant the splendor of perception. The whole issue was connected to Duncans short-lived experiments towards the historical continuity of ancient music via the Byzantine tradition, a direction for which her brother and her sister-in-law, Penelope Sikelianos, must have been responsible (Duncan, My Life, 120). The chorus from Suppliant Women (part of a wider programme) displeased the Athenians of the time, even those who were enthusiastic about the American dancer (Kimon Michailides, Panathinaia, D, 15 Dec. 1903, 1502, Tim. Stathopoulos, Akropolis, 17 Dec. 1903, Estia, 12 Dec. 1903, Ang. Evangelides, Embros, 12 Dec. 1903, Duncan, My Life, 1189, 1212, Leontis, Mediterranean Theoria: A View from Delphi, 1079 and Puchner, I Isadora Duncan kai o ellinikos horos, 8792).

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[61] Duncan, My Life, 122. For her trip to Greece, with excellent illustrations, see Duncan, et al., Life Into Art, 5059. [62] Duncan, My Life, 11728 and Palmer-Sikelianos, Upward Panic, 186. Here the subject is certainly discussed supercially. Duncans visits to Greece in 1903 (when, amongst other things, she took part in support of Mistriotis students in the violent events of the Oresteiaka) as well as in 1912, 1915 and 1919 (when she founded a school of Ancient Dance with the support of the Venizelos government) are highly signicant for the subjects we are examining and require specialized study. [63] His troupe gave many performances of ancient tragedies in the United States and in Europe, which were accompanied by folk songs sung by Penelope Duncan. At performances of Electra and Alcestis, for instance, which were performed in Ancient Greek in America, Penelope sang at the end of the performances Greek songs of the mountain and chanted pieces of ecclesiastical music (Panathinaia, 28 Feb. 1903, 303). [64] The couple came to Greece in 1927, at the invitation of Palmer-Sikelianos, to take part in the Delphic Festival, and danced Apollos dance with the Python. See Sideris, To arhaio elliniko theatro sti nea elliniki skini, 281, 286, 289, 290, 292, 293, 298, 312, 361 and Kanellos, I arhaia elliniki orhesis kai I Isadora Dougkan, passim. [65] There is a wealth of information which is exceptionally interesting, but piecemeal, and only a systematic study of the Press at the time can provide results. The dancer Artemisia Kolona appeared in Arniotes theatre in 1906. (Hadzipantazis, I athinaiki epitheorisi, 49). Nausica danced ancient Greek dances in the revue Scating Ring (1909) by Timos Moraitinis (Sideris, To arhaio elliniko theatro sti nea elliniki skini, 236, Hadzipantazis, Ibid., 49). Terpsichore Thespis, of Hungarian descent, also studied the representations on reliefs and pottery for her dance compositions in around 1910 (Sideris, Ibid., 244). The Misses Victoros appeared successfully at the Municipal Theatre of Athens in 1912 (Sideris, Ibid., 252). From 1926 onwards, the relevant records become more frequent (Sideris, Ibid., 313, 3178, 321, 388, 426). [66] Fuller did not fail to express her admiration for Greek folk dances (Sideris, Kosmiki erasitehnia kai theatro, 3738). [67] For this matter see also Glytzouris, I kinimatograki eikona os pigi tis istorias toy neoellinikou theatrou, 13956. The criticism of the period constrained the ideological beginnings of the Delphic Endeavour to activities such as those of the Lyceum of Greek Women, which was founded in the second decade of the century: It must be recognised that the Lyceum of Greek Women has opened the way for the revitalization of national holidays, which bridges the higher, wondrous past of the race with the later and contemporary developments in Greek culture (Eleftheros Typos, 14 May 1927). Some certainly reached the point of seeing the celebrations at the Lyceum in 1927, as a continuation of and accompaniment to the Delphic Festival (Vradyni, 12 May 1927). In any case, let it be noted that the rst performance (actually a parade) of the Oceanides contributed to the Lyceums parade in the Panathenaic Stadium in 1926. See the letter on this matter from Sikelianos to Raftopoulou dated 30 May 1926 (Merlier Archive, Centre for Asia Minor Studies) and the article by Photos Politis in the newspaper Politeia, 21 June 1926 republished by Politis, Epilogi kritikon arthron, 21011. The festivals of the Lyceum were indeed designed as complementary to the Delphic ones. This is corroborated by the Lyceum public notice and press reports as well as by documents from the archives of the Greek Olympic Committee that granted to the Lyceum the right to use the Stadium on 15 May 1926 (I owe this information to Eleni Fournaraki); see Fournaraki, Apo ti gymnastiki sto horo and her contribution to the present volume. [68] Angelos Sikelianos, To Delphiko Panepistimio. Proshedio [1929] [The Delphic University. Draft] and To provlima tis mousikis kai tou horou sto arhaio drama [1931] [The Problem of

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Music and the Chorus in Ancient Drama] in Sikelianos Pezos logos, B, 1468, 30921. Sikelianos treated the Greek dances as being superior to the dances of other peoples, such as the Mexicans or Cambodians, because the latter only express unconscious ecstasy whilst the Greek expresses a morally instinctive and conscious convention which conceals a deep Apollonian competition. The archetypical form of this competition, in Sikelianos view, was found in the dramatic Greek dance of Python with Apollo, as an inherent struggle between Doric and Dionysian music. This dance was presented by the Kanellos couple at the rst Delphic Festival. See Palmer-Sikelianos, Upward Panic, 15362, 1714, 18190, 6566. Gabriel Boissy, student phin Pe ladan and old acquaintance of Eva, who had organized outdoor theatre of Jose performances, attended the Delphic Festival in 1927. The French scholar then discerned the relationship clearly: Through time and space, one can see in this triumphant revival of Prometheus Bound at Delphi the logical continuity of all previous attempts. Amongst others, and Jose phin Pe ladan (O Promitheus he refers to Wagner, Nietzsche, Edouard Schure a, 29 Desmotis epi tou vrahou ton Delfon [Prometheus Bound on the Rock at Delphi], Pro May 1927). Angelos Sikelianos also supported the Teutonic theorists in the matter of the revival, both before and after the Delphic Festivals. See his article Ya ti didaskalia tis arhaias tragodias [1937] [On the Teaching of Ancient Tragedy] in Sikelianos Pezos logos, C, 1278 as tation de lantiquite en Gre `ce moderne, 158, Papadaki, I moda tis well as Papadaki, LInterpre anaviosis toy ypaithriou theatrou kai I Delphiki prospatheia, 120. We know from her letter to Natalie Clifford Barney that on a short trip to America in 1905 she had a failed attempt to stage amateur performances of Swinburnes tragedy Atalanta in Calydon (1865), where she had placed particular emphasis on the chorus (Palmer-Sikelianos, Upward Panic, 1056, Papadaki, Grammata tis Evas Palmer-Sikelianou sti Natalie Clifford Barney, 2345). tation de lantiquite en Gre `ce moderne, and I moda tis anaviosis toy Papadaki, LInterpre ypaithriou, 1145. For an introduction to the topic, see Cumming & Kaplan, The Arts and Crafts Movement, 1023 and Coatts, A Weavers Life, passim. For the ideological relationships between the Delphic idea and K. Karavidas, see Papadaki, tation de lantiquite en Gre `ce moderne, 212. On Karavidas fascist theories see LInterpre Hadziiossif, I giraia selini, 3446. Sikelianos, Pezos logos, vol. II, 16373. Angelos Sikelianos claimed that the countrys crisis commenced after the destruction of the Greek communities by the Bavarians of King Otto in the middle of nineteenth century; since then Greece is the spoils of all the mistakes of Modern Greek parliamentarianism. He promoted the idea of reviving interest in communalism after the establishment of a group (phalanx) of studious and determined youth who, in free translation, overcoming all the apprehensions of contemporary passive Greek youth and of the academic mentality, would shake from off her the rags of hesitancy. This new generation must full its highest mission not only as Greeks, but as a universal Race based on combined will. In his article The Intellectual Basis of the Delphic Endeavour (67118), referring to researchers such as Werner Sombart, he praised the Aryan mentality and bravery against Semitic ideology, capitalism, the bourgeoisie and even Lenin, who jumped into the saddle of the scrawny Semitic theory of Marx (8991); but even in 1936, Sikelianos contacted the 4 August regime, asking it to preserve the Delphic Idea since, he believed, it contains the heart of the genuine Doric essence: Intellectual prowess! (41329). See Kremmydas, O ideologikos kosmos toy Angeloy Sikelianoy, 1617. For the Anti`res, passim. For the ideological Enlightenment tradition, see Sternhell, Les anti-Lumie tation de connection to the views of Sombart and Action franc aise, see Papadaki, LInterpre en Gre `ce moderne, 112, 145. Of course, in any case, Angelos Sikelianos lantiquite

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relationship with the abovementioned reactionary ideologies should not lead us to stigmatize him as a Modern Greek advocate of fascistic ideological behaviour. As mentioned by Nikos Svoronos, whilst Sikelianos developed his ideological views within a complex of ideas which became, rightfully or not, the ideology of the European fascists for specic historical reasons Sikelianos was not led down the same path (Svoronos, Protaseis gia ti meleti tis ideologias toy Sikelianou, 42930). On the other hand, one cannot ignore either his undisguised antiparliamentarianism nor the inuences of Saint-Yves d Alveydre, Joseph de Maistre, Charles Maurras, Arthur de Gobineau, H. S. Chamberlain, etc. In short, the whole question requires neither accusations nor silencing. It simply requires investigation. Palmer-Sikelianos initial wish was to present Prometheus in ancient Greek language. However, she was persuaded to perform the Gryparis translation primarily because Angelos wanted to establish the fact that Greek is not a dead, but a living language (PalmerSikelianos, Upward Panic, 108). Note too that the performance of Electra in Paris (1911) had been in the original ancient Greek (see notes 10 and 55). It is no coincidence that one of the defenders of the Delphic Idea and the views of Duncan on Greek dance was Demosthenes Danielides, who adopted a geopolitical conception of Modern Greek society. See Danielides, Sti mnimi tis Evas Sikelianou, 167 and Papadaki, tation de lantiquite en Gre `ce moderne, 211, Tziovas, Oi metamorphoseis tou LInterpre ethnismou, 759, Hadziiossif, I giraia selini, 346. Illustrative of the international appeal of the Delphic endeavour were the papers presented by Palmer-Sikelanos at international conferences such as the 29th Colloquium of the American Archaeological Society at the University of Cincinnati (see American Journal of Archaeology, 2nd series, 1928, XXXII, 1, 63) and the publication of her views in famous art journals of the time (see A Lecture on the Greek Tragic Chorus, Bulletin of the Metropolitan Museum of Art, XXII, 11 Nov. 1927, 282). See too the appreciative comments made by Bieber in her monumental work (Bieber, The History of the Greek and Roman Theater, 2612). Duncan, My Life, 1189. For Von Oftendhal see Akropolis, 3, 4 Nov. 1905 and 5 Feb. 1906. For Alden see Veinoglou, O Chimairokynigos toy Mississippi, 84350. At this point it is important to mention the praise from the unknown to us Fellow of the American Archaeological Society for the music written by Sakellarides for Mistriotis production of Electra (Sideris 1976: 1369). This important in the history of American theatre couple was particularly active in Greece from 1921 to 1924, but a separate paper would be necessary to adequately cover their contribution. However, it is important to note here that they were the rst to envisage performances at the ancient theatre of Delphi. Cook had written a trilogy set in Ancient Greece and in 1893 where the action was interrupted by dances and songs. He planned to stage these works with villagers and the Roumeli shepherd, Elias Skarmouches, as the lead s 1982. For the actor at the ancient theatre of Delphi. On Cooks career in America see Sarlo American couples activities in Greece see Glaspell, Last Days in Greece, 3149, Glaspell, The Road to the Temple, Cook, My Road to India and Gainor, Susan Glaspell in Context. Cook spent the last years of his life wearing a fustanella along with the shepherds and villagers on Mount Parnassus. At the same time he had developed a circle of admirers comprising Athenian students (such as I. Sykoutres, I. Kakrides, K. Dimaras, Ang. Kalogeras, L. Pararas and others). See Eleftheron Vima, 20 Jan. 1924, Vas. El[iades?], Susan Glaspell, Eleftheron Vima, 13 May 1930, Veinoglou, O Chimairokynigos toy Mississippi, 10931104, Pararas, Ioannis Antiphon Sykoutris, 144, Angelos Sikelianos kai I Delphiki idea, 16789. A book by Cook dedicated to Palmer-Sikelianos can be found in the Sikelianos library, see Papadaki, Ta evrethenta tis vivliothikis ton Delphon toy Aggelou kai tis Evas Sikelianou, entry 296 and Papadaki, tation de lantiquite en Gre `ce moderne, 104. Certain Delphic events were dedicated to LInterpre Cook while his daughter, Nilla Cook-Proestopoulos was a member of the chorus of Oceanides.

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Palmer-Sikelianos, Upward Panic, 5960, 678, 8792. Ibid., 756. Danielides, Sti mnimi tis Evas Sikelianou, 1617. Palmer-Sikelianos, Upward Panic, 76. Ibid., 59. Ibid., 88. Eva Sikelianos, Introduction to Prometheus, Vradyni, 11 and 12 Jan. 1925. Tsarouchis memory of the matter is similar. One day, listening to the village girls sing the chorus from Prometheus which they had learned by secretly watching the rehearsals in the theatre, [Eva] said, the next time I wont take Athens society girls for the chorus, but villagers from here. They are better (Tha borousa na grapso selides ateleiotes gia tin Eva Sikelianou, 234). Pratsika mentions the same incident in her interview for Lakis Papastathis television documentary Paraskinio (I anaviosi tou arhaiou dramatos [The Revival of Ancient Drama], Hellenic Broadcasting Corporation, 1998). In any event, the society columns in the newspapers of the time stressed the class background of the girls in the line-up of the Oceanides and Danaides choruses: they are all the very top girls, beautiful, educated and from good families (Vradyni, 26 April 1927). Palmer-Sikelianos, Upward Panic, 1312. See, for example, Hadjinicolaou, Ethiniki tehni kai protoporia, 36, 45 and on theatre, Glytzouris, I skinothetiki tehni stin Ellada, 51733. To be sure, she stressed the satisfaction a Modern Greek ought to feel in relation to foreigners. He/She felt obliged to call out: Look gentlemen, we kept ancient music alive across all those centuries (Palmer-Sikelianos, Treis dialexeis, 6971). Edward Gordon Craig, The Art of the Theatre. The First Dialogue (1905) in Walton, Craig s views on dance see, for example, Block, Mallarme and the on Theatre, 53. On Mallarme Symbolist Drama, 936. Palmer-Sikelianos, Upward Panic, 9899. Twenty-nine titles were counted in the Sikelianos library relating to Indian culture (Papadaki, Ta evrethenta tis vivliothikis ton Delphon toy Aggelou kai tis Evas Sikelianou). The letter of 6 September 1926 to Raftopoulou who was then living in Paris (Merlier Archive) informs us that Eva Sikelianos was a member of the association of Indian students in the French capital since 1924. In that letter, Sikelianos asked her associate to nd an Indian singer and someone who spoke Hindi because she wanted to translate a guide about the celebrations to make them better known in India in order to show the ancient relationship between India and Greece. And that the impact on musical sounds, customs and mores, etc. had been preserved to this very day. It should be noted that in Indian dance, the actor (following a completely different set of artistic conventions) is called up to express himself using very specic, and strictly coded movements, stances and gestures which create a parallel language of signs as complex as speech. The truth is, however, that any further correlation must be considered rather risky. There is no evidence to show that Palmer-Sikelianos correlated the ancient Greek dance with Indian dance, despite the undisputed charm that traditional India exerted on her. For new valuable evidence and comprehensive approach, see the recent article of Leontis An American in Paris, a Parsi in Athens, 35173. Eva Sikelianos , Introduction to Prometheus, Vradyni, 12 Jan. 1925. O Theatis, 4, 14 February 1925. Sikelianos, Pezos logos, E, 10313. Palmer-Sikelianos, Upward Panic, 137. Perhaps a comparison with the ideals of sporting amateurism in Greece and the Olympic movement of the time would be also appropriate, See Koulouri Athlitismos kai opseis tis astikis koinonikotitas and her contribution to the present volume.

[83] [84] [85] [86] [87] [88] [89]

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[94]

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[100] The audience included not just academics but well-known Athenian families. In fact, all the a, 13 May 1930). cream of Athenian society had relocated to Delphi (Pro [101] Bouketo, 29 May 1930, 531, 23 Oct. 1930, 1053, S. Petras, Vradyni, 2 May 1930. [102] Vradyni, 4 May 1930.

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