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THE TESTIMONY
OF

JUSTIN MARTYR
EARLY CHRISTIANITY.

LECTURES
Delivered on the
L. P.

Stone Foundation at Princeton

Theological Seminary, in March,

BY

GEORGE

T.

PURVES,

D.D.,

PASTOE OF THE FIRST PRESBYTEBIAS CHURCH OF PITTSBURGH, PA.

NEW YORK:
ANSON
D. F.
38

RANDOLPH AND COMPANY,

"West Twenty-third Street.

Copyright, 1889,

By Anson

D. F.

Randolph and Company.

IHnfocrsttg

$wsjf:

John Wilson and Son, Cambridge.

PREFACE.

The

following lectures were delivered on the L. P.

Stone Foundation at Princeton Theological Seminary,

and are published at the request of the Faculty. The form in which they were originally delivered has been retained, and but few changes made in substance or They have been prepared in such leisure language. moments as could be found in a busy pastorate, and
the author keenly realizes their

He

hopes, however, that they

many imperfections. may stimulate more of

field of early

our Presbyterian ministers to cultivate the

patristic literature.
Its

importance to Christian apolostudy will also contribute to

getics is very great.

Its

and true unity of the Church. It should not be left, as it has so largely been, to Eomanists and rationalists. While we firmly hold to the sole authority of the Scriptures for faith and practice, the history of the early ages of our religion and the
clearer views of the nature

careful examination of all the elements which, as time

went

on,

entered into

it

will enable us to read the

New

Testament with fresh confidence and intelligence.

all,

Above

in this age of historical criticism,

when

so

many minds

are honestly confused concerning the evi-

dences for the faith of the Church, some acquaintance

with the events and literature of the second century

is

demanded

of those

who

would successfully guide the

iv

PREFACE.
The author may be
facts,

inquirer and help the doubter.

allowed to add that, with the utmost desire to deal

fairly

with the evidence and to follow the

he has

obtained,

by

his excursions into patristic literature, re-

newed assurance both

ity

of the divine origin of Christian-

and of the correctness of the orthodox Protestant

estimate of the

New

Testament.

Allegheny, Pa.,

1888.

CONTENTS.

LECTURE

I.

THE IMPORTANCE OF JUSTIN'S TESTIMONY TO EARLY CHRISTIANITY.

Critical TheoImportance of the Study of the Second Century. ries of the Origin of Christianity. The New Testament Canon.

The
Death

The Union of Christianity and Philosophy. The Unity of the Church. The Life of Justin:
Christian
Ministry.
his Birth
;
;

Philosophic Studies
;

Influence on Contemporaries
;
;

Chronology of his Life his of Justin and their Date. The conseAnalysis of the Apologies and the Dialogue. Early and Modern quent Importance of Justin's Testimony. Plan of the following Lectures . Views concerning Justin.
Character

Situation in

Rome.

The Writings

Conversion

LECTUEE

II.

THE TESTIMONY OF JUSTIN TO THE SOCIAL AND CIVIL RELATIONS OF EARLY CHRISTIANITY.
Justin as an Apologist.
zation of Christian

The Diffusion of Christianity. OrganiSocieties. Popular Hostility. Charges made. Popular Impatience with the Christians. Explanation of this Hostility. Attitude of the Government. Chris No formal Persecution. Frequent Outrages. tianity Justin's Description confirmed by other Evidence. Hadrian's Rescript. Correspondence of Trajan and Pliny. Supillegal.

VI

CONTENTS.

Action of the Emperors with reference to Christi Efforts to prevent Outrages. The Sufferings of the Christians not so severe as often supposed. Persecution but just beginning. Justin's Defence. He appeals substantially
Crime.
anity.

pression of Unauthorized Societies.

Membership

Page
in

them a

the true Philosophy

(a) Because it was and Weakness of this Plea; (b) Because of the Virtues of the Christians and Simplicity of their Customs. His Description of Christian Life. Power of this Argument Its Value for us

for the Legal Recognition of Christianity:

Strength

50

LECTURE

III.

THE TESTIMONY OE JUSTIN TO THE EELATIONS OF GENTILE AND JEWISH CHRISTIANITY.

Value of

The Tubingen Ritschl's View. Estimate Inspiration. The of the Old Testament by the Church. Prophets. Method of Interpretation. The Old Testament a Christian Book. Justin's Failure to appreciate the Hebrew Dispensation. Total Rejection of Judaism. Comparison of his Views with the New Testament. The Church a Gentile Society. Justin's Opinion of Jewish Christians. Various Views in the Church. Extremists on both Sides. Justin's
Justin's
its

Testimony

in this Particular.

Scheme and

Modifications.

I.

Its

moderate but firmly anti-Jewish View that of the Majority. II. Had there been a silent Blending of Gentile and Jewish Evidence alleged for this: (1) Abhorrence of Christianity?
" Idol-meat "
sition not

The Authenticity of " The Acts " Justin's Po(2)

ing Paul

The Facts in the Case Use of Pauline Writings References to " the Twelve " Unity of the Apostles assumed Chiliasm No Proof of Jewish Tendencies; Legalism Growth Not necessarily due to Judaism. Summary of
;

due to Jewish Sympathies;

His Silence concern-

(3)

(4)

Its

Justin's Testimony,

and Inferences from

it

85

CONTENTS.

vii

LECTURE

IV.

THE TESTIMONY OF JUSTE* TO THE INFLUENCE OF PHILOSOPHY ON EARLY CHRISTIANITY.

Page

Contrast, as regards the Influence of Philosophy, between the

Writings of Justin and the

this Influence in the

New
;

Early Church.
:

ophy of the Period

Eclectic

Relation to Stoicism to Platonism. The Influence of Philosophy on Justin's Theology, as shown Idea of God Divine Transcendence unduly emphasized Two Conceptions of God contending Mind; His Doctrine the sense of Reason Relation of the Logos of the Logos Creation and Revelation Relation to the Father Agent His Anthropology to Man The " Seminal Logos " Human Freedom and Ability Power of the Demons Idea of Sin; (IV.) His Soteriology Christ primarily a Teacher Nature of Salvation. Inferences concerning the Influence of
;

the Spirit of his Age.

His Criticism of

Testament. Progress of Character of the PhilosTheological. Justin shows

the various Schools.

in (I.) his

in his

(II.)

in

in

(III.)

Philosophy on Christianity, and the Realization by the Latter

of the best Aspirations of the

Pagan World

128

LECTUEE
TAMENT.
Its Importance.

V.

THE TESTIMONY OF JUSTIN TO THE NEW TESReview of modern critical Opinion concerning I. Justin and the Synoptics. Use of our Gospels. Memoirs." Justin's Account of Christ's Life remark-

Justin's

The The

"

ably full

agrees substantially with that of our

;

Gospels.
substantial

Differences trivial

Oral Tradition and Textual Cor;

ruption explain the most important of them

destroy the Force of the

they do not

Agreement. The Variations in the Text of Justin's Quotations from that of our Gospels. Extent of the Variation. Examination of his Habits of Quotation, as shown by Quotations from the Classics and Old Testament. Bearing of this on Quotations from the " Memoirs." Comparison of Justin's Quotations and those of the Pseudo Clementines. Did Justin

Argument from

the

viii

CONTENTS.
Harmony 1
II.

use a

Bearing

Page
of the Evidence afforded

by Jus-

tin of Corruption of Gospel

pels.

Justin and the Fourth Gospel. Views of Thoma and Abbott. Evidence for Justin's Use of the Fourth Gos How did he use As historically True and presumapel.
it 1

Text on the Antiquity of our Gos-

bly Apostolic, yet not with the same Fulness as Synoptics,

and more

as a

Book
III.

of Doctrine.

Reasons for

firmation of Justin's

Diatessaron.

Justin and the New Testament Books besides the Gospels. Recognition of Authority of Apostles as Teachers. Use of " Memoirs " as Sources for Belief and as " Scripture." Yet "Memoirs" not called "Scripture" with same frequency as Old Testament. No New Testament Book quoted, except Gospels and Apocalypse. Mentions no public Use of the Epistles, and differs from their Teaching. Considerations which balance these Items of Negative Evidence. Conclu-

Use

of our Gospels afforded

Conby Tatian's Testament Canon.

this.

His Use of

New

sion

170

LECTUKE

VI.

THE TESTIMONY OF JUSTIN TO THE ORGANIZATION AND BELIEF OF THE POST-APOSTOLIC

CHURCH.
Review.
licity
I.

Justin claimed to represent the true Christian Church. His Opposition to Heresy. Proves the Unity and Apostoof the Orthodox Churches. His Testimony trustworthy. The Organization of the Churches. Description of Cereeach Locality. A monies and Worship. One Church permanent President to each. Deacons. Why the Title of the President not given. Absence of Sacerdotalism. Jusaccords with the known Facts of the Progress of Church Organization in the Second Century. The Unity of the The Faith of the Church how to Churches
in
tin

spiritual.

II.
;

be obtained from Justin

Trinity;
(3)
;

(1)

The Person
;

of Christ; (2)

The

Redemption; (4) Privileges and Hopes of the The Sacraments Eschatology. Christians Conclusion. Post-Apostolic Christianity not created by Fusion but modiInferences to be drawn from Justin's fied by Paganism. Testimony

251

THE TESTIMONY
OF

JUSTIN MAETYR
TO

EARLY CHRISTIANITY.

JUSTIN MARTYR.

LECTURE

I.

THE IMPORTANCE OF JUSTIN'S TESTIMONY TO EARLY CHRISTIANITY.

THE
ful

first

three quarters of the second Christian

century form a period which demands the careT

both of the
History.

investigation of students and repeated r New Testament and of Church

.

Importance
century.

of the second

This

is

due, on the one hand, to

the nearness of the period to the age of the Apostles,

since the results of investigation in
affect
it

will necessarily

our views of their work and teaching; and, on

the other hand, to the

new

influences

which began

during this period to affect the religion of Christ, and

co-operated to form the Church and the theology of
later times.

The period, however, is involved in much obscuowing to the scantiness of the literary remains from it. Of the apostolic age the New Testament enables us to form a fairly clear idea. Toward the close of the second century there begins, with the great work of Irenajus against heresies, a
rity,

chain of witnesses, from

whom we may
l

obtain abun-

dant testimony to the history of both the faith and order

2
of the

JUSTIN MARTYR. Church

;

but from the intermediate period our

was barren of literarythe works which issued from orthodox and heretic had been preserved, the Christian literature of the period would suffice probably to settle most of the now vexed questions concerning it. On the heretical side some of the Gnostics were voluminous writers. 1 On the orthodox side there appears to have been during the earlier part of the period less literary activity. A few letters and a brief manual (if the " Teaching of the Apostles " may be roughly classed in this period), and one or two religious romances, 2 are all that have been left to us, though had only the work of Papias, entitled "Exposition of
witnesses are few.
that
it

Not

productions

on the contrary,

if all

the Oracles of the Lord," been preserved,

doubtless have been spared the necessity of

we should much of

the recent investigation into the origin and authoritv of

the Gospels.

Later in the century, however, the stream

either against

of apologetic literature began, directed

assaults

on Christianity by Jews or Pagans, or against

perversions of the faith.

heretical
ogists,

The

earliest apol-

Quadratus and Aristides, are indeed assigned

to

by Eusebius 3

the

reign of Hadrian

but

it

was

under Antoninus Pius and Marcus Aurelius that the defences of the Christians became frequent and elaborate.

Aristo and Justin defended Christianity against

;

Judaism

while the

latter,

followed by Tatian, Athe-

nagoras, Theophilus of Antioch, and Melito of Sardis,

1 2

Cf. Iren. adv. Haer.

iii.

12; Tert. de Prasscr. 38.

The Pastor of Hernias, and the Testaments of the XII. Patriarchs. The latter is now generally dated before the second Jewish war; cf. Sinker's Testamenta, XII. Patrr. The critical
views are summarized in Dr. AYarfield's article in Presb. Rev., January, 1880.
8

H.'e.

iv. 3.

IMPORTANCE OF JUSTIN'S TESTIMONY.

argued the truth of the

new

religion against polytheism

and philosophy, and demanded its recognition by the Meanwhile Hegesippus 2 had made the first ^tate. 1
attempt at an ecclesiastical chronicle, and the growth
of heresy

had begun to

call forth defences of

orthodoxy

within the Church

itself.

But that many more Chris-

tian writings of this period

have been lost than those which have been in whole or in part preserved, is evident from those mentioned by Eusebius in the fourth book of his History. The period, therefore, was far from being barren of literary productions. Only a few of these, however, have escaped the ravages of time,
left to feel our way in the darkness by the broken monuments and scattered fragments aid of the

and we are

that yet remain.

But none the

less,

perhaps

all

the more, do the

Tts

first

three quarters of the second century call for

studv

repeated investigation
Christianity
I.
;

by

the

student

of

demanded:

and

this for several reasons.

possible in

its literary remains has made modern times a number of critical theories of the origin and early development of j Bvmod. Christianity which are not only in conflict ern critical

The

scarcity of

with the traditional view but often with each

other.

it

-i

'

theories of the origin of

Without passing judgment on the

it is

truth or falsity of these theories,

evident that but

for the scantiness of the historical records

such varieties
the scattered

of view would not be possible.

Amid
to

fragments of early Christian literature

tively easy to find
1

it

is

compara-

room

in

which

prolong the alleged

The anonymous

Epistle to Diognetus, -while certainly not by

of the

Justin, is probably to be referred to about the middle

second century.
2

Eus. H. E.

iv. 8, 11, 21, 22.

JUSTIN MAKTYR.

process of the formation of Christianity. Those who assume that its rise must be conceived as a natural development have believed it possible to show that the final result was not attained till the middle of Starting with the assertion that the second century.
original Christianity

at least separate, parties, they

was divided into two have far more

hostile, or

easily ob-

tained the time necessary for the supposed fusion of

Church than would have been more of the books of whose existence we know had been preserved. At least these books would in all probability have settled the question, pro or con, In their absence, the few letters of the decisively.
these into the Catholic
possible if
apostolic fathers (written for local or personal objects),

the lately recovered "Teaching of the Apostles," to-

gether
"

with

the

so-called

Epistle of

Barnabas, the

Shepherd

" of

Hernias, and fragments of lost writings

preserved by later authors, must be our only guides

until the period of the Apologists, the middle of the

century, has been reached.

ries

Yet these

critical

theoof

have claimed to be

scientific

reconstructions

primitive Christian history.

Their truth or falsity in-

volves the supernatural character of the Christian religion.

is

Difficult as

the task

may
of

be to refute what
investigating

claimed to be proved by criticism based on such

sources,
is

scanty
sources

the necessity
all

these

imperative for

who would

justly estimate

the worth of either the theories themselves or their refutations.

Finding, as

studies,

how much

is

ology and incidental

shall realize

we do when we enter upon these made to depend on the phraseallusions of the early writers, we

how slowly conclusions should be formed when supported by such delicate and easily misused methods of proof, and we shall re-examine the more

IMPORTANCE OF JUSTIN'S TESTIMONY.

closely such evidence as there
is

because of

its

very

meagreness.
II.

In connection

also

with these theories of

the

early history of Christianity, the history of the

New

Testament hooks and of their recognition by n B the the Church is inseparably bound up with the question of
study of the second century.

At

its close

we

Testament

find Irenreus, 1 for example, stoutly defend-

ing the apostolic authority of our four Gospels, and

maintaining that there never had been and could not

be more than these four of a sacred character.
tullian likewise declares
it

Ter-

to be the Christian doctrine

that the four Gospels possess apostolic authority, and

he

knows none

authoritative

but

these four. 2

same fathers
ment; 3 while

also recognized the authority of

The most of
Testa-

the other books

now

contained in our

New

two or three cannot be used to prove that these were rejected, or, even if they were unknown or doubted by these particular
their silence as to
fathers, that

they are not entitled to recognition by

us.

It

is

certain that in the last quarter of the second

century the Church fully accepted a collection of books,

corresponding with our

New

Testament, as apostolic

and therefore authoritative, and was, except in a few minor particulars, fully agreed as to the limits of that
collection,

appealing to

these

books as standards of

and maintaining their apostolic authority on the ground of the unbroken testimony of the principal churches. But the question has been raised whether
doctrine,

Irenaeus really expressed in this matter the traditional

view of the churches, or a new opinion, reached by

1

Adv. Haer. iii. 11.8. Adv. Marc. iv. 2, 5.

Cf. Reuss's Hist, of the

Canon, pp. 103-116.

6
the Church of his
flict

JUSTIN MARTYR.

own time

as the result of its conits

with heresy and the consolidation of

It is alleged

origi-

nally separate parts.

by

certain critics

that our Gospels are in fact not authentic, but were composed, or at least thrown into their present form, in the

second century

itself, for

the purpose of supporting one

or other of the parties into said to have been divided,

which the early Church is and that they thus represent

the phases through which these parties passed.

They

are alleged to be only those which, out of a considerable

number

of early Gospels, the

Church of the second

century fixed upon as canonical because harmonious

with the doctrinal views which had become established.

It is said that the evidence of the earlier fathers

shows

that apostolic authority

was but gradually recognized,

to

while by the same gradual process the books of the

New

Testament were, elevated

the position of in-

spired works

which the Old Testament already occupied.

that, as

These views involve of course the inference

Christianity

was

itself

the result of a natural develop-

ment, the

New

Testament also was the product, not of

inspiration, but of the

mind

of the Church as in the

process of her establishment she

doctrines

came

to look

upon her
life

and

to read her beliefs

back into the

of

Jesus and his Apostles.

that,

To

all this it

has been replied,

while the Church's apprehension of the limits of

the Canon was a result gradually reached, yet from the

beginning the

authority of the Apostles, as teachers

of divine truth, as well as the authoritative character

of their writings,

was

clearly recognized

that the au-

thenticity of the several books of the

satisfactorily

Testament and that therefore the can be close conception of the Canon which prevailed at the of the second century was not a new idea, but only the
proved
;

New

"

IMPORTANCE OF JUSTIN'S TESTIMONY.

more

definite statement of that recognition of apos-

tolic authority

which existed from the days of Paul

himself.

Between these opposing views the decision evidently and no rests with the testimony of the second century student of the New Testament can afford to be without some personal acquaintance with the period which immediately followed that in which it was composed. III. Apart, however, from these questions which concern the very foundations upon which Christianity rests, the period of which we are speaking B the
;

offers

other problems of particular interest problem of ... tne origin of -T , both to the historian and to the practical the Christian
.

.-,,

...

ministry.

Christian.

Prominent among these

Christian ministry.

is

that of the origin of the

By comparing
ment,
it

Irenseus, again, with the

New

Testa-

becomes evident that considerable change had

In the
first

taken place in the organization of the Christian communities during the intervening time.
cen-

tury the local churches appear to have been governed

by a body of officers called " bishops " or " elders," 1 asThe term " elder sisted by an order of " deacons." 2
appears, indeed, to have
as well as in
its

been also used in a wider

sense
3

official

so that a
" bishop,"

man

could

have been an
this

" elder,"

but not a

though he
Still,

could not have been a bishop unless an elder. 4

body

of officers

were

of

equal

rank.

Ruling

was the
i

original purpose of their office; but soon, as

Cf. Acts xiv. 23; xx. 17, 28; Tit.

Phil.
1
i.

i.

5, 7.

2
8

1
;

Tim.
1

iii.

8-13.
1.

Tim.

v. 1

Pet. v.

I cannot accept Dr. Hatch's theory of the origin of the

Cf. Lect.

Episcopate.

VI.

JUSTIN MARTYR.

appears from the

New

Testament
it

itself,

the work of

teaching was attached to

according as the spirit

official

might qualify individual members of the

body. 1

Hardly, however, has the second century opened,

when

we

find in at least

some churches a

siugle president,

alone called the " bishop," surrounded by a college of

"elders" as his advisers, and assisted in the active government and care of his church by the " deacons." 2 Thus the direction of the local churches seems to have been early appropriated by one presiding officer a centre of unity was formed in the person and office of
;

the " bishop " until in Irenasus

earlier

all

arrangement seems to have been

first

remembrance of the lost, and that

writer speaks of the

cipal churches of

presiding bishops of the prin-

Christendom as having been appointed

to office

by the Apostles.

Not

yet, indeed,

had the

name "elder"
were
the

ceased to be applied to the bishop, 4 nor

two clearly regarded as distinct offices; 5 not yet had the Christian ministry been clothed with sacerdotal dignity but the growth is very evident from the college of equal bishops portrayed by the New Testament to the influential chief officer of a century later, who had largely monopolized the functions of the original body, and who, in proportion to the prominence of the city of whose church he was the head, represented ecclesiastical tradition and exercised ecclesiasti;

cal power.

IV.

Then,

too,

the period before us becomes of exits

ceeding interest inasmuch as in

1

writers

we may

first

Tim.

v.

12; 2 Tim.

ii.

2.

2
8

Cf.
Cf.

The

Epistles of Ignatius.
iii.

Adv. Hser.
iii.

3.

4 6

Cf. Iren. to Victor, Eus.

H. E.

v. 24.

Iren.

2.

and

3. 3.

IMPORTANCE OF JUSTIN'S TESTIMONY.

recognize the mingling of philosophy with the doctrines

of Christianity.

There can scarcely be said to be a trace

IV n
of
tll( '

of the influence of current philosophy in ere-

ating the beliefs of the Apostles.

tinctly declare that the
is

iii

They
i

disi i

u,li <j"

wisdom

of philoso-

of this "world

phy and
canity.

vain. 1

Already, indeed, "was the young

church imperilled by teachers who gave speculations under the guise of Christian phrases but such teachers were condemned and denounced. " Eeware," wrote Paul,
;

you through philosophy and vain was proclaimed as self-sufficient, as a revelation from God, dogmatic in its teaching, and needing no support from the conclusions of human reason and though it really contained a philosophy of its own, and though it was in sympathy with not a few of the conclusions to which uninspired reason had attained, 3 it felt no need of the pagan philosophy of the day to form its doctrines. But as the new religion came into closer contact and conflict with pagan thought, it was
spoil
deceit." 2

" lest

any man

Christianity

inevitable that the latter should affect

it

in various ways.

Testament already shows, philosophical speculations began to be mingled with Christian ideas, or to be clothed in the new vestments
the one hand, as the
of Christian language.

On

New

For

this

tendency Jewish Alex-

andrianism and Cabalism had prepared the way; and

the Gnostic systems, which reached their height in the

middle of the second century, produced a

sion of the simple Gospel of the Apostles.

total perver-

On

the other

pagan philosophy began to be aware of the existence and progress of the " new superstition," and to direct arguments against it while orthodox Christianity in its turn began to attempt the
time,
;

hand, about the same

Cor.

i.

19-21.
3

Col.

ii.

8.

Cf. Lect.

IV.

10
solution of

JUSTIN MARTYR.

some

of the great problems

to the

which

its

own

existence and

its relation

former history of the

world suggested to thoughtful minds.

the only true
religion, it

Claiming to be

was forced to say how it regarded other religions and other types of thought. Freed from connection with Judaism, it was forced to declare its attitude toward previous pagan ethics and
philosophy.

Some

of the Christian writers, emphasiz-

ing the nevmess of their religion, sought to show the

failure of all

pagan philosophy to satisfy the mind and pagan religions to elevate life. Others, impressed with the universality of their religion and conceiving it
of all

show the was noblest in pagan thought and ethics. Thus in various ways Christianity and philosophy came into contact. The contact affected,
as the revelation of eternal truth, sought to
affiliation

with

it

of whatever

well or

ill

as

we may

judge, the definitions of doctrine

produced division in the Church, but caused that portion

which clung

to the apostolic teaching to realize

more
faith

perfectly the unity

and the significance of the

widened men's thoughts, yet often perverted the Gospel

;

in short, created the first phase of the long effort

of reason to explain

and
in

of faith to

apprehend the
discussions

contents of revelation.

V. Finally, involved
there
V.
is

all

of

these
far

presented the question of

By

the

tiifunitV^f the Church.

and by what means the Christian communities had become externally a unit. There can be no doubt a ^ m uch progress had been made since the

how

apostolic age in giving expression to the original moral

and

spiritual unity of believers, both

their faith

Church.

by formulating and by developing the conception of the At the end of the second century there ex-

isted the idea of a Catholic (in the sense of orthodox)

IMPORTANCE OF JUSTIN'S TESTIMONY.

11

Church, 1 membership with which was often regarded as

essential to salvation,

of

which were

fidelity

and the distinguishing features to the apostolic doctrine and

the regular succession of bishops from the Apostles.

Evidently the progress and the conflicts of Christianity had united the scattered communities of believers into what was practically an external association. The pillars of this society were the churches of the principal

which had been founded by Apostles and which preserved, through a direct line of bishops and presbyters, the apostolic tradition. Of these the most conspicuous and influential was the Church of Eome. Not that these churches had been as yet formally welded They were only united into one external organization. by a common faith and order, a common danger and But the idea of the universal Church as a vishope. ible society with a definite creed and a prescribed organization was predominating, and it is important to ask by what causes had this state of things been brought about. Was this Catholic Church the result, as some
cities,

affirm, of a

compromise, consciously or unconsciously

made, between parties originally opposed to one another

or

was

it

the result of the natural growth of Gentile

Christianity, of the spirit

conflicts

with paganism and heresy

and needs of the age and the ? It would appear

to

be of great use, in view of present movements toward

the unification of Christendom, to study carefully the

original idea of the Church, the nature of its earliest

and the historical progress in ancient times ward the expression thereof in outward forms.
unity,

to-

In view of these questions belonging to the

1

first

three

quarters of the second century, I propose to examine

Cf. e. k. Iren.
iii.

4. 1.

12

JUSTIN MARTYR.

afresh the testimony of one of the most important wit-

nesses from that period whose writings are

Object of
tllf:-''

still

acces-

sible.

This

is

Justin Martyr
his

and a brief

IgC-

tures.

sketch of the

man and

works will enable

us to perceive his great value as a witness to early

Christianity.

Our knowledge
The
life of

of the

life of

Justin

is

derived almost

entirely from the notices

scattered through his

little

own

writings

for

Eusebius does
do,

more than

Justin.

collect, as

we may

what Justin says about

himself.

He was

a native of Flavia Neapolis, 1 a city

founded not far from the ruins of ancient Sychem and

named
which
it

in honor of Vespasian.
is

now known

as

Nablus.
2

quently a Samaritan by birth

clear that his family

was the same place Justin was consebut his language makes
It

purely Gentile descent. 3

cestors

were colonists

was not of Samaritan but of Probably his immediate anwho had settled in the new city

shortly after its establishment.

His birth can only be approximately placed in the

closing years of the
His birth.
first

or the beginning of the second

century. J

Some

as 89 A. D.
tin

nn

older critics placed L

.

Epiphanius

it as early J . . T declares that Jus.

of age

was martyred under Hadrian when only thirty years but as the date thus given for his martyrdom is
;

certainly wrong, so the age assigned the martyr

is

wholly

improbable.
1 2

We

only

know

that Justin, as Eusebius

Ap. Ap. Ap.

i.

1.

ii.

15.

i.

53; Dial. 41, 64, 120, 122, 130.

1.

Epiphanius states that Justin died under Rusand when Hadrian was emperor; thus showing, since Rusticus was prefect A. D. 163-167, that his statement is confused and unreliable.
Haer. xlvi.
ticus the prefect,

IMPORTANCE OF JUSTIN'S TESTIMONY.

relates, 1
" flourished "

13

at Rome under Antoninus, and was probably martyred under Marcus Aurelius,2 from which it is natural to infer that he was born about the beginning of the century, not far from the time

that he

when

Saint

John passed away.

He

thus belonged to

the second generation after the Apostles, and lived at a period

still

when

the remembrance of their teaching was

strong and clear in the

mind

of the Church.

When

Justin came to

manhood, he gave himself with

In the opening chap-

enthusiasm to the pursuit of truth.

ters of the
,

gives _. t .. with Trypho, he o Dialogue j r > jj ls studies a graphic account of his early efforts to find in phiiosointellectual peace in the popular philosophic

schools of the day.

From

his very

youth he seems to

have been of an earnest and religious type of mind,

type which was not

a
He He

uncommon

tion from the old to the new,

and

in that age of transithis occasioned his

dissatisfaction with the teachings of

philosophy.
first

found the Stoic instructor to

self

whom

he

joined him-

unable to give him any knowledge of God.

found the Peripatetic, to

whom

next he went, more con-

cerned about the fee than about the truth.

He

learned

from the Pythagorean,

whom

next he sought, that a

long course of discipline in music, astronomy, and gespiritual

ometry was necessary to enable the soul to apprehend and invisible realities. Finally, he became a
disciple of Plato,

and thought that he had indeed found

"

" wings for his

mind

in the " contemplation of ideas,"

and that he would soon attain the end of the Platonic philosophy, and " look upon God." It was while a Pla

H. E.

iv. 11.

Cf. Eus.

H. E.
cf.
it

iv. 16,

with

iv.

14 and 18.

On

the date of

Justin's birtb,
p. 7),

Barth.

Aube

(Saint Justin, pbilosophe et martyr,

who

places

in the first

decade of the second century.

14
tonist that he

JUSTIN MARTYR.
;

became a Christian but he passed over to any violent rupture with his To him, as we shall see, previous love of philosophy. Christianity was the true philosophy, the absolute truth, in the reception of which alone earnest minds could find And therefore, after he became a Christian, he peace. did not cease to be a philosopher. He always wore the
the

new

religion without

philosophic mantle. 1

He appears, like
Like others,

other philosophic
city to city to

teachers of the day, to have

moved from
also,

spread his doctrines.

he gravitated to

Borne, where he became actively engaged in teaching

and defending Christianity to all whom he could reach. There is nothing to show that he ever held any ecclesiastical office. He was rather a philosophical evangelist. He gathered pupils about him, more after the style of But the philosopher than of the Christian minister. that he was highly influential in his own day, as well as honored by posterity, is attested by the refHis influence. erences to him and to his works in writers so soon following as Irenseus 2 and Tertullian. 3 He distinguished himself in controversy with the powerful heretical

teachers

who

had, like himself, drifted to

Rome,

and who were

at that very time sowing the seeds of

discord in the Christian Church.

He

engaged in public

debate with the Cynic philosopher, Crescens, of

whom he
tells us, 5

speaks with an acrimony which at least shows that the

debate had been a sharp one, 4 and who, Tatian
1 Dial. 1. 4
5 2 iv. 6.

2; v. 26.

2.

Adv. Valent. 5. Ap. ii. 3. KpTj(TKfVTOS TOV

(f)l\o\j/6(j)OV KCll (PikoKOfXTTOV.

Ad

Gra;c. 19.

Eusebius (H. E.

iv.
;

1G) states that Crescens

actually brought about Justin's death

but his statement

ii.

is

evi-

dently an inference from Justin's

own language (Ap.

he says that he expects Crescens to secure his Tatian's remark that Crescens " endeavored to inflict on Justin,

where death, and from

3),

IMPORTANCE OF JUSTIN'S TESTIMONY.

15

plotted to secure the death of his Christian antagonist.

Tatian himself, famous afterward as a heretic, and

still

more famous as the author of the first harmony of the Gospels, was a hearer 1 or disciple 2 of Justin's; and not till after the martyrdom of the master did the pupil venture to express his peculiar views. Thus we may imagine the meagre outline of Justin's life filled up with varied and courageous activities. With some intervals,3 during one of which the dialogue with Trypho,
if

historical, occurred,

he continued to reside in the

capital until the early years of the reign of

relius,

Marcus Auwhen, according to the testimony of

His death.

antiquity, he suffered

martyrdom under the

Eecent researches show that Eome a. d. 163-167. 4
even before his con-

prefect Junius Eusticus.

Eusticus held the prefecture of

It is thus evident that Justin,

version, belonged to the class of sincere seekers after

and indeed on me, the punishment of death." Tatian's language, however, rather implies that Crescens had failed in his plots, and the Martyrology makes no mention of him. Cf. Von Engelhardt's Das Christenthum Justins des Martyrers, p. 75 (who follows Daniel and Yolkmar). Eusebius makes the same statement
in the Chronicon,

though he there places Justin's death

in 152.

Harnack (Die Uberlieferung der Griechischen Apologeten, Leipzig,

1882, p. 142, note) supposes that Eusebius found in Julius Africanus a reference under 152 to the trouble caused Justin by

Crescens and which partly led to the writing of the Apology, and that Eusebius understood it to mean that Crescens had then

brought about Justin's death.

2 Hippol. Refut. viii. 9. i. 28. 1. In the Martyrology, Justin is represented as saying, " I live above one Martinus at the Timiotinian Bath and during the whole time (and I am now living at Rome for the second time') I am unaware of any other meeting than his." This at least shows
1

Iren.

the early tradition of Justin's travels.

4

Cf. Borghesi
torn.
ii.

((Euvres Completes), cited by Otto, Justini

Opera,

p. 268.

16
truth,

JUSTIN MARTYR.
and
still

more particularly
It

to

the

number

of

seekers after God.

may

be a question whether his

A seeker
after truth.

later
f

Platonism does not color his statement 1

ODj ec tions to the rival schools of philos-

But the current philosophy of the day, so far as 2 it was spiritual at all, was theological in its character and the best minds of even the pagan world felt that God, though abstractly conceived, was the supreme end Of this interesting and significant phase of knowledge.
ophy.
of

philosophic thought, this conscious

yearniDg after

Deity,

hampered by metaphysical limitations which

as

made Deity appear

and source of
his
ity
all

only the transcendent cause

things, Justin

was a type; and in

earlier life afforded

Christian writings

we

recognize the same sincer-

and earnestness of which his

indications.

He

gives an account of his conversion in the intro-

duction to the Dialogue with Trypho.

His conversion.

He

tells

us that

day went out to the seashore to meditate, 3 and there met a man, of venerable appearance, who- engaged
in the study of Plato he one

when deep

him

in conversation.

Their conversation
;

fell

into the

subject dearest to both

namely, the search for truth.

In reply

to the stranger's question, Justin defined phi"

losophy as

the knowledge of that which really exists,

;

and a
i 3

clear perception of the truth

2 is

"

and happiness, as
IV.

Dial. 3.

Cf. Lect.

The

place of his conversion

quite uncertain.
;

He

calls it

" our city."

lis
;

Some have supposed Ephesus

others Flavia Xeapo-

tion.

but the latter was too far from the sea to answer the descripIf we suppose that it was Ephesus, and that the dialogue

with Trypho also took place there,

Justin had

made

that city his home.

we may infer that in early life The fact has some bearing

on his acquaintance with the Fourth Gospel, and his familiarity with Alexandrian speculations. Cf. Lectt. IV. and V.

"

IMPORTANCE OF JUSTIN'S TESTIMONY.

"

17

2 and wisdom and which always maintains the same nature, God, and in the same manner, and is the cause of all other Thereupon the stranger, in quite a Socratic things." 2 manner, forced the young Platonist to concede that the knowledge of God depends on the moral qualifications of the soul, rather than on either the nature of the soid and itself, or its reminiscence of a previous existence

the reward of such knowledge

as " that

argued that the soul

is

not naturally immortal, but

life

dependent for continuance of

on the will of God.

confidence
in
his

Having thus undermined

Justin's

philosophical teachers, the stranger pointed

him

to the

Hebrew prophets

more ancient than the philosophers, and more entitled to credence, since they " spake by the Divine Spirit, and foretold events which would take " Their writplace, and which are now taking place." ings," he said, "are still extant, and he who has read them is very much helped in his knowledge of the beginning and the end of things, and of those matters which the philosopher ought to know." Forthwith, says Justin, " a flame was kindled in my soul, and a love of the prophets and of those men who are the friends of Christ possessed me and whilst revolving his [the old man's] words in my mind, I found this philosophy alone to be safe and profitable. Thus and
as
;

for this reason I

1

am

a philosopher."

Xow,
.

it is

ques-

Dial.

3.

(piXoaocpia fiev

imorfjfiT}
ttjs

ecrrl

rov 6Wo? koi tov

akrjdovs eTTLyvcocris, evdaifxovia 8e ravrqs

cttio't^ fxi]s ko.\ ttjs o~o(pias

yepas.
2

to Kara ra avra nai axravrccs del e'xov kol tov eivat nden ToTy aXXot?

aiTiov,

tovto

817

eariv 6 Qeos.

av

ri KaXe'is; "

Thirlby and

Aube read

In the preceding question, " Qeov Se to ov for Qeov. Otto, how-

ever, retains Qeov,

and

in either case the ultimate

meaning

of the

question
8

is

the same.

Dial. 3-8.

18
tionable
if

JUSTIN MARTYR.
this narrative

was meant by the author

to

be really historical.

Its

unusually careful composition,

suggest

and
that

its

evident imitation of the Platonic Dialogues, as

itself,

well as the character of the argument

it

may have been

intended to be a vivid portrayal

of the course of thought or

would

at least afterwards

by which Justin passed over, have passed over, from

Probably, however, there
;

Platonism to Christianity. 1

was a
tin's

basis of fact in the story

but whether this were

so or not, the narrative clearly exhibits not only Jus-

continued fondness for Platonism, but also the

fact, to

Christianity

end

to

which all his writings testify, that for him was the completion of philosophy, and the which all former systems, so far as they con-

tained truth, naturally tended.

In the second Apology, 2 Justin declares that he was led to embrace Christianity by beholding the fearlessness
of death

believe that

which the Christians displayed. He could not men who went cheerfully to such a doom could be the wicked people that they were represented
This account, however,
is

to be.

not inconsistent with

the story given in

the Dialogue.

We may

suppose

that his interest having been aroused in "the proph-

and those men who [were] the friends of Christ," the Christians more closely, and was further convinced of their sincerity, and of the power At any rate, whatever was the of their religion. 3 order of events, the conduct of the Christians and the study of the prophets were the two means of
ets

he observed

Justin's conversion.

Here
1
*

it is

proper to remark that while the time of

So Aube", Saint Justin, p. 20. Chapter xii. So Von Engelliardt, Das Christenthum Justins, pp. 80-84.

IMPORTANCE OF JUSTIN'S TESTIMONY.

Justin's principal activity at

19

Rome

is

undisputed, yet
Thechro_
noiogvof
his lite.

the details of the chronology of his life pre-

sent _

many debated and

.

difficult questions.
,

It is probable that

,,

,.

he did not become a

-,

Christian until early in the reign of Antoninus.

The

account which he himself gives of his previous search

for truth implies that not until he had reached manhood did he find peace through believing in Christ. Moreover, according to Syncellus, the Chronicon of Eu-

sebius had, under the year 140 A.

then

"

Justin was called,"

a statement which Euse-

D.,

the statement that

bius probably took from the earlier Chronicle of Julius

Africanus, and which, despite the fact that Eusebius in

the same place erroneously assigns the Apology to that

year, coincides with his evident belief, as expressed in

was still a heathen in Hadriand probably indicates the date of his conversion. 3 We may assume, then, that the Apologist was already in middle life at the time of his conversion and if so, he must have immediately thrown himself
an's reign,
1

his History, 2 that Justin

'IovotIvos 7rpoo-r)yopv8r], cited

by Harnack, Die Uberlieferung,

etc.. p.
2

143, note.

H. E. iv. 8. So Harnack, Die Uberlieferung,

etc., p.

143, note.
i.

Aube

(Saint

Justin, p. 24) thinks that the statement of

Ap.

31, that "

Barcho-

chebas gave orders that Christians alone should be led to cruel punishments," implies that then (a. d. 132-136) Justin was a Chris-

He admits, however, that Eusebius (H. E. iv. 8) understood that at the time of the apotheosis of Antinous (a. d. 131), Justin
tian.

was

still a heathen (cf. Ap. i. 29). Harnack thinks that both Eusebius and the Apology prove that Justin was a heathen in Hadrian's reign. To my mind, there is nothing in the Apology

to

show how long Justin had been a Christian

but the introduc-

tion to the Dialogue proves that his conversion

after he had reached manhood. Harnack well exposes the errors of Eusebius in his chronology of Justin's life and his explanation of the

was

Chronicon, as quoted by Syncellus, seems to

me

plausible.

20

JUSTIN'

MARTYR.

into the thickest part of the battle in behalf of the cause

which he had just espoused.

On

the other hand, the traditional report that Justin

was martyred under Marcus Aurelius may be accepted with reasonable confidence. It is not only given by
Eusebius in his History, 1 but
is

also independently sup2

;

ported by the testimony of Epiphanius

and the Martyrology, which relates the death of Justin and his companions, and which is an unusually trustworthy document for one of its kind, ascribes the martyrdom, as Epiphanius does, to the prefecture of Patsticus. 3 W~e may therefore assume that for about twenty-five years
continued to teach and defend Christianity; and that at some time in the period covered by the years a. d. 163-167 he sealed his testimony with his
Justin
blood.

The time

of Justin's arrival at

Eome

is

determined by
Eixing that,

the date assigned to the great Apology.

1

H. E.

iv. 16.

1. As already observed (of. above, p. 1*2). Epiphanius erroneously places Justin's death under Hadrian. Xevertheless, his mention of Rustieus. and the absence of any reference to Creseens. show a tradition independent of Eusebius. 3 For an account of the manuscript in which the Map-Cpiov is See also. Harpreserved, cf. Otto. Justini Opera, torn. ii. Proleg.

Ha?r. xlvi.

naek's Die Uberlieferung,

contradicts his History,

etc., p.

193.

Eusebius. in the Chronicon,

Justin's death to 152.

and asskrns

Har-

nack

(Ibid., p. 142. note)

supposes that Eusebius asrain misunderIf so. his

stood the language of his source (Julius Africanus).

_ anient

in his History of the

martvrdom

to the reign of

Marcus

Aurelius would seem the more to confirm the antiquity of the tra-

Dr. Hort is quoted by Westcott (Hist, of Canon, p. 88, dition. note 4) as assigning Justin's death to 148: but I have not been able to obtain his article (Journ. of Class, and Sacred Philol g Tbe Martvrology states that Justin was beheaded; and iii. 139).
.

the oldest church tradition assigned his death to the

first

of June.

A later tradition made him die like

Socrates.

IMPORTANCE OF JUSTIN'S TESTIMONY.

for reasons of

21

which I will speak presently, in the year 147 (or 148), it is certain that the author had already and had been _. dwelt several J years in the capital, L Time of his actively engaged in theological controversy, arrival at

He

singles out

Marcion

as the

ous living heretic. 1

at this

He

says of
. .

most conspicuhim that he

.

" is

even

day alive and teaching

nation
his
to

and has caused

many
refers

of every
to a

speak

blasphemies."

He

book of

own which he had

already written

against all the heresies that had existed, 2 and of which

book against Marcion in particular, which is quoted by Irenaeus,3 may have been a part. 4 Justin had thus become a vigorous champion of the orthodox faith, and had especially contended against that dangerous heresy which had recently been transferred from Pontus to Eome, and which threatened most seriously the peace and unity of the Church, 5 so much so that in the folhis
1

2 8

Ap. Ap.
Trpbs

i.

26, 58.
26.

i.

crvvrayfia Kara iraaaiv tcov yeyevrjp.cva>v alpetrecov.

Mapuava

avvrayfia.

Adv. Ha?r.

iv. 6. 2,

and, perhaps,
Just.," Jahrb.

v. 26. 2.
4

So Weizs'acker, " Die Theologie des Martyrers

2.
etc., p.

fur Deutsche Theol. 1867, p. 61, note

Harnack (Die

Uberlief-

erung,
5

142) makes them separate works.

Apology has been used to fix the date of Marcion's Rome, and the latter in turn to fix the date of the former. Aube (Saint Justin, p. 39) concludes from the notices in Eusebius (H. E. iv. 10) as to Marcion's appearance in Rome, that the Apology was at least written after 142, and probably about 150. Previously Volkmar ("Die Zeit Justins des Martyrers," Theologische Jahrbiicher, Tubingen, 1855) had also fixed the date of Justin's writings from Marcion's coming to Rome, assigning the Syntagma to 145 at the earliest, and the Apology Harnack, on the other hand (Zur Quellenkritik der to 147.
Justin's
activity in

knew

Geschichte des Gnosticismus, p. 25), concludes that Justin only of Marcion's work in Asia, on the ground that his descriptions
of

Marcion's errors do

not

show the

influence

of

22

JUSTIN MARTYR.

lowing generation he was as famous for being the op-

ponent and historian of heresy as he was for being an

Apologist. 1

We may
of
The
o
tunities of

thus certainly affirm that early in the reign

Antoninus Justin fixed his residence at Borne. It was a ^ me an(^ a P^ ace which afforded large opporortunity for his active
afforded

mind and polemical spirit, The Eoman Empire was at the height of its splendor, and after the conquests of Trajan had enlarged its limits until nothing more remained to be conquered, had enjoyed under Hadrian, and expected still more to enjoy under Antoninus, the blessings of The restIntellectual activity was quickened. peace. philosophic curiosity of Hadrian and the culture less
work

of the Antonines stimulated the growth of intelligence

and allowed the utmost liberty of thought.

Into

Eome
trib-

there poured an increasing flood of teachers and scholars,

even as into her also poured the commerce and the

ute of the world.
It

was the

lull before

the storm.

It

was the high noon

of Imperial greatness preceding the

;

decline of the long Eoman day and though the causes were already at work which shattered the splendid
spectacle,

though below the outward prosperity the

the Antonines society was steeped

people were impoverished by taxation, and though be-

low the

fair lives of

in depravity, nevertheless the prospect

was such

as to

seem
Cerdo.

to merit the epithet of " golden age."

Von Engelhardt (Das Christenthum

Justins, p. 73) thinks

that Marcion cannot be used to determine the date of the Apolit is not clear whether Justin referred to his activity Asia or Rome. Justin's references to Marcion, however, seem certainly to imply an activity of the heretic and a spread of the heresy so considerable as to be scarcely applicable to the period before Marcion was separated from the Roman church.

ogy, since
in

Cf. Irenseus, cited above.

Tert. adv. Valent.

5.

IMPORTANCE OF JUSTIN'S TESTIMONY.

The Christian Church
at the

23
affected

capital

was

by these circumstances. We shall study hereafter the attitude of the Government toward her but we may here remark that despite occasional persecution and local outrages and general contempt, she had not for a The Roman church had long time suffered severely. already become famous throughout the brotherhood for her charity, and hence, we may suppose, counted not a few wealthy people in her membership. Her influence, as the church of the metropolis, was already great. Into
;

her poured the streams of Christian thought from

the churches of the Empire.
the rays of Christian light converged.

all

She was the focus where

Already
it

was

true, as Irenaeus said a little later, that to her

count of her pre-eminence

a pre-eminence which was

on ac-

due

to her situation in the capital

;

did the

faithful

from everywhere resort

so that she

was already becomThither came the

ing the mirror of Christendom, and her voice the clearest utterance of the universal faith.

leaders of speculation as well as the witnesses of apostolic tradition.

Valentinus and Cerdo began to teach

their heresies at

Eome in the Episcopate of Hyginus. Marcion flourished under Pius and Anicetus. There were to be found representatives of nearly every type
of professed Christianity.
itself

Even Ebionism could make

Gentile Chrisfellowship with observers of

heard in the church of the capital.

tians

who would have no

;

the law

Jewish Christians who would have no fellow;

ship with those who did not observe the law and between these two extremes, the greater number of both Gentile and Jewish believers who strove, with charity toward one another, to walk in the spirit and doctrine of the Apostles, caused the Christian community at Eome,
1

"Propter potiorem principalitatem."

Adv. Hcer.

iii.

3. 2.

2-4

JUSTIN MARTYR.
offer

even at this early period, to

an attractive

field to

the controversialist as well as to the earnest missionary.

What

place more likely to be sought by our philosophi?

cal evangelist

Where

could he find a wider arena for

the combat with error in which he was anxious to en-

gage

From what

portion of the ancient church

?

is

testimony more important than from this

author;
of Justm.

As might have been expected, Justin became an but of the many works which in various
have passed under his name, only
1

The writings periods

three

remain which can certainly be con"

nine books by Justin which he knew, and adds, There are also many other works of his in the hands of many of our brethren." Of those named by him none are now extant except the Apologies aud the Dialogue with Trypho. Other works, indeed, two of which 2 bear the same titles as works mentioned by Eusebius, are found in the manuscripts of Justin, but, on internal grounds, cannot be considered his. It is even probable that Eusebius himself was mistaken in several particulars of his life of Justin. He certainly had not read Justin's
sidered his.
of

Eusebius mentions

work

against

heresies,

for

he quotes

it

only through

two and the other under Marcus Aurelius. But not only were both the now extant Apologies certainly written under Antoninus, but Eusebius quotes from both of them as from the It would thus appear that what are now Jlrst Apoloriy. known as the two Apologies of Justin were in Eusebius's time one and that the second Apology, to which
Apologies,

Irenseus. 3

one under Antoninus

He

explicitly affirms that Justin wrote

Pius,

H. E.
Cf.

iv. 18.

nep\ fiovapxlas and npbs "EXXtjvcis.

H. E.

iv. 18.

IMPORTANCE OF JUSTIN'S TESTIMONY.

he
refers,

25

but from which he does not quote, was either

lost,

a srenuine work of Justin's which has been

or else

(and more probably) some other work of similar charac1 In fact, Justin ter which passed under Justin's name.

was so prominent a character in the remembrance of many writings were purposely or him. During the Middle Ages attributed to mistake by
the later Church, that

he was not known by his genuine writings at

all,

but

by a number

of these

spurious
3

ones.

Our

earliest

manuscript of Justin's works dates from the fourteenth

century, and contains twelve
1

works alleged

to

have

In

II.

E.

ii.

13,

tin's "first

defence addressed to Antoninus."

Eusebius quotes from Ap. i. 26, as from JusIn iii. 26, he refers to

In iv. 8, he quotes Ap. ii. 12, as from "the Apology to Antoninus," after having quoted, as from the same work, Ap. i. 29 and 31. In iv. 11, 12, he says: "Justin, after having contended with great success against the Greeks, addressed also other -works, containing a
defence of our faith, to the Emperor Antoninus Pius and to the

the same passage as containing a notice of Menander.

Senate of Rome. He also had his residence at Rome; but he shows who and whence he was in the following extracts in his Apology: " then follows Ap. i. 1. In iv. 16, he says that Justin, "having given a second defence of our doctrine to the abovementioned rulers [viz., Aurelius and Lucius Verus]," was marThen he quotes Ap. ii. 3, as "in the Apology already tyred. quoted (eV rfj Bedrj^cofievrj a7roXoyta)," which seems to refer to his previous citations of the longer Apology. In iv. 1 7, he cites Ap. ii. 12, as from "the first Apology." In iv. 18, enumerating Jus" There is a discourse of his, addressed to tin's books, he says Antoninus Pius and his sons and the Roman Senate, in defence
:

of our doctrines
faith,

also another work, comprising a defence of our

which he addressed to the emperor of the same name, Antoninus Verus [i.e., Marcus Aurelius], the successor of the preceding." Harnack (Die Uberlieferung, etc., pp. 172, etc.) argues with plausibility that the work now known as the Supplicatio of Athenagoras was mistakenly regarded by Eusebius as the second

Apology
2
8

of Justin.

Harnack's Die Uberlieferung, etc., pp. 148, etc. The work Adv. Gentiles is added in the manuscript as an
Cf.

26

JUSTIN MARTYR.
his

come from

pen

and

it

has been only modern

crit-

icism which has by careful examination separated from

out of these those which

ered genuine.
1

may

be reasonably consid-

Most

of the

works contained in the

2

manuscript are indeed easily condemned as spurious

by

their internal characteristics

and none are now

Aristotelis, without

appendix to the Confutatio Dogmatum

inscription.

any

1 There exist only two complete manuscripts of Justin, the Codex Regius Parisinus, 450, written in 1364; and the Codex Claromontanus (now Medioniontanus), which was taken in 1824 from Paris to England, and which was written in 1541. Either the latter, however, was copied from the former, or both were

from a common exemplar. Cf. Otto's Justini Opera, torn. i. proleg. xx. etc. In both manuscripts the shorter Apology precedes the The text appears, by longer, and the latter is called Sevrepa. comparison with the quotations in Eusebius, to have been much corrupted (cf. Harnack's Die Uberlieferung, p. 135, note). The works assigned to Justin by the Paris manuscript are, according to Otto: (1) Epistola ad Zenam et Serenam; (2) Cohortatio ad Gentiles (3) Dialogus cum Tryphone (4) Apologia Minor (5) Apologia Major; (6) De Monarchia; (7) Expositio recta? fidei (8) Confutatio dogmatum, to which the tract Adv. Gentiles is appended; (9) Qusestiones Christianorum ad Gentiles; (10) Quajstiones et Responsiones ad Orthodoxos (11) Quasstiones Gentilium ad Christianos. 2 Cf. Harnack, ibid., The question of the spuripp. 154, etc. ousness of most of these works is so well settled that I have not thought it necessary to discuss it. The Cohortatio most closely resembles Justin's genuine writings but the absence from it of the doctrine of the Logos is alone decisive the other way. More;

over, Schiirer (Brieger's Zeitschrift fur Kirchengescb., ii. 3, p. 319) has pointed out the apparent dependence of the Cohortatio on Julius Africanus, and assigned it, therefore, to the middle of the third century. Donaldson (Hist, of Christian Lit., ii. 96) had already taken the same view, following Ashton (Justini Ph. et

M.

Apologia?, p. 294).

More

recently Volter (Zeitschr. fur wis-

sensch. Theol., 1883, pp. 180, etc.) has argued that the Cohortatio

Tiberias),

and Africanus drew from a common source (Justus of and that the Cohortatio is a work of the second cen-

IMPORTANCE OF JUSTIN'S TESTIMONY.

considered Justinian except the Apologies
Dialogue.
to

27
the

and

The genuineness of these

is

undisputed, and

them alone can we appeal

to learn the testimony of

Justin.
his

One cannot but

express a passing regret that

work against heresies, from which Irenasus quoted and probably derived much of his own information upon the subject, and which would complete our knowledge
of Justin's testimony to early Christianity

by bringing

out plainly his attitude as an orthodox Christian to the

teaching of the Apostles, has not escaped the ravages of
time.

The two extant Apologies

of Justin form, then, per-

haps the most notable monument of Christianity which has been preserved from the second century, The Apolat
least

from before the time of Irenceus.

ogies "

By

Eusebius, as has been alread}r stated, both were

;

probably regarded as one work

cally are such

and that they

practi-

may

be considered quite certain. 1

The

shorter
longer,
tury,

was

in all probability a sort of postscript to the

added because of certain events which had just

first

and probably the

part of the treatise

irepl dXrjdfias

by

Apollinaris of Hierapolis.

As

to the genuineness of the Dialogue,

Prof. B. L. Gildersleeve (Tntrod. to his ed. of the Apologies of J. M., " Apart from the historical allusions to the secp. xxiii) writes
:

ond century, apart from the testimony of Eusebius, apart from the general agreement with the Apologies in doctrine and thought and want of method, the language is evidently the same and though there are slight variations in vocabulary, as might be expected from the difference of theme, these have little weight in comparison with the remarkable coincidences in tricks of speech and
;

irregularities of syntax."
1

Boll (Zeitschr. fur histor. Theol., 1842)

(p. 77) as

is

quoted by

Von

Engelhardt

holding that the shorter Apology was the original conclusion of the larger but as Von Engelhardt says,
;

the present conclusion of the larger Apology

elsewhere.

is

complete, and no
it,

place for the insertion of the shorter can be found in

or indeed

28
occurred.

JUSTIN MAETYR.
Like the longer,
it

betrays by

its

expressions

that

it

was written

in the reign of Antoninus, 1

and

by

its
it

references to the longer conclusively indicates

that

was written shortly after. 2 We regard it, thereand if so, fore, as a supplement to the longer Apology in fixing assistance the date at which of some it becomes 3 Certainly both were written. J this was not Their date. The far from the middle of the century. author speaks of the Jewish war as recent,4 and of Christ's birth as having occurred one hundred and 5 Both these, however, are elastic exfifty years before. pressions, and different critics have assigned the larger Apology to dates ranging from 13S to 150 a. d. But if the shorter Apology was written soon after the longer,
;

new element
as
it

is

introduced into the calculation, in-

asmuch

states that at the time of its composition

Urbicus was prefect of Eome.

Now,

Q. Lollius Urbi-

cus was the legate of Antoninus in Britain

when

the

famous wall of Antoninus was constructed.

1

This was

reign, Aurelius

"To thee, the Emperor." In the subsequent and Lucius Verus were co-emperors till the death of the latter in 169. So, also, " This judgment does not become the pious Emperor nor the philosophic Ccesar, his son," is conclusive for the reign of Antoninus. So c. 15 " Would that you also would for your own sakes judge worthily of piety and philosophy." 2 In Ap. ii. 4, "We have before stated that [God] takes pleasure
Cf.

Ap.

ii.

in those

In

ii.

6,

"

who imitate As we said

is

his properties," etc.,

probably refers to

i.

10.

sel of

God, " etc.,

became man according to the couna clear reference to Ap. i., for in Ap. ii nothbefore, he

ing as yet has been said of the incarnation.

Heracleitus, as
8

In

ii.

8,

"

We

know
46.

we said before," seems to be a reference to i. Most critics now take this view of the shorter Apologv.
;

Cf.

Von

Engelhardt, p. 77 Harnack (Die Uberlieferung, etc.), p. 145. Aube (Saint Justin, pp. 67, etc.) still holds that the shorter Apol-

ogy was that mentioned by Eusebius as offered to Marcus Aurelius, and places its date late in the reign of Antoninus. 4 Ap. i. 31 5 ^p. i. 46. cf. also i. 47.
:

IMPORTANCE OF JUSTIN'S TESTIMONY.

in 140 A.
d.
;

29

and several years

may

reasonably be sup-

posed to have intervened before he became prefect of

the capital. 1
safely say that

Without presuming to be between 145 and 150

exact,
A. d.,

we may

and most

probably in 147 or 148, the Apologies were written;

and since the Dialogue refers 2 to the Apology, and yet 3 of the Jewish war as recent, it D ate of the still speaks must have been composed shortly after. 4 Dialo s ue This agrees very well with what we have already learned of the time of Justin's conversion, and of his
-

probable controversy with Marcion at

Home

before "the

composition of the Apology.

1

necessarily, however, seven or nine years, as Aube (p. 70) on the statement of Julius Capitolinus that Antoninus genEven erally left his legates that length of time in the provinces. if it were so, however, Urbicus might have returned to Rome as early as 146, since he might have gone to Britain as early as 139.

Not

insists

2 4

c.

120.
cf.

cc. 1, 9; cf. cc. 16, 108.

Aube's Saint Justin, pp. 68, etc. Aube, however, introduces elements into the calculation which are unwarranted, and errs in saying that Antoninus took his third consulVon Engelhardt (p. 78) follows Aube, and is misled ship in 145.

For Urbicus,

by him.

See, also, the article in the Encycl. Britan., "

Wall

of

Antoninus."
5 All arguments on the date of the Apology, drawn from its opening address, are uncertain, because of the possibilities of

textual corruption

yet as Aurelius was not fully associated in

the government with Antoninus until 147, and as Lucius, who is described by Justin as a philosopher and lover of instruction, was

born in 130, an earlier date for the Apology than 147 seems improbable. On it, in fact, all the probabilities converge. If, on the other hand, as Harnack supposes (Die Uberlieferung, etc., p. 142, note), when Eusebius in the Chronicon assigned Justin's death to 152, he was misled by a statement of Julius Africanus,
that in that year Crescens gave Justin trouble (meaning thereby that in that year the Apology was written as a result of the

debate between Justin and Crescens), there would be reason for accepting that date for its composition, since Julius Africanus

would be

likely to

have known the

facts.

To

this date there is

30

JUSTIN MARTYR.
These works, then, written at such a time and at

such a place, demand our attention.

observe their character and contents.

Let us briefly

The longer Apology

text, this introduction
.

has,
"

according to our present

To the Emperor Titus iElius Adrianus Antoninus Pius Augustus Csesar, Analysis of the longer and to Verissimus, 1 his philosophic son, and to Lucius 2 the philosopher, by birth the son of Caesar 3 and adopted son of Pius, a lover of instruction, and to the sacred Senate, and to all the
:

,_..,..
men
I,

Eoman

people, in behalf of the

of every race

who

are unjustly hated

and abused,

Justin, the son of

Priscus and grandson of Bacchius,

who

Neapolis, a city of Syria, in Palestine,

them,

have

being one
petition." 4

are of Flavia
of It

made

this

address

and

no objection, except the references in the Apology and Dialogue to the Jewish war as recent, which make it undesirable to place the writings any later than possible but Africanus may have referred to some subsequent action of Crescens against Justin, perhaps to the very plots of which Tatian speaks. 1 M. Aurelius Antoninus. Hadrian called him Verissimus, his original name having been Marcus Annius Verus.
;

2 8

L. Ceionius

That

is,

son of L. iElius Verus,

Commodus, afterwards L. Aurelius Verus. who had been adopted by

Hadrian, but died before the latter. 4 Various parts of this address have been called in question by critics. Cf. Otto's note. Eusebius (H. E. iv. 12) quotes it
as above, except reading Kaiaapi 2e8a(TTa> for 2e/3acrr<5 Kaicrapi.

Volkmar, Cave, Uberweg) would read Avrcavlvca Volkmar would change Eucre,3ei 2ej3acrTcp to 2e/3acrrw Evcre^el, after many inscriptions and Volkmar also thinks coins but Otto cites others like our text. while others (Neander, Cave) iraidelas spurious Kai Aovkico
(Ritter,
'

Some

Evaepel. 2e/3ao-r( Ka\ Kaicrapi Ov-qpio-criuHd.

read, instead of Aovkico

(fivaei vlco,

Aovkico <fiikoo~6(pov Kaiaapos on the ground that Lucius was only born in 130, and, wbile nominally Caesar, was really a private citizen (cf. Von EnOtto, however, quotes Schnitzer to the effect gelhardt, p. 72). that Justin could as well have called Lucius a philosopher as his
<fiikoa6(fia>,

DIPORTANCE OF JUSTIN'S TESTIMONY.

opens
(c.

31

2)

with a bold appeal for

justice, evidently
"

imitating

Plato's

Apology
"

of

Socrates.

lteason

di-

rects," says Justin,

those

who

are truly pious

is

and phi-

losophical to honor
will not Hatter,

and love only what

true."

He

and he does not fear. He simply asks He demands, therefore (3, 4), that men for justice. should not be punished merely for a name, but only after examination of their lives and conduct, and alleges (5) that such unreasonable hatred as the Christians experience could only be

due

to the instigation of

demons, who, as they slew Socrates,

the incarnate

now war

against

Word

Himself.

Justin then (6-12) enu-

merates three principal charges made against the Christians,

namely, atheism, immorality, and

briefly to

disloyalty,

and proceeds
atheists, for

meet them.

Christians are not

they worship the true God, the Father of

righteousness and virtue, together with the Son

who

and the host of angels who follow and are like Him, and the Spirit of prophecy. They are not immoral or if any be conto teach us,
;

came

forth from

Him

victed of crimes, they are willing that such should be

punished.

In

fact, their refusal to lie in

order to live

should

commend them

to all thoughtful people.

it

Their
;

belief is innocent,

however incredible

may

be

while
spirit-

their rejection of the popular divinities

and their

ual worship and imitation of the Most

to appear to philosophic rulers a crime.

High ought not

Finally, they

kingdom which they seek is a heavenly one. Hence they die the more willingly, that they may partake in it and their doctrines would make
are not disloyal, for the
;

and remarks that the title " philosopher " was used very loosely, and that the added clause, " a lover of instruction," indicates of itself that Lucius was not a philosopher as Verissimus was.
licentious father
;

32

JUSTIN MARTYR.
this appeal for justice

good citizens of all men. With

clude

and

refutation of slanders, Justin says that he might con;

but in the hope of convincing some of the actual

its

truth of Christianity, he undertakes to show

positive

worth and
to

credibility.

He

begins to do this by describ-

ing the reasonable worship which the Christians offer

God

(13, 14),

and by giving examples

of the lofty

ethical teaching of Christ (15-17), as well as

by pro-

ducing analogies between the Christian doctrines of

immortality, resurrection and the end of the world and

the teaching of nature and

recites also

philosophy (18-20).

He

some of the pagan fables about the sons of the gods and their marvellous exploits, to show how irrational was the honor bestowed on them, and how still more unreasonable it was for believers in these
tales to persecute believers in the alleged facts of the

The object of this part of the of Christ (21, 22). Apology was to disarm unbelief and, by proving that Christianity was neither novel nor contemptible, to preThat argupare for the positive argument in its favor. ment will, he says, aim to establish three points first, that the teaching of Christ and the prophets is alone true, and is older than all other writers second, that Jesus Christ was alone and in the proper sense begotten as a Son to God, being His Logos and First-born and Power, 1 and having become by His will a man, taught us these things for the conversion and restolife
:

ration

of the

human

race; third, that

before

Christ

came, some, influenced by the demons, related through

the poets mythological tales intended to travesty the
future revelation (23).

These were Justin's main points

in his defence of Christianity.

1
*I.

The nature

of Christ

X.

/j.6i'os

iSico? vios tg> 6ed> ycyevvr/Tai, Xo'yoj

dvvafj.is.

avrov vrrdpx av

Kai irpaiTOTOKos

ko.1

IMPORTANCE OF JUSTIN'S TESTIMONY.

as the incarnate divine Logos of his thought

33

was the starting-point and the central truth by which Christianity was commended and its relations to previous thought and life explained. As contained in the Hebrew prophets, Christianity antedated all philosophy and all pagan religion. Whatever in them was true and good was derived from it, and whatever was evil was originated by the demons for the purpose of opposing it. To establish, therefore, the antiquity of the prophets and the nature of Christ, was the chief aim
of his argument.

After descanting again on the unreasonableness of

persecuting

men who merely

and yet

differ

from others in

re-

ligious opinion

live pure lives, while idols of

lust are worshipped, religions of other kinds permitted,

impostors like Simon

Magus and Menander

honored,

and heretics like Marcion allowed (2^-29), Justin at This consists of proof of last takes up the argument.
Christianity from the fulfilment of prophecy,

and

in-

cludes a large portion of his book (30-53).

He

begins

by giving an account of the prophets and

and
relates
that,

of the preser-

vation of their writings in the version of the Seventy,

centuries

before
life

Jesus

lived,

they

predicted the main facts of his

and the mission of Of these predictions he the Apostles to the world. gives a number of examples, 1 following for the most
1 He cites predictions of Christ's advent; His triumphal entry His "cleansing by His blood those who believe on Him;" His birth from a virgin in Bethlehem His crucifixion the preaching of the Gospel to the Gentiles; the call of men to repentance; Christ's session in heaven the hostility of the world to Christianity the desolation of Judaea Christ's miracles His rejection by the Jews and acceptance by the Gentiles His humiliation, ascension, majesty, and second advent and the future resurrection and judgthe certainty of the last two of which may, he says, be ment, inferred from the fulfilment already of the other predictions. 3
; ; ; ; ; ; ; ;

34

JUSTIN MARTYR.

them that ingenious and method of interpretation for which the exegetes of the day and especially those of Alexandria a method which regarded the Old Teswere famous,
part in his explanations of
arbitrary

tament as either a prosaic writing beforehand of

cealed meaning.

later

history or else as oracular utterances of carefully con-

He

explains also the different

it

modes

of prophecy, and defends belief in

of fatalism.

against the charge

He
came

pauses to reply to the objection that

so late, those

since Christ

who

lived before his

and does so by maintaining that the divine Logos was in the world from the beginning, and that men of every race who lived rationally 1 were really Christians, while those who lived irrationally 2 were enemies of Christ, and wicked.

coming were

irresponsible,

From
of

all

these fulfilled predictions he concludes (53)

that the Christian's belief in Christ as the First-born

God and

the universal Judge

is

completely

justified.

Justin next (54-58) endeavors to show that mythol-

ogy was a device of the demons to imitate the future Christ, of whom they had learned from the prophets

and he points out some of however (55), they failed

symbol of

their attempts. 3
to

One

thing,

understand, namely, the

is

predictions of the Cross, although this

Christ's power, as

the greatest

prevalence in nature

may be learned from its and human life, as for instance in

sail,

the shape of a ship's

a farmer's plough, the tools

of the mechanic, and the features of the

human

body.
rise of

To the same demoniacal source he refers also the

impostors, persecutions, and heretics
1

in

recent times

pera Xoyou.

avev \6yov.

Thus,

e. g.,

Bacchus, the son of Jupiter and discoverer of the

of

vine,

was a travesty

Gen.

xlix. 10

"

He

shall

be the desire of

the Gentiles, binding his foal to the vine."

imitation of the coming Healer, etc.

iEsculapius was an

IMPORTANCE OF JUSTIN'S TESTIMONY.

(5G-58).
(59, 60)

35
himself

He

then

tries

to

show

that

Plato

count of

was directly dependent on Moses for his acthe origin of the world and of the second and

third powers in the universe. 1

Then

follows the closing

Apology (61-G7), in which Justin describes Christian baptism, the celebration of the Eucharist and the proceedings at the weekly assemblies of the Christians, for the purpose of removing the false impressions which were current among the populace. With a final appeal for at least liberty of opinion and a solemn reminder of God's judgment of all men, Justin concludes his xVpology by appending Hadrian's letter to Minucius Fundanus, a proconsul of Asia, in which that emperor
part of the directed that Christians should only be punished after

a legal

trial.

The Apologist
so

adds, however, that he de-

pended not

much on

Hadrian's letter as on the justice

of his cause.

Thus the proof on which Justin relied ment for Christianity was its fulfilment
It should be carefully noticed that this

in his arguof prophecy.

i ts

was

argu.
'

not the ground on which he pleaded for the ment

toleration of Christianity.

ground of

justice,

and

our next lecture.

For that he pleaded on the which will appear in Nor was his argument intended to
for reasons

exhibit the only authority on which Christians themselves rested their belief.

The

assertion that

it

was has

been a
1

fruitful cause of error in the

understanding of

What
it

placed

like a

Plato says in the Timasus of the "World-soul, " He ^ in the universe," Justin thinks he took from
personal Logos.

the account of the brazen serpent, identifying Plato^s World-soul

with his

own

In the Ps-Platonic Ep.

ii.

occurs

an obscure phrase, " ra

8e rpira nepl tov rplrov,"

which Justin con-

siders a reminiscence of the Spirit brooding over chaos. Athenagoras (Supplic. 23) sees also in the same phrase a reference

to the Spirit.

36
Justin and his age.
ogetic one.
It

JUSTIN MARTYR.
His argument was simply an apolitself of

outlined the course of thought along

which

his

credibility of the

own mind travelled in assuring new faith, and the course

the

along which

he believed others would be led to the same conclusion.

The simplicity of the Christian ceremonies, the nobility of Christian ethics, the analogies with paganism, were meant to remove obstacles from the minds of his readers, in order that the marvellous fact of prophecy and
its

fulfilment might lead to the conviction that Chris-

tianity

was the absolute and eternal

shorter Apology

truth.

The
.

dignation at a
Analysis of
the shorter
, .

It

by Justin's innew outrage which had just occurred. opens abruptly It is x c J and vehementlv.
called out

was

addressed to the

Eoman

people,

though

it

appeals also to the emperor and the Csesar

as the highest representatives
clares that Christianity

of the people.

It de-

was being used as a charge to Of this a most outrageous incover private malice. A dissolute man, angry at stance had just taken place. rebuked his vices and having for his Christian wife
finally left him,

with being a Christian

sentenced to

had charged her teacher, Ptolemseus, and the prefect Urbicus had death Ptolernseus and two others, simply
;

because they confessed their religion

(1,

21).

Justin

adds that he himself expects to

malice of Crescens,

fall

a victim to the

whom

he had publicly shown to be

an ignorant demagogue

(3).

He

then briefly discusses

two more popular objections brought against the ChrisThey were asked why, if they were so willing to tians.
die,

they did not

kill

themselves.

Justin replies

(4),

that

God made the world for man, and is who do the things which are like

pleased with those

Himself.

To

kill

IMPORTANCE OF JUSTIN'S TESTIMONY.

37

themselves would be, so far as they were concerned, to end the race and prevent the spread of the divine docAt the same time, when examined, they confess trines.
because
it is

wicked not
their

to tell the truth.

asked, also,

why

God

did not protect them.

They were To
fell,

this Justin replies (5)

by declaring that God placed the

world in charge of angels, but that some of these

them and their offspring, the demons, are In contrast to the evils endured by good men due. these demons whom the wicked serve, he sets forth the
and that
to

God whom the Christians worship, and His begotten Logos who became man to deliver men from the demons (6). Having determined to save men through Christ, God spares the world for the sake of the
one ineffable

Men, too, are responsible for their treatand hence God allows opportunity for repentance before the final judgment comes. In all ages those who followed Eeason have been persecuted by the demons (8). What wonder, then, if Christians are ? But the time of judgment will come (9). Justin
Christians (7).

ment

of the truth,

therefore repeats his favorite idea (10), that Christianity

is

superior to all other teaching, because

it

reveals the

whole Logos (or Eeason) of God. Others have known Him in part, but now He is completely manifested, and with such power over men as to demonstrate His claims.
late the

People should remember (11) that vice may easily simuappearance of virtue, but that on really obeying

and suffering for virtue does the future reward depend. In fact (12), the way Christians regard death is a crowning proof of the truth of their religion and of the
falsity of the slanders reported

about them.

" I

am

Christian," he concludes (13)

"and

I find in Christian-

ity nothing hostile to Plato, but only the completion of

that which Plato and other philosophers taught."

Justin

38

JUSTIN MAETYE.

then (14) prays that his book may be authorized. He distinguishes himself from the Simonians, with whom

he was afraid that he as a Samaritan might be confused,

and remarks with no little sarcasm that his writings were at least not so injurious to the public morals as some others which were authorized and popular. It is clear that this supplement to Justin's Apology was called out by a special occasion. It attempts no
Its charac-

elaborate proof of Christianity, but deals with

is

two popular sneers cast at the Christians. It more passionate than the longer Apology. It breathes a pathetic and indignant sense of injustice, and
far

ten

utters a conviction of the truth so intense as to be will-

ing to face popular hatred without flinching and even

death with indifference.

When now we
Analvsis of the Dialogue
,
.
.

turn to the Dialogue with Trypho,

we

find ourselves in a quite different atmosphere

from that

The book is a recital, addressed to a certain Marcus Pompeius, 1 of a debate which Justin says he had had with the Jew Trypho and some of Trypho' s friends. He met them while walking in the xystus 2 of a certain city which Eusebius says was Ephesus. 3 Saluted by Trypho as a philosopher, and asked for his opinions, Justin refers the Jew to the prophets of his own nation, and is
of the Apologies. x

led to relate, as

we have

already described, the story of

his conversion to Christianity,

and his subsequent de-

light in the prophets as inspired teachers of truth.

He

declares that Christianity

is

the true philosophy, and

points Trypho to Jesus as the Messiah

1

whom

the proph-

Cf. cc. 8, 141.

Or covered colonnade
H. E.
iv. 18.
it

in a

gymnasium.
xii. 1,

"Weizsacker (Jahrb. fur deutsche Theol.,

pp. 60-119) thinks

was Corinth.

IMPORTANCE OF
ets
foretold.

JUSTIN'S TESTIMONY.

39
is

This leads to the discussion, which

conducted on

the part of Justin with great elaboration,

with

many repetitions and

quotations from and explana-

tions of the
at first

Old Testament, and on the part of Trypho with amusement, sometimes with earnestness,
spirit to increase

but generally with a rather too docile

our confidence in the historical character of the narrative.

The work

is

much

longer than even the large

Apology; and yet, in the judgment of some scholars, The debate appears to portions of it have been lost. 1
have lasted at
actually
least
is

two days. 2
a
difficult

How

far the dialogue

occurred,
it

question

to
it

answer.
after-

Perhaps

did take place, but the recital of

was

wards elaborated by Justin.

is

Fortunately, however, this

a matter of small consequence, since our interest in

work consists entirely in the view of Christianity and its circumstances expressed by the author. While the progress of the argument is often interrupted, while tedious repetitions occur and no careful
the

plan

is laid

down

for the debate, it is yet possible to

recognize in the Dialogue three principal topics.

The first (9-31) concerns the Mosaic ordinances, which Trypho represents as perpetually and universally binding. The Jew does not indeed credit the infamous reports about the Christians,

and has read and admired

dis-

the

"

precepts in the so-called Gospel," but thinks nev-

ertheless that Justin

ciple of Plato

might better have remained a

than have believed in Jesus, and urges

him

to

obey the ritual law.

that the prophets themselves predicted a

Thereupon Justin declares new law and

covenant which have been revealed in Jesus.

tends that the Old Testament itself required
1

He conmen to

Cf. Otto's note 7 Cf.

c.

on

c. 74,

and note

on

c.

105.

85.

40
keep the
monial.
eternal,

JUSTIN MARTYR.
moral decrees rather than the cerehe says, were given to the Jews
sin.

The

latter,

because of that nation's persistent disposition to

God

thus sought to remind them of Himself, or

else, as

in the case of circumcision, to

mark them out

for

pun-

ishment.

Justin appeals to the example of the patri-

archs for proof that righteousness does not consist in

these

observances.
;

The

true fast
is

is

abstinence from

evil (15)

the true "circumcision

that of the heart

(24)
(12).

the true

Sabbath

is

repentance and obedience

Such

rites are useless to those

who have been

witnessed to by

God and have been who

baptized with the

Holy Ghost.
liver

Christians have learned the true right-

eousness from Christ (28),

has power
(30),

now

to de-

them from the

power
last
(31).

evil

demons

and of whose

greater

at his second

advent Daniel the prophet

to the nature of

spake

The

remark turns the discussion

Christ as taught by the

Hebrew

prophets, and to the

;

proofs of the Messiahship of Jesus

and

this subject,

with several digressions, occupies the larger part of the

Dialogue (32-129).

When

Trypho

objects to the

hum-

ble lot of Jesus, Justin shows that the prophets foretold

and the other of glory is called by the prophets God and Lord as well as Jacob (36-38). He
of humiliation

two advents,
(32-34).

one

He shows

also that Christ

points

out various types

l

of

Christ

and Christianity

(40-42), and

infers

from them that the law was to have

;

of

1 He mentions as types the paschal lamb the goats of the day atonement the offering of fine flour, -which, he says, prefigured
; ;

the Eucharist

circumcision, -which typified spiritual circumcision

wrought in believers by Ilim who rose from the dead on the eighth day; the bells on the high-priest's robe, which, he says (incorrectly, cf. Exod. xxviii. 33), were twelve in number, and typified
the Apostles.

IMPORTANCE OF JUSTIN'S TESTIMONY.

41

an end in Christ, who was, in accordance with prophecy, bom of a virgin (43), and whom all must believe and
obey in order to be saved (44). After a digression (45-47) in which the salvability of those who lived in
pre-Mosaic times and of Jewish Christians
tained,
is

main-

Trypho declares

it

absurd to believe that one

a man, and contends

who

existed as

God should be born

was

also that Elias

Justin

having

to precede the Christ.

Thereupon
if

put in the caution that even be held

the
his

divine pre-existence of Jesus be not proved,

Messiahship

may

explains

still

the mission

of

John the Baptist, adding, however, that before the ond advent Elias will appear in person (48-51).
adduces also Jacob's prediction (Gen.
Jesus
ever,
xlix.

sec-

He

10-12) in

proof of the two advents of Christ, and of the fact that

is

indeed the promised one (52-54).

insists

When, how-

Trypho

that he prove plainly from the

is

Scriptures that the Christ

God, Justin undertakes to

do so (55-62) by arguing that the Old Testament theophanies explain themselves, not as appearances of the
divine Father, but of another person, called Angel and Lord and God and Beginning and Wisdom, who was subject to the Father and Maker of all things. 1

The debate then turns

to Trypho.

to the Incarnation, which, in-

cluding the birth from a virgin, was specially offensive

Justin proves
it

(63-88) from the Psalms, 2

and still more particularly from Isaiah. 3 In doing so, he also defends the doctrine from the allegation of the Jew that it was on a par with the tales of mythology
(67-70)
1
;

maintains that the Jews had cut out certain

He

words of Gen.
2

appeals also to the eighth chapter of Proverbs, and to the i. 26, " Let us make man."
3.

Ps. ex.

4: xlv. 6-11; xeix. 1-7; lxxii.

Isa. xlii. 8; vii.

xix. 1-6.

Explaining

10-17; and

viii. 4.

42

JUSTIN MARTYR.

important passages from the Scriptures which bore on

the subject, 1 and adduces other passages to prove the
1 Dial. 71-74. Justin says the following passages had heen cutout: (1) "Esdras said to the people: This passover is our Saviour and our Refuge. And if ye have understood, and your heart has taken it in, that we are about to humble Him on a standard, then this place [Jerusalem] shall not be forsaken for-

ever, said the

listen to

tions "
Kai
r)

God of Hosts. But if ye will not believe Him nor His preaching, ye shall be a laughing-stock to the na(accu elirev "'Eadpas rw Xaw Tovro to nda^a 6 o~urrjp fjpcov
'

KaraCpvyrj

f]pa>v.

kol eav diaiorjd^re

/cat

dvefijj

vpa>v enl rrjv

p.erd

KapSiav,

on peWopev
6

avrbv rarreivovv iv
pr]

arjpeico

koi

ravra

i\Trio~copev

in avrov, ov

ipr)pu>8fi
'

6 tottos ovros els tov anavra

Xpovov. Xeyei
fir)8e

6ebs ra>v dvvdpecov

eav

8e

prj

7Tiarfvcn]Tf

ai/ra

elaanovcrriTe tov Kr/pvypaTos avrov, ecreaBe eirixappa

is

to'ls 'ddvecrt).

This passage

also quoted, with

iv.

slight verbal differences,

by
it

Lactantius (Instt. Div.

18).

Its source is not

known, but
(2)

reads like a Christian interpolation attributed to Ezra.

I [was]

"And

from the things spoken by Jeremiah, they cut out the following as a [harmless] lamb led to be slaughtered. They devised a device against me, saying, Come, let us lay wood to [for] his bread, and let us blot him out from the land of the living, and his name shall be remembered no more (AeOre,
hpfiakaipev v\ov els tov aprov avrov Ka\ enrptyuipev avrbv eK yrjs
o>vtg>v ko\ to

ovopa avrov ov

prj

pvrjaBrj ovueri).
is still

And

since this

passage from the words of Jeremiah

in the

written in some copies

synagogues of the Jews (for it is only a short time since they were cut out), and since from these words it is shown that the Jews deliberated concerning the Christ Himself, plotting to
crucify

and slay Him,

He

is

himself declared to be, as was also

prophesied by Isaiah, led as a sheep to the slaughter, and is here represented as a harmless lamb; and so, being in a difficulty about it, they [the Jews] gave themselves to blasphemy [i. e., by
cutting the passage out]."
in all our manuscripts of

This passage, however, is still found Jeremiah xi. 19. (3) "And from the

words of the same Jeremiah, they likewise cut out the following The holy [so Otto, reading ayios for the ami of the manuscripts] Lord God of Israel remembered His dead who lay asleep in the grave, and descended to them to preach to them His salvation." This passage is quoted by Irena?us (adv. Ha?r. iii. 20. 4) as from Isaiah, and again (iv. 22. 1) as from Jeremiah, and elsewhere (iv.

IMPORTANCE OF JUSTIN'S TESTIMONY.

1 divinity of Christ as well as His incarnation.

43

He

then

brings forward predictions

and types of the

crucifixion

and

its

attendant events (89-105), of the resurrection,

the call of the Gentiles, and the conversion of the world

(106-118).

In

fact,

the Christians, not the Jews, are,

itself,
;

according to the Old Testament

the holy people

promised

to the patriarchs (119, 120)

is

and the converits fulfil-

sion of the Gentiles

a crowning proof, by

ment of prophecy, that Jesus is the Christ (121, 122). It was Christ and the Christians of whom the prophets
spake as Israel and sons of

God (123-125)
is set

many names under which

Christ

Testament show his double nature.

appeared to the patriarchs
substance (128) before
(127),

and the forth in the Old It was He who

;

second divine

person begotten by the Father's will from His

all creation

own

(129).

In the remainder of the Dialogue (130-142) Justin shows that other prophecies foretold the conversion of
the Gentiles, and maintains that they are more faithful

The synthe Jews ever were (131-133). was typified in Leah, but church in agogue the Eachel (134). The Christians, he repeats, are the true Israel,
to
33. 1, 12; v. 31. 1) without

God than

mention of the
''

-writer's

name.

It is

found, however, in no ancient version of the prophets.

states that the

(4)

He

from the wood (drro rov gv\ov) were taken away from Ps. xcv. (xcvi.) 1 0, which should therefore read, " Say among the heathen, The Lord reigned from the wood." So Justin quotes it in Ap. i. 41. The words which he claims were cut out are not found in any manuscript of the Psalm. They are quoted by Tertullian (adv. Marc. iii. 19, and adv. Jud. 10) and by later FaThese passages, at least, show the uncritical use of manuthers. scripts of Scripture by the early writers, and the ease with which words
"

textual corruptions could be introduced.

as of the
1

They show,

also,

the

fact of textual variations in the manuscripts of the

LXX.

as well

Xew

Testament.

Cf. Dial. 75, 76, 83, 85-88.

44

JUSTIN MARTYR.

while the Jews have rejected in Christ both

prophets (135, 136).
water, faith,
;

God and

the

He

therefore exhorts his hearers

may be saved, like Noah, " by and wood," and may inherit the promised possession for God will receive, as the prophets and Christ declared, all of any race who seek Him, while he
to be converted, that they

that perishes does so through his

Finally, that
it

own fault (137-140). might not be said that the crucifixion of

Christ, having

been thus predicted, was necessary, and

crucified

that they

who

Him

were unable to act other-

wise, he declares that

God

created

men and

angels free,

and that repentance is open to all (141). With this the The Jews express their gratification discussion closes. with what they have heard, and Justin parts from them
with the remark,
every
" I

can wish nothing better for you

this

than that you, perceiving that by

way

it is

given to
all re2

man
is

to be happy,

may

yourselves also in
is

spects agree with us that Jesus

the Christ of God."

Such

a rapid survey of the course of thought in

It should be

Justin's books.

added that in the Dialectures.

logue three important digressions occur, of which particular

mention will be made in the following

offered to
idols,

One

of these (35) pertains to Christians

which had been

who

ate

practice

meat which

Justin strenuously repudiates as heretical and impious.

The second pertains to the salvation Jews and of Jewish Christians (45-47),

the

of the ancient
latter of

whom

Justin admits will be saved

if

they do not com-

pel Gentiles also to observe the law.

Some, however,
;

he adds, will not fellowship with them

but he takes a
(80, 81)

more charitable view.

The

third

digression

pertains to the millennium.

1

Justin expects a visible

which happily emends the

We

have followed Otto's

text,

manuscript.

IMPORTANCE OF JUSTIN'S TESTIMONY.

45

reign of Christ in Jerusalem for a thousand years, and

quotes for it Rev. xx. 4, 5 but he admits that manygood Christians believe otherwise. But without dwelling at present upon these points, it is sufficient to ob;

serve that as Justin himself lived in the very centre of

the turmoil and conflict, the perils and the progress of

early Christianity, so his writings, whatever

we may

think of the worth of his arguments, bear evidence to

an

earnest, thoughtful,

tional value to the testimony

and brave spirit that gives addiwhich he offers in them.

The importance
tianity

of Justin's testimony to early Chris-

we

shall

now

be able to perceive.

The external
importes-

features of his

life

do of themselves make him The

Travelling, as

a witness of the highest value.

jtin*a

he seems to have done, to the great cities of {J"^ the Empire residing, as he certainly did dur- his life
;

of

ing

many

years, in the capital itself,

and thus

at the prin-

cipal focus of the literary

and

religious as well as of

the social and political activity of his day, he was likely

to

know

Christianity, not in its local peculiarities, but

in its universal

and essential

features.

His inquiring
andcharacter >

mind, his love of truth, his acquaintance

with philosophy,

though,

as

we

shall see,

they affected injuriously his theology,

trustworthy witness to the broader
Christianity

made

him a
which

relations
;

was beginning

to acquire

while his sturdy

honesty and his hearty devotion to his religion assure

us that his testimony
of the Gospel of
to him.
is sincere, and that the power which he wrote was a living reality

But besides this, the books of whose substance we have given an account evidently bear most directly upon the questions
.

of special interest to us

and the natUre f aiS writings.

in

the

second century.

As an

Apologist,

46

JUSTIN MARTYR.

Justin throws light upon the civil and social relations

of early Christianity.

As
As

the author of the Dialogue,

a philosopher, he illustrates

he throws light on the mutual relations of Gentile and

Jewish Christianity.

the relation of Christianity to pagan thought, the influ-

ence of older systems upon the rising theology of the

Church, and the dawning sense in the Church herself

of the problems with which, as a world religion, Christianity

would have

to

grapple.

writings, moreover, he quotes frequently

calls " the

In the course of his from what he

memoirs of the Apostles," or " Gospels," and thus becomes an important factor in the discussion of the canonicity and authenticity of our evangelical narratives.

He

describes, also, the ceremonies of the Christestifies to

tians,

and thus

the institutions of the early

;

Church.
the

Finally, his attitude toward the Apostles

his

agreements with and differences from the teaching of

New

Testament epistles; his claim to represent,

not a section, but the majority of the Christian com-

munity, taken in connection with what has already

been mentioned, make Justin a witness of the very

first

importance to the origin and character of early

such a witness has Justin been considered by

Catholic Christianity.

And

all

classes of critics.
Estimate of
Justin by the Church,

Not only do we
.

find

him

referred to
i
i

with honor, or quoted with approval, in the

generations immediately succeeding his own; 1
Qavfiao-LcoTciTos

Cf.

Tatian ad Grsec. 18 ("6

"iovcmVo?") and

on Justin and, indeed, on me because, by proclaiming the truth, the punishment of death, he [Justin] convicted the philosophers of being gluttons and cheats"). Tertullian (adv. Talent. 5), speaking of those who, being contemporary with the Gnostic heresiarehs, had refuted them,
19 (" Crescens endeavored to
. .

inflict

mentions,
Ha?r.

first,

" Justin, philosopher

and martyr."

Irena?us (adv.
(v.

iv. 6.

2) rpiotes

from Justin's book against Marcion and

IMPORTANCE OF JUSTIN'S TESTIMONY.

not only do
not only do

47

we
we

find Eusebius at a later date giving

a careful account of the

man and

of his writings

find his statements repeated,

and

his

arguments used by his contemporaries and successors,2 and his reputation as an orthodox father and a holy
martyr cherished by
all

the later Church

but modern
cntlclsm
-

criticism has, in a different spirit,

found him ami mo dern

a prominent factor in the solution of the

problems of early Christianity.

the
first to assail

Protestant writers were

the reputation of Justin, for the pur-

pose of destroying the authority of the Church Fathers

generally.
his theology

They pointed out his more Platonic than

errors,

and declared

Christian, while the

Roman

Catholics defended him. 4

The Protestant attack

acquired
writings
5

new
in

vigor with the appearance of Semler's

;

1762

but
6

it still

followed the old lines of

crit-

debate until Eichhorn

and Credner 7 brought the

26. 2) from a writing of Justin's, the title of which is not given. Hippolytus (Refut. viii. 9) mentions Tatian as a disciple of Justin

the Martyr. 1 Cf. H. E.

2

ii.

13;

iii.

26;

iv. 8, 9, 11, 12,

16-18;
iv.

v. 28.

Cf. Otto's Justini

Opera,

torn.

i.

pars

ii.

index

Also Har-

nack's Die Uberleiferung, etc., pp. 130, etc. 8 The post-Eusebian notices of Justin are scanty, and mostly

taken from Eusebius or Irenseus, and show

little or no acquaintance with Justin's writings. Photius depends on Eusebius in his account of Justin, except that he mentions three (spurious) writ-

ings of the

Martyr which

alone, of the so-called Justinian books

named by him, he seems

lieferung, etc., p. 150.
4 Cf. 5

to

have read.

Cf.

Harnack's Die UberJustins, pp.

9, etc.

Von

Engelhardt's

Das Christenthum

Geschichte der Christlichen Glaubenslehren, in the Introduc-

tion to S. J. Baumgarten's keiten.

6

Untersuchung theologischer

Streitig-

ica,
7

1752-1827. His Einleitungin das N. T. called out, in AmerNorton's Genuineness of the Gospels. Beitr'age zur Einleit. in d. bibl. Scbriften, 1832.

48
ical

JUSTIN MARTYR.
question of Justin's relation to our Gospels into the

foreground.

A little
basis,

later,

the Tubingen school of critics

undertook to reconstruct early Christian history on a

and forthwith the study of Justin among scholars of all schools, and his entire relation to both the formation of the Canon and the development of the early Church came into consideration. For the present, it is sufficient to remark that the most opposite opinions about him have been held by modern critics. He has been called Ebion1 2 ite, and Pauline; an Ebionite at bottom, overlaid with
naturalistic

took a wider range

Paulinisin; 3 a degenerate Paulinist; 4 a representative

of a so-called free Petrine party,5
it,

or,

as Hilgenfeld puts

of a Jewish-Christian or original-apostolic heathen

;

Christianity

while Baur declared that Justin cannot

parties,

be positively assigned to any of the early

but marks the transition from them to Catholicism. 7

While Credner considered Justin

Christian,

essentially Jewishcritic,
is

Von

Engelhardt, his latest

considers

him
to

so essentially Gentile that his thought

declared

have been substantially pagan, though his language

was colored and his heart won by Christianity. If the Tubingen school and their followers have labored to assign him to his proper place in their various schemes, others 8 have labored to show that he grew substantially
Neander, Semisch, Weizsacker. Overbeck. 6 Credner, Geschichte des N. T. Can. 1860. 6 Zeitschr. fur wissensch. Theol., 1872. Most of the above classification has been taken from Von Engelhardt. 7 Christianity of the First Three Centuries, Eng. trans., vol. i.
Credner.
8
1

Scbwegler.

4 Kitsch],

p. 146.
8

ply to

As Semisch, Dorner, Otto, and, more recently, St'ahlin, in reVon Engelhardt (Justin Martyr und sein neuester Vorur-

theiler, Leipzig, 1880).

"

IMPORTANCE OF JUSTIN'S TESTIMONY.

49

on the soil of the orthodox apostolic tradition. But, whatever the estimate of the man and his position, all a^ree that he is one of the most important witnesses for the times in which he lived, and the problems connected with them.
the key
;

"For the

historical understanding

of the second Christian century, he first of all forms

and the very diversity of opinion concerning him shows him to be still a fit subject for renewed
1

examination.

Of

course, in taking the testimony of one witness,

we

shall be careful not to

consider

him

as

representing

more than we have reason

really does represent.
to the testimony of Justin,

to believe

he

Plan of
,

In confining ourselves

these lec-

we

shall not ex-

pect to learn the whole story of his age.

It

is

possible,

however, to discover from him

a typical one.

the chief forces

which

were operating in post-apostolic Christianity.

ness
is

His wit-

"We shall not neglect, indeed, other testimony related to his but with him as a
;

guide, to glance at the external

and internal conditions

it,

of the Christianity of the first half of the second century, at the dangers

which threatened

the influences
it

which
to rest,

affected

it,

the foundation on which

it

claimed

and the living power which

possessed, will

be the object of the following lectures.

1

Von

Engelhardt's Das Christenthum Justins, p. 490.

LECTURE

II.

THE TESTIMONY OF JUSTIN TO THE SOCIAL AND CIVIL RELATIONS OF EARLY CHRISTIANITY.

TUSTIX
**

is

best known, as

we

learned in the last lec-

Government and people of the Eoman Empire in the reign

ture, as

an apologist

for Christianity to the

Justin as an
apologist.

Antoninus Pius. He may be regarded as n most particulars a representative apologist. Not only was he the first whose writings are extant, but he paved the way for those who followed him. While the defenders of Christianity in the second century often differed from one another in the positive exposition of their religion; while some fiercely denounced paganism in its philosophical no less than in its practical forms, and others, like Justin, took they a kindlier view of previous human thought, were perfectly agreed in their defence of Christianity and in the exhibition and refutation of the charges
0I
"

brought against

it.

From

Justin, therefore,

we may

ac-

curately learn the social and civil relations of the Christianity of his time.

With

great boldness of speech,

with evidently deep conviction and trustworthy information, he pleaded the cause of the despised religion,

met the slanders which were circulated demanded its toleration by the State.

against

it,

and

He

addressed

himself to both the magistrates and the people.

He

pleaded for Christianity both before the law and before

1

Cf.

Aube's Saint Justin, pp. 276,

etc.

JUSTIN AND EARLY CHRISTIANITY.

the tribunal of popular opinion.

51

His Apologies, therethe

fore, exhibit both the civil and the social relations of

Christianity in the middle of the second century

attitude toward
lace,
it

of the

Government and

of the popu-

and

its

attitude in turn toward both.

place, Justin speaks of the diffusion of

In the
tians

first

Christianity in

strong

though general terms.

race."
1

Chrisdiffu-

were

"

men

of every J

Thev "

The

compnsed representatives of both the educated and the ignorant classes. 2 They were
"

sion of Chris-

from
"

all

nations

"

and

" all

the earth," says our au-

thor,

has been

filled

with the glory and grace of

God

and of His Christ." 4 The sacrifice of thanksgiving was offered in the Eucharist "in all places throughout the world
;

"

for,

he adds,

" there is

not one single

race of men, whether barbarians or Greeks, or what-

ever they

may

be called,
in tents, 5

herdsmen living

nomads wanderers among whom prayers and

or or

giving of thanks are not

of the universe through the

made to name

the Father and

Maker

of the crucified Jesus."

Such language of course

haps to be taken too
1

tells

nothing as to the actual

is

numerical strength of the Christians, and

literally. 6

not perearlier

Even
2

in
ii.

much
10.

Ap.

i.

1, 25,

32, 40, 53, 56.

Ap.

8 5

Dial. 52, 91, 121.

Dial. 117.
rj

4 Dial. 42.
fj

a/jLa^ofiiav

doUoov KaXovfievcou

fj

iv

aKTjvais

KrqvoTpocpaiv oikovvtcov.

Otto, in his note, says that Scythians are

called ana&Pioi in Horat.

Justin. Hist.
ii.

Od.

iii.

24. 10; Plin.

H. X.

iv. 12.

25;

that nomads, such as lived in India (Plin.

vi. 17.
;

20), Ethiopia (vi. 30. 35),

and Xumidia

(v. 3), are called Soikoi

and that
Genesis
6

iv a-K-qvais KrrjvoTp6<pot. oIkovvtcs are especially the tent;

using tribes of Arabia (Plin. v. 24. 21

iv.

Jul. Solin. Polyhistor. 33

20).

The terms

thus show

how broadly

Justin meant

to speak.

Yet
i.

cf.

the Epitaph of Abercius, quoted in Lightfoot's Igna-

tius,

480.

52

JUSTIN MARTYR.

times similar expressions had occasionally been used. 1

But the frequent employment

tin

of such language

by Jus-

does

indicate

in

the

Christians

of his time the

sense of growing strength, the consciousness of being an aggressive power which had already diffused itself through all classes of society and had representatives in
all

known

nations.

used, if Christianity

generally to

Such language could not have been were not proving its adaptation the various races within and beyond the
by
fig-

Empire.
ures
riod,
;

It is impossible to express the result

but the fact of a diffusion, at even

this early pefitness

wide enough
to

to

demonstrate the universal

and

promise the universal triumph of Christianity,

only, however, does Justin represent Christianity

may

certainly be assumed.

Not
The

as widely diffused, but

Chris-

he also represents the Christian

communities as forming a collection of close

tian societies.

assoc i a tions, the members of which were bound together by what seemed to them the strongest bonds. It is true that Justin does not testify to any

organization of these separate

vincial

communities into prosays nothing of the

;

or imperial leagues.

He

relation of one " church " to another

after
2

and we

shall here-

infer

from his language that the Christian com-

munities
faith

were bound together only by their common and mutual sympathy. We do not find in him
to a universal

any allusion

church externally organized

into one association, but only to a

now
is

universal faith

professed by separate communities in all parts of the

known

world.

Negative evidence
;

of course

less

weighty than positive

but inasmuch as in this par-

ticular Justin coincides

it

with other writers of his day,

may be
1

so far considered trustworthy.

i.

The moral

Col.

6,

23

Ign. ad Eph.

3.

Lect. VI.

JUSTIN
and

AND EARLY CHRISTIANITY.

Christendom was

53

spiritual unity of
real,

to our Apologist
it

very

but he gives no indication that

was ex-

pressed in external organization. 1

But at the same time Justin distinguishes sharply between heretical Christians and those who, as he claims, To him the held to the true and apostolic doctrine. 2 though not Christians all, at popularly heretics were
so
called
local

dox 3

and the division between them and the communities which in Justin's view were orthoThese latter are was evidently severely drawn.
;

represented by our Apologist as associations the

bers of which were very closely united.
cally held their possessions in

mempracti-

They
were
"

common

4
;

always
5

together
assisted

" 5
;

assembled weekly for stated worship

and
in-

one another in time of need. 5

So

far,

and outward manners were concerned, they lived like other people 6 but they had their officers and meeting-places and ceremonies, 7 and thus formed in the strictest sense a brotherhood. Thus
deed, as dress

Christianity

was not merely the

diffusion of

new

truth

or the progress of a
of a

new

idea,

but was also the spread

new society. It was the establishment of churches which gave to the new faith local habitation and organized power and as such, its relations to the law and to popular sentiment were necessarily different from
;

what they would have been

if it

had only spread as a

new opinion from one individual to another. Now, Christianity, thus locally organized and widely
diffused,
is

represented as

encountering the intense

;

enmity of the
1

Roman

world

and the principal causes

2

Cf. Lect. VI.

3
5
7

'Opdoyvafioves.

Dial. 80.

4
e

Ap. Ap.

i.

4,

26

Dial. 35, 82.

i.

14, 67.

Ap. Ap.

i. i.

67.

Dial. 10.

61-67.

54
of this

JUSTIN MARTYR. enmity are explicitly stated by Justin.

"

He

complains that the Christians were

TT
.,.

unjustly hated and

abused,"

Hostility toward the

and that report charged them with the utmost " impiety and wickedness." 2 It
1

was alleged that in

hideous crimes were committed,

their secret assemblies

that

human

victims

were sacrificed and their blood drunk by the worshippers,

and that

this

impious banquet was followed by

indulgence in hideous and lustful orgies. 3

Such charges were manifestly born of the impure heart of paganism

They indicate, however, the suspicion and hawhich the Christians were regarded. Justin complains 4 that the charge of being a Christian was often used as a means of gratifying private malice and these infamous reports were evidently invented by an enmity which itself rested on deeper reasons, and found in such slanders an easy means of increasing
itself.

tred with

the popular prejudice.

He

mentions, however, three charges in particular

which were commonly made against the Christians. 5 a charge The first was that of atheism, 6 Particular beginning and so from the made was which against them: (i) Atheism, long as paganism remained the ruling power It sounds strangely enough in an age of the State. when the gods were denied by philosophers, ridiculed by popular writers and neglected by the people; and it was probably little more than a battle-cry against

the hated sect.

It

meant, of course, that the Chrisof the State, and

tians denied the gods

thus

it

in-

volved a charge of want of patriotism as well as want

of piety.
i

It
i.

was an
l.

effective cry

by which occasionally
2

Ap. Ap. Ap.

ii.
i.

12:
6-12.

i.

26; Dial. 10.

4 6

Ap. Ap. Ap.

i.

2. 3.

ii.
i.

1, 2.

6.

JUSTIN
to

AND EARLY CHRISTIANITY.

mob

55

kindle the fury of the

or excuse oppression

and the Christians could only meet it by showing the folly of worshipping gods who were made by men and
which few of their professed votaries really believed, and by declaring the deeper sense in which
in

they were anything but atheists. 1

was, as Justin puts
2
it,

that "

The second charge some Christians (2) wkkedevilness "

have been arrested and convicted as

doers."

To

this the Apologist

replies, that as there

are various kinds of philosophers, so are there various

nominal Christians, and that

all

should not be con-

demned because
bear the name.

of the

wrongs committed by some who

that every accused person

He demands

be examined, not as to the name he bears, but as to the

life

he has

led,

being apparently confident that no or-

thodox Christian will be found guilty of wrong-doing.

was that of disloyalty to the (3) Disloywas apparently justified alty by what the Christians said of their King and his future kingdom but it was doubtless confirmed in popular opinion by their refusal to worship the emperor, and their denial of the gods with whose recognition

The

third charge

Government. 3

It

political duties

were often involved in the ancient world,

of Christianity as a widely In vain did the Christians reply that they obeyed the laws, prayed for the emperor, paid their taxes, and often fought in the army. 4 In as well as

by the appearance

diffused secret society.

vain did Justin argue

tianity

that the principles of Chriscitizens of all

would make good

charges
of atheism
it
2

men.

The

suspicion of the growing society remained; and

to the

when

and licentiousness that of

evident that the popular
i.

disloyalty
1

was added,
i.

is

Ap. Ap.

6, 9, 10.

Ap.

7.

i.

17;

of.

Tert. Apol. 42, etc.

Ap. Ap.

i.
i.

11.

12.

56

JUSTIN MARTYR.

prejudice against Christianity was such as to be ever

liable to

break out into acts of open violence.

as
significant

And
,
.

quite

as

these formal

charges
it

against Christianity

was the popular impatience with

.
.

Popular lmpatience with

*
'

which Justin likewise bears witness. was felt by individuals who knew its
to

It
real

The willingness of its confessors to die rather than deny it was in the eyes of even a Stoic like Marcus Aurelius a piece of senseless obstinacy with which neither the rabble nor the philosophers had any sympathy. 2 Xeither could paganism understand why the Almighty
purity to

be a rebuke to society. 1

God whom
disprove

the Christians confessed did not protect

His worshippers. 3
their

Their

very sufferings seemed to

religion.

The

ability to

punish them

seemed to their enemies a quick and decisive settlement TYith such demented of the whole question in debate. people society in general had little patience while, as we have seen, the Christian communities appeared in several ways dangerous to the public welfare. The Jews in particular led the Gentiles in hatred and ridicule of the new sect,4 and spread abroad the worst misrepresentations of it. 5 Despite the progress which Christianity was making despite the fear with which the name of Christ, as the name of a mighty spirit, was sometimes invoked by the superstitious; 6 despite the recognition, given here and there even by unbelievers, of the moral grandeur of Christ's teaching and
;

1
2

Ap. Ap.
Ap.

ii.

2.

ii.

TrapaTa^iv,
8 4
5
6

mere
5. 1 7.

4.

Marcus Aurelius (Med.

ambition.

xi.

3) called

it

^tXr v
;

ii.

Dial. 6, 117, etc.

cf.

Lucian's

De morte

Perigrini.

Dial.

Dial. 121, 131.

JUSTIN AND EARLY CHRISTIANITY.

1 the moral enthusiasm of his followers,

57

the Christians

were looked upon in Justin's time by the mass of their fellow-citizens with either haughty contempt or blind,
impatient hatred.

Such was the disposition of pagan society toward and we may remark that Justin's descripprecisely that which from the testi- _ tion is mony of the preceding and following periods scnption confirmed -r^ we should expect to hear. Lven in the iSew brother Testament, though the sentiment of the pagan world toward Christianity there comes but little into
Christianity
;
.

notice,

we can

recognize the substance of the charges

which Justin mentions already beginning to appear. The Jews in Thessalonica accused the Christians before the magistrates of " doing contrary to the decrees of
Caesar, saying that there is another King, one Jesus
" 2
;

the rabble at Ephesus

cried

out

against the injury

done by Paul and his companions to their patron goddess Diana 8 and Peter warned his readers 4 of the reproach and suffering which was impending over

them

as Christians at the

hands of the Gentile world.

ecclesiasti-

"When, then, Christianity, at last distinct from Judaism, appears

on the pages of secular or

cal history, the hostility against it is

found to have
of his crime

followed the same lines, though with increasing force.

Xero made the Christians the scapegoats

because they were, as Tacitus informs
of hatred of the

us, 5 *

convicted

human

race "

and

" detested for their

crimes
riod,

"

while Suetonius, 6 speaking of the same petheir religion a

calls

"new and

mischievous su-

perstition."
1
8 6

Domitian put
cf.

to death Flavius
1. 2

Clemens

Dial. 10;

Ep. to Diog.

Acts
1

xvii. 7.
iv.

Acts xix.

23, 39.

4
6

Pet.

12-17.

Ann.

xv. 44.

Xero.

16.

58

JUSTIN MARTYR.

and banished Domitilla, the wife of Clemens, on the

and Clement of Eome, about the same time, testifies that he and his fellow-Christians were " hated wrongfully," while in his prayer for rulers 3 he proves how law-abiding and loyal they really Pliny in his letter to Trajan, though inclined to were.
charge of
"

atheism

"

judge the Christians leniently, nevertheless betrays the

temper of the age when he affirms that whatever their character, they deserved punishment on account of their
obstinacy
4

while the silence concerning Christianity on

the part of such writers as Plutarch and Dio Chrysos-

tom,

who had
it

so

much

in

common with
it,

it

and who

could scarcely have been ignorant of

shows with what

contempt
as well as

must have been regarded by the cultured by the popular paganism of their day. And

when, on the other hand, we turn to the writers subse-

we find the same hatred which he deand the same charges which he refutes described and refuted with even more elaboration, as for examquent to Justin,
scribes

Apology of and the Octavius of Minucius Felix. His description of the popular enmity toward the Christians is, therefore, the common testimony of the whole century Society was suspicious of the to which he belonged. The dying embers of political aims of the Christians. religious zeal were kindled into fresh outbursts of flame by the Christian's practical contempt for the old gods, a flame which the sceptical philosophy had been too
ple in the Supplicatio of Athenagoras, the
Tertullian,

theoretical to kindle.

Individual hatred of goodness,

the traditional enmity of the Jews, the love of the rabble

1

Dion. Cass,

lxvii.

44; Sueton. Domit. 15.

Christians,
cf.

mens and Domitilla were

2

Lightfoot's

on Philippians, pp. 22, 23, and on Clement, of

That Flavius CleCommentary Rome, pp. 257, etc.

4

Ad

Cor.

i.

60.

Ibid., 60, 61.

Cf. below.

JUSTIN

AND EARLY CHRISTIANITY.

59

for cruelty, the ill-will or fanaticism of magistrates, the

terror caused

by national calamities, combined in various

and to make them the objects of un-

proportions to impute infamous deeds to these quiet,

isolated people,

reasonable hatred to the mass of their fellow-men.

As we
.

consider this social prejudice of the

Eoman
,

world against the followers of Christ, two Explanation explanation of this popuobservations may be made

of

it.

Manifestly the main charge against

populace, was a political one.

them, the charge which caught most quickly the ear

of the

The charge
. .

of

political charge. mi "atheism" was itself a A The ChrisEeligion and politics were formally united tiansunpaEeligion was chiefly in the pagan world. supported by political considerations, and this not only

because of the deliberate policy of statesmen, but because of the political fears
people.

and superstitions of the

The habits
as

of the Christians lent plausibility

to the charge.

Their refusal to sacrifice was naturally

disloyalty.

interpreted

Their necessary separation

life

from much of the daily

in countless little
to

and from many of the

gods,

pleasures of their fellow-citizens, because these involved

ways a recognition of the

itself.

added

the charge of disloyalty the impression that they

were at war with society

tably objects of dislike.

They were thus ineviThe slanders invented against

of the feeling that to the Christians,

them were but the expression ever was unhuman belonged

what-

and in

any popular outbreak they were the natural victims

selected to gratify the anger or satisfy the terror of the

mob.
ical

And
and
life.

hence

it is

equally manifest that this polit-

social

antipathy was ultimately due to the

radical difference in character

between pagan and Chrislatter.

tian

The former could not understand the

60

JUSTIN MARTYR.
;

Immorality could not but hate morality

and there was

a profound truth expressed by Justin in a crude way,

The enmit of the new
and the old
ideas inevi-

wnen ne
this

attributed persecution to the rage of

the demons.

Besides

this,

a society J to which
divinity,

world was the only real place of happi-

ness,

and

force the only real

and
pub-

religion only a political safeguard,

lic

and

ethics only a

Christian's sense of
practical
spirit of

law founded on expediency, could not understand the immediate responsibility to God and
hope of a future
life.

Pride of race and the

conquest could not understand universal love

and the spirit of self-sacrifice. Even pagan culture had been too much accustomed to regard itself as the privilege of a select few to understand a philosophy of artisans and slaves, of women and children and had too often bowed in the temples of the gods whom it denied
;

to understand the firm refusal of the Christians to live at the cost of a

lie.

"We

see, therefore, in

the antago-

nism

of pagan society toward Christianity, the clash of

natural foes, the inevitable repulsion of fundamentally

opposed moral forces

and the vulgar hatred and

slan-

ders, the outbursts of violence, the

vengeance of private

malice, as well as the contempt of the cultured classes,

were but the

results, as

Justin himself

felt

and

said, of

an

hostility too

deep and radical to be due to any causes

save those which determined the very foundations of

To the historian, no less than to the theoloexplanation lie in the necessary antipathy must the gian, of the ideals, standards, and principles of the old world
character.

to those of the new.

Attitude of

have had not been for the Government, fact that in the eyes of Roman law ChrisThe attitude tianity was, almost of necessity, illegal.
All
this

popular prejudice, however, might

little,

availed

if

it

JUSTIN

AND EARLY CHRISTIANITY.

Eoman Government

61
in

toward the new religion of the

general,

and particularly that of Trajan, Hadrian, and has long been a matter of dispute. Let Antonines, the us first examine on this point the testimony of Justin, and compare it with other known facts of history. Justin complains that the Christians were condemned merely for a name, 1 and that no investigation was held
as to their

moral character or conduct. 2

3

The

Christianity
llle

simple denial of Christianity was sufficient

to secure the release of the accused.

&a1,
4

He

relates

that

the prefect Urbicus put to death three persons on this

ground alone, and shows that in the enforcement of the law much depended on the caprice of the magistrate.
Finally, he appends to his larger

about twenty-five years before

cius Fundanus, a proconsul of
to

Apology a letter written by Hadrian to MinuAsia, which Justin seems

5

have considered favorable to at least

fair

treatment of

the Christians.

Of

this letter I shall

it

speak in a mo-

ment.

For the present

should be observed that,

testimony, Christianity was

according to Justin's
illegal.

own

It was itself a crime in the eyes of the law. While individual magistrates may have acted arbitrarily

in

their

proceedings, such

action as Justin describes

could not have occurred, if at least the letter of the law had not proscribed the professors of the new religion. At the same time Justin does not complain of any formal, governmental persecution. To the
Noformal
outrages prac

fact of outrages

he bears explicit testimony,

persecution,

but

not to a systematic war against the

Christians, directed from headquarters.

He
2, 7.

rather complains that the Imperial rulers did not ac1

8
6

Ap. Ap.

i.

4.
8.

2 4

i.

Ap. Ap.
i.

i.

ii.

2.

Cf. Lightfoot's Ignatius,

460.

62

JUSTIN MARTYR.

tively interfere to prevent such outrages. 1

He
2

certainly

writes as

if

these latter were not infrequent

but the

example of them which he adduces in his smaller Apology 3 illustrates merely the way in which private malice was sometimes the cause of persecution, while he lays the blame more on magistrates like Urbicus 4 than on
the Imperial rulers themselves.
that " children or

He

declares, indeed, 5

weak women " had been

;

tortured to

procure evidence against the Christians

but this

may

have been no more than the work of occasional fanaticism

;

nor does Justin speak as

if

such cruelties had

7

recently occurred,6 and he intimates in one place

that

the Government prevented the hatred of the Jews from

venting

itself as it

would otherwise

do.

The scope of

his testimony, in short, is to represent persecutions as

outbursts of popular or individual anger, permitted or

abetted by magistrates, and rendered possible by the

existing laws.

Of any organized

or systematic perse-

cution he does not speak.

How

far Justin's complaint justified by other

^ ne 1 uest i n

therefore arises,

how

far this
is

representation of the state of the case

con-

firmed by other evidence.

If

we examine the

letter of

Hadrian which

Justin appended to his Apology, and which in the Latin

Hadrian's
letter.

form preserved by Eufinus in his translation

Qf

EUS ebius 8 may

find that
it

reasonably be considered

genuine, 9
1

we

was directed merely against

Ap. i. 2. Ap. i. 4, 57. He speaks of "unutterable cruelties, death and torments" (Dial. 18; cf. too 110). 3 Ap. ii. 2. 4 6 Ap. ii. 12. Ap. ii. 1. 6 Pliny (Letter to Trajan) says that he tortured two women to learn from them the truth about the Christians. 8 7 Dial. 16. H. E. iv. 10. 9 Cf. Lightfoot's Ignatius, i. 460, etc., where the history of opin2

JUSTIN
assaults

AND EARLY CHRISTIANITY.

G3

upon the Christians made without observance Hadrian allows process against of the forms of law.
them,
his
if

there be a regular prosecutor.

He

prohibits

officers

from yielding to the

cries

of the

mob,
themletter

and further
tianity

directs that false accusers shall be

;

selves severely punished

but he assumes that Chris-

may

be

itself

a punishable offence.

The

was, in a certain measure, favorable to the Christians.

It protected

them from mob-violence and brutal

assault,

and

it

evinced a disposition on the part of the emperor

it.

not to encourage persecution, but rather to restrain

Still,

the sentence, " If any one

make an

accusation,

and prove that the said men do anything contrary to the laws, you shall adjudge punishments in proportion
to

the

desert of the offences," left the existing laws

unchanged, and shows that the emperor intended to

follow the already established usage.

Light

is

thrown on that usage by the

earlier corre-

spondence of Trajan and Pliny.

Pliny the Younger was

propraetor of Pontus and Bithynia,

his famous letter to Trajan in a. d. 112. 1

it

and wrote correspondIn ^janand

it

he expresses his ignorance of how far

for the

Plin y-

was customary
the Christians.

Government

to

punish or seek out

He had

hesitated as to whether the age

;

of the accused should affect his sentence

name

whether the was to be itself punished, or only the offences that might be added to the name. As it was, he had asked the accused if they were Christians. When they confessed, he had asked a second and a
of Christian
ion concerning the letter, and the argument for
its

genuineness,

is

briefly but satisfactorily given.

given of

where an account is based on the recent discovery of an inscription, by which the date of the correspondence is accuCf. Lightfoot's Ignatius,
i.

532, note,

Mommsen's

investigations,

rately fixed.

64

JUSTIN MARTYR.

third time, threatening

them with punishment.

When

they persisted, he had ordered them to execution, not

doubting that, whatever their belief might be, their

obstinacy deserved punishment.
ever,

who were Eoman

But

citizens he

Those of them, howhad ordered to be sent

matter had
Various

to the capital.

this treatment of the

only shown him the

difficulties of his position.

classes of accused persons

came

before him.

Many were

anonymously accused. Those who denied Christianity, and called on the gods, and adored the image of the emperor, and cursed Christ, which, Pliny adds, he had been told no true Christian would do, he had dismissed. Others confessed that they had been Christians, but had

ceased to be so

yet these assured the governor of the

innocuous character of the Christian doctrines and habits,

practice of celebrating an

and that the Christians had even abandoned their evening meal 1 together, in
Pliny,

obedience to the emperor's prohibition of clubs.

2

in short, found Christianity to be merely a " perverse,

extravagant superstition."

He

therefore, especially in

view of the large number of Christians in his province, consulted the emperor as to what course he should pursue.
It

seemed to him possible

to correct this superstition, if

severity were tempered with mildness.

Already, he de-

clares, had his action revived the worship in the temples.

In reply, Trajan commended Pliny's

action.

He directed
when
even

that Christians should not be sought after, but that,

accused, they should be punished unless they denied

Christianity and adored the gods
;

in

which

case,

although suspected of having formerly been Christians, they should be set

free.

No anonymous

accusations,

however, should be received.

1

The ay ant}. " Superstitionem pravam immodicam."

JUSTIN
It is evident

AND EARLY CHRISTIANITY.

from these
letters that neither

65
Trajan
its

nor Pliny cared anything for Christianity in

ligious aspects,

re-

and did not consider

a transient phase of superstition.

to

more than They had no wish

it

as

be religious persecutors.

But they were determined

all subjects of

to insist

on the loyalty of

the

Eoman

Empire.

To them the

first
it

of all

duties

was obe-

dience to the State; and

was wholly

as a political

matter that they viewed religion in general, and Christianity in

particular.

Trajan, moreover, had strongly

enforced the earlier laws directed against secret associations

or

clubs.

Only such

associations as Determina-

had been
mitted.
as

specifically authorized

were per-

Government

Such was the law passed

Caesar, 1

the times of Julius

as early ^authorized to check societies,

the political influence of the clubs, which had been

injurious
to
;

the

State

in

the

later
it

days

of

the

Eepublic

and

the

emperors found

necessary to

watch the formation of such associations with jealous In a previous letter to Pliny, Trajan had refused eyes. to sanction even a small association which it was proposed to form in Nicomedia for the purpose of putting
out
fires.

Under

this

prohibition of "hetserise"
as soon as Chris-

the
163

Christian communities
tianity

came

The Christh^eTore'
ille

was

clearly separated from Judaism.

As

a religion, Christianity, unlike Judaism,

sal >

was not recognized.

It could not be, since it

It could

had no

national or local habitation.

as a secret association;

only be viewed

and

De

Eossi 2 has and Chris-

shown
first
1 2

that at a later period the church

was

crime",

recognized by the law as an authorized burial-club.

Cf.

Mommsen's

Hist, of
i.

Rome,

iv.

601.

Roma

Sotterranea,

10, etc., cited

by Lightfoot,

Ignatius,

i.

20, note 2.

66

JUSTIN MARTYR.

Hence, to Trajan and Pliny the Christian societies were illegal, and membership in them a crime. To the emperor and his proprietor there was but one
test of loyalty to be applied to all subjects of the
pire.

Em-

The

latter

must

sacrifice to

the gods of Rome,

and adore the emperor's image. This requirement, it should be remembered, was simply a political one. The worship of the emperors was the one cult in which the Eoman world was united, and was the universal symbol of political fealty.

Refusal to render such homage

was, to Pliny's mind, madness and invincible obstinacy.

izens

Whatever else they might believe, in this all loyal citIn vain might the Christians would concur.
civil

protest that they were law-abiding citizens, that they

prayed for the emperor, and discharged their

ties.

duoath

The worship
;

of the emperor

was part

of the

of allegiance

and these men, who were joined together

in a secret, unauthorized association, and

to render the required

who

refused

homage

to the majesty of the

Empire, were of necessity proscribed and amenable to

punishment, and
magistrates
all

the more so in the eyes of those

zealous for

who were
is

what they deemed the

public welfare.
Trajan, therefore,

not to be considered, as has often

legalized persecution. 1 l

been done, as having issued an edict against Christianity,

Position

taken by Trajan.

or as having
is

first

There

nothing to snow that such an edict was

the beginning of the third century. 2

ever issued

till

He
ISTor

simply enforced already existing laws, under which Christianity

was

illegal,

and had been treated

as such.

was
1

either he or Pliny solicitous to destroy Christianity

Cf. this subject discussed in Lightfoot's Ignatius,
i.

7,

etc.

Cf. Gibbon's Decline

and

Fall, ch. xvi.

Aube's Saint Justin,

ch.

i.

of Introduction, p. 44.

JUSTIN
as a religion.

AND EARLY CHRISTIANITY.

to as

67
mild-

Both show a disposition

much

ness as was, in their view, consistent with the peace and

loyalty of the

community

while at the same time both

assume that the Christian societies were illegal, and that

membership
"With
this,

in

them was a heinous

offence.

then, corresponds the letter of Hadrian to

Minucius Fundanus. It is written in the same spirit as Trajan's to Pliny, and was clearly intended Force of Consequently Justin's to continue the same policy.
Justin could not properly plead Hadrians
letter as granting toleration to Christianity.
i
i

tt

appeal to Hadrian's

He

could plead

it

against all acts of popular or private

violence.

He

could plead also the spirit of mildness

and conciliation which is manifest in it. It would seem, indeed, from his language, 1 that he thought it granted the very thing which he demanded namely, the trial of Christians only for what was generally esteemed criminal. So he seems to have interpreted the direction of the letter that accusers should show that the Christians had done something contrary to the laws? But since, as we have seen, the laws forbade membership in unauthorized societies, Justin's interpretation, if such were really meant by him, would not stand, and the law still left it possible for Christians to be punished " merely for a name." The Apologist could only appeal from the mild and just spirit of Hadrian to the still milder and juster spirit of Antoninus.
;

Ap.

i.

68.

"

Though from the

letter of

demand
asked."
2

that you order the judgment to be given as

Hadrian we could we have

Gieseler (Ch. Hist.

letter,

i.

126, note 4) sees this interpretation of

Hadrian's
drian
is

spurious letter

imputed by the Christians to Antoninus in the of the latter to the Commune of Asia, where HaPafiaicov eyxeipovvres.

quoted as forbidding molestation of the Christians, unless

(fyaivoiVTO Tt

em

rfjv rjyffiovlaf

68

JUSTIN MARTYR.

cisely that

But the condition of things described by Justin is prewhich from these Imperial letters we should
have expected to find. It is easy to see that being thus under the ban of the law without
being specifically proscribed, Christians were

tion con-

likely to be variously treated in different places

and at

The would naturally vary with the temper

different times.

enforcement of the general law

of officials

and

communities.

The evidence 2 goes

drian, nor
The Government not a
persecu
or.

to

show that neither Trajan, Ha-

Antoninus took any active part in the persecution of Christians, but sought rather to
restrain all violent outbreaks,

.-,,.,

and acted con-

letter to

upon the Pliny which we have

s i s tently

lines laid

down

in the

discussed.

This had not

been the case in the previous period.

persecutions of the
clear account
first

century of which

were directed

The two Eoman we have any by Nero and Domitian

themselves. 2

indeed of

But with the accession of Trajan, and Nerva before him, a new class of princes oc-

cupied the throne of the Caesars,

persecute religion as such, and

princes

who were

neither jealous nor tyrannical nor serious enough to

who were

too just to

countenance popular violence.

While, therefore, during

their reigns the Christian societies

were unlawful, these

emperors appear to have been more and more inclined

to deal gently

with the offenders, and to have insisted

that their officers should only

convicted by legal process.

1

We

condemn such as were are told by Melito 3

See this collected by Liglitfoot, Ignatius, i. 1-69, 460-529. For Nero's persecution, cf. Tac. Ann. xv. 44 Eus. H. E. ii. 25. For Domitian's, cf. Dio Cass. Ixvii. 14, and Eus. H. E. iii. 17, Cf. also CI. Rom. 19, 20, -who quotes Hegesippus and Tertullian.
2
;

ad Cor.

i.

1.

Eus. H. E.

iv. 26.

JUSTIN
that

AND EARLY CHRISTIANITY.

cities
"

G9

Antoninus "wrote to the

forbidding any
these,"

strange

movements against

us."

Among

he

adds, " were the ordinances to the Larissseans, to the

Thessalonians and Athenians and

all

the Greeks."

By

"strange movements"

we

are doubtless again to underIt

stand popular or irregular assaults.

would thus ap-

pear that the mild policy of the emperors continued.

If Trajan, resolved
associations,

though he was to put down illegal and clearly though he recognized member-

ship in a Christian society to be a crime, yet directed

condemned when accused by a responsible party and convicted in legal form, Hadrian still more emphatically laid down the same
that Christians should only be
rule,

even directing that

;

false

accusers should be se-

verely punished

and Antoninus, who possessed a more

amiable temper than either of his predecessors, rebuked,

apparently on several occasions, the spirit of lawless
persecution.

We

are

certainly not to

suppose that
for

Christianity

was regarded with any more respect

not being

officially persecuted.

We

are to attribute

toward and humanity of the reigning princes. If the letter of Hadrian to the Consul Servianus be genuine, 2 that emperor looked on at least the Christians of Egypt as merely one of the many varieties of fanatics which Alexandria contained,
the Imperial policy as
to indifference

much

contempt

for the Christians as to the

of Asia, one form of -which is and another form appended in the manuscripts, together with the pretended letter of Marcus Aurelius to the Senate, to the larger Apology of Justin, is obviously It spurious, -whether it be attributed to Antoninus or to Aurelius. Cf. Lightfoot's Ignatius, i. 465^469 is a eulogy of the Christians.
letter to the

The

Commune

given by Eus. H. E.

iv. 13,

Gieseler's Ch. Hist.

2

i.

126, note 4
i.

Lightfoot

(Ignatius,

Neander's Ch. Hist. i. 104. 464) seems inclined to accept

;

its

genuineness.

70

JUSTIN MARTYR.

and as being as insincere as the rest. They all, lie says, namely, money. 1 But whatever the have one God was the policy of these emperors and it is such cause, of Marcus that direct opposiAurelius not till the reign
; ;

tion to Christianity can be laid at the Imperial door.

It is he, the

most serious of

all

the emperors and the

ideal of obedience to

one most devoted to the

the State, to

Eoman
after

whom

responsibility for active persecution

first,

of the Christians can

Domitian, be plausibly
sufferings of the Chris-

attached.

Not only were the

tians in his reign greatly increased,

but he himself,

while

still

nominally acting on the principles of his

to

predecessors, seems
for offenders

have favored the active search

which

his officials instituted in

Gaul and
" supersti-

Asia

while his expressions concerning the Christians, 3

and

his decrees against

what he considered

tions "

and

"

new

religions," 4

plainly indicate the posi-

tive hatred
sect.

which he must have felt toward the rising His son Commodus, on the contrary, more than

returned to the mild policy of his father's predecessors.

If,

moreover, the evidence shows that under Trajan,

Hadrian, and Antoninus the Imperial Government, while

1

"

Unus

illis

deus

nummus est." Some read

" nullus " for "

num;

Die Christenverfolgung der C'asaren, p. 33) but the emperor's contempt is none the less plain. " Nummus," however, is generally accepted. 2 For the persecution at Lyons and Vienne, cf. Eus. H. E. v. That new violence in persecution was begun in Asia by the 1, 2. Roman officials is attested by Melito (Eus. H. E. iv. 26), which Neander (Ch. Hist. i. 105) thinks could not have happened without the emperor's permission.
500, 510.
Cf. also Lightfoot's Ignatius,
is
i.

mus

" (cf. Weiseler's

The
i.

so-called letter of Aurelius to the Senate

(cf.

Christian fable

Lightfoot's Ignatius,

i.

469, etc.;

Gieseler's

Ch. Hist.
8

127, note 10).

xi. 3,

Meditat.

quoted above.
in Lightfoot's Ignatius,
i.

These are quoted

486.

JUSTIN AND EARLY CHRISTIANITY.

regarding Christianity as
ular outbreaks,
it

71

illegal,

sought to restrain pop-

also

seems to show that under these

emperors the actual sufferings of the Chris- The suffer6 tians were, after all, not very severe. In con- christians
ceiving of these,
literally the
ers,

we should
critical

not take

too

"^fy ^
5

statements of later Christian writ-

time

nor accept without

examination the martyrthe side of the evidence

ologies,

nor reckon to this early period the slaughters of

the succeeding century.

for persecution,

By

we may

place other facts which

show

that oftentimes the presence and activity of the Christians were practically tolerated.

Thus

Ignatius,

on his

journey to Eome, though a prisoner under guard, received deputations from the churches of Asia, and had

apparently free intercourse with them.

a period but
little later

Lucian

also, at

than the time of Justin's writ1

by the Christians to and Justin himself 2 speaks, as do other writers, of those in bonds as regular objects of the charity of the church. These facts certainly imply no great rigor of persecution, and quite accord
ings, describes the attentions paid

their brethren in prison;

with the
foot
3

spirit of the

Imperial rescripts.

Bishop Light-

concludes, after a careful examination, that only

one

known martyrdom can be

confidently ascribed to

the reign of Hadrian, and, besides the Bithynian sufferers of

whom

Pliny informs us,

we know

of only

two in
of

the reign of Trajan. 4

1

Under Antoninus the number

2
i.

De morte

Perigrini, 12.

Ap.

i.

6 7.

Ignatius and Polycarp,

486, etc.

Under Hadrian,

Tele-

sphorus, Bishop of
Iren. adv. Hser.
4
iii.

Rome,
3, 4.

suffered; probably in a. d. 137 or 138.

Jerusalem (according to Hegesippus, in Eus. H. E. iii. 32) and Ignatius. This statement, however, is not to be understood as affirming that no other martyrdoms occurred, but only that they were fewer than has been supposed.
of

Symeon

72

JUSTIN MARTYR.
larger.

martyrs was

The

letters of the

emperor to the

Greeks, to which Melito refers, imply that assaults upon

the Christians had been renewed in violent forms

and from Dionysius of Corinth, 1 we hear of persecutions occurring about this time at Athens, in which Publius
;

the bishop had been martyred.

The death

of Polycarp,

of Smyrna, is also to be placed in 155 or 156,

and
pre-

therefore in the reign of Antoninus. 2

With
sented
.

all this

the testimony of Justin, as

it is

we have

it,

coincides; but
.

not to be so interpreted

Persecution
but just beginning.

as to hide the fact that the era of real x persecution was but just beginning. Such, indeed, _ , TT was Justin s own opinion. He expected per. . .
.,

secution to
return. 3

wax worse and worse

until Christ should

As

things then were, the Christians had truly

reason enough to complain.

Suspected and hated by

their fellow-men, they were liable to be

made

at

any

moment
being

the victims of popular fury.

Their societies

illegal,

private malice could always procure their

imprisonment or death.
pending over them.

Proscribed by the law, the

name " was always imEnough had already suffered to But the justify the Apologist's complaint and appeal. As at first Chrisgreat conflict was only beginning.
possibility of suffering " for a

tians

had been protected through being identified in Roman eyes with the Jews, so were they afterwards in some measure protected by the Providence which placed on the Imperial throne rulers too tolerant and just to permit popular hatred to express itself without the forms of law. Thus measurably shielded while suffi1
2

Eus. H. E.

iv. 23.

Cf. Lightfoot's Ignatius

and Polycarp,

i.

629,

where Wad-

din^ton's researches are given.

8

Dial. 39, 110.

JUSTIN

AND EARLY CHRISTIANITY.

by
suffering, Christianity

73

ciently disciplined

was enabled

to prepare for the later struggle.

In Justin's time the

omens of the coming battle were beginning to appear. But it was not till the following century that the handthe to-hand conflict of Christianity and paganism former now strong in numbers and widely pervading society, and the latter upheld avowedly by emperors was in reality fought. and Government With, then, this view of the social and civil relations

of early Christianity,

we

are ready to apprefence of

Christianity.
?

ciate the defence of his religion which Justin

offered to the rulers and people ot the

pire.

emits

Let us observe his plea, estimate

its

force,

and

consider

implications.

Justin's

Apology was manifestly in substance an

classed Christianity in the He appealed
societies.

appeal against that policy of the Government which,

as we have seen, number of illicit

It is true
'

that
it
is

fo^iegai'recf 0I . pU' the Christian

J

Justin did not say but J this formally, J

implied in what he did say.

He

complained

societies,

against the injustice of condemning

men merely

for a

name.

He

insisted that each

man

should be tried on

the ground of his moral character and conduct.

He

indignantly appealed to the equity of the rulers, and

asked

how they

could permit such manifest tyranny.

letter

He

interpreted Hadrian's

as

opposed to such

treatment of guiltless men.

liberty of opinion

he appealed for and worship, for the toleration of Christianity and its protection from violence. He demanded that it be placed on a level with other worships and beliefs which were allowed by the authorities.
short,

In

If

it

be asked

terms, the reply

why he did not couch his demand in legal may be made that Justin was not a

lawyer, and that he was going to offer a deeper reason

74

JUSTIN MARTYR.
than could be given

for the toleration of Christianity

by any merely legal argument.

On what
n On
.,

grounds, then, did Justin base his

?

demand

for toleration
the

He

could not show that Christianity

was
f

entitled to recognition as a national form o

:

ground that
Christianity was phiioso-

worship
.

for
.

such
_

it
.

was

not, least of all

in Justin s mind.
its

It

knew no

locality ior

'

home, no nation

for its special possessor.

On what
eration,

ground, then, could

its

apologist plead for tol-

and the Christian societies for liberty of worship ? Justin was led by the bent of his own mind, and perhaps by a shrewd appreciation of the real force of the plea, to appeal for toleration on what, under the circumstances, were the strongest grounds which he could
have taken.

He

presented Christianity as a philosophy,

and joined therewith a description of the moral purity of the Christians and the innocence and simplicity of
their worship.
real, positive

The

first

of these pleas constituted his

argument for toleration. The second was meant to remove suspicion and give force to the first. Christianity was a philosophy. Why, then, should it
be persecuted
curtailed
?
r

Why

should liberty of thought be

That such w as actually Justin's plea will appear from his language. Though it is in the Dialogue that
he formally declares Christianity to be the true philosophy,1 yet this idea moulds the Apologies and forms
their
lers,

fundamental thought.

He

appeals

to

the ru-

as philosophers, to be governed

by reason rather

than custom in their treatment of the Christians.2

declares that Christ
is

He

the incarnate Eeason

of God,

who had
and

formerly enlightened
the evil

whom
1

Socrates and others, demons had always opposed. 3 He

2

Dial. 8.

Ap.

i.

2, 3.

Ap.

i.

5.

JUSTIN

AND EARLY CHRISTIANITY.

75

compares the differences among Christians to those among philosophers, who, however, are not indiscriminately condemned. 1
of the Christian
follies

He

dwells on the reasonableness

2

worship of God

in contrast to the

and explains the non-political character of his aims and hopes. 3 He exhibits the ethical teaching of Christ, 4 frequently shows that the Christian doctrines were such as in whole or in part had been taught by honored philosophic teachers or schools, 6 and even points out resemblances between the facts of Christ's life and the fables of mythology. 6 He reminds his readers of the varieties of heathenism itself, 7 and endeavors to give a rational explanation of
of idol-worship,

the world's hatred of the Christians by attributing

to the hostility

it

which in all ages the evil spirits had aroused against truth and goodness. 8 For the same purpose he enters at length upon the proof of Christianity from prophecy. 9 This may seem a method of proof little likely to have affected his pagan readers, yet it was not so ineffective as we would suppose. It would at least impress them as convincing, if true. We

know
ecy
;

that the Stoics attributed great value to proph-

10

while the frequent use of this method of proof

early Apologists generally certainly implies that

by the
it

appealed strongly not only to their

own minds but

represents
of Reason,

to the

mind of their age. In fine, Justin Christianity n as the complete manifestation

accredited as such
I

by

its

fulfilment of prophecy.
2

He

6
7

9
10 II

Ap. Ap. Ap. Ap. Ap.

Ap.

i.
i.

7.

ap

i.

10, 13.

11.
6, 8,

i.

18, 20, 59

ii.

8.

6
8

i.
i.

24.

Ap. Ap. Ap.

i.
i.

15-17.
21, 22.

i.

14, 26

ii.

8.

31-53.

Cf. Zeller's Outlines of

ii.

Greek Philosophy,

p. 254.

13.

76

JUSTIN MARTYR.
it

exhibits

as the perfect philosophy, of

;

which other

systems had been partial gleams

retribution certain,
error

as the final truth

plain,

which had made God known, and duty

the

truth, therefore, against

and future which

and evil had always waged war, and which must always expect to receive the blows and the sneers of a misguided world.
It is

not

my

purpose here to indicate the place

which these views took in Justin's theology, 1 but simply t P omt ou-t their bearing on his defence of Plausibility
of his plea.

Christianity.
?

If a philosophy,

why
all

should

it

be proscribed

Were not

philosophers of
?

kinds free
not to be

to teach their peculiar doctrines

Were they

met in every city ? Did they not found schools ? Why should this particular set of opinions, which contained so many elements with which the most illustrious philosophers agreed, be alone condemned merely for its name ? Such, if I mistake not, was the real substance of Justin's plea, and it is not hard to perceive both its force and its weakness. If Christianity had really It was a plausible plea. philosophy, it would probably never but a nothing been
have been persecuted.
to cultured readers.

Justin

may

well have felt that

his cause

his presentation of the case

would commend

For such he

chiefly wrote.

He

spoke as a philosopher as well as a Christian, and to the philosophic as well as to the popular ear he addressed his words.

He ever had in mind the " philosophic Coesar " as well as the " pious Emperor," and he
not unreasonably expected that the just and

may have

gentle Antoninus would agree with the

young philoso-

pher who shared his throne in granting freedom of In opinion and of speech to every school of thought.
i

Cf. Lect. IV.

JUSTIN

AND EARLY CHRISTIANITY.

77

should not Christian philosophy be tolerated

view of the universal respect paid to philosophy, why? In view

philosophy at that period,

of the prevailingly theological character of nearly all

why
also

should not the Chrispermitted

?

tian

doctrine

of

God be

In view

of the manifest affinity of

many

of Justin's ideas with

those of the honored master of the Academy, in view

of

the Apologist's sympathy

with philosophical doc-

trines

and use of philosophical language, why should

he and his fellow-believers be classed with the superstitious, and punished as enemies of the State ? Justin seems to have honestly
felt

that no reasonable prince,

who knew
and
i
<

the real character of the Christian doctrine

fail to

life,

could
sni

admit that such teaching ought

This was a
-vr
t

not to be proscribed.

new way
p
-i

of
I ts novelty.

defending Christianity.

JN

ever before, unless

in the lost Apologies of Aristides and Quadratus, had

it

been boldly claimed by an orthodox Christian writer

that his doctrine of those of the

was the superior on

their

own ground

Academy and

the

Porch.

By some
and
his position
;

of Justin's successors the affinity of Christianity

philosophy was openly repudiated. 1

But

was more likely to win for his cause a hearing and if his Apology ever reached those for whom it was intended, if it was ever seriously read by any cultivated heathen, the reader must have felt that, however incredible Christianity might be, it was assuming a new and more intelligible form, and that its prayer for liberty was not wholly unreasonable. And yet, plausible and novel as Justin's plea was, it was hopeless, if for no other reason than be- Its hopelessness, because cause it was in fact only a one-sided presenta- a one-sided tion of the case. For Christianity was more
1

So Tatian, Hermias, and,

later, Tertullian.

78
than a philosophy.
ciety

JUSTIN MARTYR.

It was an association. It was a sowhich met in secret, was rapidly spreading over the Empire, and was firm in its refusal to adore the emperor. The worship of the emperors was assiduously Their humanity and their fostered by the Antonines.

philosophy did not prevent their insistence on

desire to strengthen the unity of the
to encourage
it.

it.

Their

Empire led them

meetings

It

was

vain, therefore, to say that the

Christian societies, with their unauthorized

and their refusal to take in the usual form the oath of allegiance, were but a collection of philosophers. The
plea. Christianity was more Without meaning to be disloyal, by its war with heathenism it was undermining the foundations of the State, which rested upon heathenism. It was by its very nature a social revolution. Neither friend nor foe could then perceive what was involved But while the in the progress of the new religion. reports circulated against it were false, it was not the politically harmless thing which Justin innocently sought to represent it and while philosophers greeted

facts

were against Justin's

than a philosophy.

with scorn his claim to be a philosopher, the magistrates

and the people were

as little likely to regard

him and

his co-religionists as aught but a disloyal faction.

But

if

Justin's presentation of Christianity as a phiit

losophy was not likely to obtain for

His argu. .

the toleration

mentfrom
the virtues of the Chris-

he sought, his description of the moral teachincr and living of the Christians was more
,.,
,
.

likely to impress his readers.

As we have
argument
its

said, his exhibition of Christianity as a phi-

losophy seems to have been his

in its defence.

real, positive
its

Yet, on the purity of

its followers,

teaching, on

the morality of

on the simplicity of
It

ceremonies, he laid no

little stress.

was necessary

for

JUSTIN AND EARLY CHRISTIANITY.

79

him
of

to

do

this, in

order to meet the sneers and slanders

its foes.

In order to refute the popular reports, in

the
prejudices
of higher
circles, in

order to remove

order to appeal to the conscience of the better part of

the community, in order to dispel the prevalent idea

that Christians were dangerous to society, he set forth

the habits of his fellow-believers,

their moral ideals

and hopes, their lofty aspirations and pure practices. Thus he cleared the way for the positive presentation of the reasonableness of Christianity and its truly philosophical character.
Justin's description of Christian morals
is

well worthy

Of his particular replies to the charges of atheism and disloyalty, we have already spoken. Of his description of the Christian ceremonies an(j h e s imof attention.
t

it is sufficient

here to say that he represents

th'drcus-

them as very simple and entirely innocent. toms The rite of initiation 1 was but washing with water " in the name of God, the Father and Lord of the universe, and of our Saviour Jesus Christ, and of the Holy Spirit." This was to the convert a self-dedication to God, an
assumption of Christian duty, a new birth into purity

and knowledge. He describes in like manner the simple ceremony of the Eucharist; 2 and while he evidently regarded both baptism and the Eucharist as rites which conveyed some mystical benefit, 3 yet he was careful to

show

their perfect purity.

At

the weekly assemblies of

the Christians, 4 naught was done except to read "the

memoirs
officer, to

of the Apostles or the writings of the

Pro-

phets," to listen to an exhortation from the presiding

pray, to celebrate the Eucharist,

and

to

make

offerings for the needy.

1

Yet

it is

not so
2 4

much
65.
6
7.

in these

Ap.

i.

61.

Cf. Lect. VI.

Ap. Ap.

i.

i.

80

JUSTIN MARTYR.

formal descriptions that Justin exhibits the moral character of the Christians as in phrases
His
testi-

and

facts

are scattered through the Apology.

He

which shows

thef/noble
living.

us
2

men

an(^

"^o 111611

"

u^10

were absolutely

than

life,

scene of

who loved truth more and yet who, while willing to depart from the trouble, deemed it a duty to preserve life so
-u-ithout fear of death, 1
it.

long as God, the giver, delayed to take

persons

Here were

who lived in with God,4 who were

the earnest desire for fellowship

resting their hope of the future upon God's promises alone, who felt the duty of faithful obedience to Him and ever remembered that to Him

they were to render their account. 5

are "

Here, says Justin, 6

we who formerly

delighted in fornication, but

now

embrace chastity alone; we who formerly used magi-

now dedicate ourselves to the good and unGod we who valued above all things the acquisition of wealth and possessions, now bring what we have into a common stock and communicate to every one in need; we who hated and destroyed one
cal arts,

begotten

another and on account of different customs would not

even use the same

fireplace

with

men

of another race,
live

now, since the appearance of Christ,

with them, and pray
suade those
for our enemies,

familiarly
to per-

and try

who

unjustly hate us to live according to

the good precepts of Christ, to the end that they may become partakers with us of the same joyful hope of a

reward from God, the Euler of

all."

He

then cites ex-

amples of Christ's teaching, taken mostly from the Serdirections to be pure, temperate, mon on the Mount, and generous." He boldly 8 sets the Christian morals in
1

8
6

Ap. Ap. Ap.

i.

2.

11. 45:
*
7

ii.

2; Dial. 30.
i. i.

ii.
i.

4.

14.

Ap. Ap.

8, 14, 25, 49.

6
8

15, etc.

Ap. Ap. Ap.

i.

2;
8.

ii.

4.

ii.
i.

27.

JUSTIN

AND EARLY CHRISTIANITY.

81

contrast with the horrible vices of pagan society, and

speaks of the Christians' care for children, 1 their solemn

estimate of the value of

human

life,

their peaceable-

ness,3 their pity for their

enemies and desire to save

them,4 their patience and prayerfulness even

secuted, 5 their wide philanthropy. 6
self,

when

per-

He

evinces in him-

and he describes in others, a quickened sense of the inherent difference between right and wrong 7 and Through of man's responsibility for his moral choice. 8 all these virtues there also shines a strong, bright hope 9 of personal immortality, of divine reward, and of the Chrisfinal destruction of the devil and his works. tianity is thus shown to have been a real change of life, a practical communism, a universal brotherhood. 10 Justin, in

common with

later Apologists, does not hesitate

to assail fiercely the follies

and immoralities of pagan-

ism. He declares it to have been the work of demons u he scorns and ridicules its idolatry ^ he points out its contradictions, 13 and denounces its impure stories 14 and
;

shameless

rites.

writers themselves

even dares to
Antinous, 16 in

He could safely do so, for pagan had already done the same. But he denounce the more recent deification of
15

order to exhibit in

still

more glaring
but as the in-

contrast the lofty ideal of purity which the Christians

displayed.

He

writes not as the

satirist,

tense moralist.
for morality,
I

He was
this

himself

filled

with enthusiasm

and in

he claimed
2

to represent all true

29.

8
5

Ap. Ap.

i.
i.

27. 39.

*
e

Ap. Ap.

i. i. i. i.
i.

57
93)

Dial. 133.
.

Dial. 18.

D ia

110

9
II

Ap. Ap. Ap.

ii.

7,

etc.
ii.

i.
i. i.

14;
24.
12.

8.

5, 23, 54,

64

ii.

5.

18

A p.
Ap.

15

ii.

Ap. " Ap. *- Ap. " Ap. 16 Ap.

10; Dial. 124, 140.

14, 67.
9.

i.
i. i.

25. 29.

82

JUSTIN"

MARTYR

Christian?. Hiese men, therefore, were wholly different from what slander reported. They had totally repuHoliness diated the vices of pagan religion and life. was their aim. Universal love was their motive. Fidelity in all human relations was practised by them because of the fidelity due to God. Truth, purity, generosity, hnmil::;

with fearlessness, patience with courcharacteristic traits.

age,

were their

down

the barriers of class and nation.

to love even their enemies.

They had broken They sought They had risen above

the fear of death.

They

lived as in the presence of

the Almighty, and expected their reward from Him.

They might be

slain,

but they could not be injured, 1

since they believed death for Christ's sake to be only

It

is

evident that such a lofty morality would do

Christianity than volumes of learned

more to commend
?-~r
acter
-.:

-.Lii

Aicl: .rlrS.
to

Justni declares that his obser-

aigtuu-~

varion in former years of the Christian char-

had much

do with his own conversion,2 and

that

many

others also had been converted

by the same
well believe.

practical demonstration3

This

we can

While philosophers disproved

Christianity,

while the

magistrates oppressed and the populace assaulted the

followers of Christ, while Apologists vainly argued for

power of the new religion was quietly impressing thousands of men and women, and slowly but surely pervading society. Such is the " No one," he says, " was picture which Justin gives. persuaded by 9 but in lie for this doctrine Christ, who was partially known even by Socrates, not only philosophers and scholars believed, but also artisans and people entirely uneducated, despising both
their faith, the actual moral
;

Ap. L

2.

Ap.

ii.

12.

Ap.

i.

16.

JUSTIN AST) EARLY CHRISTIANITY.

glory and fear and death, since
ineffable Father,

83

He

is

a power of the

and not the mere instrument of human

for toleration.
It

reason."
It

was in vain that Justin pleaded

in vain that

was

he proclaimed the true philosophy, and

furnished proofs of the truth of Christ's claims, and

described the pure ideal of Christian
consider the picture which he gives
of this moral enthusiasm
life.

But
in

as

we

of the progress
life

and godly

whence
ne^morallt

the face of hatred and persecution,

led to ask

we

are

what explanation can be drawn ?'from him of so singular a phenomenon in the Eoman Empire. How came it that men were thus not only
suddenly possessed of such lofty
to
ideals,

but were able

?

follow

such unselfish and holy practices

How

arose this vivid sense of

this

an almighty but personal God,

quickening of conscience, this confident hope not

only of immortality but of eternal happiness, this universal love, this

new

valuation of

human

rights

and huits

man

life,

this intense yet practical, this holy yet pitiful

religion,

with

its

bold defiance of suffering and death,

life ?

pure and patient very

clear.

The answer,

at least of Justin, is

All was due, he says, to the actual incarna-

tion of the

Son of God. 2 The divine Logos had always indeed been in the world, 3 but the suggestions of reason had been overcome by the power of the demons. It was by His actually becoming man that Christianity
arose.

We

shall find occasion hereafter to point out

what we think to have been errors in Justin's conception of God and of the Logos. 4 We shall observe, also, an incompleteness in his idea of the way in which Christ saves, at least as viewed by the standard of
1

Ap. Ap.

ii.
i.

10.
5,

2
ii.

Ap.

i.

5, 13,

14;

ii.

13. etc.

46;

13.

* Cf.

Lect. IV.

84

JUSTIN MARTYR.
Testament teaching.

New

Justin's faith

But there is no doubt that and philosophy, his doctrine and life, turned on the fact of the Incarnation and he declares the same great fact to be the foundation of all ChrisIt was the teaching of Christ which had given tianity. men their new ideal. It was the life, words, death, and resurrection of Christ which had created their hope, had brought life and immortality to light, had made them It was the historical Christ, as they fearless and pure. had heard of and believed in Him, who had made God once more real to men, and had united them to God in reverent love and to one another in brotherly fellowSuch, at least, was the foundation of Christianship. the mind of Justin. The actual appearance on in ity earth of the Divine Son had given the new doctrines which men were believing and the new rules which they were following. This was the force to which these early Christians were conscious of yielding, and which moulded their religious experience. It was the historical Christ who in their thoughts had created ChristiIn Him they believed, and Him they loved and anity. served and in view of the deep gulf which lay between their practical morality and that of the society about them, and in view of the proved inability of even the best philosophy to produce on such a large scale a similar moral life, is it possible to believe that they were
; ;

regenerated

by a

fiction

LECTURE

III.

THE TESTIMONY OF JUSTIN TO THE RELATIONS OF GENTILE AND JEWISH CHRISTIANITY.

"V\ 7HILE
"

Justin

is

best

known

as

an Apologist, more
to the

interest has

attached in

modern times

tions of Gentile

evidence which he affords of the mutual rela- Value of in the J. ustin 's tesand Jewish Christianity "
timony
to

post-apostolic age.

In his larger Apology he

the relations

describes and quotes from the Old Testament,

and expresses

his valuation of the prophets,

and Jewish ris iam y

"

thus exhibiting his attitude to the

Hebrew

revelation

while other expressions show incidentally his position

Judaism but Jewish Christianity. more clearly, as we would expect, in the Dialogue with Trypho. There he formally combats Judaism. He thus states explicitly the way in which he looked upon the old dispensation. In the course of
toward not only
This appears
still

the

Dialogue, also,

he openly expresses his opinion

If we add to this his testiand character of the majority of

about Jewish Christians.

mony

as to the origin

Christians in his day, his expressions concerning the

authority of the Apostles, his treatment of those doctrines

Jew and

which would naturally come into debate between Gentile, and finally his claim to speak for the majority of the Christian community, we shall perceive that he is an important witness to what were the actual relations of these two sides of early Christianity.

86

JUSTIN MARTYR.

The value of
of
rationaiistic

this part

of Justin's testimony

is,

of

course, greatly increased

by the modern critical theories the apostolic and post- apostolic ages. Eawhich was conto

tionalistic criticism seeks to explain the rise

theories

of the Catholic Christianity

fessedly established by the time of Irenaeus on the supThe

Tiibin-

position that

it

was from beginning

It alleges

end
far

gen scheme.

a na t ura i process.

that

so

from Christianity having been taught and the Church

founded in the way set forth

by our

New

Testa-

ment, these were a growth which gathered around the

simple moral teaching of Jesus, through the addition
thereto
of ideas

which were already germinating in

Gentile and Jewish thought, and which combined to

beliefs and societies of the first and The corner-stone of these rationalistic theories is the alleged opposition between Paul and the original Apostles, which is claimed to be proved from those epistles of Paul which are admitted by the critics

form the Christian

second centuries.

as genuine.

Original Christianity was, they

tell us,

entirely Jewish.

Paul, realizing the universality of the

Gospel, proclaimed that all

faith alone,

men might

be saved through

and hence
This,

that, Christ being the

end of the
Apostles

law to every one that believeth, the Jewish economy

was

abolished.
;

it

is

said, the original

denied and thus there arose two types of Christianity,

the Pauline or Gentile, and the apostolic or Jewish,

which were antagonistic to each other. When the apostolic age drew to a close, however, these two divisions began to come together. The spread of Pauline Christianity and the political calamities which befell the Jews led the Jewish Christians to make concessions. The death of Paul was followed by a less determined hostility Concessions became to Judaism among; his followers.

GENTILE AND JEWISH CHRISTIANITY.

mutual.

87

The need

of unity in the face of the world's

felt. Church organization became more fixed and ecclesiastical power centralized, and thus the truth held in common was exalted above The extreme views the points in which men differed. of some aided the coalition of the more moderate of

opposition was more deeply

both

sides.

Practical

necessities

dulled the edge

of

and personal animosities. Finally, the union became complete. The extreme views of Paul were toned down. The spirit of the Jewish law and
theological rancor

hierarchy united with Paul's doctrine of the uuiversalism of the

new

religion

but Paul himself, as the

special object of

Jewish

dislike,

was relegated

to the

background, and Peter came to be reckoned as the true

founder of the Church.
Catholic Christianity, a con-

fused medley of the originally opposing views, was the

and the union of the two parties was so perfect that by the end of the second century all remembrance of the division of the Apostles had been blotted out. Along the lines, then, of these two periods of conflict and reconciliation, the books of the New Testament and the remains of post-apostolic literature are placed by the critics, and the development of early Christian thought and life is correspondingly described. Of course it is
result
;

admitted that the facts should determine our theories

but amid the scanty testimony which survives from this

period, the internal evidence of the books themselves

has been chiefly relied upon to determine their dates

according to the requirements of the theories.

Conse-

quently the traditional origin of

tament books has

many of the New TesBy their supposed been denied.

doctrinal or ecclesiastical or even personal " tendencies,"

they have been assigned to this or that phase of the

formation of Christianity.

The value

of the

New Testa-

88

JUSTIN MARTYR.

meiit histories has thus been undermined.

of

The phases
to the

New

Testament doctrine have been attributed

natural development of thought, to reaction from oppos-

ing views, and to contact with outside philosophy and

life.

The

resulting Christianity

is

represented not as

a revelation, but as the expression by the

human mind

of certain religious and moral truths in dogmatic forms

and

historical narratives

which were but the accidents

of their birth.

famous Tubingen reconstruction of early Christian history, of which F. C. Baur's " The
is,

Such

in brief, the

Modifies6

Christianity and the Christian Church of the

First Three Centuries," published in 1853,
still

TiibLgen
scheme.

is

the completest representative.

Baur was
but
fair to

joined by other scholars whose industry pursued the

subject into the minutest details
;

and

it is

admit that the investigations to which the Tubingen theory led both friend and foe have resulted in a clearer
conception of the historical relations of early Christian
literature than Biblical scholarship
sessed.

had ever before pos-

Nevertheless, the earlier forms of this theory

have now been generally abandoned. Its extreme positions have in many cases been retracted by rationalThe evidence for an earlier istic scholars themselves. 1
date
of the principal

New

Testament books than

it

would allow has been freshly exhibited. It has been shown that other forces besides those originally sup1

Cf

e. g.

Hilgenfeld's

Review

of " Supernatural Religion " in

where he admits that that the to him pseudo-Ignatius used our Gospels; that Papias's Matthew, though not ours, was not a mere collection of Christ's words, and that we can hardly distinguish his Mark from ours; that Justin used our Gospels with one or more others and that Mansion's Gospel was not independent of Luke's.
Zeitschr. fur wissensch. Theol. xviii. 5S2,

Barnabas used

cos

yiypairrai of Matt. xxii. 14

GENTILE AND JEWISH CIIRISTIANITY.

89

the result.

posed must be admitted to have co-operated to produce Especially has the Alexandrian philosophy
to

been made

play a larger part in the modification of

;

Paul's teachiug

and the period of the reconciliation of

half of the second century,

the antagonistic parties has been pushed back from the

second to the

first

and
2

its

beginnings assigned even to the apostolic age

itself.

am

speaking

now from
fact, I

the standpoint of the rationalistic

critics.

But, in

should go further.

The Johan-

nean authorship of the Fourth Gospel, the composition

of the Synoptic Gospels in the
ticity of the later
first

century, the authen-

Pauline epistles, and the genuineness

of the seven short

Greek

epistles of Ignatius have,

we

believe, been firmly re-established,

and thereby the whole

is

Tubingen scheme overthrown.

remains, and by
lengths. 3

Still its essential spirit

some

writers

carried to

extreme
ori-

The antagonism between Paul and the

ginal Apostles is

now indeed

represented as less violent

is

than was
tians
4

at first

maintained, and

said to

have only

originated after the events at Antioch described in Galaii.

moderate party,
first

also, is

now

recognized as

having existed from the

tians
5
;

among

the Jewish Chris-

while among the Gentile Christians, on the other

Cf.

e. g.

Pfleiderer's Paulinism, vol.

ii.

ii.

chap.

ix.

2
3

Cf. Ibid.,

38, etc. (on the Epistle to the

Romans).

Cf. Pfleiderer's Paulinism,

of the Apostle Paul on the

bert Lectures, 1885.

and the same author's " Influence Development of Christianity," HibVolkmar's Jesus Nazarenus, 1882. See
schools.

also Weiss's Einleitung, 1886, pp. 9-18, for a brief review of the

Tubingen and more recent

4 Cf. e. g.

Holtzmann's " Der Apostelconvent," Zeitschr. fiir vvissenseh. Theol., 1883, pp. 129, etc.; and Holsten, quoted by Weiss, Einleitung, p. 14 and Pfleiderer's Paulinism, ii. 8, etc., Hibbert Lectures, ch. ii.
;

Cf. Pfleiderer,

Hibbert Lectures.

90
hand, Hilgenfeld
l

JUSTIN MARTYR.
distinguishes from the Paulinists a

party which was Jewish-Christian in spirit and claimed

to follow the original Apostles.
Its spirit re-

But

in spite of these im-

portant modifications of the theory, in spite of

mams.

^iq additional parties into which the early Church has had to be divided and the admission of which gives the impression that the theory itself is in a stage of dissolution, the fundamental thesis of the division of the Apostles and of the apostolic Church into two hostile or at least independent parties is still assumed
;

the narrative of the Acts

principles of

is

still

held to represent the

century were established

throw light

compromise or fusion which in the second and therefore whatever will upon the relations of primitive Gentile and
;

Jewish Christianity becomes of the highest

T

service.

Another view of the second century w as adopted by Eitschl,2 who was himself reared in the Tubingen school, and has been widely followed by critics of Ritschi's
view
-

various tendencies.

He

denied that Catholic

Christianity was the result of the union of the Jewish

and Pauline
to grow,

types,

and

insisted that the former ceased

but that the latter degenerated from the views

of its founder, and,

by reason of

forces acting

wholly

from within

itself,

descended to a more legalistic conEitschl maintained, therefore, that

its

ception of religion.

Catholic Christianity was wholly Gentile in

origin

and he thus took a position quite different from that of Already Neander 3 had declared that his master Baur. influence of Judaism on Christianity, it is the besides
possible to detect in the development of Gentile Christianity in the second century
1

a tendency similar to

2 s

Cf. Zeitsehr. fur wissensch. Theol., 1872, pp. 495, etc. Die Entstehung der altkath. Kirche, 8d ed. 1857.
Cf. his Ch. Hist.,

Amer.

ed.

i.

365.

GENTILE AND JEWISH CHRISTIANITY.

Judaism but

91

itself and the theory of show that there was not nearly so much need of assuming a compromise with Jewish principles in explaining the phenomena of the early Church as had been supposed. Eitschl's view not only

bom

of

paganism

Kitschl served at least to

influenced rationalistic scholars, 1 but has also been fol-

lowed in modified forms by scholars who wholly deny

the alleged division of the Apostles.
critic

The most recent

on

Justin,
far as

view so

Von Engelhardt,2 carries the Kitschlian to make Justin essentially pagan in his

modes

of thought, and the Christianity of his day wholly

unaffected by later Judaism.

as one of the at issue.

Thus Justin again appears most important witnesses in the question We find in him a witness whose importance
specially valuable for the simple
is
* e
jjJJ{|jr8

testimony

is

reason that the date of his writings

ally admitted.

gener-

statements,

"We strenuously object to the habit of

determining the dates of early Christian books by the

places which they are
of early Christianity.

made

to

fill

in the various schemes

We hold

at least that this is often

done in such wise as to be practically a begging of the

question,
to Justin, about turn, therefore, with more confidence whose date there is no serious doubt. His testimony should go far toward determining our

and we

opinion of the condition of affairs in the generation

preceding him as well as in his own.

Before examining his testimony, however,
to repeat the caution that
it is

proper

we should

not expect too

much from
1

it.

The

criticism of the

New

Testament

Cf.

Overbeck's " Das Verhaltniss Justins des Martyrers zur

Apostelge?chichte," Zeitschr. fur vrissensch. Theol., 1872, p. 305; and Weiz s'acker's " Die Theologie des Martyrers Justinus," Jahrb.

fur deutsche Theol., 1867 (vol.

2

xii.), p. 60.

Das Christenthum Justins des Martyrers, Erlangen, 1878.

92

JUSTIN

MARTYR

books themselves must furnish the main source for our knowledge of the apostolic age. If it be not true that
the Pauline Epistles contradict the Acts of the Apostles,
if it

be not true that the Synoptists and the Fourth

if it

Evangelist contradict one another,

can be shown

that the evidence for the Pastoral Epistles and First

Peter and the Hebrews points to a date agreeable to the

traditional view, then the foundation of the rationalistic

away and leaves it a castle in the air. But the condition of affairs in the second century is imcriticism melts

portant, though subsidiary, testimony.

It forms part of

the historical evidence for the literature and history of

the

first.

It

may

be reasonably expected

to exhibit the

effects of causes alleged to

as

w ell
r

as to

have operated in the first, reveal additional causes which modified

those of an earlier time.

From

it

we may

logically look

back; so that the testimony of Justin to the relations

of Jewish and Gentile Christianity, or of Christianity

and Judaism,

may

contribute to our understanding of

original Christianity itself.

Let us begin, then, with Justin's use and valuation of

the Old Testament.
Estimate
C i 11

He

quoted

it

copiously, not only

the Dialogue with Trypho, but also in the o er Apology.

The oid Tes-

l ar

He
after

used the

Septuagint
r

tament.

translation,
its

and

having described

how
re-

Ptolemy procured

translation from the

Hebrew,

fers the readers of the

Apology, not to the Jews, but to

If

the Egyptians, as preservers of the sacred volume.

it

be thought that he did this in order to increase the

it is

confidence of his pagan readers in the prophets,

yet

to be observed that he entirely distrusted the Jews'

1

Ap.

i.

31.

Justin

that Ptolemy procured the

makes the astonishing mistake of saying Hebrew Scriptures from Herod.

GENTILE AND JEWISH CHRISTIANITY.

copies of their

93

own

Scriptures, alleging that these

had

been altered through hostility to the Christians. 1

At

any

rate, the

Septuagint was for him the correct expres-

sion of the language of the prophets.

This collection, then, Justin considered infallibly inspired.

He

calls it

" the Scripture,"

or " the Scripi

i

and again j ts nsp ra . tion> 5 holy Scriptures." calls "the He it "the 6 7 Word of God," "the Word from God," and again simply " the Word." 8 More particularly, the writers were "prophets of God," through whom "the prophetic Spirit " spake. 9 Elsewhere he says that " God " spake 10 through them, and again that the divine Logos did. 11 They w ere therefore " inspired " 12 and " inhabited by
simply
"

tures," 3 or

Scriptures,"

the Spirit,"

13

or " filled with the

Holy

Spirit."
15

14

Their

writings do not contradict one another,

fault be found with them, if their
stood. 16
1

nor can any

The
i.

collection of

Hebrew

Scripture, in fine,

meaning be underwas
Cf.
of the

Ap.

41; Dial. 71-73, 124.

I.

Cf. also Dial. 68, 181, 137.

also Lect.

Justin, however,

was not ignorant

Hebrew
by the

text (Dial. 124, 131), nor of the interpretations adopted

Palestinian

Jews

(Dial. G8), though certainly his explanation of

the etymology of 2aravas ("apostate serpent," Dial. 103, Otto's

note) and
'lo-paj)\

("man conquering

strength," Dial. 125) do

not indicate thorough acquaintance with the

Cf. Kaye's Justin Martyr, p. 19.
2
3
4 6
7 8
T]

Hebrew

language.

ypacpr)-

Dial. 37, 56, 60, 84.

al ypacpat.

Dial. 39, 56, 86, 119.

5

ypa(pa\.

Dial. 75.

Dial. 55.

6 toO 6eov \6yos. Trapa tov 6tov.

Dial. 38, 58, 62, 63, 141.

Ap.

i.

53.

Dial. 56, 92, 102, 103, 117, 129, 137.

9
10

Ap.
Cf.

i.

31, 32, 35, 38, 39, etc.; Dial.

7,

34.

e. g.

Ap.

i.

40; Dial. 15.

33, 34.
i.

" Ap.
to
iv
roit

i.

33, 36.

12
13

Ap. i. ipireTrvevo-pivoi. Ap.

Oeocpopovvrat.

36.

Trpo(prjTais

irvtvixa.

Dial. 52.

"

Dial.

7.

is

Dial. 65.

Dial. 112.

94

JUSTIN MARTYR.

regarded by Justin as in the highest sense an inspired

volume, a series of infallible communications of truth

from God by His Logos through the Spirit. Looking still more closely, we find that Justin's high valuation of the Old Testament rested on his high
Theprophets-

valuation of the prophets themselves.

He
an

approached the subject in the

spirit of

inquirer seeking reasons for belief in Christianity; and

he found these in the marvellous predictions and anticipations of the latter which were contained in the pro-

was to Through them, either when in trance or otherwise,2 the divine Word, or Spirit, preached the eternal truth which was afterwards to be taught by Christ, 3 and predicted, explicitly or in figure, the events of Christ's life and of apostolic
phetical writings.
therefore,

The Old Testament,

1

Justin the " writings of the prophets."

history. 4

Justin, as

we

shall see, regarded the divine

Logos as the only medium of revelation, and as having

always been in the world making the truth
those able to receive
it.

known

to

But through the prophets the Logos particularly spoke. By the prediction of what had subsequently occurred as well as by the miracles which they wrought, 5 were they authenticated as messengers from God. From them, in fact, Justin, like
other Christian writers of his day, maintained that the

Greek philosophers had learned much of their wisdom, and even the demons had learned against what to direct their wicked efforts. 6 The prophets appealed to his
1

Ap.

i.

23, 31, etc.; Dial. 7, 52, 136.

where the special mention of Zechariah's eKCTTacrit shows that Justin did not consider inspiration as always a state The contrary in which the ordinary faculties were suspended. view is expressed in the Cohortatio, viii., which is not Justinian. 4 Ap. i. 31, etc.; Dial, passim. 8 Ap. i. 44; Dial. 136. 6 6 Ap. i. 23, 31, 44, 54, 59, 60. Ap. i. 31 Dial. 7.
Dial. 115,
;

GENTILE AND JEWISH CHRISTIANITY.

95
;

mind

as the

most convincing proof of Christianity

and

while their prominence in his writings was no doubt

partly due to the nature of the latter as addressed to

pagans and Jews, yet

it

is

clear that the miraculous

testimony borne by the prophets to Christianity underlay the high estimate which Justin placed upon the

Hebrew
This

Scriptures as a whole.
is

confirmed by his use and interpretations of

the prophecies.
.

He

finds

in them, as suits his pur

pose, either a writing beforehand of Christian r

history, or a plain declaration of Christian

1.1

Method of
interpreta-

and acand exhibit later teaching or facts. 1 His method of interpretation combined excessive literalism with a speculative search in the
doctrine, or else mystical utterances

tions intended to both conceal

letter of Scripture for

hidden meanings.

He

speaks of

the intentional obscurity of Scripture; 2

finds Christ

and Christianity
page
1
;

typified or openly taught

on every
shape in
32
;

sees the cross predicted

illustration,
:

no

less in the
i.

Thus, to take one

he quotes (Ap.

cf. also

Dial. 54) Gen. xlix. 10

"

The

sceptre shall not depart from Ju-

He come for and He shall be the desire of the nations, binding His foal to the vine, washing His robe in the blood of the grape." This, he says, predicted, first, the continuance of Jewish civil power until the time of Christ, after whom the Romans took
dah, nor a lawgiver from between his feet, until

whom

it is

reserved

possession of the land. Then, " He shall be the desire of the nations " predicted the present expectation among the Gentiles " Binding His foal to the vine " predicted of the second advent.

triumphant entry into Jerusalem while the sentence " washing His robe in the blood of the grape " was prophetic of His " cleansing by His blood those who believe on Him," for believers are " His robe," since the Logos dwells in them and the
Christ's
;

" blood of the grape "

called,

was a symbol of His own blood, and so because He came not of human generation, but, like the

grape, of divine power.

2

Dial. 68.

96

JUSTIN MARTYR.
for roasting
itself;
"
2
2

which the paschal lamb was dressed

in the
fifty-third

than

chapter of Isaiah
"

finds in

Malachi's word about the " pure offering

of the Eucharist,
priest's
3

a prediction

in

the twelve bells on the high-

robe" a symbol of the Apostles, and in the These are but a few samples of his method of

Nineteenth Psalm a description of the spread of Christianity. 4

interpretation.

We

must judge

it

by the habits of

his

day.

It rested

on the same principle as the exegesis of

It

the Jews themselves, as Justin himself points out. 5

was evidently the same method of which the Alexandrian Jews

made use

to discover their philosophy in

the writings of Moses. 6

Nay,

it

was the common way

the Gentiles as well
7

of interpreting prophecies
as

among

among

the Jews, as

may

be implied in the fact that

side

Justin places the Sibyl and Hystaspes

by

side

with the prophets.

But the important point

The Old

is

that to Justin the Old

Testament was purely a Christian book.

He

says

to

Trypho, " Your Scriptures are not yours, but

0lirS -"

JcSan
book.

"

The laW

f the
is

Lord >" Which in the

Nineteenth Psalm

called " perfect," is not

the Mosaic, but the Christian law. 9

just

The prophets taught what Christ taught, 10 but in parts and by figures. True, the Old Testament contains 11 some injunctions intended only for the Jews; but in his own estimation
1

Dial. 40.

Ap.
14.

i.

50.

8 Dial. 117, etc.

4 6 7 9

So the "Didache,"
6

Ap.

i.

11.

Dial. 112.
p. 320.

Cf. Zeller's Outlines of

Greek Philosophy,
8

Ap.

i.

20, 44.

Dial. 29.

Dial. 34.

So, speaking of Zechariah's vision of Joshua, the

:

high-priest, Justin says (Dial. 116)

lation
10

"I assert that even that revewas made for us who believe on Christ the High-Priest." u Dial. 44. Ap. i. 23, 44 ii. 8.
;

GENTILE AND JEWISH CHRISTIANITY.

97

as a

and use of it, Justin passes over these to represent it book of Christian doctrine directing what Christians are to believe and do.
In the next place, the question
arises,

How did Justin

must be admitted by all, we think, that at least in the Apology The Hebrew dispens* 11011 he gives no indication that he looked upon the relation of the Hebrews to God as having differed He menin any respect from that of other nations. tions Socrates and Heraclitus before Abraham, Elias, and
regard the

Hebrew

dispensation

It

other Hebrews, as examples of

men who

lived confor-

mably

to truth before Christ came. 1

He

quotes Isaiah

as declaring the constant unbelief of the

Jews but the

readiness of the Gentiles to accept the Gospel. 2

He

does not say, in describing the origin of the Old Testa-

ment, that the prophets were Hebrews because of any

special relation of the

the contrary does say that the the prophets. 3

in Matt.
"
ii.

Hebrew people to God, but on Jews did not understand In quoting Micah v. 2, as it is quoted

6,

he significantly omits from the clause

who

shall rule

my

people Israel

"

the

word

" Israel." 4

He

classes the

Jews and the Samaritans together

in

distinction from the Gentiles. 5

Certainly, the drift of

these passages

Hebrews

show that Justin looked upon the The fact that the prophets were of that people indicated to him no
is to

as

merely one of the nations.

special superiority of the

Hebrew

race,

while the

latter's

inability to understand the prophets

was a symptom of
If distinguished

their extraordinary blindness of heart.

Ap. Ap.

i.
i.

46.
53.

The words
This
is

cited

but in Jer.

ix. 26.

an example of

by Justin are not found in Isaiah, his numerous slips of

i.

memory. s Ap. 6 Ap.

i.

31.

Ap.

34.

So

also Dial. 78.

i.

53. 7

98
at
all, it

JUSTIN MARTYR.
was
for their unbelief.
2

To

this

it

may be added

that in the smaller Apology

Justin explains that the

Divine Son
through

is

called Christ " on account of his havall things

ing been anointed and because God arranged

Him," a
title

sentence which

is

remarkable for

and and which shows that the influence of Alexandrian philosophy had united with other forces in leading our Apologist far from the original Jewish view.
deriving the
of Messiah from the cosmical

universal

work

of the Logos,

It

may

be

said,

however, that

we should

not expect

to find in the Apologies a presentation of the peculiar

vocation of the Hebrews.

of the

Dialogue

We

What, then, is the testimony must reply that here also Justin
full rela-

shows himself
tion of the

far

from able to appreciate the

Hebrew and Christian dispensations. He knew, indeed, that God had specially favored the Hebrews by choosing them for Himself, by delivering them from Egypt, by protecting them in the wilderness, and by pointing them to the coming Saviour. 2 He knew that God had given them a national law and
But he declares that the Mosaic ceremonial was given them solely because of their sins. 4 Meats were forbidden or allowed solely to keep God before their eyes. 5 The Sabbath, likewise, was instituted that they might not forget God, as they were specially prone Sacrifices were enjoined on them simply to to do. 6 keep them from joining in the idolatry of their neighCircumcision was instituted actually to mark bors. 7 them out beforehand for punishment when they should
1

covenant. 3

Ap.

ii.

6.

Kara to Kf^pitr^at nai

8

Koo~firj<Tai

ra iravra
4
7

8i

avrov

tov deov
2

Dial. 130, 131.

Dial. 11.

Dial. 132. Dial. 22.

Dial. 20.

Dial. 21.

GENTILE AND JEWISH CHRISTIANITY.

have
as
filled

99
cruci-

up the measure of
1

their wickedness

by

fying Christ.

These

rites

never had any inherent value,

may

be proved from the fact that the pious patriarchs

did not observe them. 2

" to

In

fact,

God

called the

Hebrews

conversion and repentance while in a sinful condi-

and laboring under spiritual disease," 3 and their ceremonial was intended only for themselves, partly as a restraint and partly as a punishment. Justin, however, recognizes two elements in the Mosaic law, the religious and moral element and the ritual. 4 Both were incumbent on the Hebrews but the ritual was designed to bring to their minds the religious and moral element, 5 and of this purpose its prefiguration of Christ was a part.
tion

Salvation, therefore, did not consist in performing the

ritual,

but in the doing " that which

is

universally, nat-

turally,

and eternally good."

The

prophets, indeed,

repeated the ritual

8

commands
"

of Moses, 7 but taught

salvation through repentance for sin

and doing

right-

and as now we who have been led

eousness
;

the true, spiritual Israel are

to

God through

this crucified

Christ," so in old

time God's people were not the Jews

as such, but only those who, like

Abraham,
Hence,

Isaac,
finally,

and
the

Jacob, were well pleasing to Him.

Mosaic law came to an end when Christ appeared and

The Jews have been signally condemned for their wickedness. 10 Only those can now be saved who "become acquainted with Christ, are washed in the fountain spoken of by Isaiah for the remission of sins, and for
established

the everlasting law and covenant. 9

the rest live sinless lives."

1

n
3
6 9

Dial. 16. Dial. 44. Dial. 27.

2
6 s

Dial. 19.

Dial. 30.

4
7

D; ai. 2 7. Di ai. 12 _i5,

Dial. 44.

Dial. 45.
Dial. 43.

10

Dial. 16, 74.

"

100

JUSTIN MARTYR.
this
it

From
Total
, .

appears that Justin recognized that the

been, at the beginning of their history,

Hebrews had
rejec-

selected by J

God

as objects of J

His

tionof Juda-

that from the beginning and with increasing

...

favor, but

wilfulness they had as a nation rejected the

divine teaching.

Their ordinances had been meant for

;

themselves alone

and while these contained a typical

is

Christian element, 1 the rebelliousness of the people

made

to

have been the chief reason for their enactment.

On

the other hand, prophecy had always taught just

what
Jews,

Christianity teaches, and had predicted the latter.

as such,

were not

Israel,

but only the righteous among

lain in folall

them

and the way of salvation had always

lowing those moral and religious duties of which

men had some

known.
Justin's

knowledge, which the prophets had

Christ

preached, and which at last

had

fully

made

therefore, in certain notable

Differences
13
"

view of the Hebrew dispensation differs, respects from those ex-

pressed in the

New

Testament.

He
Christ,

does

tin's
1

view"
f

n t say> as Paul

did, that

the law
to

was a
but

the

New
of

schoolmaster to bring

men
The

Testament

rather a schoolmaster of the

Jews
latter

to

remind

them
differs

God and

righteousness.

statement

from the former in looking

at the matter, not

from the standpoint of a progressively revealed redemption of which the Mosaic law was a positive factor,
but from the standpoint of an always revealed duty with
reference to which the Mosaic law was a reminder and

a warning.

Nor does he say

faith. 2
cf.

that the

Hebrew

saints

were saved through faith but through obedience, though

he mentions Abraham's
1

Nor does

he, like the

Dial. 44, Otto's text;

Dial. 40-42, 111.

2 Dial. 23.

GENTILE AND JEWISH CHRISTIANITY.

101

Epistle to the Hebrews, see in the ritual an harmonious

system intended to typify the priestly work of Christ for his selection of types is arbitrary, and he does not
bring into sufficient prominence the idea of Christ's
sacrifice.

Yet

to

each of these

New

Testament ideas

is

Justin's akin.

Even the

points of apparent difference

are found in subordinate

writings.

and disconnected places in his

is,

With

the Pauline rejection of Judaism he

on the other hand, in perfect accord.

arraigns the

Stephen's speech

Jews

for persistent rebellion very

much

as

Justin does.
lition of

With

Paul, Justin declares the total abo-

Jewish ceremonies since the advent of Christ. With the Epistle to the Hebrews he teaches the identity of Christian life with that of the patriarchs and
saints of past time.

Thus he

is

like

and unlike the

shall observe

New

Testament writers in his estimate of the Hebrew

system.
hereafter.

The cause

of his differences

we

But

for

our present purpose

it is

significant that the

point which Justin failed to appreciate was the positive,

educational side of Judaism.

ment

in revelation he
. .

Of develophad no idea for he

:

Hisfailure
to appreciate the positive worth of

represents Christianity as having been taught

as completely though not as clearly or per-

suasively in the Old Testament as by Christ.

That God
for Chris-

through the ritual had been educating

tianity,

men

was a thought quite foreign to his mind. Judato him a now abolished law, which had only been called out by the follies of the Jews an adaptation to their sinfulness an exclusively national law and a system, therefore, with which the Christian had nothing to do save as it might here and there typify Christ, or covertly reveal some truth which He had
ism was
; ;

Acts

vii.

102
taught and which
observe.
It

JUSTIN MARTYR.
it

was of
to

interest for Christians to

must already begin

of the

appear that Justin was far

His high valuation Old Testament did not in the least imGentnelod- P iy sucn sympathy, and his failure to grasp et }'the positive value of the Mosaic ordinances indicates that he himself stood strongly on Gentile
The Church

from sympathizing with Judaism.

ground.

We

shall not be surprised, therefore, to find

him representing the

tively Gentile society.
says,

Christian Church as

a distincthe Jews. 1

Christ has been accepted, he

among

the Gentiles rather than

among

Prophecy, in fact, foretold the conversion of the

tiles

Gen-

in such a

way

as to

make

it

the characteristic

mark

of the Messianic
predict.
3

kingdom,2 and so did Christ Himself

Not only was Justin an uncircumcised man

Christ
is

himself, 4 but he speaks of Christians generally as un-

circumcised. 5

the priest of the uncircumcised,

though

He

will receive those of the circumcision

who

approach Him. 6

Some Jews,

indeed, believe in

Him, 7

and others are daily leaving the paths of error and becoming His disciples. 8 Yet they are but a few, if compared with the body of their nation, 9 a mere "remnant left by the grace of the Lord of Sabaoth unto the eternal salvation." 10 The Church was distinctively Gentile. So Trypho regarded it, 11 and so Justin describes it. 12 " " We, out of all nations Christ and His proselytes,

namely, us Gentiles

" 13
;

such
s
8

are his expressions.

Christians in general do not observe the Mosaic ordi1 2 8

6 9

Ap. Ap.

i. i.

31, 40.

31, 49; Dial. 13, 28, 69, 109, 117, 122.

4
"

Dial. 76. Dial. 33.

Dial. 28. Dial. 120.

Dial. 10, 15, 16, 29, 33.

Dial. 39. Dial. 10, 64.

Dial. 120.
Dial. 120.

10 13

Dial. 32.
Dial. 122.

12

GENTILE AND JEWISH CHRISTIANITY.

nances. 1
" along

103

The Gentiles

are to receive the inheritance

with the patriarchs and prophets and the just

Jacob."
2

men who have descended from

and the
colt,

In the ass
"

which were brought

to Jesus for his trium-

phal entry, were symbolized the fact that

you of the

synagogue, along with the Gentiles, would believe in

Him

" 3

but

He

is

now

the expectation of all nations,*

Jews must become proselytes to Him or to Christianity,5 and the distinctive mission of the Apostles was to the
whole world. 6
Finally, Justin says expressly that " the

Christians from the Gentiles are both

more numerous and

'

truer than those from the Jews and the Samaritans."

not regarded by

Thus the Christianity which Justin knew was him as the development of Judaism. The great bulk of Christianity It was a Gentile religion.
adherents were
Gentiles.

clearly

its

With them,

"efopment

Jews were welcome to unite, and of Judaism. many did so. But Christianity was the establishment of a universal faith. It was characteristically a nonnational religion. Though Jesus and the prophets were Hebrews, yet the truth they taught was for all mankind, and even in ancient times was known by some out of all nations and the prophets predicted and Christ instituted a religion into which Jews must come on precisely the same basis as Gentiles. So far, indeed, was Justin beyond the idea, which the apostolic Church maintained, that the Gentiles were .
indeed,
;

Differences

fellow-heirs with the Jews, that

felt called

he rather

from Pauline

admit that the Jews were Again we must observe, that Justin did not in this matter reproduce the ideas
to

upon

fellow-heirs with the Gentiles.

Dial. 10-29. Dial. 32.

Dial. 26. Dial. 28.

Dial. 53.

4
7

Ap.

i.

39.

Ap.

i.

53.

wXeiovas re nai dXrjdearrcpovs-

104

JUSTIN MARTYR.

of Paul, and that he rejected

torical

Judaism simply

as an hisit

system of national worship, not because

was

a temporary and finished term in the revelation of the

true religion.

He

distinguished, also, far

more

clearly
ele-

than Paul had done, between the moral and ritual

ments in the Mosaic laws. The substance of Paul's rejection of Judaism he retained. The essential universality of the Gospel he assumed. But the perception of the divine reason for both the enactment and abolition of Judaism was obscured to him, because the whole idea of a progressive revelation was wanting in Justin. He was not even enough of a Jew to enter into Paul's thought of the purpose subserved by that which had been done away. This brings us to the formal judgment which Justin passes upon Jewish Christians. 1 Trypho asks if a wno man Relieves in and obeys Christ and Justin's formal judg- yet observes the Mosaic ordinances can be " ment upon Jewish saved, a question which itself shows how

completely Justin's Christianity appeared to

the

Jew

as

Gentile faith.

Justin replies that in his

opinion such an one can be saved, provided that he does

not strive to persuade Gentile Christians to do the same,

nor teach such observances to be necessary to salvation.

He

admits, however, that

some

will not

have any inter" if

course with those

who

observe the law, but states that

" For,"

he thinks
cause

differently.

he adds,

some,

be-

of the

weakness of their mind, besides

hoping

upon
as

this Christ

and keeping the eternal and natural

precepts of righteousness and piety, wish also to keep

much

as they

now

can of the Mosaic laws, which

we

think were ordered on account of the hardness of the

people's hearts,

and choose
1

to live

with the Christians

Dial. 47.


GENTILE AND JEWISH CHRISTIANITY.
and the
faithful; as I said before, not persuading

105

them

to be either circumcised like themselves, or to sabbatize,

or to observe other such rites,

to join ourselves to such,

I hold that

it is

proper

and

to share all things with

them, as with kinsmen and brethren."

Christians

Moreover, he

is

even willing to admit that such proselytes as the Jewish

be saved.

may make from the Gentiles will probably 1 At the same time he would meet any Jewby a

ish-Christian refusal to fellowship with Gentiles

like refusal to fellowship with such

Jewish Christians, and declares that those who go over to Judaism itself can certainly not be saved, any more than the Jews
themselves

who

persecute the Christians.

From

this passage it is evident that there

were

dif-

ferences of opinion in the Christian community, even to

the degree of causing the existence of sects. Various The New Testament, however, testifies to the opinions
.

in

existence of such differences in the apostolic

age

itself,

though not among the Apostles

and we are

only interested to learn whether Justin's description

agrees best with the idea that the Church
ically divided into

had been rad-

opposing parties, which had recently

or

combined or were then combining, or with the idea that

these
sects

only represent imperfect

extravagant

views, lingering prejudices, and

offshoots of Christianity,

human

speculations,

which were never held by the

Justin speaks of Jewish

great

body of

believers.

On

the one hand, then,

Christians

who

continued to observe the Mosaic law.

He

evidently implies, also, that of these there

those who merely held were two classes, > .1 i i inn i t themselves, and fellowshipped to the law

of Jewish Christians.

1 generally translated, ?o-o)j " sine dubio."

;

" fortasse."

Otto inclines to

106.

JUSTIN MARTYR.
;

with Gentile Christians

and those who considered

"

the

law " binding upon

Justin,

and both refused to fellowship with non-observers of it and strove to proselyte them.
all,

Their de-

it

should be noted, describes both

mands.

classes as wishing to observe " as

many
1

things

as

they now can

of the Mosaic ordinances."

They had

only so far modified the observance of the ritual as their

expulsion from Jerusalem had rendered necessary.
distinctly states that they
still

He

practised circumcision,

and that this was demanded of the Gentiles by those Jewish Christians who sought to proselyte them; so that they had not, as Baur alleges,2 conceded this point
to the Pauline Christians.
It is to

be observed,

also,

that he does not say that the Jewish Christians differed

in general from the doctrines of the orthodox church.

That he knew of Ebionites will appear in a moment,

and doubtless they were of the proselyting and exclusive class of Jewish Christians to which he refers in the passage before us. But he also testifies to Jewish

harmony with Gentile The Jewish type of Christianity, therefore, was not, except in its extreme form, Ebionitic nor is there any reason to suppose it had ever been so. If there had been
Christians
lived in entire
believers, while preserving their national customs.
;

who

a change in the theology of the Jewish

Christians,

whereby they had come into

Gentile Christians,
it

closer
to

union with the

is

fair

suppose that Justin

would have mentioned in some way such doctrinal

orthodoxy, as one of the conditions of his recognizing
the Christianity of such Jews.

The

fact that

he only

mentions the matter of the ritual certainly implies that

1

ret ocra

Bvvavrat vvv in tu>v Mcoucretos.

i.

The

Christianity of the First Three Centuries, vol.

pp. 106,

etc.

GENTILE AND JEWISII CHRISTIANITY.

it

107

alone was the question between

it is

the two parties.

Their fewnes3,

But

also

to be noted that while Justin

describes the existence of such Jewish Christians,

we have

already found

him speaking
cases, indeed,

of

them

as

comparatively few.
active proselyters.

In some

they were

But they were a small body in comparison with the Christian community as a whole and
;

the very indifference of Justin to their maintenance of

their traditional usages

shows of

itself

how

small their

number

really was.

On the other hand, there were some in the Christian community who were so opposed to any form of Judaism as to deny salvation to, and refuse The extreme
to hold intercourse with, observers of " the

JJSSSh
Christianity.

law."

Perhaps by these Justin meant the

them Christians, though they evidently called themselves by that name; yet neither does he so violently repudiate them as he elsewhere does Marcion and his followers. 1 But allowing that some whom Justin would not have conMarcionites.

He

does not call

sidered

heretical

were thus violently anti-Jewish, he

himself in this passage only expresses his disagreement

with them on the question of the salvability and Christian character of the

Jewish Christians
position,
;

he does not
j us tin's
d e' but firm
position,

dissent from their opposition to Jewish Christianity

itself. is

His own

here

as

elsewhere,
is

distinctly anti-Jewish

but he
differ

lenient in his

judgment of those who

with him.

He He

regards Jewish
is

Christianity as weak-mindedness.

absolutely opposed to the observance

by Chriswilling to
for

tians of the Mosaic ordinances.

But he

is

make allowance
1

for the

power of custom and

hon-

Yet see Dial. 48, where he repudiates the Ebionites as gently, though he considers their doctrines as human teachings.

108

JUSTIN MARTYR.
and therefore believes that

est differences of opinion,

Christian Jews, though they continue their national usages, should not be excluded from the communion
of the Church.

To be a

disciple of Christ

was the sav-

ing

fact.

Questions of ceremonies were of secondary

importance.
It

would seem perfectly

idle,

then, to maintain, as

the Tubingen critics did, that Justin had any sympa-

svm

thy with Jewish Christianity, or represents

a doubtful position between the

thy, there-

with Jewish
fore,
_

Gentile and Jewish Christianity stood, in his

'

.,-,....

two

sides.

view, distinct from each other

and while he
true that
it

covered the latter with the mantle of his charity, he

himself occupied no half-way position.
It is

he went further in his charity than Paul had found

Gentiles

possible to do, in admitting the salvation of even those

rites.

who went over to the observance of Jewish But the salvation of individuals is one thing, and the propriety of their opinions and conduct is another. "When, moreover, Paul was first establishing the
freedom of the Gospel against the previous opinion
that Gentiles had to
tians, cised,

become Jews in order

insist that if
profit

to be Chris-

he might well
Christ
later,

they were circum-

would
was

them nothing,
to

But

if,

century

the freedom of Gentiles had long been

less

established, there

need

judge hardly of indiJustin's charity

;

vidual perverts to Jewish Christianity.

may have

in this instance

gone too

far

but the change

of circumstances from the apostolic age

was such that

he cannot, on account of his charity, be charged with sympathy with an anti-Pauline type of faith. He is firm in expressing his conviction of the error and weakness of Jewish Christianity, and his very charity is again a proof that this type of religion was too

GENTILE AND JEWISH CHRISTIANITY.

109

inconsiderable a power in the Church to be seriously

feared.

Was

Justin, then, in all this, a fair representative of

?

the majority of Christians

That he was disposed to

His position that of the

take an ultra-liberal view of even the Ebionites,

_.

has been inferred from two passages in

writings.
if

maj

his

In the Dialogue

he argues

that even

he should not succeed in proving the pre"

existence of Christ, the proof of his Messiahship would

yet hold good, and adds that

race

there are

some

of our
to be

who

confess

Him
;

to be Christ, but hold

"

Him

man

born of

men

and of

these,

who were mani-

festly

Ebionites,2 he

remarks, " with

whom

I do not

agree."

So, in the larger Apology,3 he says that " the

Son of God,

called Jesus, even

if

only a

man by
is

ordi-

nary generation, yet on account of His wisdom

to be called the

worthy
explain

Son of God."

But

it is fair to

these expressions as due to Justin's desire to attain the

main

object of his argument.

Fully as he believed in

the pre-existent divinity of Christ, he

siahship, if he could persuade

would

at least

have both pagan and Jew confess His wisdom and Mes-

them

to

admit no more.

If he referred to Ebionites as of " our race,"

Christians,

he

that

is,

as

did but speak according to the

;

name

to the world but he rejects most strenuously, declaring that not only did he not agree with it, but that most of those who thought as he did that is, who belonged to the Christian Church would reject it likewise, since they had

by which they were known

their doctrine

been commanded by Christ to put no faith in

1

human

Dial. 48.

So it is generally assumed. For the phrase " our race," some editors substitute " your race," but needlessly. Cf. Otto's note.
8

Ap.

i.

22.

110

JUSTIN MARTYR.

doctrines, but only in those taught

Himself.

by the prophets and These passages therefore indicate, again, no

leaning toward Jewish Christianity of any type, but

rather

show that Justin and the Church stood together

in opposition to both Judaizing ceremonies and Ebionite

error.

And

the evidence

is

strong that Justin did rep-

resent the majority of Christians in his day.

cifically

He

spe-

claimed to do

separates the heretics,

and in most explicit terms as new and less numerous, from

so,

the true and apostolic Church. 2

affirm

If so, then

we may

from him that the great body of Christians in the

middle of the second century considered Jewish Christianity as a vanishing type of the faith, to be charitably

regarded, indeed, but yet distinctly inferior to the full

truth taught by Christ and His Apostles.

We

conclude, then, that so far as the formal relations

of these

two types
*s

of Christianity were concerned, there

Bearin of this evidence

no reason t infer from Justin that they

.

on the

had recently combined. J

tained their existence.
tianity

Tubingen
SCtlGlllG

was dying

fast.

for the second time placed the seal

Both still mainBut Jewish ChrisThe Jewish war had of Providence upon

the abrogation of Hebrew rites, and given the final blow to Jewish national influence. 3 Gentile Christianity was not only established, but was assumed by the vast majority of believers to be the natural and apostolic type. Justin and the Church stood positively and uncompromisingly on Gentile ground, and the bitter dispute which had raged between Paul and the Judaizers had long since lost its edge, for the very reason that Gentile Christianity had become so overwhelmingly dominant that the old issues were dead. Such a result,
1

Cf. Dial. 35, 80, etc.

8

2
i.

Cf. Lect.

VI.

Ap.

31, 47.

GENTILE AND JEWISH CHRISTIANITY.

be
it

HI

observed,

is

just that

find, if the course of events in the preceding age

which we would expect to had

been that which

But,

is

related in the

New

Testament.

it

will be said,

was there not a

silent

but actual

fusion of Gentile and Jewish Christianity, in spite of

their

apparently continued

independence

Had

there
11 "

been appealed to ^"chlis as evidence that Judaism had imposed cer- fusion tain of its views, and notably its prejudice against Paul,
Justin,
others, has
<'

among

upon the Gentile

believers, while it

had

at the

same

time accepted in turn from them the Pauline idea of

the universality of the Gospel.
sults of Paul's missionary
spirit, it is said,

While thus the rework remained, his doctrinal

was

lost in the fusion of his follow-

ers

with those of the original Apostles.

it is

reaction

toward Jewish views. The mere fact of such a reaction may be held without implying doubt of the authenticity
took place,
alleged, of Gentile Christianity

of the

New

Testament books.

It

may, however, be
It is

held with the purpose of explaining the alleged union

of the originally divided Christian communities.

important, therefore, to examine that part of Justin's

testimony which has been adduced to show the presence in him of an anti-Pauline or Judaiziug
spirit,

and

to inquire

whether he does indicate that such a

spirit

was

really at

work

in the Catholic

Church of
Justin

his day.
1.

Appeal has been made

to the fact that

strongly repudiates the eating of

offered in sacrifice to idols,

meat which had been

lieves that

and evidently be- The abhorno true Christian would be guilty ^"at* offered of such an offence. 1 This has been con- toidols
-

Dial. 34, 35.

112

JUSTIN MARTYR.

trasted with Paul's doctrine of the inherent indifference

of such

an

act, 1

and

it

has hence been inferred that the

adoption in the second century of the absolute unlawfulness of eating

meat which had been

offered to idols
its

proves that Jewish Christianity had so far imposed

shackles upon the freedom which Paul had claimed for

the Gentiles.
It

should be observed,

also, that

this

question

is

mingled with that of the authenticity of the Acts of Holtzmann, 2 for example, asthe Apostles. x
Connection
.

of this with the authenticity of the

suming that
_

Gal.
.

-,,....
li.

is

inconsistent with the

..

_.

account oi

the

apostolic

council given in

Acts
cree "

xv.,

assigns

the

latter,

with

its

"de-

of abstinence

from meats offered to idols and

from blood and from things strangled and from fornication, to the second century, and claims that it represents the fusion of Pauline and Jewish-Christian
views to which the Church had gradually come.
admits, indeed, that Paul himself

He

commended, under

certain circumstances, abstinence from idol-meat,3 but

sees

in

Eev.

ii.

14, 15, 20, 24,

where certain

mem-

bers of Asiatic churches are reproved for eating such

meat and for fornication, the first step in the expression by Jewish Christians of the conditions on which they would recognize Gentile Christians. He
then points to the prohibition in the pseudo-Clementines,4

not only of eating idol-meat, but also of the use

of things strangled,

and blood, and

to prohibitions of
;

impurity scattered through the same books

refers to

the rebuke administered in the so-called Epistle of Bar1

Cor.
Cor.

viii.

4-6

x.

23-26

Rom.

xiv. 1-6.

2 8

Cf. Zeitsehr. fiir wissensch. Theol., 1883, pp. 159, etc.

1

viii.

Horn.

vii.

7-13; x. 28; Rom. xiv. 14, 15. Recog. iv. 36.

;

"

GENTILE AND JEWISH CHRISTIANITY.

nabas
J

113

against those

who
"

"

rush forward as

if

proselytes

to the

Jewish law

claims incorrectly, as

we have

seen,2 that according to Justin the milder Jewish-Chris-

tian party

demanded
;

of Gentiles these conditions, while

the extreme party demanded the

observance of the

whole law
all,

and

finally points to the fact,

admitted by

that in the second century abstinence from idolcharacteristic of Christians generally. 3

" legalistic

meat was

He

accounts for these facts by the

movement

which in the post-apostolic age took possession of all Christendom, and maintains that by it a modus vivcndi was gradually established between Pauline and Jewish Christians. The author of the Acts, living not long before Justin, and therefore when this state of things had come about, and supposing that what all believed to be Christian duty must have had apostolic authority, attributed the famous " decree " to the apostolic council. According to Holtzmann, 4 this was done without any
conscious intention in the author of the Acts to misrepresent facts, but simply through his ignorant assumption of the prevalent ideas of his day,

a view in which Holtzmann differs from the earlier theory of Baur, Zeller, and others that Acts was a deliberate attempt to reconcile the contending parties by re-

1 2

Chapter

iii.,

Lat. vers.

Justin (see above) does not represent any such difference in

demands of the mild and extreme Jewish parties. The real was that the milder party claimed the right to observe the law themselves the extremists insisted on its observance by
the
difference
;

Gentiles.
8
viii.

laid

refers to Eus. H. E. v. 1, Just. Dial. 35, Orig. contra Cels. and claims that Judaism, as well as Jewish Christianity, stress on these conditions of proselytism rather than on the
30,

He

observance of the whole law.

4

And

Pfleiderer (Paulinism,

ii.

228, etc.).

114

JUSTIN" MAIiTYE.

writing the history of the apostolic age so as to give

equal honor to Peter and Paul 1

Xow, we
the Acts
2

are here concerned with these criticisms of

only so far as they show the significance of

All admit that the Acts and Justin

Justin's testimony.

stand practically on the same ground in this matter.

The

fact

that they do is insisted

upon by the

'*'

ad-

show that the narrative of the Acts represents the ideas and usages not of the first but of the second century. To prove the authenticity and historical credibility of the Acts would be beyond our purpose. Suffice it to say that traces of the book may be found in the Epistles of Polycarp 3 and of Ignatius, 4 and even in that of Clement of Pome 5 toward the close of the first century. Xor can we here pause
vanced
in order to
to disprove, as has

" critics,

been often done, the fundamental

criticism,
It
is

dictum

of rationalistic

that

GaL

ii.

is

in-

consistent with Acts

Justin's

xv.

sufficient

for

us to

observe that Justin, unlike the Acts, clearly

abhorrence
of ''idol-

meats "not due to Jewishinnu-

shows that the stress laid in his dav on abstinence from idol-meats was due to other
causes than an inclination to Judaism.

....

.,_,.

He

expressly affirms that

it

was

at least partly

because of his abhorrence of the Gnostics, some of whom 6

prided themselves on doing this very thing.
os," he says."
''

'who

are disciples of the true

doctrine of Jesus
fast in the

Christ., to

be more faithful

They cause and pure and steadthese

hope announced by Him."

Xor were

the Marcionites,
1

who

claimed to be special followers of

also (p. 164) that the Judaizinsr source

Holtzmaim admits

which the author of the Acts used

may have
etc.
s
3 T

already worked up

the account of the council.

:

Cf.

* 6

Smvr.

Weil's Einleitung. pp. 560. 3. and. perhaps. Mag. 5.

i.

Ad Ad

Phil.

1.
2.

Cor. cc.

13.

Iren. adv. Haer.

6. 3.

Dial. 35.

GENTILE AND JEWISH CHRISTIANITY.

Taiil, for

115
action,

they did not eat meat at

this matter to

all.

The

therefore, of the Christians of the second century

would

seem in

have been due to their abhor-

rence of the moral laxity and general worldliness into

which heresy often tended, rather than to any reaction from Paulinism to Jewish Christianity. Connected with this was the necessity, as soon as Christianity became a public matter, of making a firm confession of the faith. No way of doing this was so often thrust upon them

by

their persecutors as the refusing to unite in sacrifice

;

to the gods

and Paul himself recognized 2 the duty under such circumstances of refusing to eat meat which had been offered to idols, since the receiving of it would be considered homage to the false god. It is quite unnecessary, therefore, to see in this prevalent abstinence

an anti-Pauline, Judaizing
part
of a

feeling, or to explain it as

modus

vivencli established

between Gentile
of the time

and Jewish

believers.

The circumstances

led the Christian conscience thus to judge of its duty.

That by so doing a possible cause of offence to Jewish

Christians

was removed,

is

of course obvious

but that

the cause of the abstinence lay in the requirements of

Jewish Christianity as such, or in the imposition upon the church of a ritualizing and confessedly anti-Pauline doctrine, is a view to which Justin, both by his explanation of the real cause of the abstinence and by
his antipathy to

Jewish ceremonialism, stands utterly

opposed. 3
1

Justin (Dial. 35) includes

the Mareionites (MapKiavol, see

Otto's note)

and Saturnilians with the Basilideans and Valentini-

ans, not as being eaters of idol-meat, but as being blasphemers of

the
2

Maker
1

of all tbings.

So Orig. contra Cels. viii. 31, gives this as the admitted reason why Christians abstained from idol-meat. 8 The Clementines do not testify to the opinion of Catholic
Cor. x. 28.

116
2.

JUSTIN MARTYR.

But we

are told that Justin does not

mention Paul

nay, that he
, Justin does not mention
.

manifestly avoids mentioning him, and

,

even implicitly repudiates him as an Apostle.

.
,
.

Certainly, if this be so, there

sibility

would be plautheory of
the

in the

rationalistic

original

mutual

hostility of the Apostles

and division
That Justin
;

of the Church.

What,
He had no
reason to mention him.

then, are in this case the facts

but had he any reason to mention him, and does his silence imply hostility to the Apostle ? Anticipating what will more fully appear later, 1 we
does not mention Paul,
is

true

may

say that Justin speaks of the Apostles in general

as tne messengers sent

His mention

by Christ to publish His Gos tne world, as taught by Him P e l to tils'inten-" eral and endowed with power from on high, and as having been sent to all nations to be the founders of
-

the Church.

They

are represented as the authoritative

publishers of Christ's doctrine, and the sources from

which comes the knowledge of His life and teaching. 2 Of any of them, however, Justin makes mention by name in only three instances, all of which are in the Having affirmed his belief in a visible reign Dialogue.
of Christ in Jerusalem, he quotes,
first, Isa.

lxv. 17-25,

They were a veritable Christianity, but of the Ebionite sect. " Tendenzschrift " and the difference between their representa;

tion of apostolic history

and that

of the Acts

is

as great in tone

and

spirit as in

point of fact.

The abstinence from

things stran-

gled and from blood, to which, however, Origen and Eusebius (in
his report of the letter

from Lyons and Vienne)

testify,

may be

explained both by the "decree" of Acts and by the Christians' sensitive abhorrence of brutality. Origen says blood was the food
of demons.
1

Lect. V.
Cf.

Ap.

i.

31, 33, 39, 40, 42, 45, 49, 50, 61, 66, 67; Dial. 42,

76, 81, 100, 106, 109, 110, 114, 118, 119.

GENTILE AND JEWISH CHRISTIANITY.

and
briefly

117

comments on the passage, alluding also to J " And further there was a cerPs. xc. 4, and then adds tain man with us, whose name was John, one of the Apostles of Christ, who prophesied by a revelation that was made to him that those who believed in our Christ would dwell a thousand years in Jerusalem." Again,2 in the course of an argument to show why Christ is called both Son of Man and Son of God, Justin mentions that

He
the

" called one of

His disciples

known by
nized

Him to

Simon be Christ the Son

of

name

Peter
of

previously

since he recog-

God by

the revelation

of the Father." of Simon's

And

again

he points to the change

name

to Peter

and of those of the sons of

Zebedee to Boanerges as an indication that Christ was the same who had changed Jacob's name to Israel and
Oshea's to Joshua.
It is evident that in the last

cases the mention of apostolic

tal.

lypse

The mention of John as is more formal yet even then the

;

two names was quite incidenthe author of the Apocacitation

from
it is

the Apostle
less as

is

subordinate to that from Isaiah, and

is

an apostle than as a prophet that mention

at
all.

made

of

him

In

fact,

the purpose of Justin's writings

called for

no special mention of particular Apostles.

He

was not narrating Christian history. He was arguing for Christianity on ground which he supposed his pagan readers and Jewish hearers would admit. It would have been useless for him to have quoted to them the apostolic epistles or any other Christian authorities, save so far as these were historical witnesses to the facts and
teaching of Jesus.

But

it is

further said that Justin specifically calls the

all a
<

Apostles twelve, and attributes to them

The

common
1

mission to

all
-

nations.
Dial. 100.

Was
3

not

twelve."

Dial. 81.

Dial. 106.

118
this

JUSTIN MARTYR.
an intentional omission of Paul and a transfer?

ence of his work to the original Apostles

Is not this

an indication that Paul had fallen into disrepute even

among Gentile Christians, at least among those who were in the Catholic Church ? Is not

of

them

Justin's

language comparable with the ominous silence of the

pseudo-Clementines concerning the same Apostle

should be remembered, however, that Justin
to
is

It

admitted

have freely used the Epistles of Paul, though without

fully reproducing the Apostle's thought. 1 It

Used the
Epistles

should be remembered also that he frequently

refers, as

and Luke.

we

shall see, 2 to " the

3

memoirs of

the Apostles," and states

Christ's "Apostles

that these were written

by

and those who followed them."

This

expression obviously means that some of the

"memoirs"

were written by Apostles, and others by their companions.

Now,
these

it

is

certain that Luke's Gospel

;

was included in

"

memoirs

" indeed,

Justin refers to that Gospel

in the
occurs.

very passage in which the above expression

But that Gospel was never referred in all antiquity to an Apostle, and the inference is plain that it was considered by Justin apostolic because of the
author's

known

connection with Paul.

In

fact,

Justin's

acceptance of Luke, especially

when we remember that Marcion, whom Justin opposed, claimed his amended Luke as the original Pauline Gospel, is of itself sufficient proof of Justin's recognition of Paul's apostleship.

Finally,

it

should be remembered, again, that Justin

quotes none of the

his
1

New

Testament Epistles

at

all,

though
clearly

acquaintance with most of them can be

Cf. Otto's Justini
;

tive articles

Opera, ii. index iii. and Thoma's exhauson "Justins literarisches Yerhaltniss zu Paulus imd
fur wissensch. Theol., 1875,

zum Johannes-Evangelium/'Zeitschr.
pp. 383, 490. 2 Lect. Y.
3

Dial. 103.

GENTILE AND JEWISH CHRISTIANITY.

shown.

119
is

His

failure, therefore, to cite

as,

from Paul

as

consistent with his habit

of his readers,
it

in

was

natural.

view of the character His silence about the

that of

Apostle

is

quite a different

phenomenon from

the pseudo-Clementine Homilies and Recognitions, since

these pretend to relate the

movements and teaching

of

the principal characters of apostolic history.

When,
out of
all

then,

we

turn to the passages in which Justin

two which occur in his writings. In the one 1 he quotes, as an example of the spirit of prophecy speaking in His own name, Isa. ii. 3, " For out of Zion shall go forth the law, and the word of the Lord from Jerusalem." He then adds " And that it did so come to pass we can convince you. For from Jerusalem there went out into the world men, twelve in number, and these illiterate and of no ability in speaking but by the power of God they proclaimed
speaks of twelve Apostles,
the
find
to be only

we

them

many

references to the Apostles

to every race of

men

that they were sent by Christ to

he is showing how the Mosaic ordinances prefigured Christ and Christianity, and sees in the twelve bells, which he
teach to all
says
3

the word of God."

In the

other, 2

were hung to the high-priest's robe, a symbol of

It seems scarcely credible that

the twelve Apostles.

these two instances,

when

Justin often speaks of the

Apostles without any specification of number, should be

thought to prove an intentional omission of Paul.

Nor

does the fact that he speaks of the Apostles as sent to

all

nations prove that he had transferred to the original

1
8

Ap.

i.

39.

Dial. 42.

probably confounded these with the twelve precious stones in the priestly robe of Aaron. Cf. Otto's note referring to Tert. adv. Marc. iv. 13, where that Father uses the same stones as symbols of the Apostles.

He

120

JUSTIN MARTYR.
It only

twelve the Gentile work of Paul.

Unity of

shows that

when
all

Justin wrote, there was no consciousness

the Apostles

of the alleged peculiarly Jewish

work
"

of the

other Apostles.
told

The

"

memoirs

themselves

nations.

tian

that the mission of the Apostles was to all The established Gentile character of the Chriscommunity rightly confirmed him in regarding this
It is almost trifling to assert

him

as the apostolic mission.

number twelve, which day we use without meaning to deny the apostleship of Paul, can be even imagined to contain a slur on the great champion of Gentile Christianity.
that Justin's occasional use of the
to this
3.

It

remains for

me

to

mention two features of Jus-

tin's

theology which have been supposed to indicate the

influence of later Judaism.

a.

The

first

is

his strong Chiliasm.

He

believed in

the triumphant establishment by Christ at the second

advent of His kingdom in Jerusalem, 1 and

the settlement of the Church in the Holy

Land during
kingdom. 2

a thousand years, after

which would follow

the general resurrection and judgment and the eternal

Chiliasm has been supposed to have passed

over into Christianity from Judaism, and to indicate in

its

advocates Jewish-Christian sympathies.

Upon

this point, however, so far as our present inves-

tigation is concerned,

following facts

we need

call attention to

but the

(1) Chiliasm was widely diffused in the second century among Christians of both Gentile and Jewish
affinities.

many

Justin states 3 that while he and others held this view, " many of those

Wide]v
diffused.

Christians
1

who

are of the pure

and pious opinion do not

8

Dial. 32, 35, 40, 51, 80, 81, 110, 113, 121. 138, 139. Dial. 81, 117, etc.

Dial

81.

GENTILE AND JEWISH CHRISTIANITY.

admit
it."

121

We

find Chiliasm not only in the "

"
x

of the Apostles

as well as later in

Teaching and in Papias,2 but also in Barnabas,3 So widely Irenseus 4 and Tertullian. 5

scattered a belief cannot therefore be considered evi-

dence of Jewish tendencies. (2) Justin held Chiliasm in a strong anti-Judaic form.

He

expected no conversion of the Jews as a nation,6 but

tit

believed that the Christian Church as such

would inherit the promised land.' Nor would tin in an antiChiliasm Jewish sacrifices ever be restored. 8 9 was anti-Jewish in so far as indeed, as Dorner says, the millennium was conceived of as only an intermediate state between the present age of suffering and This is the eternal age of glory which lay still beyond. very noticeable in Justin. In the Apology he says nothing of the millennium, and represents the rewards of the righteous as in the highest degree spiritual 10 and
while in the Dialogue he expresses his belief in a
eral
lit-

Held by Jus-

millennium, he also looks forward to the period

after the final

judgment

as the ultimate object of Chris-

tian hope. 11
affinities

While, therefore, Chiliasm had certainly

its

with Judaism,
is

presence

among Gentile

no indication of a compromise with Jewish Christians on the points which had distinguished
Christians
I

c.

16.

Iren. adv. Hasr. v. 32.

8 c. 15. 6 7 9

4
iii.

Adv. Haer.
Dial. 32.
.

v.

30-36.

Adv. Marc.

24.

8 D ial- 118 Dial. 113, 139. History of the Doctrine of the Person of Christ,

i.

408,

etc.,

Eng. trans. 10 Cf. Ap.

enly

i.

10, 13, 21, 52.

So see

his description of the "heavi.

kingdom" which

Christians expect; Ap.

11.

Aube
;

(Saint

Justin, pp. 195-199) goes so far as to assert that Justin's idea of

the future reward was even negative and philosophical neglects the testimony of the Dialogue.
II

but he

Dial. 105, 116, 117.

122

JUSTIN MARTYR.
another.

them from one

We

may, with Dorner, 1 regard

Chiliasm as an early and crude expression of the belief

was to conquer the world, or we may was the original belief of all apostolic We must certainly recognize that Chiliasm Christians. was quite in harmony with that combined literal and mystical method of interpreting Scripture, of which we have given examples from Justin. 2 But we Chiliasm no J W cami t ini er that its presence in him and fs^svm athies. other Gentile Christians was a symptom of
that Christianity
infer that it
*

"

sympathy with a Judaizing type of Christianity. b. The other feature of Justin's theology which has
been supposed to indicate a Judaizing tendency
Christian legalism.

is

his

representation of Christianity as the " new " jj e declares it to be the new law and j aw
abolished. 3

covenant which the prophets had predicted and by

which the Mosaic had been

giver,
4

Christ

is

a law-

or else is himself the

covenant. 6

Justin also often

new law 5 and the new speaks of the way of salto

vation in a

manner which seems

sins, 7

show a

legalizing,

unevangelical conception.

Christians receive indeed in

baptism forgiveness of past

learned the truth, they
everlasting salvation. 8

but pray that, having

their

may by

works be found

keepers of the commandments, and so be saved with an

Christ will clothe us with preSo, like-

pared garments,

if

we do His commandments. 9
to

wise, salvation is represented almost entirely as future.

They who can prove

1

God by

their

works that they

Cf. above. Cf. especially Dial. 81,

where Justin fancifully refers

4
6

Isa.

lxv. to the millennium.

3

Dial. 11, 24, 67, 110, 122. Dial. 11, 43.

Dial. 11, 12, 14, 18.

Dial. 51, 118, 122.

6
7

Ap.

i.

61

cf.

Dial. 54.

Ap.

i.

65.

Dial. 116.

GENTILE AND JEWISH CHRISTIANITY.

followed

123

Hence obedience predominantly made the condition of salvation. In pagan times Socrates and others were saved through
will obtain the reward. 1
is

Him

their obedience to reason. 2

In Hebrew times

men were

saved,
law. 3

if

they observed the moral as well as the ritual

in

Now,

Christian times "as

many

as are per-

suaded that the things taught by us are

baptism,"
4

true,

and under-

take to be able to live accordingly, are regenerated in

and afterwards

strive to live sinless lives. 5

Repentance, baptism, belief in the revelation of

God
the
said

through Christ, and obedience to Christ's law are the

commonly named

conditions

of

salvation. 6

On
is

ground of these and similar expressions Justin

to have taught a purely legal
to

way

of salvation, and thus

have been

far

from sharing the Pauline doctrine of

salvation through faith.

this

mode

of speaking

And it must be admitted that may be fairly said to be characmiss in his writings the clear

teristic of Justin. 7

We

expression of the Pauline doctrine of immediate justification

and a

full

sense of faith as the appropriation of

Yet, on the other hand,

a finished redemption.
it

we think

and ideas which imply the evangelical view of the way of salva-

possible to collect from Justin other phrases

tion.

He

speaks of

it

as originating in God's goodness,

whereby God was led

emphasizing
as in
1

to send

human

liberty,

His Son to earth. 8 While he speaks of Christian life

to individuals. 9

some manner based on divine grace

i. i. i.

4
6

Ap. Ap. Ap.

8.

So

cf. 10, 14,

42, 48, 65.

8 6

5, 10, 46.

Dial. 11-26, 45. Dial. 44.

61.

"If you repent of your sins and recognize Him to be Christ and observe His commandments, then remission of sins will be yours." 7 Cf. Lect. IV., where this whole subject is further discussed. 9 8 Dial. 30, 32, 55, 119, 121. Ap. i. 10.
Cf. Dial. 95.
. .

124
More,
also, is

JUSTIN

MARTYR
and of Christ's blood than would lead us to expect, or
for.

made

of faith

Justin's previous expressions

than

all of his critics

have given him credit

Isaiah,

he says, sends us to that saving bath which

is for

those

who
and

repent and are purified, not by the blood of goats

of sheep, but

by

faith

through the blood of Christ. 1

justified and blessed on account of his The Gentiles who have believed on Christ and The paschal repented, shall receive the inheritance. 3 lamb was a type of Christ, " with whose blood they who believe in Him, in proportion to their faith in Him,
faith. 2

Abraham was

anoint their houses,

i.

e.

themselves."

"

All

who repent

can obtain mercy from God, even as the Scripture foretells,

'

Blessed
"

is

the

man

to

whom
of

the Lord imputeth

not

sin.' " 5

The goodness
as

God

holds

him who

re-

pents of his

sins,

He

reveals through Ezekiel, as

6

righteous and free from sin."

While, therefore, Justin

undoubtedly laid

stress

on the idea of Christ as a teacher,

and Christian life as was evidently another conception of salvation imbedded in his language and thought. The present question, however, is, To what was his
faith as the acceptance of truth,

on

obedience, there

legalistic
Its

tendency due

little earlier
7

we

read, in the

pseudo-Epistle of Barnabas,
growth in
.

of "

the
is

new law
without

the post-apos-

of our Lord Jesus Christ, which

the yoke of necessity."

Justin, Athenagoras

wrote

"

We

than have a law which

little later

makes the measure

of righteousness to be dealing with

8

our neighbors as ourselves."

1 8

The Homily which goes

(8m
rfjv tt'kttiv)

Dial. 13. Dial. 26.

irinrrei.

Dial. 23

and 119.

4 Dial. 40.
5

Kara tou Xoyov

6
8

rrjs

us avrov
7.

TrlaTeas-

Dial. 141.
c. 2.

Dial. 4

Supplic. 32.

GENTILE AND JEWISH CHRISTIANITY.

by the name of the Second Epistle
Irenreus
or
2

125

of

Clement of Rome
x

lays great stress on obedience and good works

while

and Tertullian
laid

speak of the

new covenant
"Was the

new

law.

These were Gentile Christians.

stress thus

on Christian duty and the

employment

of apparently legalistic phrase-

ology due to a reaction of Gentile Christianity toward

Jewish Christianity,
in other causes
?

or are

we

to seek the explanation

Our

full reply to this

question must

be deferred until with Justin's aid we have studied the

influence of paganism on Christianity.

ent

we may observe

that, united as this legal-

ism was with a thorough repudiation of Jewish

rites, it is at least

...

But

for the pres-

Not necesBarfly

due

to

unnecessary to see in

it

sign of the merging of Gentile and Jewish Christianity.

It should be

remembered

that Paul himself spoke of " the

law of Christ " 4 and of

" the

law of the

Spirit,"
6

of " wait-

ing by faith for the hope of righteousness,"

and of the

imperative necessity of good works. 7

It is quite con-

ceivable that in the second age of Christianity practical

problems of duty would, in the face of heathenism and

persecution, cause the moral side of the Gospel

and the

necessity of obedience to the Gospel's requirements to

be emphasized.

It is quite conceivable, also, that Gentile

Christianity should not have been able to preserve the

strictly evangelical ideas of

of philosophy

Paul against the influence and the natural tendency of the human

mind.

It is quite possible that the use of the Old Testament as a book of Christian doctrine, without a just

cc. 2, 4, 11, etc.

Adv. Haer.

iii.

10. 5

iv. 9.

2; 34. 11
3, 6, 9. 6
7

etc.

8
4
6

De

Prjescr. 13;
vi. 2.
5.

Adv. Jud.

Gal.

Rom.

viii. 2.

Gal. v.

Gal. v. 19-25, etc.

126

JUSTIN MARTYR.

sense of the progress of revelation,

may have

contributed

to a revival of the forms of thought

dispensation,
create.

if superficially

which the old understood, was likely to

But when the authors who represent this tendency vigorously repudiate Judaism, show themselves
unable even to appreciate the worth of the Hebrew system, consider Christianity an essentially Gentile insti-

and speak of Jewish Christians as weak-minded may be true that they had themselves lost the clear apprehension of immediate salvation by faith alone, and had thus revived a spirit similar to that of the later Jews but it is surely not to be inferred that this was a sign of the blending of the body of Gentile Christians with the body of Jewish Christians to which they had formerly been avowedly hostile. We rather infer from the testimony of Justin that JewSummary of Justin's tesish Christianity had become a comparatively lon) small fraction of the Church that it had,
tution,
believers, it
;
. .
"

with the exception of the Ebionites, long since been

reconciled to the claims of Gentile Christians, and that

both Gentile and Jew, with the same exception, acknowledged the authority of all the Apostles. The bulk
of

Jewish Christians were distinguished from Gentile

believers simply

by

their observance of their national

ceremonies, not by repudiation of Paul.

But Gentile
body who
lessening.

Christianity was the advancing, growing side of the

Church, and the importance to

still

it

of the smaller

clung to their traditional

rites

was daily

The Church was grappling with wider questions than that which Jewish Christianity presented to it, and was It was content to leave the latter to its own course.
contending for independent right to toleration under

Roman law.
dition

It was meeting the assaults of heathen traand philosophy. To many of its members the

GENTILE AND JEWISH CHRISTIANITY.

127

claims of Jiulaizing Christianity were perhaps unknown.

Certainly the Church believed in no division
Apostles.

among

the
still

The extreme
;

faction of the Ebionites

and the excesses of Gnosticism, noundue exaltation of Paul by Marcion, may in some quarters have caused reactions in the opposite direction. In some such way may the anti-Paulinism of the Clementine Homilies and Eecognitions be explained. Through the Old Testament also, and, as we shall see, through the Alexandrian philosophy, Judaism But both entered into the life of Gentile Christianity. of these sources of influence must be distinguished from the body of Jewish Christians, who continued to unite. Christianity with observance of the ritual law, and who,
indeed continued
tably the
as the alleged followers of the original Apostles, have

been made to play in

critical theories

so important a

part in the formation of the Church.

Justin's time a dwindling minority,

These were in which was being

to

rapidly swallowed up in the growth of Gentile Christi-

anity

and the theories which would make them

have

exerted so great an influence in the second century as

to unseat

Paul from his apostleship and to recast the

Church's remembrance of the apostolic age and to dictate

the controlling spirit of the resulting Catholic Church
are,

we

think, in the light of the evidence of the second

itself,

century

entirely baseless.

LECTURE

IV.

THE TESTIMONY OF JUSTIN TO THE INFLUENCE OE PHILOSOPHY ON EARLY CHRISTIANITY.

r
I

*-

"*HAT Christianity had come into contact with, and was being affected by, the philosophic thought of
the Gentile world,
is

Justin shows U ce

obvious from the writ-

ofphUo s^
phy.

^gs

of Justin.

We have already seen that he

pleaded for the toleration of his religion on

the ground that

it was not only elevating to society but was a philosophy, and should therefore be allowed, like other philosophies, freedom of opinion. TTe have men-

tioned, also, that in the Dialogue he formally declares

Christianity to be the true philosophy,

and himself a

philosopher because a Christian.

Such language
Contrast

is

in

marked

contrast with that of the

Xew
"

^J. ^tament
-

Testament. In the latter the word philosophy " is only once used, and then
a probable cause of peril to Christians. 1

as

The rising heresies, against which the later Epistles of Paul warned the churches, were no doubt Jewish and ritualistic in their immediate origin and character, but were ultimately derived from pagan speculations, and seem to have been the first movements of the mighty current of Gnosticism which afterward poured in upon Later indications of the same general the Church. 2
1
-

Col.

ii.

8.
i.

Cf. Col.
ii.

16;
;

ii.

8. 16. 18,
;

23;
9.

Tim.

i.

4;

iv.

3,

vi.

20;

Tim.

16-18

iv.

Tit.

iii.

PHILOSOPHY AND EARLY CHRISTIANITY.

movement may be observed
3

129

and Jude, 2 in the Apocalypse, and in the Doketism combated in the First Epistle of John. 4 It is true that Paul says "we speak wisdom among them that are perfect," and thereby declares that Christianity already possessed, and implies that eventually it would elaborate, a philosophy of its own; but he adds "yet not the wisdom of this world," 5 and thereby rejects what was currently known as philosophy in the pagan society of that day. While at Athens he quoted from a Stoic hymn, and expressed ideas with which some of his auditors may have agreed and which seem to show the Apostle's acquaintance with Stoicism yet even then he spoke of the previous ages as " times of ignorance," and evinced no real sympathy with the popular philosophies themselves. 6 The coincidences which have been often pointed out between Saint Paul's phraseology and that of the later Stoics 7 may show that in Tarsus he had learned at least the ethics of that system, but do not show that pagan thought had moulded any of his conceptions of Christian doctrine. 8 Whether, in addition to this, there are any Alexandrian elements in the Epistle to the Hebrews or not, whether Saint John took his Logos doctrine from Philo or not,9 it
in Second Peter

must be admitted that the New Testament writings as a whole belonged to a circle as far removed from the speculations of their day as philosophy itself was as yet
1

2 Pet.

ii.

1, 2,

10, 12, 15, 18, 19.

Jude

4.

Rev.

ii.

4, 24.
; ;

4 1

Lectt. IV.
5
7 8

John i. 1 ii. 22 and V.

Cor.
ii.

iv. 2, 3.

Cf. Mansel's Gnostic Heresies,

6.

Acts

xvii.

22-31.

Cf. Lightfoot on Philippians, " Saint Paul

Cf. Aube's Saint Justin, p. 87, note 1.
Cf. Weiss's Einleitung, p. 591, note.

and Seneca."
wholly rejects the

He

Philonian source of the Logos doctrine.

9

130

JUSTIN MARTYR.

either ignorant of the

indifferent to
it.

new

religion or

contemptuously
established,

But when Gentile Christianity was firmly

_
.

and, conscious of a universal mission, began to meet the

.

.Beginnings
of the union of philoso-

phv and
ni

and thoughts world, it of the pagan r was necessarily affected by the currents of J J the new atmosphere in which it found itself.
habits
'
'

On

the one hand, Gnosticism sought to unite

the Christian idea of a revealed redemption with the

speculations concerning absolute Being and the origin
of evil

tonic

which had already been elaborated in the Plaand especially Jewish-Platonic schools and in the

religious philosophy of the East. 1

On

the other hand,

writers

who had no sympathy with Gnosticism began

of the age.

which were forced on ChristianThe new religion had to explain its position toward pagan antiquity as it had already done toward Hebrew antiquity. It began to be defended either by or against philosophy. The way accordingly soon opened for a philosophy of its own,
to realize the problems
ity

by the culture

for

an

effort to present it in

such wise as to satisfy

the intellectual needs of converts from thoughtful pagan

circles.

Already in the so-called Epistle of Barnabas, 2

we may see a Christian reflecting on the deeper meaning The lost Apologies of the Atheof the common faith.
nians Quadratus and Aristides, presented to the
peror Trajan, are said by Jerome
writings of philosophers.
If
3

Em-

to

have cited the

place so early
it

we may

the Epistle to Diognetus, 4

we

learn from

the interest

which a cultivated pagan took in

1

Christianity, while

Cf. Mansel's Gnostic Heresies, Lect. II.

c. 1.

Letter to Magnus.
Otto's Justini Opera, torn.
ii.

4 Cf.

proleg.

lxii.

for account of

opinions as to date of the Epistle.

PHILOSOPHY AND EARLY CHRISTIANITY.

131

the Epistle itself bears evidence of having been the

The author does not indeed follow the philosophers, any more than he does
product of a well-educated man.
the superstitions of the people or the ritual of the Jews.

He

is

truly scriptural in doctrine,

and explains the

late
let

appearance of the Saviour by God's determination to

man

Yet his description of the benefits which Diognetus would obtain from Christianity such as the knowledge and love of the Father, and similarity of character with Him is such as would have appealed most strongly to a religiously inclined philosopher, as will appear from Justin himself. 1 Thus the contact of Christianity and philosophy But in him T T had begun before Justin wrote.
discover his
helplessness.

own

we
~

find it

for the first time,

i i

among
xt

anti-

Gnostic writers, openly avowed.

He was

In Justm the union avowed.

student of philosophy as well as of Christianity.

He

passed from the former to the latter as to a higher stage

of culture.

He

did not break from philosophy in be-

coming a Christian.
of his previous ideas.

He
evil.

carried into Christianity

to

many

Paganism was
of,

him not merely

the development of
preparation
Christ.
for,

It contained also a positive

and anticipations

the revelation of

As

in the earlier Epistles of Paul

we

find set

forth the difference

between the Gospel and the Law,

but in the Epistle to the Hebrews the fulfilment of the

old

economy

in the

new

so in the Epistle to Diognetus

we find

paganism

set forth as a proof of

man's inability

to attain to
1

God and

righteousness, but in Justin

we

The

last

two chapters of the Epistle

to Diognetus are prob-

ably by a later hand, and are more in Justin's style.

They speak

of Christianity as not contrary to reason (ov napaXoyoos C^tco), of the author as a teacher of the Gentiles, of the Logos " who ap-

peared as if new and was found old," and of the tree of knowledge as a symbol of the true Christian gnosis.

132
find the fulfilment

JUSTIN MARTYR.

by Christianity

of the partial truths

and gleams of light which in the pagan world had prepared for
it.

Let
,
.,

us, first,
,

then recall the condition of pagan thought

Philosophy
at tins period.

at this period, A

ance with
passes

it
.

and observe Justin's acquaintA and the judgments which he

.

upon

its

various types.

He appears to have been a man of moderate culture. He was certainly not a genius nor an original thinker. He had an inquiring and an impressible Justin's mmd. mind. He was naturally serious, and anxious to obtain light on the great questions of life

and
re-

God.

He went
T

from one teacher to another, but was

all.

soon dissatisfied with

ceived ideas

Yet from nearly

all

he

w hich continued

to germinate in his mind.

is

He was

a true eclectic, and for this very reason

a far

better mirror of the intellectual forces to

which he was

exposed than

if

he had been an original genius.

eclecticism and

We

should remember that the two marked characterthe culture of that age were
its its

istics of
Eclectic ism.

theological spirit.

The

great schools of

Greek philosophy, while

still

continuing in

name, had long ceased to maintain in purity their origiThe age of discovery and conviction had nal doctrines.
long since been followed by that of doubt, comparison,

Moreover, the fusion of and mutual approximation. peoples consequent upon the Roman conquest of the civilized world had caused Greek culture to spread among alien races, who appropriated it in parts and combined it with elements of their own. The result was a search by cultured men for the truth in all schools of thought,
together with lurking scepticism as to the possibility of
real

knowledge

a general acceptance of philosophy as

life

the only guide of

and valuation of the popular

PHILOSOPHY AND EARLY CHRISTIANITY.

religious for
political

133

purposes only, together with a

refusal to follow exclusively

any

of the historic philo-

sophical systems.

Cicero,

who was

not unlike Justin

in his travels from philosopher to philosopher while

searching for truth, exhibits by his scepticism as to

absolute knowledge, by his sense of 'the supreme im-

portance of ethics, and by his deliberate comparison and

criticism of the various schools, the rising spirit of the

The later Platonists were especially They mingled with the doctrines of their master ideas taken from the Stoics and from Aristotle, and sought in this way to build up a system of universal knowledge, and to overthrow the scepticism in which the men of the so-called " Middle Academy " had fallen. At the same time there was no philosophy which exage of the Caesars.
eclectic.

erted greater influence over others than Platonism.

It

modified and mingled with nearly every other school of

thought.
quiries

The Eoman Stoics, depreciating physical inand turning attention to ethical problems, not only approached the same practical spirit which other schools were showing, but often spoke of God. and immortality in a manner more Platonic than Stoic. Meanwhile Philo of Alexandria had deliberately fused elements from both Platonism and Stoicism with faith in the Hebrew Scriptures, and had produced a mixed system by which, through the medium of the Hellenistic Jews, Greek thought acted upon the Christian mind of a century later. The Epicureans held most loyally to the tenets of their predecessors while on the opposite extreme from them such men as Plutarch and Maximus of Tyre stand as the attractive representatives of eclecticism pure and simple, taking from all schools what;

ever subserved their moral and religious purposes.

the eclecticism of the age of which

we

are speaking

For was

134

JUSTIN MARTYR.

mainly governed by a desire to serve practical and moral There was a general disposition, in spite of interests.
the speculative spirit of some, to regard inquiries con-

cerning the possibility of knowledge and the ultimate

nature of things as hopeless and useless.

Philosophical

and caused attention to be turned to the direction of conduct. Wherever also the Roman temper was prevalent, there philosophy natuHence Platonist and Stoic rally took a practical turn. alike laid stress on questions of ethics, and sought to exhibit wherein consists a truly rational and noble
doubt was widely
diffused,

human
logical
,
.'

life.

Moreover, closely connected with this was the theo-

aim and
re-

religious spirit of the

whole period of
forces united to of Ori-

m Theological
aim and
ligious tone of phiioso-

ancient eclecticism.
.

Many J

produce this feature.

t

p y

'

The influence n ,ii -i, T ental thought, ot which J uclaism was was a not unimportant factor. The
i

a part,
fall of

polytheism before the advance of philosophy led to general belief in the unity of

God.

The

influence of scep-

ticism united with the speculative spirit itself not only to lay stress on practical ends, but also to emphasize

the divine transcendence and to represent

God

as the

unknowable

First Cause.

At

the same time the sense

of dependence

and of man's abject need of divine help

of the

gave a deeply religious tone to the best writers of

the period.

The human mind stood on the brink

infinite,

impassable gulf which philosophy placed between the

and inconsistently but necessarily talked of God as if He had been found. It is easy to select from heathen authors passages which seem to 1 utter an almost Christian spirit of faith and resignation.
finite

and the

More and more did philosophy

1

itself
iii.

take a mystical
ch.
iii.

Cf. Aube's Saint Justin, part

PHILOSOPHY AND EARLY CHRISTIANITY.

direction, until in
religion.

135

Neo-Platonism

it

actually

became a

In the second century this varied process was in full movement. In proportion as the Platonic influence was predominant was a real belief in God
maintained, yet with an increasing stress on His transcendence and on the need of intermediate beings to

reveal

Him

to

mankind.

To our minds

it

appears that

was comThe inability of reason clearly to make God known was manifest. The necessity of finding God was The truths which had been disequally demonstrated.
the preparation of philosophy for Christianity
plete.

and

and orderly exhibition, by the actual revelation of God. The time was ripe for that movement, of which Justin was the earliest representative, by which Christianity was set forth as the reconciliation of the terrible discord between the conclusions of reason and the needs of humanity, and as the expression of all that the human mind had learned to be good and true. 1
covered needed to find a
full

to be properly adjusted

istics of

In Justin's writings, then, we recognize the characterthe period which we have described. T
*
.

Of
of

his early search for truth in the spirit

Justin shows the spirit of

eclecticism

mention

has

already

been

made.
1

He

yielded finally to the charms of Platonism. 2

Greek Philosophy, pp.
;

Cf. Zeller's Outlines of

274, etc.

His-

tory of Eclecticism, passim

i.

tlberweg's History of Philosophy,

212-262; Aube's Saint Justin, part iii. 2 How far Justin grasped the real system of Plato is a question on which there has been difference of opinion. Doubtless he read into Plato much of later thought as well as of Bible doctrine but he was certainly acquainted with most of the Platonic books. Reminiscences appear in his Apologies (i. 2, 57, 58 ii. 2)
; ;

Apology of Socrates and the Introduction to the Dialogue seems to have been moulded after the Socratic Dialogues. We find in Justin, also, clear traces of or quotations from the Repubof the
;

lic

[Ap.

i.

(Rep.

v. p.

473, ed. Steph.), 44 (Rep. x. p. 617)

ii.

3,

"

136

JUSTIN MARTYR.
also

But he was acquainted

to

with Stoicism, and though

rejecting its philosophy, praises its ethics,

and appears

have taken from the Stoics one of his most charac-

teristic phrases. 1

Most of all, however, does he echo the mind of his age in his conception of philosophy itself. "The duty of philosophy," he says, "is to investigate
concerning the divine."
2
3

"

Philosophy leads us to God,

and alone commends us." From his Stoic, Peripatetic, and Pythagorean teachers he was unable to learn of God and hence the pleasure which even before his conversion he found in Plato, since by his aid he ex" for this," he pected " henceforth to look upon God," When adds, " is the end of the Platonic philosophy." 4 he was questioned by the aged Christian who was the means of his conversion as to what philosophy is, Jus;

tin replied, " Philosophy is the apprehension of the real

and the cognition of the true

true " to

questioner evidently understood " the real

mean God. 6
;

So, finally,

and both he and his " and " the he was led to accept
;

10 (Rep. x. p. 595) Dial. 4 (Rep. vii. p. 509)] the Critias [Ap. i. 68 (Crit. p. 43)] the Phfedo [Dial. 3 (Phaed. p. 85), 4 (Phaad. pp. the Gorgias 65, 66, 67, 72, 76, 92), 5, and Ap. i. 18 (Phaed. p. 107)]
; ;

[Ap. i. 8 (Gorg. p. 543)] the Philebus [Dial. 4 (Phil. p. 30)] the Timaeus [Ap. i. 26 ii. 10 (Tim. p. 28) i. 60 (Tim. p. 36) Dial. 5 (Tim. p. 28)] the Phsedrus [Ap. i. 8 (Phasdr. p. 249) Dial. 4
;
;

(Phaedr. ibid.), 5 (Phaedr. p. 246)], and, perhaps, the

ii.

Laws [Ap.
;

(Legg.

ii.

661)]

and the Clitophon [Ap.

Justini Opera, torn.
1

the Parmenides [Dial. 3 (Parm. p. 127)] ii. 12 (Clitoph. p. 407)], as well as the
i.

second Ps.-Platonic Epistle [Ap. i. index iii. 2.

Xoyo?
Dial.
Ibid.
a-n-epfiariKosit

60 (Ep.

ii.

312)].

Cf. Otto's

If Justin did not take the

phrase from
2.

the Stoics, at least

2

originated with them.

Cf. below.
8

1.

eerdeiz/ nepl rov Beiov.

Dial.

4 5
6

Dial. 3.

cmcrrfifir)

rov ovtos kcu tov aXrjdovs eniyvcouisasks, "But what do you call God?" That which always maintains the same

The

old

man immediately

to which Justin replies, "

PHILOSOPHY AND EARLY CHRISTIANITY.

Christianity

137

because in

it

he found

God

revealed. 1

Thus Justin was reared in the idea that philosophy was theology, and that the grand aim of speculation was to attain to the knowledge of God, and so to learn how He came to Christianity with life should be regulated. this strong religious and moral aspiration. He carried over into Christianity the same conception of philosophy, and believed that he had at last found its realization.

He

affords, therefore, a fair representation

of

both the eclectic and theological tone of the best culture of the

pagan world, and of the natural course

if at all,

by

which that culture would,

pass over into

Christianity.

When, then, we read the judgments which Justin here and there expresses from his later Christian standpoint schools, we find, . upon the various philosophic x L His judg... as we would expect, a free criticism of them ments upon
.

combined with evident

tinued influence.

traces of their con2

Of Cynics

and Epicureans

he

speaks only with contempt, and does not appear to

have thought teachers of these schools worth seeking.

His Peripatetic 4 teacher was more concerned about his fee than about the communication of knowledge to his
pupils
;

but Justin nowhere mentions Aristotle, and be-

trays little of his influence. 5

Of the Pythagoreans he

nature,
things."

and

in the same manner, and is the cause of all other Thirlby and Aube read to qv for 6eov. Otto retains,
deov.
2

with most editors,

1

Dial.

7, 8.

Ap.

ii.

3.

8 5

Ap.

ii.

7,

12, 15.
fiir

4 Dial. 2.

AVeizs'acker (Jahrb.

deutsche Theol.

xii.

60-119) sees

Aristotelian influences in Justin's idea of

God

dwelling immov-

ably in his

own

method

of

place beyond the heavens (Dial. 127), and in the argument concerning the natural mortality of the soul

(Dial. 5).

138

JUSTIN MARTYR.

speaks with respect, 1 but objects to the long course of

intellectual

discipline

required by

them

before

their

scholars could be even prepared to behold the beautiful

and the good. 2 It was, as we have said, Stoicism and still more Platonism which attracted him and his judgments upon these systems are frequent and often elabHe admired the ethics of the former, 3 and orate.
;

appeals to Heraclitus,

who
"

has been called

" the spiritual ancestor of the Stoics, and to Musonius Rufus, who was banished by Nero, as examples of those who were hated and put to death

because the Logos dwelt in them. 5

destruction of the world

He
Yet

points out also

that the Stoics, like the Christians, taught the future

by

fire.

his opposition to

the Stoic philosophy was very decided, and he expresses

it

freely in the Apologies,

Caesar,"

" philosophic

no doubt remembering the who, he hoped, would read his

book.

He

distinguishes the Christian doctrine of the

conflagration of the world from that of the Stoics, point-

ing out that the former represented

it

as a divine act of

judgment, but the

cess

latter as a natural

and necessary proobjects to their

and including God Himself. 7

He

materialism, 8 but most of all to their doctrine of fate,

1 2

Dial. 2, 5.

Justin referred, of course, to the Neo-Pythagoreans

religious sect than a philosophic school,

more a

largely from other systems.

Cf

Zeller's

who were and had borrowed Outlines of Greek Philos-

ophy, p. 306.
s
4

Ap.

ii.

7, 8.

Cf. Gildersleeve's note, Apologies of Justin

Martyr,

p. 221

Zeller's Outlines of
5

Greek Philosophy, p. 233. Neither Heraclitus nor Musonius was really put
is

to death.

This
6
8

one of Justin's mistakes.

i.

Ap. Ap.

20, 60;
7.

ii.

7.

Ap.

i.

20;

ii.

7.

ii.

He

distinguishes the Stoic Xoyor

Xo'yoy 7rfpi rjdav,

daajidriop

from their

apx&v kcu and says that the former,

7rept

PHILOSOPHY AND EARLY CHRISTIANITY.

139

and declares their philosophy to be destructive of spiritual ideas, to merge God iu the changing universe, and to destroy the inherent difference between virtue and In his Stoic instructor Justin found no knowlvice. 1
edge of

God nor

desire to

spiritual aspirations

and

his

know Him, and his own deep sense of human re-

sponsibility led

him

to see the radical hostility to these

which, in spite of

its

lofty ethical teaching, the Stoic

philosophy logically involved.

hand, he speaks of Tlatonism, he
.

When, on the other

is

not less
.

...

M Platonism.

free

in

criticism,

but his

sympathies

are

clearly exhibited.

Plato, he says, like the Christians,

taught a future judgment, 2 and derived his doctrines

and of human responsibility 4 and of " the second and third Powers in the universe " 5 from Moses. Justin does not seem to have thought that the Platonic doctrine that God made the world from formless matter
of creation
3

was inconsistent with God's absolute authorship of the He rather maintains that this was the doctrine of Moses too. Either he did not realize that the eternity of matter was opposed to the Christian doctrine of
world.
creation, or

he understood Plato to mean by formless So also he quotes from

in the universe," declar-

matter a practical negation. 6

that

the Timeeus the statement concerning the World-soul

God "placed

it

like a

ing that Plato referred to the Second

according to which nothing
1 4
6

Power in the
is

is

real

which

is

not material,
s

incon-

sistent with the spiritual directions of the latter.

Ap. Ap.
Cf.

ii.
i.

7.

2 6

44.

Ap. Ap.

i. i.

8.

Ap.

i.

20, 59.

60.

Zeller's

Aube's Saint Justin,

Justins, p. 137.

Outlines of Greek Philosophy, pp. 146, etc. Von Engelhardt's Das Christenthum p. 123
;

Justin was misled both by his Platonism and by

;

the expression in Gen.

sity for the

i. 2 but he seems to have felt no necesmetaphysical doctrine of creation ex nihilo.

140
universe,

JUSTIN MARTYR.
and took the idea from the account of the

brazen serpent. 1

He

appears to have considered Plato's

to

"World-soul" as an attempt
into the

teach the doctrine of

the personal Logos, thus reading into Plato, as he did

in that philosopher the one

to the truth. 2

Old Testament, his Christian ideas, and seeing who approached most nearly
But, on the other hand, he freely differs That philosopher, he says, teaches the

from Plato.

punishment of the wicked for only a limited period of time and in other bodies than their own, whereas Christians teach the everlasting punishment of the wicked and in the same bodies which they now have. In the
introduction to the Dialogue, moreover, Justin evidently
indicates his points of conscious departure from Plato-

nism.

He

no longer imagines, as he did before conver-

by intellectual discipline alone, or by subduing the hindrances offered by the body, he would be enabled
sion, that

to

apprehend God

but he has discovered the moral con-

ditions of this blessedness as they

had been taught by

itself

revelation
teaches. 3

and

as

he now perceives that reason

No

longer does he believe in the pre-exist-

ence of souls, nor even in their natural immortality. 4

deny on the Platonic principle Hence he refers is perishable. immortality solely to the will of God, 5 a view which indeed Plato approaches in the Timaeus, but which was not his main argument for immortality. 6 Justin exlatter

The

he claims
is

to

that whatever

created

Justin says

"

set

it

in the holy tabernacle."

Moses took brass and made Ap. i. 60.

it

into

cross,

and

So he finds
ii.,

Ep.

(i. 60) in the obscure expression of the Ps.-Platonic ra 8e rplra nepl tov rpirou, a reference to the Holy Spirit,
i.

likewise taken from Gen.

s 6

2.

Athenagoras (Supplic. 23) quotes the

of
it

same passage, with apparently the same view

Dial.
2, 3.

as Justin's.
5

D iali

4> 5> 141p

i.

Dial. 6.

Cf.

Uberweg's History of Philosophy,

127, etc.

PHILOSOPHY AND EARLY CHRISTIANITY.

presses Lis conscious attitude to Platonism
says, 1

141

when he

"I

strive to be

found a Christian, not because

respects similar, as

the teachings of Plato are different from those of Christ,

but because they are not in

historians."

all

neither are those of the others, Stoics and poets and

To him Plato was a theist who had learned much from Moses and had been peculiarly
receptive
of the

divine

Logos,

that

" light

which

lighteth every
his quotations

man coming

into the world."

Despite
it

from other of Plato's works,

would
rep-

appear that he
resented in
to

knew Platonism mainly

as

it is

the Timceus, and hence

cannot be said

pher. 2
it,

have fully grasped the real system of the philosoBut he found in Platonism, as he understood
the nearest approach to Christianity, and felt that

no break was
lation.

required

with

its

spirit

and princi-

ples to pass into the clearer light of Christian reve-

Justin, then, represents the religious

and moral
af-

ele-

ments of pagan culture finding

religion of Christ.
finities

their satisfaction in the

We

see in

him what

The

influ-

there were between at least one side

f^,phvcm"
his theology,

of paganism

and Christianity, and how

it

was possible for the latter to take into itself ideas and forms of thought which had been elaborated outside of the sphere of revelation. Let us now examine his
presentation of Christian theology with the particular

purpose of noting the continued influence of the philosophical ideas

with which we have found that he

This will show the

approached
I.

it.

First,

take his idea of God.

Ap.

ii.

13.

Cf. Jowett's Introduction to the

Timams

in his translation of

Plato's Dialogues.

"

142

JUSTIN MARTYR.
which
his idea of religion

intellectual foundation on
The idea

was

To set forth the Christian doctrine of I of God. G d was required of him, as an Apologist. To show that he had truly found God was, in view of his conception of philosophy, required of him as a phitmilk
losopher.
of

His Christianity, of course, found in the idea

controlling principle.

God
As

its

How,

then, does Justin

represent

God

against polytheism he sets forth the divine inde-

pendence.
God's independence.

God

is

not to be worshipped as

if

He

needs

anything. 1

On

the other hand, against the

abstractions of philosophy he sets forth the

reality of a living God.

living

ln Hiin

Not only do Christians believe more firmly than others, 2 but He is

3

reality.

tne mosfc true,"

5

" the real,"

having alone

life

in Himself.

He

is

represented, likewise, as exer-

Morai
qualities.

cising every noble moral quality.

He is

"

the

Father of righteousness and temperance and

6

other virtues."
tice

In

Him

" reside

temperance and jus-

8 and philanthropy." " He especially to9 ward men the righteous observer of all things 10 cornpassionate and long-suffering. 11 So is He the Author of

is " good,"

a11 -

absolute author of all things.

He

is

called

"

the Father and

all," 18

Maker

of

all,"

12 "

the Father and Lord

of

"the Father and King of the heavens," 14 or sim15

ply
I 8

"

the Father of all

10.
6.
6.

including Christ and

2
4 s s io

man

as

Ap. Ap.

i. i.

ap

i.

18.

6
7 9 II

Dial.

Ap. Ap. Ap. Ap.

i.

10.

i.

10.

Dial. 108.
i.
i.

12

13
15

12, 32, 36, 40, 44, 61.

12,

"

Ap. i. 13. rov ovtios Ap< j. 6 Ap. i. 14, 16. Ap. ii. 12. Ap> j. 8 Di ai. u0 Ap. ii. 12.
.

6eov-

45,65;

ii.

6,

9; Dial. 7,32,56, 63,67, 74, 105, 115,

127.

nilLOSOPIIY

AND EARLY CHRISTIANITY.

143

well as the universe.

He
all

is

therefore the Creator, 1

and

Cause of

all.

He knows both the

His
4

actions

and the thoughts of can do whatever He

cause

creatures. 3

He

wills.

He
men
;

foreknows everything
shall act as
all events,

yet not because events are necessary, nor be-

He

has decreed that

they do or be what they are

but foreseeing

He
i

ordains
k

reward or punishment accord

ingly. &

tt>

His

interest

j.

in

man

is

unceasing.

No

fatalism.

He

no impassive observer of human life, 6 but tively concerned in the conduct of His rational God
is

is
,

ac-

inter _
-

and en- est in man He spares the wicked world forcing His moral law. that more may be saved, 9 and that the hopes of the Christians may be fulfilled. 10 It was out of goodness
creatures, 7 requiring their obedience
8

and and

for
it

world, 11 His was in accordance with His counsel ness

man's sake that

He made the

d_
-

that Christ came. 12

He
>

cares, finally,

not merely for

.

. the universe in general, but for each indi- And A care M of d 13 individuals. in particular. vidual

But at the same time Justin speaks of God in ways which hardly seem consistent with these expressions which have been cited. He is not only spe- Ye t emphacially fond of calling J
" 14 Him the " unbeo-otten &
'

ed on 52 P laced

His transcen-

the " passionless,"

1 iroirjTris

lo

the " incorruptible," Ap.

i.

16

the dence
ii.

or Brjfiiovpybs.

13, 16, 57,

58

Dial.

7,

16,

34, 84, 102, 116.

2

Dial. 5.

s A.p.
;

i.

12;

ii.

12.

4 6
6
8

10 12

14
15

Ap. Ap. Ap. Ap. Ap. Ap. Ap.

i. i.
i. i.

19

Dial.

5, 6, 16,
ii.

84, 142.

12, 43,

44;
7, 9.

7; Dial. 16, 141.

7

28.

37;
7.

ii.

9
ii

ii.
ii.
i.

Ap. Ap. Ap.

i. i. i.

37.
28.

10;
1.

ii.

4.

6.

is
ii.

Dial.

14, 25, 49, 53;

12; Dial.

5, 16

114, 126, 127.

Dial. 5.

anadfc-

Ap.

i.

12;

ii.

12.

"

144
" unchangeable,"
*

JUSTIN MARTYR.
but he describes the divine transcen-

dence in most extreme terms.

God

is

exalted above all

the universe, and has an ineffable glory and name. 2

He
God,"

can be called by no fixed name. 3

gotten,

In

fact,

being unbe-

He

has no name. 4

The terms

" Father," "

" Creator," " Lord,"

is,

and

"

Master " do not describe what He

activities. 5

but are mere appellations to set forth His manifested These expressions, it should be observed, are

capable of a meaning quite unobjectionable from a New Testament point of view, but they are used by Justin with a partiality which shows that the transcendence of

Deity occupied a controlling place in his mind.

appears
still

This

more

clearly when, in

arguing that the

God who appeared to Abraham was not the Father and Maker of all, Justin insists 6 that the latter "remains
ever in the supercelestial places, visible to none, and

never holding intercourse directly

thinks
of
all,

"'

with any."

He

also

it

absurd to say that the Father and Maker

left

having

the supercelestial places, was visible

on a

little

portion of the earth,8 and declares that " the

ineffable Father

and Lord of

all

neither has

come

to

any

place, nor walks, nor sleeps, nor rises up, but remains in

his

own

place,

wherever that

is,

quick to behold and

ears,

quick to hear, having neither eyes nor

indescribable might
all things,
;

but being of

and knows and in the whole confined to a spot He is not moved or world, for He existed before the world was made. How, then, could He talk with any one, or be seen by any

and

He

sees all things,

and none of us escapes His observation

one, or appear on the smallest portion of the earth

1

8 6
7

Ap. Ap. Ap.

i. i.

13.

2
4

Ap.
Ap.

i.

9;
61
;

ii.

10, 12, 13.

6.

10.
6.

i.

ii.

ii.

Dial. 56.
8

bC iavrov.
Dial. 127.

Dial. 60.

PHILOSOPHY AND EARLY CHRISTIANITY.

145

God

therefore

is,

according to Justin, the eternal, imDistant from

creation,

movable, unchanging Cause and liuler of the

universe,

who
is

resides

afar

off

above

the

heavens, and

incapable of coming

into immediate

contact with any of His creatures, but is observant of and interested in them though removed from and un-

approachable by them.
cause
is

He

is

the universal Father, be-

the author of all existences. He Need of in... . most real, yet most distant ; living and ac- termediate

He is

tive,

act

yet so transcendent in His nature as to and be known only through an intermediate being. We think it evident that two conceptions of Deity

were struggling with each other in Justin's mind.

God

had
only
in

become a living reality to him.

so,

Not

Twoconcep-

but

human human life.

a living factor peitynot history, a real and known force in harmonized,

Christ had revealed the character and will
all,

God had become

and had brought Him practically same time Justin had not freed himself from the philosophical conception of Deity as simply the unknowable and transcendent Cause. He had not learned the other truth of God's immanence, and had not been able intellectually to adjust the fact, which
of the Father of

near to men.

But

at the

he nevertheless

felt to

be true, of God's intimate rela-

tion to believers.

In the introduction to the Dialogue

he defines God as " that which always maintains the same nature, and in the same manner, and is the cause
of all other things."
scription of that "
1

He

also appeals to
is

Plato's deall dis-

Being who

the cause of

cerned by the mind, having no color, nor form, nor

magnitude, nor anything visible to the eye

but It

is

something of
1

this sort, that is

3.
ira(rr}s

beyond

all essence, 2

unut-

Dial.

ineKtiva

ovalas.

De Rep.

vii.

509.

10

146
terable,

JUSTIN MARTYR.
and inexplicable, but alone beautiful and good,

coming suddenly to souls that are naturally well-dispositioned on account of their affinity with, and desire to It would appear that this conception of see Him." 1 Deity, which he obtained from Platonism, and with which he united the Aristotelian idea of the immovability of the First Cause,2 remained substantially with Justin after he became a Christian, and that his doctrine of the Logos, to which we shall next refer, by occupying the place which would have called forth an expression of the divine immanence and by removing the Supreme Deity from immediate intercourse with men, left the doctrine of the transcendence of

God

in all

its

bareness, and

unadjusted to that practical revelation of His personal

nearness and constant activity in nature and

human

life

which had been given by

seen

Christianity.

Justin did not

merely say, like the fourth Evangelist, that "no

man

hath

God

at

any time."

He went
me
;

further.

He

did not

fully appreciate the other

words recorded by the same

hath seen the Father,"

authority, "

He

that hath seen

nor those of the Apostle to the Gentiles, "

live

In

Him we

and move and have our being for He is not far from any one of us." God is indeed described by him as a person would be. All things issue not from necessity, but from the divine will and for a divine purpose. God is the free and sovereign Creator of the universe. On the
one hand,

He

is

a living reality, personally watchful

regulative of His creation, the author of all holiness

salvation as well as of all
is
life.

and and

On

the other hand,

He

far

removed from the world, and necessarily disconit,

nected with

save as

He
is

operates through that Logos,

1 2

Dial. 4.

The passage

a summary of Platonic ideas.

xii. GO, etc.).

Cf. "Weizsacker (Jakrb. fur deutsehe Theol.

PHILOSOPHY AND EARLY CHRISTIANITY.

147

whose existence alone bridges the gulf which would Yet otherwise have been impassable and inexplicable. more natural than that one what was coming from Platonism to Christianity should have been unable to adjust the idea of God to which he had been accustomed to the new revelation in which he had
believed
1
?

Cf. "Weizsacker, Ibid.,

pp. 75-77;

Von

Engelhardt, Ibid.,
M'artyrer

pp. 127-139

and 231-241
;

Stahlin's Justin der

und

sein neuester Beurtheiler (a criticism of

Von Engelbardt from

Darstellung
merit of

the orthodox side) Justins (Zeitschr.

of

Hilgenfeld's Die neuorthodox

fiir

wissensch. Theol., 1879, p. 493; a criticism

It is the

Von Engelhardt from the rationalistic side). Von Engelbardt to have shown the influence on
of his abstract, philosophical conception of

Justin's theology

God.

He

does not

deny that Justin believed practically as both Stahlin and Hilgenfcld seem

in the personality of

God,

to suppose

but he thinks

that Justin did not realize the full idea of divine personality.

God was

to Justin

an individual being.

I believe that Justin

God's personality (so Weizsacker), but had not freed himself from phrases and ideas inconsistent with it. A similar fact may be noticed, not only in Philo, who strove to combine the abstract conception of the Infinite with his Jewish monotheism (cf. Zeller's Outlines of Greek Philosophy, pp. 321, etc.), but also in the Roman Stoics, who spoke as if God were personal,
fully recognized

though

in fact

writers as

Maximus

they merged of Tyre,

Him
who

in the universe,

and

in such

united the doctrine of divine

transcendence with belief in Providence and a most religious spirit. but Justin found through Christ a real, personal God
;

Platonism only by removing him far from pantheism, and leading him to regard God as a single, independent, but in Himself wholly unknowable being, the author
this affected his previous

and governor
his doctrine of

of creation,

existence, can be philosophically

and yet of whom no predicate, except and absolutely affirmed while the Logos not only kept him from modalism and
;

emanationism, but increased his sense of the Father's transcendence by making all divine activity to be mediated by the Logos.

Von
tian

me to understate the Chriselement in Justin. Hilgenfeld still clings to the alleged Jewish-Christian character of the Apologist.
Engelhardt, however, seems to

148
II.
II

JUSTIN MARTYR.
"We pass next to Justin's doctrine of the Logos,

The

which plays

so

important

part

in

his

Logos.

system of thought.

The term occurs oftenest in the Apologies, but the most important points of the doctrine are brought out Justin introduces the word as a familin the Dialogue. iar one to both Christians and pagans. He uses the
doctrine in the Apologies to explain the real nature of Christ, and

why He

is

called

Son of God and worits

shipped as divine by the Christians, as well as to explain the real nature of Christianity and
to

relation

other truth.
Christ

He

uses

it

in the Dialogue to
to

show

that

was the God who appeared

Abraham

and Moses.
It is
first,

then, to be observed that Justin used " Lo-

gos
d

"

in the sense of " Eeasou,"

the

and conceived of the

"Logos"
sen S ?of

divine Logos as the personal Eeason of God.

Thus we read

1
:

"

Not only among the Greeks

were
these
things

"Reason."

through Socrates
reason,2 but also

con-

demned by

among
form,

the barbarians by

the Eeason Himself,3

who took

those

and was called Jesus Christ." who have lived reasonably 5 were

and became man, So he maintains 4 that

Christians, while

those

who

lived irrationally

were wicked.

Christians

live " according to the

knowledge and contemplation of

the whole Logos (which

to those

who

is Christ)," being thus superior formerly lived " according to a part of the
7

germinal Logos."

Christ

is

the whole Eationality, 8 the

complete Eeason. " God begat from Himself a Beginning

1

Ap.

i.

5.

virb Xo'you.

3 vtt
5
7

avTov tov Xdyou.

Ap.
9,

i.

46.

fiera Xdyou.

dvev \6yov.

o-ntpnaTtKov Xdyou.
Xo'yos.

Ap.

ii.

cf.

ii.

where Christ

is

said

to

be the 6p66s
8

to XoyiKou to SXov.


PHILOSOPHY AND EARLY CHRISTIANITY
before all creatures, 1 a certain rational Power,2
called

149

who

is

by the Holy
is

Spirit,

Glory of the Lord, Son,

3

"Wisdom, Angel, God, Lord, and Logos."

Logos, therefore,

The divine

essentially akin to reason in

He
in

is the active, divine

man. power in the universe, which

corresponds to and perfectly realizes the rational element

human

nature.

He

is is

therefore the perfect Reason, of

which human reason

idea of the Logos.
to explain the

the copy.

need xotthe
-

hardly observe that this

an not the Johannean ^! nte he term It manifestly was an effort

is

Johannean doctrine by the philosophical

Justin, as will appear

idea of the divine Logos which Philo had elaborated

out of Platonism and Stoicism.

more

fully in the next lecture, presupposes John.

The
the

philosophical,

rationalizing explanation followed

statements of the fourth Evangelist, the absence from

whom
of the

of this

Platonizing conception

is

notable evi-

dence that the famous Prologue was not the product

mind.
this

same influences which wrought upon Justin's The latter, on the contrary, already betrays, in

fundamental idea of the Logos as Reason, the phi-

losophical forces which were affecting his intellectual

conception of Christianity.

As

to the nature

and work of the Logos,

to

Justin expresses himself as follows:

First, as to

The work of the Logos.

His relation

God, the Father of all things.

Hi? relation
ther.

Justin teaches that the Logos was begotten by the will

and power of God,

to creation.
1

at a point of time previous

He

is

the

first

begotten of God,
all

Or, " at the beginning before ndvrav rav KTio-pdrcov^).

2
3

creatures "

(dpxtjv irpb

6 Beos yeyevv^Ke bvvap.lv riva e iavrov \oyocrjv.

Dial. 61.
irpcbrov ye'wrjpa.

Ap.

i.

21.

npcoroTOKOs-

Ap.

i.

23, 33

Dial.

84, 85, 100, 116, 125, 138.

150
a divine Power. 1
will, 2

JUSTIN MARTYR.

He was

begotten by the

Father's

in a peculiar

way, out of the Father Himself. 3

creatures

He
from
;

is

described as proceeding 4 before all

the
Father,

by the latter's power and counsel 5 the only-begotten by the Father of all things 6 the Offspring who was really brought forth from the Father 7 before all creatures, and who was with the Father, 8 and with whom the Father communed. 9 As He was not a creature, so neither was He an emanation from God, like the rays of light from the sun 10 nor did He proceed from God by abscission, 11 so that by begetting Him the substance of the Father was
diminished. 12

Justin illustrates the generation of the

Logos by the production of a word by speech, and the

kindling of
Justin,
fire

by

fire.

13

The Logos
eternal, 14

then, according to

was not personally

Ap.
23

but as a person was

buvapis.

i.

Dial. 61, 105.

Dial. 61.

ano tov Trarpos

avrov.
ivpoiXBovTa.
fiovoytvr]s
yevvrjfxa

Oekfjaei.

3 I8ia>s e' 4
6 7
8

Dial. 105.
5

Svvdpei Kai

ftovXrj.

Dial. 100.

ra rw ovti
TrarpL

irarpi t>v o\a>v.

airb tov

Dial. 105.

naTpos npoftXfjdev.
9 Trpotro/xtXei.

o-vvrjv t<5

Dial. 62.

10 13
14

Dial. 128. Dial. 61, 129.

Cf.,

n
13

Kara anoTcpTjv.
Dial. 61.
ii.

besides the references given above, Ap.

teal

6
8i

Aoyos
avTov

npb

raiv noLr/pdrcov
.

<tvv<ov ical yevvcopevos ore tt)v

apxyv

navTa eWio-e

XP 1(TT0S

^*Vrat

^his

is

tlie

raost di '^ cult

passage in Justin's doctrine of the Logos.

k.t.X.

The

clause ore

ttjv

may

qualify

yewupvos

or Xeyerai.

If the former,

then the
is

Lo^os was "begotten "

at the

moment

of creation.

This view

taken by Semisch and Aube (Saint Justin, p. 107); and Justin creation is said to have regarded the Logos as evSidOeros before and npo(popiKbs at creation, in quite a Philonian manner. The
opposite view
is

taken by Weizsacker and

Yon

Engelhardt,

who

think Justin conceived the Logos to have dwelt in communion with the Father a long time, but not eternally, before creation,

PHILOSOPHY AND EARLY CHRISTIANITY.

the product of the Father's will at
fore

151

some period be1

creation.

He

is

"in number"
all things,

other

Begotten in

than the

God who made

2

but not

^J^
will >

1116

"in

but begotten,

mind."

Yet, as
as

He was

not created,

He was

not an emanation, nor a

mode

of appearance, nor a temporary effulgence of divine glory

and power, 3

he must
as
to
6

have been to Justin essentially

all;

one with the Father of

sonality, not

tinctness from each other

God, 5 and divine;

Justin,

and their numerical dismust have been as to perHence He is called substance. 4 while at the same time
,.
.

yet divine.

thinking of the generation of the

Logos, speaks of the latter's deity and divine powers

as depending

on the exercise of the Father's will 7

is

The

Logos, moreover,

the agent and servant of Agent

the Father of
latter

all.

As, on the one hand, the

the Logos, so
is

in creation -

communes with

the Logos the

organ of creation, which

God

"

conceived and made by

Him." 8

He

is

also the Father's

messenger 9 and minand redemption. and the sentence

and then ordained

tion

to be the agent of creation

is

Elsewhere, however, there

nothing said by Justin of a distinc-

between Xoyos
erepos dpidp.cp.
Dial. 128.

evftiddcros

and

npocpopiKbs,

does not require that construction here.

1

Or

will, yvcoprj.

Dial. 56, 62, 128, 129.

i.

4 Cf. Dorner's History of the Doctrine of the Person of Christ, 270-273. 5

Ap.

i.

63; Dial. 34, 36, 37, 56, 63, 76, 86, 87, 113, 115, 125,
10. 63.

126, 128.
6

os Xoyos kcu TrpcoroTOKOs &v tov 6eov <a\ 6e6s vndp)(i. Contrast this with John i. 1. So Dial. 129. The Father of all is the Father and God of the Logos, the cause (curios) of His power
i.

Ap. Ap.

i.

and
8

of

His being Lord and God. Ap. i. 64 ii. 6 Dial. 84. Ap. i. 63 Dial. 34, 56, 58, 86,
;

93, 126, 128.

ayyeXos.

Ap.

i.

63.

d7rooToXoy.

152
ister.
1

JUSTIN MARTYR.

The Logos

is

thus the manifested God,

who

ap-

peared to the patriarchs and spoke through the prophets.

He

is

God, capable of immediate self-revelation to His

creatures.

He

is

therefore the

medium between

the

Transcendent One and the

tial

finite universe.

Consubstan-

with the Father of

distinct

all, He was made numerically from Him, and undertook to cany out His will.

He

is

therefore subordinate to the Father, both as to

His person which was begotten in time and as to His He is worshipped, says Justin, by the Christians office.
in the second place after

God

the Father of

all.

Such, in

to our author.
Effort to
5

dmmtVof
Christ.

was the nature of the Logos according Such was Justin's effort to explain the doctrine of the divinity of Christ, and His worship by the Christians. His theory evidently contained New Testament elements,
brief,

and

as evidently departed

from

others.

We

see in

him

the earliest effort of the uninspired Church to think out

the doctrine of the Trinity
consider errors,
of
;

and

if

Justin

we should remember

the larger

made what we amount

all

what we consider truth which he maintained, and

should not expect the earliest theologian to escape

mistakes.

But with

his relations to the later Trinitarian

discussion

we

are not

now

simply to observe that his

.

Our point is doctrine of the Logos was

concerned.

by the philosophical ideas with which his earlier training had brought him into sympathy, and which were widely diffused in his age. Especially was this part of his theinfluenced
ence of phi1

Ap.

Dial. 56, 57, 60, 113, 125, 126. " Him and the Son i. 6.

vTnjptrrjs.

host of other good angels and the

Cf. Lect.

who came from Him and the prophetic Spirit we worship."

tu> irapa

VI.

Ap.

i.

61.

bevrepav pev yap \d>pav

6(ov

Xoyco

8i8co<Ti

(scil.

nXdrcoi/).

So Ap.

i.

13.
'

vtbp

avrov rov

ovtcos 6(ov paOovres Kai iv bevrepa

x^P a iX 0VTes

PHILOSOPHY AND EARLY CHRISTIANITY.

153

ology influenced by the speculations of the Jewish

Alexandrian school.
ral bent of Justin's

That philosophy was A x

^

especially of

sufficiently Platonic to accord

with the natu-

Alexandri-

mind.

It

was

also suffi-

ciently Biblical in its form and pretensions to accord

with his valuation of the Old Testament.

that of the fourth Evangelist

Further-

more, Philo's doctrine of the Logos was sufficiently like

1

in reality utterly different

though
to

the two were

affect naturally the

thought of the Church.

tin

It is

even probable that Justhe

literature

was

directly

familiar with

of

the

Philonian school, and the writings of Philo himself.

Dr. E. A. Abbott has pointed out a number of striking
literary coincidences

between Justin and Philo, all of which can hardly have been accidental. 2 It is indeed true that Justin differs from Philo more than he resembles him.

Christianity

made

that difference, and in

its

turn deeply affected Justin's use of philosophical thought

and language.
1 2

Nevertheless, an exaggerated idea of di-

Cf. "Weiss's Einleitung, p. 591, note 5.

Modern Review,
it

July, 1882.

The most

striking of these

coincidences are the use of the phrase Xdyoy aneppaTiKos. though

Justin uses

from Philo, and the phrase itself was of the namelessness of God, and the reason for it, namely, that God is older than all other things (Ap. ii. 6) the names applied to the Logos (Dial. 12G) the description of the Logos as erepos (Dial. 55) than God, and as rfjv pera rov Trp>Tov 8ebv bvvap.iv (Ap. i. 59) compared with Philo's devrepos 6(6s and the illustration of the generation of the Logos by the kindling of fire from fire (Dial. 61). The other coincidences mentioned by Dr. Abbott seem to me doubtful. For Dr. Abbott's argument against Justin's use of the Fourth Gospel, see Lect. V. It is enough here to remark again that the presence of these Alexandrian elements in Justin and the absence of them from the Fourth Gospel would seem clearly to indicate that the latter was not the product of the philosophical influences betrayed by
differently

Stoical origin (cf. below)

the former.

154

JUSTIN MARTYR.

vine Transcendence, and of the need of an intermediate

Being or Beings to unite the Infinite and the

maintained
its

finite,

hold upon his mind, and led him to

introduce into the very foundation of Christianity an

element which was nut only unchristian

itself,

but
obto

which seriously
religion.

affected his

whole apprehension of his

if

This latter fact will appear,

Justin's

we next

serve the relation in

view of the Logos

man, as we have observed his relation to the divine

Father.

The Logos

is

represented not only as the agent of

God

in creation, but as the organ of all divine revelation.

f

The Logos
au%vda-
tion.

He

is

everywhere present and active,

and through the human mind so that whatever of truth men possess comes from their relation to the divine
but especially makes Himself
;

known

to

His relation

Logos.

What

that relation precisely

is,

Jus-

toman.

tin expresses very obscurely.

He was certainly
for

no pantheist.
well
is

He

did not regard the

the manifestation of the divine.

for

Yet

human men

reason as
to reason

them

to partake of the divine Logos.

"We

can only say that to Justin the

human

reason, includ-

ing the whole rational and moral intelligence of man,

and the divine Eeason was human, that the dictates of reason were revelations of the Logos himself. 1 But whatever was the nature of this relation, the Logos was The theophanies granted the medium of revelation. Still to the patriarchs were appearances of the Logos. 2

was

so akin to the divine,

so universally present with the

more,

it

was the Logos who spoke through the prophets.

point, indeed, Justin's expressions vary.

On this latter He commonly

says that the prophetic or

i

Holy

Spirit

Cf.

Ap.
i.

i.

5,
;

46;

ii.

8,

13.

Ap.

63

Dial. 55, etc.

PHILOSOPHY AND EARLY CHRISTIANITY.

spoke through the prophets.

155

But he
meant
to

also speaks of the

prophets as inspired by the divine Logos

we do not think

that Justin

and while deny the person]

ality of the Spirit, 2

and while he doubtless regarded the

the fundamental
fact,

Spirit as the organ of the Logos, yet the activity of

the latter was to

him

threw into the background the work of the

Spirit. 3

and quite But

-

more widely
operates.

still

He

regards

does he teach that the Logos The seminal Him as active every- Lo os
all

where, and as having been always present in

tions revealing the truth to receptive minds.

na-

Of

Him

"every race partakes." 4

demned the
ethics

errors of the

Through Socrates He conGreek religion. 5 The Stoic

were admirable because of the seed of the Logos

is

which

implanted in every race of men. 6

the

God

teaches

Him. 7 "Whatever philosophers and lawgivers said or discovered well was done by them through a partial disgenerally through

men

Logos to imitate

covery and contemplation of Eeason

not recognize
is

but since they did

all

the teachings of the Eeason,8

9

who
Each

Christ, they often contradicted each other."

philosopher, seeing from a portion of the seminal divine

Logos what was congenial to

all

it,

spoke well; for through

the sowing of the implanted Logos which

was

in them,

such writers were able dimly to see the realities. 10 This doctrine of the seminal Logos, or Eeason, 11 is the

one most characteristic of Justin.

1

The term

itself

was

Ap.

i.

33, 36.
i.

2 Cf.

Ap.

6, 39, 60, 61,

65.

On
*
6

the other hand,

cf.

Aube's

Saint Justin, pp. 141, etc. 8 Cf. Lect. VI.

6
7 9 11

Ap. Ap. Ap.

i.

5.
9.

Ap. Ap.

i.

46.
8.
.

ii.

ii. ii.

8 T(5, io

TO i x<fy ou
ii.

10.

Ap.

13.

\6yos cnrepfiaTiKos-

156

JUSTIN MARTYR.

of Stoical origin, 1 but had been adopted

by Philo

to

designate the copies of the archetypal ideas which exist in

the world and, according to him, constitute

reality,

its

portions, that

is,

of the manifested

Reason

of God. 2

Justin uses the term in his

own way.

The

"seed of the Logos" means with him the rational apprehension of truth. He calls it a " seed " or " sowing,"
because it was but a partial or dim apprehension, yet was capable of germinating into the full truth, namely, The Logos, being everywhere diffused Christianity. and active, Justin calls " seminal," because He imparts these seeds of truth, and because, as apprehended by philosophers and others, He was the formative principle of right knowledge and right living. But, thus modified, the doctrine was to our author the link which united Christianity with all that was good and true in human thought so that he could claim that it was not a novelty, but rather the perfect revelation of what had
;

previously been
III.

known

in scattered fragments.

"When, then, we inquire of our author

so little of the Logos,

why men

had apprehended
TTT
III.

and had so gen-

Justin's

failed to follow the teaching erally J of divine

anthropoi-

Reason,

we not

only discover the weakest

still

point in Justin's theology, but perceive

more

clearly

how much

his philosophical premises led

him

to differ

from the teaching of the

New

Testament.

He

declares not only that

man was
same

created intelligent

and with power

but that he
1

to choose the true

and do the good,3

still

retains the

ability. 4

Each man

Zeller's Outlines of

\6yos irpofopiKos-

Greek Philosophy, p. 241. Cf. Uberweg's History of Philosophy,

avre^ovalovs 7rpos SiKaLonpatjiav.

i.

230.
8

Ap. Ap.

i.

28; Dial. 88, 141.

10.

i.

PHILOSOPHY AND EARLY CHRISTIANITY.

by his own free choice does right or wrong. 1 responsible because they have the power to
choose. 2
If they

157
are

Men

had

it not,

Human fr they could be dom and

;

neither rewarded nor punished

and the

fact

that they do change from evil to good, and from good

to evil, proves that they

have the power. 3

Justin was

arguing against fatalism

but he goes so far to the other

recognize any responsibility

extreme that he

fails

to

unless founded on full individual ability, and represents

man's moral choice as the unassisted work of each individual.

Men, he
4

says,

have been endowed with

ra-

which the power of free choice is and the condition of salvation has always been the apprehension and imitation of God,6 or the living according to reason. 6 To inborn depravity there is barely the slightest allusion, 7 and of a universal guilt he says nothing. Adam's transgression is indeed spoken
tional faculties in

included

of as marking the origin of

human

sin

and death, but

apparently as the beginning rather than as the cause of

it.

"

Since

Adam, 8

the race has fallen under death and

the deceit of the serpent, each

through his

man having done evil own fault." 9 Being made like to Adam and Eve, men work out death for themselves, and each by his own fault is what he will appear to be at last. 10

Men
1

differ, it is true,

in their power to receive the truth

from the Logos, 11 and Justin speaks with particular emAp. Ap. Ap. Ap. Ap.
ii.
i. i. i.

7.

2
ii. ii.

8 6

43;
10;
5,

7.

Ap. Ap.

ii.
i.

7,

14.

10, 43.

1, 2, 4,

8; Dial. 28.

6
7

46; Dial. 141.

i.

10,

where he says the demons have as their

/cat

ally ttjv

iv eVucrTO) Kaxrjv Trpos irdtrra

8

ttoikiXtjv (pvcrti

emdvplav.

ano tov
Dial. 88.

'Abaft..

9 10

napa. ttjv I8lav alriav.

Cf. also Dial. 100.

ii.

Dial, 124, 140, 141.

" Ap.

13.

koto, bdvafxiv.

158
phasis of some

JUSTIN MARTYR.

who

"

cannot

rise

from the earth," and

are therefore easy victims of the demons. 1 are individual variations.

But these

Of

a guilty world, of sin as

destroying man's ability to please God, he says nothing.

The possession of reason, on the contrary, involves the power of moral choice and since reason is possessed by all men, all men stand or fall according to their indi;

vidual conduct. 2

What,
and
,

then,

was the

origin of
?

human wickedness
it
>

hostility to the truth

Justin replies that

was
first

_ The demons
originated

caused by the power of the evil angels, and

.

their offspring, the demons.

He

is

the

of the

Church Fathers
vi.

to .accept the legend,

founded on Gen.

1,

2,

of the union of the angels

who had been

placed by

God

over the world with the

daughters of men. 3

These fallen angels and demons

2 Ap. i. 10. Ap. i. 58. Ap. ii. 6. This interpretation of Genesis had been adopted by the Alexandrian Jews. Philo found in it another point of connection between Judaism and heathenism. It is elaborated in the apocryphal book of Enoch, and is represented in some of the manuscripts of the LXX. Cf. Commentaries on Gen. vi. also Lenormant's Les Origines de l'histoire, ch. vii. The legend naturally accorded with Justin's desire to show analogies between Christian and heathen traditions, as well as with his recognition of the at least partly historical character of the latter. Moreover, as Aube (Saint Justin, hi. ch. vii.) shows, pagan philosophy
1

made

belief in

this belief,

Christ.
tle

Justin coincides with tai/xoves very prominent. but makes the demons wicked because opposed to He believes also in good angels (Ap. i. 6), but says lit-

of them, since the Logos occupies his thought as mediator between God and man. Aube is certainly wrong in making demonology to have passed to the Christians from the Persians. The form in which it appears in Justin came to the Christians from the Alexandrian Jews, and was confirmed by the popular paganism but Christ and the Apostles taught the reality of evil It spirits, and declared them to be the great foes of the Gospel.
;

PHILOSOPHY AND EARLY CHRISTIANITY.

appeared to men, overcame them with
fear,

159

subdued

them by
fices,

magical writings, taught

them

to offer sacri-

blinded Reason by terror, and were adored by the

people, and sung

by the

poets, as gods. 1

The demons

thus originated polytheism, and have ever waged war

against Reason, or the Logos. 2

Having learned from the

prophets of the coming Christ, they taught to their

and themselves performed deeds in what the Christ would do. Hence the analHence, too, ogies between Christianity and paganism. 3 their hostility to the Christians, which they expressed by raising impostors and heretics, and by fomenting
followers stories,

imitation of

persecution. 4

Had it not been would have restrained men from

way
in

for

them, the Logos

5

unreasonableness of the

and the utter which Christians are

evil

treated proves the demoniacal origin of persecution. 6

To

Justin, therefore, the world of spirits

was very

real.

He

considered the stories of the poets largely historical,

and referring to actual apparitions from the spiritworld. 7 At any rate, polytheism was the product of the demons. 8 He appeals to frequent exorcisms of demons

by
is

Christians, as proof of the truth of Christianity. 9

(i.

noteworthy that the Clem. Recogg.

19) interpret "the sons

of

God "

as " righteous

men who had

in

lived the life of angels,"

;

thus showing what the Ebionite view was

(viii.

13) represent

them as angels
also

human

though the Homilies form. Both Rec-

ognitions and Homilies " demons."

1

make

the offspring " giants," not

Ap. Ap. Ap. Ap. Ap. Ap.

i.
i.

5;
5,

ii.

5.

12,

14,

21,

23, 25, 56, 57, 58;

ii.

7,

9,

13;

Dial.

79, 83.
8
6
7
i. i.
i.

23, 26.
10.
5. 6,

ii.

popular belief

Ap. i. 50, 57, 58; ii. 13. Ap. i. 5, 12; ii. 1. 8 Ap. i. 23, 54, 64 ii. 5, 10. 8 Dial. 30, 76, 85. In Ap. i. 18, he speaks of the that souls of the dead took possession of men, and
*
6
;

160

JUSTIN MARTYR.

Their dominion due to human fear and igno-

Bat at the same time the dominion of the demons is represented as due to the terror caused by j J L
.

their appearances, to the blinding of reason

. .

by passion

at their suggestion,

and

to

man s

ignorance of the real nature of the supposed

gods. 1

And

hence reason can break the fetters which

If all knew the truth, none would choose wickedness. 2 In short, the evil under which humanity suffers is not inherited guilt, or corruption, but ignorance and fear. It must thus, we think, be again manifest that Justin's conceptions of human freedom and need were determined by his conception of the Logos as reason. His view of man is essentially that to which a ration-

the demons have imposed.

alizing theology usually comes.

It thus, again, testifies

that

the

influences

which modified Justin's

Christi-

anity were philosophical.

philosophical as
schools. 3
it

Even his demonology, unappears to modern eyes, was in his

all

age shared in various forms by writers of nearly

inevitable that Justin

it was would represent Christianity in a correspondingly defective and one-sided way. To him

IV.

With, then, these premises in his mind,

he apparently shared in this belief himself but probably he regarded these souls as themselves under the power of demons. Cf. Kaye's Justin Martyr, p. 111. In Dial. 105, he says that in
;

ancient times the souls of the prophets and the righteous fell at death under the dominion of evil angels, but that Christians are

The righteous ancients, however, will be saved through Christ in the resurrection (Dial. 45). Christ went to Hades, but did not remain there (Dial. 99) but of His then
delivered from such.
;

delivering the

Hebrew

saints, Justin says nothing.

they were not to be delivered until the resurrection. contrary, Ignatius ad Mag. ix.
1

Apparently Cf., on the

Ap. i. 5; ii. 5. Aube's Saint Justin, pp. 224,

Ap.

i.

12.

etc.

PHILOSOPHY AND EARLY CHRISTIANITY.

1G1

the grand fact of Christianity was the incarnation of

In a real incarnation he the divine Logos. 1 The Logos who believed. positively most * *
.

TV Justin IV.

had previously appeared to the patriarchs, and spoken through the prophets, and been partially known to all mankind, had voluntarily 2 and according to the will of the Father 3 become incarnate The whole Logos had thus rein the Virgin Mary.
!
'

one-sided rcpresentation of Chris-

vealed himself. 4
fore,

The

full

manifestation of truth, there-

had

at last

been made.
This, indeed,

Consequently the object of Christ's coming was, in

Justin's thought, primarily to teach.

was

He came to destroy the Christ's power of the demons. 5 By dying and rising, primaniyTo He conquered death.6 By His suffering He teach saves us. 7 By His blood He cleanses believers. 8 He
not
its

only object.

endured
our
sins.

all
10

things for our sakes

and on account of
the mystery of

God has mercy, through

that was crucified, on all races of believing men. 11

Him By

His blood

But while these and similar is laid by Justin on Christ as a teacher. Becoming man, He taught us for the conversion and restoration of the human race. 13 Our teacher is Jesus Christ, who was
bought
expressions are frequent, the greatest stress
1

He

us. 12

Ap.

i.

5, 23, 32, 33, 63,

66

ii.

6,

10, 13

Dial. 34, 43, 45, 48,

54, 63, 64, 66, 68, 75, 84, 88, 98, 99, 100, 103, 105, 113.
2 * 6
8

9
11
12

Ap. Ap. Ap. Ap. Ap.

i.

33
63.

Dial. 88.

3 6
7

Ap.
Ap.

i.
i.

23;

ii.
ii.

6.

ii.
i.
i.

10.

46

Dial. 91, 131.

Dial. 74.

32; Dial. 13, 40, 54.

50, 70, 103.
10

i.

Dial. 63.

Dial. 105.

Dial. 134.

St'

aljjiaTOi

ko.\

fivcrrrjplov

tov crravpov KTrjcrdfievos

avTois.
13

Ap.

i.

23.

11

162

JUSTIN MARTYR.

born for this very purpose. 1

He

is

the true lawgiver 2

and law,

revelation of truth.

and Christianity is therefore the complete While previous " writers were able
sowing of the impossess the participation 4

to see realities darkly through the

planted Logos," Christians

and active imitation 6 of the Logos Himself, according to the grace which is from Him. 6
Moreover, expressions which apparently belonged to another type of theology are often rationalized by
Justin into harmony with his own mode of thought. "When he says 7 that " Christ through sharing our suffering brings us healing," the context makes it clear that this healing was conceived of by Justin as the
correction of our errors through giving us the truth.

When
faith,"

he says 8 that

"

God persuades and

leads us to

he seems again, from the context, to refer not

to the

work

of the Spirit in the heart, but to the exhor-

and revelations of the Logos made externally to us. The clean raiment of the saints is not the robe of imputed righteousness, but the future reward with which we shall be invested if we do His commandments. 9 If
tations

he quotes

10

the Psalm, " Blessed

is

the

man

to

whom
n
the

the Lord imputeth not sin," he also understands

include only the sins previously committed. 12
1

remission of sin to be received in baptism, and to

So, too,

Ap.

i.

13.

So

cf.

Ap.

i.

14, 22,

32

ii.

2, 8, 10,

13; Dial. 8, 9,

11, 76, 83, 100, 102, 113, 116, 121.

2

Dial. 11, 12, 14, 18.

fierovcria.
fxifirjo-is,

Dial. 11, 43.

4
5

opposed to
13
;

/xi[xr]ij.a,

6
8

Ap. Ap.

ii.
i.

cf.

i.

20.

which the heathen had. 1 Ap. ii. 13.

9

10.

Dial. 116.
i.

10

Dial. 141.
Cf. also

" Ap.

61.

12

Thoma's

article in the Zeitschr. fur wissensch. Theol.,

xviii.

383, etc.

He

proves Justin's use of Paul's epistles, but

PHILOSOPHY AND EARLY CHRISTIANITY.

Christ's

163

power is chiefly represented as consisting in Justin certainly believed that mighty word. 1 Christ by His death and resurrection had won a victory, in which His people are to share, over the evil
His
spirits
is

and over death.

He

believed also that Christ

a King, and actually reigning in the unseen world. 2

in spite of such expressions the manifest tendency

But

of his thought

was

to find

the real centre of Chrisits

tianity in its being

the revelation of truth, and

truth.

power
itself.

in the

power of

This tendency affected, finally, his idea of salvation

He commonly represents
is

it

as future. as

The

Chris-

tian

not so
to

much

a saved

man

one

His idea of
salvatl n.

who hopes

be saved through belief in

Christ's teaching,

baptism for the remission of past

sins,

and subsequent obedience. 3 Faith is belief in the truth of Christ's word rather than the acceptance of a finished redemption and with it not merely repentance but
;

admit his proof, contends that he rationalizes their thought. though we think that he points out many resemblances which are
doubtful
;

We

but

we

think that he gives the wrong reason for Jus-

tin's modifications of

Cf. Lectt. III. and VI. where Justin explains the sentence " Cursed is every one that hangeth on a tree " as fulfilled when the Jews cursed Christ, and as not meaning that Christ was cursed by God, is no rationalizing of the Pauline doctrine, for Justin teaches the same doctrine himself in the same passage (" The Father caused him to suffer these things in behalf of the human family"), but was due to Justin's desire to meet an obvious Jewish misapplication of the phrase. At the same time his

Pauline doctrine.

The passage

(Dial. 95, 96)

explanation harmonizes with his disposition to find external items of the fulfilment of prophecy, and with his inability really to
appreciate the
1

Hebrew economy.
;

Dial. 102, 113, 121

Ap.
; ;

ii.

10.

2
8

Ap. Ap.

i. i.

40-42, 45, 51
8, 10, 14,

Dial. 36, 74.

ii.

42, 65

1,

Dial. 35, 44. 53, 92, 100, 111,

116.

164
obedience
is

JUSTIN MARTYR.
joined as the condition of obtaining the

future reward. 1
tin's

Most notably does

:

this
"

appear in Jusas

account of the sacraments

As many
teach

are

persuaded and. believe that what

undertake
to be

we

is true, and.

able to live accordingly, are instructed to

fasting, for the remission

pray and to entreat God, with

of their sins that are past.

us where there

is

same manner
"illumination"
doctrines

in
4

Then they are brought by water, and are regenerated 2 in the which we ourselves were." 3 The

of those

who

learned the Christian

was evidently the sense in which they were "made new through Christ." 5 Then, "after we have thus washed him who has been convinced and has assented to our teaching, we bring him to the place where the brethren are assembled, that we may offer
prayers,
.

that

we may

be counted worthy,

now

that

we have
so that
tion."
6

learned the truth, by our works also to be found good citizens and keepers of the commandments,

we may be saved with an everlasting salvaMaking allowance for Justin's evident effort to

represent the Christian doctrines and ceremonies in the

way most likely to commend them to his pagan readers, we yet cannot but see that his whole idea of the way of salvation was strongly affected by what we may fairly
term his
rationalistic tendency.

To be

sure, as has

been
this

already said, expressions

can be quoted which seem

quite inconsistent with his prevailing theory.

side of his theology

Of
7

we

shall speak hereafter;

but

Ap.

i.

8, 19,

28, 32, 65, 66

ii.

1, 4, 8,

12

Dial. 13, 15, 28, 41,

44, 47, 129.

2

avayevvaivTai.

Cf. Lect.

VI.
4

3
5

Ap.

i.

61.

tya>Ti(Tix6s.

Kaivorroir]6(VTs bia rov xpioroO.

Ap.

i.

65.

Cf. Lect.

VI.

PHILOSOPHY AND EARLY CHRISTIANITY.

our very point
is

165
his

that he

was thus inconsistent in

presentation of Christianity.
his language, but the

Two

elements coexist in
theology

dominating
ran.
self.

traits of his

were as we have

stated.

These were the channels into These were the utterances

which

his

own thought

of his real intellectual

And

these all followed

from the fundamental conception of the Logos as the

Eeason of God mediating between transcendent Deity and the created universe, and the kindred philosophical premises with which Justin approached Christianity.

As now we review
early Christianity
(1)

these features of Justin's theology,

several inferences bearing on the history of

seem to be warranted. The first is that Justin's theology evidently contained two elements which did not entirely harmonize. One was the philosophical element, which we m Justin's heol gy con it as a wellhave studied. We recognize tained two
t

known type

of speculation.

We

see in

it

the

elements,

influence on early Christianity of the

cal systems of that day,

mixed philosophiand particularly of Platonism

Justin
is

and Jewish Alexandrianism.

orthodox Christian writer

not the

first

who

betrays these influences.

The prologue

of the Fourth Gospel implies their existfirst

ence in the churches of Asia at the end of the

century, though

we hold
it

that

it

was not

their product.

The

so-called Epistle of

Barnabas contains Alexandrian

elements, though
proper.

does not enter the region of theology

But

in Justin these philosophical influences

appear in

full vigor, as

and

his theology to testify.

we have found both his exegesis By what road they entered

is,

into combination with Gentile Christianity

amid the
answer.
freely

paucity of evidence,

a difficult question to

Doubtless the more liberal Hellenistic Jews,

who

166

JUSTIN MARTYR.

united at their conversion with Gentile churches, were

the principal means
regards Justin himself,
of the

combination

while,

as

we know

that he wrote against

heresies,

the Valentinian

and Basilidean

and so must

have become acquainted with other forms of Egyptian speculation. We have found reason, also, to infer
that he

was acquainted with the writings of Philo or

the teaching of that school.

write like a
elties

He
J

does not, however,

man who was

Christian

consciously introducing nov-

into

thought

and while

his of

own
phi-

studies

may have augmented

the influence

losophy upon him, the same influence was clearly at

work quite widely explain the means

in the Church.

However we may
its

of contact, the fact is certain that

this philosophical element,

which even in

Alexan-

drian form was quite a different force from the attach-

ment

of

Jewish Christianity

to historical Judaism,

entered to modify the faith of the Church.

had But whence

?

did Justin obtain the other element of his theology

It

was certainly not the product of philosophy, for to explain it was the very object of his philosophizing. It must have preceded in Christianity the philosophical
tendency.
It
it

was, therefore, the genuinely Christian

belief of the

Church handed down Hence Justin, together with the whole philosophical movement in the early Church to which he belonged, testifies, by his manifest effort to
element
;

was the

from a previous

age.

explain Christian doctrine philosophically, to the previ-

ous existence of the non-philosophical beliefs of which

he

affords

us

sight

as

the

original

faith

of

the

Christian Church.
(2)

But, furthermore, the tendency of Justin's the-

ology provides,

we

think, the key to the modifications

1

Cf. Lect. VI.

PHILOSOPHY AND EARLY CHRISTIANITY.

of rauline,
or, to

167

speak correctly, of apostolic doctrine

Justin came, as
i

in the second century. J

x

we

...

(2) Philosoliis

.,

have seeu, to a legalistic theology through phy modified

the influence, not of Judaism, but of philosophy.
i
i

apprehen-

sion of chrisiani

He

renders

it,

therefore, highly probato

'

ble that the forces

which operated

change apostolic

doctrine were derived from paganism.

of course, that the influences betrayed

We do

not mean,

by him were the

But we may which the
sufficient

only ones in operation.

his times, but,
infer

He

is

only an illustration of

we think, from him that the

brought
the
into

a typical one.

habits of thought

Gentiles

the
of

Church are
apostolic
age.

to

explain

corruptions

doctrine
is

which
not a
;

began in the post-apostolic

peculiarly Jewish thing.

Legalism

Natural religion

is legalistic

and when the vast majority of the Church became composed of converted heathen, their very inability to appreciate the real worth of the
inability

Hebrew economy
seen, Justin

which, as

we have

shared

an

between

would tend to blunt their perception of the difference " law " and " grace," which in the apostolic age

was so strongly felt. That the prevalent view of the Old Testament as a book of perfect Christian doctrine aided this tendency, and also helped to impose a hierarchy on the Church, may be admitted. That Alexandrian

Judaism, with

its

philosophical,
is

rationalizing
;

certain but Alexandrian Judaism, so far at least as it affected Christianity, is to be reckoned a Gentile rather than a Jewish influence. The phenomena, therefore, do not
spirit, affected

the post-apostolic church,

require us to suppose a blending of anti-Jewish and

Jewish Christianity, nor that the

Christian
life,

latter, as

a type of

came

to

exert

controlling influence

on the former.

On

the contrary, pagan thought, the


168
political

JUSTIN MARTYR.

circumstances which

and speculative ideas of the day, the new called for stress to be laid on

Christian morals in opposition to heathen manners,

these and similar causes

may

be most probably assigned

as the real causes of the failure of the second century

on the complete doctrinal ideas of the first. Nothing was more natural than this. To say nothing
to carry

of

inspiration, the

training

of

the Apostles in the

Hebrew system must have

religious truth

led

them

to definitions of

which Gentile converts, wholly without these inherited ideas, could only slowly and partly appreciate. It was when the apostolic age ended that the development of Christian thought toward the apostolic standard and fulness began and the superiority of the teaching of the Apostles appears most plain when we observe the fall to a lower and fragmentary apprehension of it which immediately followed. Justin, we think, testifies most clearly to the direction in which we are to look for the causes which modified original
;

Christianity in the succeeding period.

(3)

Finally,

it is

impossible not to see exemplified in

is

Justin the fact that Christianity was and

gospel for the
tiaVii-ythe reaiization of the best aspirations of

not only a

lost,

but also the practical

realization of the unattained ideals

and un-

satisfied longings o G of the

ity

human

soul.

Human-

had

failed really to find

God, and to reach

at

the social righteousness and inward peace of

which

it

so sorely felt the need.

But humanity had

If in

least discovered that its

need was God, and had learned

to distrust its ability to find

Him.

Seneca and

Epictetus, in Plutarch and

Maximus

of Tyre,

we read
near,

sentiments which seem

that the

almost Christian,

we

are to infer

dawn

of a better

day was drawing

and

these exceptional spirits were like high mountain-peaks

PHILOSOPHY AND EARLY CHRISTIANITY.

which catch the
first

169
It is

glow from the rising sun.

very certain, indeed, that Christianity was not the pro-

moulded them, save in that which Justin crudely taught when he spake of the Logos of which all men partake. Justin, as we have seen, implies the already established belief in the Church of those doctrines which his philosophy strove to understand and explain and as we shall see
duct of the forces which
larger

sense

hereafter, those beliefs originated

among the

Christians

in the apostolic age

itself.

But while the spiritual side

of paganism did not aid in the creation of Christianity,

the latter was the satisfaction of the hitherto unsatisfied

needs of paganism, and

is

thus witnessed by Justin

as

the truth for which a thinking moral world as

well as a guilty lost world was unconsciously waiting.

came to the new was trodden by others and if these Gentile believers sometimes brought error into Christianity, they also discovered in it the divine light whose dim reflections and broken gleams had already awakened, but had failed to satisfy, their loftiest and purest
Certainly the path by which Justin
;

religion

thoughts.

LECTURE

V.

THE TESTIMONY OF JUSTIN TO THE NEW

TESTAMENT.
/
,

"T"
*-

HE
,

next phase of Justin's testimony which deattention

is its

mands our
.

bearing upon the

'

New
in

Justin's position

Testament.

Standing, ' as he does,

;

midway J

makes

the second century

describing the customs

;

portant wit-

and defending the

speaking for the
itself

beliefs of the Christians

New

Testa-

Eoman

Church, which was

the best mirror of the whole Christian

also

community, yet
churches of other

acquainted by travel with the

;

cities

the

first

post-apostolic author
size,

whose writings are of any considerable

is

Justin
of the
all

naturally a witness of

first

importance on this most

important subject.
It
is

generally admitted that at the close

second century our four Gospels and nearly

The prob-

the

remaining books of the

New

Testament were

universally regarded by the Church as aposand authoritative, and were placed on a level with the sacred scriptures of the Old Testament. 1 Was this
tolic

new

opinion

Had

there been a fusion of originally

antagonistic parties into a Catholic Church, and a cor-

responding blending of their respective literatures into

one sacred collection

authentic,
1

? Are any of these books unand did the reception of them as authentic

Cf. Reuss's History of the

Canon

of the

New

Canon, pp. 103-116; Westcott's Testament, pp. 303, etc.

JUSTIN ON THE

NEW TESTAMENT.
of the
find
real

171
course
of

grow out
apostolic

of a mistaken view

history

Or can we

evidence of the

existence and recognized authority of these books at a

much

earlier period, so as to

be warranted in concluding

which prevailed at the close of the second century had always been the substantial opinion Did Christian life and thought in the of the Church ?
that the opinion

second half of the second century lay in order the

foundations of the Church out of the stones which a
previous age, animated by quite
different
ideas,
;

had
it

quarried and cast in confusion on the ground

or did

build upon a foundation already laid by apostles and

apostolic

men ?

For the answer

to this question

we

eagerly interrogate Justin.

Does he show that

in his

day other Gospels than our four were used, either in such wise as to indicate that our four were not known at all, or, if known and used, were held to be no more
authoritative than others
tolic
still,
?

authorship of the Fourth Gospel

Did he recognize the apos? More widely

did he recognize the authority of apostles, and

does he testify to the existence of a sacred Christian

literature

comparable with the Old Testament

It is

manifestly of the utmost value to examine accurately

and interpret fairly his testimony upon these points. This phase of Justin's testimony, however, and especially the question whether he used our Synoptic Gospels, has been that which has in modern times attracted the most attention. Justin refers frequently
to certain books,

which he describes

as "

memoirs of the
*

Apostles," but which, he says, were " called Gospels,"

and were read in the weekly assembly of the Christians interchangeably with " the prophets," 2 and from which he adduces events of Christ's life and examples of His
1

Ap.

i.

66.

Ap.

i.

67.

172
teaching
;

JUSTIN MARTYR.
and the question of the identity of these
crit-

books with our Gospels has been one of the great

ical battles of the present century.

The

identity

had
1

Modern
cism.

criti-

previously been denied by several writers;

j^

Eiehhorn, in 1794, was the

first

to give

wide currency to the denial.

He

maintained that our

Synoptics were secondary recensions of an original Aramaic Gospel, and that Justin's quotations are from a
previous recension of the same. 2
Similar views were

introduced about the same time into England by Bishop

Marsh

while, in

to solve the

Germany, Paulus and others sought problem by maintaining that Justin took
from a harmony of at
in
least

his citations

Mark and
5

Luke. 4

Interest

the question

increased after the

in

publication, in 1832, of Credner's "Essays,"

which

he held that while Justin knew our Gospels, he used

chiefly

the

"

Gospel of Peter," a reference

7

to

Credner claimed to find in the Dialogue. 6

views were answered by Binclemann

which The new

Germany, and by Bishop Kaye

1

and Semisch 8 in in England but the

;

Genuineness of the Gospels, p. 2, referring to In 1777 Stroth maintained that Justin's citations were from the Gospel according to the Hebrews (cf. Weiss's
Cf. Norton's

Bolingbroke.

Einleitung in das N. T., p. 41). 2 Cf. his " Allgemeine Bibliothek d. bibl. Lit.," 1794, quoted in Credner's Einleitung (1836), p. 176 also Eichhorn's later " Ein;

leitung."

Marsh's Michaelis, 1795. Cf. Kaye's Justin Martyr, in reply. Paulus was among the first to maintain that the Gospels were based on oral tradition while Gratz simplified Eichhorn's theory of an original written Gospel (Credner's Einleitung, pp. 177,
4
;

178).
5

Beitr'age zur Einleit. in d. bibl. Schrr., 1832.

6
7
8

Cf. below.

Studien und Kritiken, 1842.

Die

apostol. Denkwiirdigkeiten des

M.

J.,

1848.

Justin Martyr, 1853, 3d ed.

JUSTIN ON THE
subject

NEW TESTAMENT.

173

was

so intimately involved with the theories of

the Tiibingen school of criticism, according to which the

Gospels were written in the interest of certain

" ten-

dencies" the operation of which was alleged to have extended far into the second century, that after the appearance of that school the controversy became sharper
ever. Eaur himself merely remarks that while Juswas acquainted with one or more of our Gospels, he has named none of them x but Schwegler 2 denied that

than
tin

Justin

knew our Gospels

at

all,

alleging that he used

only the Gospel of Peter, which Schwegler identified

with the Gospel according to the Hebrews. More modIt was erate views, however, began in time to prevail.
generally admitted that Justin

knew our

Synoptics, and

only the question remained whether he had also used

one or more extra-canonical Gospels, and

if so,

whether

he had relied on them chiefly or merely incidentally.

Hilgenfeld, while maintaining Justin's principal use of

the Gospel according to Peter, recognized his use also

and has reproved 3 the author of "Supernatural Pteligion" for denying the fact. On the other hand, Bleek,4 to take an example from the more conservative writers, declared that "Justin meant by the memoirs our Gospels, two of which he used, but that we still find him to have had recourse to anof the canonical Gospels,
'

'

other evangelic history, probably the Gospel according to

the Hebrews."

In England, Dr. Sanday 5 has defended though

Justin's use of the canonical Gospels, against the denials of the author of " Supernatural Eeligion,"
1

i.

Christian Church of the First Three Centuries, Eng. trans., 147.

2
8 4
5

Nachapost. Zeitalter, 1846.

Zeitschr. fur wissensch. Theol., 1875, p. 584.

Introd. to

New Test, T. & T. Clark, 1861, Gospels in the Second Century, 1876.

i.

335;

ii.

240.

174
still

JUSTIN MARTYR.
inclined
to

think that he also followed an ex1

tra-canonical

source; while Westcott

holds that the

canonical Gospels alone, together with oral tradition,

supplied Justin with his knowledge of the evangelic

history.

Finally,

it

has been suggested that the prob-

lem of

Justin's quotations

may

be solved by supposing

him to have used a Gospel harmony. Long since, as we have stated, Paulus advanced this view, alleging Justin's harmony to have been formed from Mark and
Luke.
Credner, also, in his " History of the Canon,"
2

supposed that the Gospel of Peter was a harmony of evangelic sources, with apocryphal additions and Yon
;

Engelhardt 3

now maintains

not only that Justin used

a harmony, but that this was none other than a har-

mony

based on our Synoptics themselves. 4

Justin's quotations from the "memoirs" have thus been intimately connected with the larger questions of

the origin and mutual relations of the Gospels, and of

the rise of the Catholic Church

itself;

and the approxihas

contributed

mate solution of the

criticism

difficulties

suggested by earlier

concerning his quotations

much

to the overthrow of the rationalistic theories of

early Christianity.

in accessible books

in view of

So much, however, has been written upon this part of my subject, that, the limits of a single lecture within which I
three Gospels, in order to

am

confined, I shall discuss, as briefly as possible, Jus-

tin's

testimony to the

first

obtain space to notice his testimony to the Fourth Gospel,

the

discussion of which has lately assumed an

interesting phase,
1

and

his testimony to the

a

way
1852.

in

Canon of the New Test., 1855, pp. 66-70. Das Christenthum Justins, p. 345. 4 Sanday also (Gospels in the Second Century, thinks the hypothesis of a harmony plausible.
3

p. 136, note)

JUSTIN ON THE

NEW TESTAMENT.

175

which apostolic literature, in part or in whole, was regarded by the Church of his age. The data by which Justin's relation to i. Justin's I. our Synoptic Gospels must be determined s^op^
are, then, briefly as follows:
Gospels.

Once

in the longer Apology,

"

and seven times in the

the, or of His,

Dialogue, he mentions the

Apostles."
1

memoirs of

Four times, in the Dialogue, he The "memoirs -" speaks simply of " the memoirs." 2 Elsewhere

he uses other expressions descriptive of the character Speaking of the Annunciation or origin of these books.
to the Virgin, he says
:

"

As

those

who

related all things

3

concerning our Saviour Jesus Christ taught."

"

The Apostles,

are called

Again memoirs composed by them, which Again " The Gospels, thus handed down." 4
in the
:

that the Holy dove flew upon " Jesus after His baptism. 6 Still again " In the memoirs which I say were composed by His Apostles and those who followed them." 7 Finally, speaking of

Apostles wrote

Spirit as a

the change of Simon's

is

name

to Peter, Justin says, " It

it

written in his memoirs that

if

so happened,"

by

which,

the text be

correct,

we must understand
known
to

"Peter's memoirs."
descriptive one.
1

This term, "the memoirs," was a

is

Justin

the only writer

to.

Ap.

i.

67; Dial. 100-104, 106 (twice),

dTrop,vr]p.oi>vfiara

TWV
2

aTTOCTToXaV.

Dial. 105 (three times), 107.

Ap.
fjfiav
I.

l.

33.

as
oi

oi diro/jLvriiiovevcravTes irdvra

ra

irepi

tov

crcoTTJpos

X.
1.

ibl8aav.
66.

Ap.
5

an-doToAot lv rots yevop-ivois vrf avrtav

7rep8coicau k.t.X.
6

aTrofjur)-

p,ovevp.aaiv,

a KaXelrai evayye'Ata, ovtcos

eypayp-av.

Dial. 88.
(prjp.1

Dial. 103.

ev roTy <mop,vr)p.ovevpacnv a

vrrb ra>v

dnoaroXcov

avrov

km rwv

eKelvois napaKoXovdrjaavrcov (rvvreTaxdcu-

Dial. 106.
fievov KOI TOVTO.

yeypd(pdat iv rots

dnop.vrjp.oi'evficKTii'

avrov yeyevr]-

176
have applied
it

JUSTIN MARTYR.
to the evangelic narratives,

though the

corresponding verb was used by Papias to describe the

composition of Mark's Gospel;

pupil, appears to

and Tatian, Justin's

have been familiar with his master's

terminology. 2

from the well-known

Most probably Justin took the phrase " Memoirs " of Xenophon, 3 which he quotes in his Apologies,4 and the resemblance between which and the Gospels must have impressed his

own mind,
rates

in view of his frequent comparison of Soc-

The term, also, would well describe pagan readers what these Christian narratives really were. 5 If so, then we may assume that the term " Gospels " was the usual one employed by the Christians themselves. Justin says, " the memoirs, which
with Christ.
to his
"Gospels."

are called Gospels." r

.

The

latter

term was
its

evidently well established;

and

use by
plural,

Justin

is

the

more

noteworthy because the

" Gospels," is not found,

1

with probably one exception,

pti>
.

Eus. H. E.

iii.

39.

MapKos

epprjvfvTr]?
. .

TLerpov yevopevos

ocra ipvrjpovevcrev aKpifHws

eypai\rev

uxrre ovdeu rjpapre

'MapKos
ii.

ovras evia ypa^ras as arropvqpovevcrep.

Cf. too Clem. Recog.

1,

where Peter says

quae ab ipso
also used

" In eonsuetudine habui, verba

Domini mei,

audieram, revoeare in memoriam."

v. 8
;

by Eusebius (H. E.

vi.

25),

The term is though not of the

Gospels.
2

Orat. ad Grasc. 21, where he bids the Greeks look at their

ajropurjpovevpara, apparently in contrast to those of the Chris-

own

Cf. Von Engelhardt's Das Christenthum, etc., p. 337. Yon Engelhardt, however, is not justified in saying (p. 336) that this term for the Gospels was widely diffused.
tians.
3

Sevofpavros
ii.

'
'

AiropvrjpovevpaTa.
i.

4
5

11

cf.

also

5;

ii.

10.

Justin's use of the term in the Dialogue, as well as in the

Apology, shows that he did not merely use it for the sake of his pagan readers, but that it was his own favorite term. 6 Ap. i. 66. It is perfectly arbitrary to regard the words as
spurious.

JUSTIN ON THE
in earlier writers.
" the

NEW TESTAMENT.

177

We
of,

frequently find, before Justin,

Gospel

"

spoken

meaning the Christian revelait

tion, or message, and gradually having attached to

the

idea of a written document.

testifies

Our

Apologist, however,

that in his day the term

was commonly

ap-

plied in the
Christ's
life,

Church
as
it

to the single written narratives of

ever since has continued to be.

True,

in the Dialogue,
1

we

find the singular also employed.

In the

New

sense of the Gospel message or dispensation.

Testament, we find only the singular, and in the In Clem. Rom. ad

ri irparov vp.lv iv dp\rj
is

Cor. 47,
eypatyev,
is

we read

tov (vayyekiov (Tlavkos)

iv. 15,

where there

evident reference to Phil.

and

flay.

In Ignatius we find only the singular (of. Philad. 5, 8, 9 Smyr. 5, 7), but, except in Phil. 9, with evident consciousness that the Gospel was written (cf. Bib. Sacra, July, 1885, "Descriptive Names applied to N. T. Books by Earliest Writers," B. B. Warfield. Polycarp's collection of Ignatius's Epistles surely proves also the valuation of Christian literature by the earliest churches. If they desired the Epistles of Ignatius, much more would they use and collect the writings of the Apostles). In the Didache, we find the singular " Reprove one another in peace, as e^ere iv four times, c. 15 tu evayyeXua." "Your prayers and alms, etc., so do, w? e^ere " Do not pray as the c. 8 iv tu eiayyeXia tov Kvplov fjpav."
used in both places in the same sense.
;

hypocrites, but as ineXevo-ev 6 Kvpios Iv ra evayyeXla avrov, ovra

Trpoo-evxeo-de."

Then

follows the Lord's Prayer,

c. 1 1

"As

to

Apostles and prophets so do, Kara to boypa tov fvayyeX/ou; and let every Apostle coming to you be received as the Lord " (cf.

Matt. x. 40). These seem to imply a written Gospel, though Harnack (sub cap. 15) denies it. In Barnabas we find only the singular (v. and viii.), where it means the message given to the
the word does not occur, nor in In the Epistle to Diognetus, c. xi. (where we read evayyikiav maris tSpvrai) is an addition to the The Epistle itself, however, is probably later than JusEpistle.

Apostles to preach.

In

Hermas

the fragments from Papias.

tin.

From
is

Hippol. adv. Haer.

i.

vii.

10,
to'is

we

learn that Basilides

If this be,

quoted John
as

9,

as to \eyoptvov iv

evayyf'klois.

probable, Basilides's language, he furnishes the earliest exof the plural, and,

ample

be

it

observed, applies
12

it

to the

Fourth

Gospel.

IT:

: .

:\

""-

.z-JL

xh:

__T

_:

iz

_ _

AitisLks

eaafttn"

it.

:.-_ :

11:
:li:

iV

...

ir

Zet. i

..

i_

"
'
-

llr-

-----

v.i

:I:

:"

in

:.

7 _

.^_.__7

"_

l_.l
../:

: :\

-.

i_

__
V11Z
:

"."'-"'

:-T"~

"~

_'

.:

_
:
"
: -

r'fi
izsi

:.

:_-1_ r-LI.r'l

_*
:

i.

zT

--:-.

--_-:-.
-

r t

.
,

;f

"-

."

LL5C-

i
;

"_

z_:

::r;

(1)

That &g? mxa wtti

'

efiSus lips qfCTbnsi

& rmtasriemly.
zz

-tIJ"i

i_

..

"

.-

" '

n
_i:
.

Lit:

iz"t

Zi .:

'.iitljic :t

Z-.-'-t-.-i-.-

>:z

Z<:-:.-i:~--.~? :.:
:.

I"
::

."

~lui^
i

^rsrrei.

---.
,

""----...--.
:;
:

ITsier

_-

*:
--

>eri.:~"-r

:_
'

?'_::_l

.;:_;:.._
..-:
:

:.

_
---./:-:..--.
:.-

-i

".^i
:
-

"-:

?:

i--

":

z-.i:

:.:.:_:_

;ru r-n^"

""-s-

'

:
Si. 1 J
'

....

1 \._

-1
:c

'-,

:ti

v
.

/
J ._..ii.i.

"
:

>

;~:r

--?

r_.i_-

:.-..

,;r

-._;

.-

180
gin, 1
(l)

JUSTIN MARTYR.
and the events of His infancy; 2 His waiting in
obscurity " until about thirty years of age;" 3

Remark-

ably fun.

the

misS on
i

tne Baptist,4 together

;

with the baptism 5 and temptation 6 of Jesus

acteristic

the char-

features of Christ's teaching;

8

the fact and

variety of His miracles

9

quotations from or references

to the accounts of the healing of the centurion's ser-

and Matthew's feast 10 the choosing of the Twelve n the naming of Zebedee's sons ^ the comvant
;

mission of the Apostles

13

the discourse after the de14

parture of John's messengers

the sign of the prophet

16

Jonas
1

15
;

the parable of the Sower

i.

the confession
75, 76, 84, 100.

Cf.

Ap.

21, 22, 32, 33,

46; Dial. 43, 66,

i.

Born under Cyrenius, one hundred and fifty years ago (Ap. 46) visit of Magi annunciation to Joseph journey to Bethle;

hem

at the time of the census

Jesus born in a cave near Beth-

lehem; laid in a manger, where the Magi found Him; flight to Egypt; massacre of the children in Bethlehem by Herod (Dial.
78,

102); the
3

star of the

Magi

(Dial. 106);

the circumcision

(Dial. 67).
Dial. 88

("He grew up
till

like other

men, and waited thirty

years more or less

John appeared").

4 John, the last of the Jewish prophets; Matt. iii. 11, 12, quoted; John imprisoned and beheaded by Herod (Dial. 49); Christ ended John's ministry (Dial. 51) ; John, the herald of

Christ (Dial. 88).

5
7

Dial. 88.

6
i.

Dial. 103,125.
;

Brief and concise utterances (Ap.

14)

power

of

His word,

by which

confuted the Scribes and Bharisees (Dial. 102). 8 Dial. 49 Ap. i. 22 (healed the lame and paralytic and blind from birth {Ik yeverqs irovrjpovs:, cf. below, p. 185), and raised the
;

He

dead).
9

So Ap.

i.

30, 31,

48

Dial. 69.

shall come from the East and West," etc.). 10 Ap. i. 15 ("I came not to call the righteous," etc.). 12 Dial. 106. 11 Ap. i. 39 Dial. 42. 18 Ap. i. 16, 19, 63; Dial. 35, 82. 14 Ap. i. 63; Dial. 51, 100, 106.

Dial. 76, 120, 140

("Many

16

Dial. 107.

16

Dial. 125.

JUSTIN ON THE
of Peter;
1

NEW TESTAMENT.

181

announcement of the Passion; 2 while of the later period, and especially the last week of Christ's life, and of the events which immediately folthe

lowed the resurrection, Justin speaks with still greater In fact, we may obtain from him passages fulness. 3

which correspond in substance to portions of every chapter of Matthew's Gospel, and sometimes to portions of considerable size
4

also to portions of all but

seven of the chapters of Luke's Gospel.5

therefore,

The evidence,
is

upon which

to base a comparison of Justin's

account of Christ's
larger than

life

with that of the Synoptists

might have been expected, and

the exception of

sufficient to

yield positive results.

(2)

Now, with

a few items

to

he

men-

tioned presently, Justin's account of Christ's

1

life

agrees in

Dial. 100.

8 Dial. 51, 106.

We
7,

find references to, or quotations from,

i.

the triumphal the

entry (Ap.
(Dial. 1
"

35

Dial. 53)

the second cleansing of the temple

My house shall be called

i.

a house of prayer,"

etc.)

tribute

money (Ap.

17)

the two

commandments

rebukes of the Pharisees (Dial.

17, 95, 112,

the 122); the discourse

(Dial. 93)
;

on the Mount
125)
;

of Olives (Ap. l. 16, 28; Dial. 35, 51, 76, 82, 116, the institution of the Supper (Ap. i. 66) the agony (Dial. 99, 103); the trial before the Sanhedrim (Dial. 103); Christ's
;

silence at

His

trial (Dial. 102,

;

103)

Pilate's

sending

Him

to

His crucifixion under Pontius Pilate (Ap. i. ii. 6 Dial. 30, 85) 13, 35 the parting of His garments (Ap. i. 35; Dial. 97, 103); the mockery of the Jews (Dial. 101); the cry on the Cross (Dial. 99); the resurrection on the first day of the week (Ap. i. 67; Dial. 41); the report of the Jews that Christ's body was stolen (Dial. 108) His last commission (Ap. i.
(Dial. 103)
; ;

Herod

31, Apostles sent to all nations; 61,

baptism in the name of the

and His ascension (Ap. i. 21). 4 As, e. g., Matt. ii. 5, 6, 11-23 (Ap. i. 34 Dial. 78, 103) v. 16, 20, 22, 28, 29, 32, 34, 37, 39, 40-42, 44-46 (Ap. i. 1, 15, 16; Dial.
Trinity)
;

85, 96, 105, 133)

xxiii. 6, 7, 13, 15, 16, 23, 24, 27, 31 (Dial. 17, 95,

112, 122).
5

Cf. Otto's Justini Opera, torn.

i.

index

iii.

182
substance
(2)

JUSTIN MARTYR.

and
fi rs ^

so

far as

the

events

narrated are conis

Agrees,

ccrned precisely with the account given by our

three Gospels.

exceptions,

His language

not

al-

wa y s with ^tol
our Gospels,

identical with theirs, as

is,

we

shall see

but his story

with a few
:

trifling

excepal-

tions, exactly the

same
if

as theirs

so that

we may

ready affirm that

pels,

they at least
life.

memoirs " were not our Gosrelated substantially the same story
the

his "

of Christ's

(3) Furthermore,

agreement
"

account taken from the

(3)

memoirs

"

between Justin's with that of our

small particulars,

The

Gospels often extends

to

agreement extends to
small par-

which are the more

.

significant

because of

their very smallness.

Thus

his account of

Christ's infancy, unlike that

given in the

early apocrypha,

is

identical with that of our Gospels,

save that he states that Christ was born in a cave near

Bethlehem, and that the Magi were from Arabia. 1

refers to the

He

enrolment under Cyrenius. 2

He

speaks of

Christ's natural

says that at His baptism

or less."
4

growth from infancy to manhood, 3 and He was thirty years old, " more

So the naming of the sons of Zebedee, 5 Christ's silence at His trial, 6 Pilate's sending Him to Herod, 7 and the Jews' story that He was stolen from
the
1 2

tomb by His
Dial. 78.

disciples,8 are

examples of the slight

Ap. i. 34, 46. "When he appeals (Ap. i. 34) to the " registers which were made under Cyrenius " (t<ov anoypcKpaiv tu>v yevofievav
eVl YLvp-qviov) for proof that

"there

is

a certain village in the

land of the Jews, thirty-five stadia from Jerusalem, in which Jesus Christ was born," he probably merely takes for granted that such
registers
8
6 7

had been preserved by the Government. appeals to the " Acta Pilati " (i. 35, 48).
Dial. 88. Dial. 106.
4 6
8

So when he
23.

Cf.

<W<, Luke

iii.

Dial. 102, 103.

Dial. 103.

Dial. 108.

JUSTIN ON THE

NEW TESTAMENT.
and the Synoptists.

183

coincidences in matters of fact which continually occur

in the accounts of Justin
(4)

The

differences

betiveen the

two accounts arc the

first
(4)

following}
;

Justin says that Cyrenius was the

2

pro-

curator of Judcea

that Joseph

was " of Beth-

The

lehem " 3 that Jesus was born in a cave near f^'o"^ 3 Bethlehem 4 that the Magi were from Ara- Gospels.
Sanday (Gospels in the Second Cenfrom the fact that Justin derives Christ's Davidic descent through Mary (Ap. i. 32; Dial. 100, 120), that he had a genealogy of Christ different from those of Matthew and Luke for he may have understood one or both of these to give Mary's pedigree. Clement of Alexandria (Strom, i. 21, quoted by Westcott's Canon, p. 91, note 1, though "NYestcott goes too far in saying that Clement "distinctly refers the genealogy to Mary") apparently understood even Matthew to give Mary's pedigree (if not her lineal, at least her legal, pedigree). Her Davidic descent, which may be defended from Acts ii. 30; Rom. i. 3 Luke i. 32, was universally believed in the early Church (cf. Andrew's Life and while the explanation of the Gospel of Our Lord, p. 52) genealogies adopted by Africanus (Eus. H. E. i. 7) referred both to Joseph, Mary was supposed and is expressly said by Africanus Justin refers to none of Mary's to have been of the same tribe. ancestors later than David, and mentions as her ancestors, David, Jesse, Phares, Judah, Jacob, Isaac, and Abraham, all which names occur in both Matthew and Luke, while his reference to Adam as
It is hardly fair with
1

tury, p. 91) to infer

the ancestor of these patriarchs, in giving his reason

called himself the

Son

of

Man

(Dial. 100), points to

why Luke

Christ
iii.

38.

Of

the course of descent from

2 Ap. i. 34. eVtrpoVov. was not the first " governor."

Mary, Justin is silent. Cyrenius, whatever his precise office,

to

David

Luke

ii.

2,

has

avr-q dnoypacpr] 7rpa>T7)

eyivero rjyep.ovevovros
8

Ttjs

'Svplas Kvprjviov.

Dial. 78.

"

He went up from
?jv."

Bethlehem, odev

This

is

obviously a reference to
;

Nazareth, where he dwelt, to Luke ii. 4

:

" 8ia to a.vai avrov e oikov Kai irarpias Aauet'8

" but the fact

is

stated by Justin so as to apparently imply that Joseph

in

had lived Bethlehem previously. 4 Dial. 78. " Since he could not find lodging in the village." Caves were often used as stables, and Justin says the Magi found Jesus laid in a manger.

"

184
bia
1

JUSTIN MARTYR.

and that Jesus was deformed, or not of comely had been predicted. 2 He speaks of John the " Baptist sitting " by the Jordan, 3 and states that when Jesus went down to the water to be baptized, a fire was kindled in the Jordan, 4 and that the Voice from heaven
aspect, as
1 Dial. 78. Sanday (Gospels in the Second Century, p. 93) makes Justin say that Herod " ordered a massacre of all the children in Bethlehem." So he does in Dial. 78 but in Dial. 103, he says that Herod, "when He [Christ] was born, slew all the children born in Bethlehem about that time (ineivov tov Kaipov) cf. Matt. ii. 16, "from two years old and under."
;

Dial. 14, 49, 85, 88, 100, 110, 121, referring to Isa.

liii.

2,

.3.

dei8r/r.
3
4

Dial. 51, 88.

Dial. 88.

KaGe^optvov.
'Itjctov

KareXdovTos tov

iv tc3 'lopSdvrj.

Cf. Otto, sub loco.

on to vScop koi Trip dur/cpdrj The same legend was found

by the author of the tract De Rebaptismate (ascribed by some to Ursinus, a monk of the fourth century; by others to Cyprian. Cf. Ante-Xic. Fathers, Amer. ed. v. 6G5), " cum baptizaretur, ignem super aquam esse visum." In the Gosin the Predicatio Pauli

pel of the Ebionites (according to Epiphanius, Haer. xxx. 13),

when Jesus came up from the water a great light (c^tof) shone round the place (irepie\ap-fye tov toitov) and the old Latin Codex a (Vercellensis) adds to Matt. iii. 15, "et cum baptizaretur lumen ingens circumfulsit de acpia ita ut timerent omnes qui advenerant" (cf. Sanday, Ibid., p. 108. He adds that there is a similar addition in g' (San Germanensis)). Otto also cites Oracc. Sibyll. vii. 82-84
;
:

fis

ere

\oyov yewycre

ira.T7)p, Trvevfi'

6pviv

atpTJice,

OfiV aTray/eXTTJpa \6yiov, \6yos,

'Paipuv
crbv dwTiff/jLa, di!

vda.au> ayvols

ov Trvpbs i^e<padi'8r]s)

and the Liturgy of the Syrians, which, in the narrative of the "quo tempore adscendit ab aquis, sol inclinavit radios In this last case we may perhaps see the original form of suos." the legend. Justin does not say that the " memoirs " related this legend. His language is, " When Jesus had gone to the river Jordan, where John was baptizing, and when He had stepped into the water, a fire was kindled in the Jordan and the Apostles of this very Christ of ours wrote that when He came out of
baptism, has
;

JUSTIN ON THE

NEW

TESTAMENT.

185

which followed the baptism repeated the words of the Second Psalm, " Thou art my Son this day have I
;

begotten thee."

He

states that Christ healed those

who "from

birth were blind,

dumb, and lame," 2 but

carefully
1

the water the Holy Spirit as a dove lighted on Him." Thus he makes the " memoirs " responsible only for the descent
Dial. 88, 103.
lat.

of the Spirit as a dove.

These words are found

mss.
a, b, c, ff2 '
1.

ing to D. and

(Epiphan. xxx. 13) had

"Thou

art

in Luke hi. 22, accordThe Gospel of the Ebionites my beloved Son; in Thee I

am

well pleased.
of the

And

again, To-day I have begotten Thee."

The words
viii.
i.

of Alexandria (Paedag.
ch. 9)
; ;

Psalm are referred to the baptism by Clement Methodius (Conviv. virgg. Discourse i. 6) Lactantius (Instt. Div. iv. 15) Juvencus (Hist. Ev.
; ;

and Augustine (Enchiridion, c. 49). (Cf. Otto, sub Dial. He also refers to Acta Petri 88, where the quotations are given. et Pauli, c. 29 but there seems in that place to be no reference of the words to the baptism.) Augustine, however (Harmony of the Gospels, ii. 14) says the reading was found in some codices of Luke, but was said not to be found in the more ancient codices. Either Justin's manuscript had this Western corruption, or he had heard it thus quoted and relied on his memory. 2 Ap. i. 22. Our Gospels contain no examples of the healing of those dumb or lame from birth. The manuscripts of Justin read " x&Aouf kol 7rapaXvTLKovs km in yeverrjs rroirqpovs"
363)
;

Most editions substitute for novrjpovs Trrjpovs, following Dial. where we read, " rovs in yeverrjs kol Kara tt)v adpKa Trrjpovs
8e
Kai opav

69,
Kai

Koxpovs Kai xcoKovs idaaro, rbv pkv aXXeudai, rbv 8i kol aKOveiv, rbv

rw Xdya> avrov

Troirjo-as."

In Ap.

i.

22, Gildersleeve

substitutes avan-qpovs.

Whatever the reading,

;

it

should be noted
i.

that Justin connects i< yeverrjs only with novr/pavs in Ap.

chiefly with mjpovs in Dial. 69

22,

and
it

and from the

latter passage

is

(and therefore probably in Ap. i. 22 by Trovrjpovs suffering), the blind. Hence I infer he had in mind John ix. 1, and that he includes the dumb and lame by a pardonable inexactness of statement. In Mark ix. 21, however, the " lunatic " boy is said to have been afflicted ek naidiodev. Could Justin have had in mind, also, Acts iii. 2, and confused it with Christ's miracles ?
clear that Justin

meant by

rrrjpovs

"

" ;

186
that the

JUSTIN MARTYR.

Jews ascribed these miracles

ass's

to

magic

also

that the

colt

used at the triumphal entry was

to

found by the disciples "bound

trance of a village."
2

a vine at the en"

He

cites

from the

memoirs

"

that in Gethsemane CJirist's sweat fell like drops

when

He was

Jews came upon Christ "from the Mount of Olives" 4 and that there was not a man to aid Him. 5 Pilate sent Him hound to Herod as a compliment ; 6 and Justin apparently represents Herod Antipas as a successor of Archelaus in the dominion of Herod the Great. 7 He says that His
praying
;

that

the

persecutors
said,
1

placed Christ on the judgment-seat, and

;

"

Judge us

and that

at the crucifixion

the

Kai yap pdyov eivai avrbv iroXpcov Xeyeiv Kai \aoIn Clem. Recog. i. 58, a scribe declares that Christ performed " signa et prodigia ut magus non ut propheta." So in the report of Pilate, incorporated in the Acts of Peter and Paul, we read that the Jews asserted Jesus " magum esse et contra eorum legem agere." In Ap. i. 30, Justin undertakes to prove that Christ

Dial. 69.

Tvkavov.

did not do miracles paying re'^j^. Celsus (Orig. contra Cels. ii. 48) attributed them to sorcery. This charge was, in fact, substantially the same with that mentioned in the Gospels (Matt. ix. 34 For \aoir\avov, xi. 24, etc.), that he cast out devils by Beebzebub.
see Matt, xxvii. 63
2
8

and John

vii.

12.

Ap.

i.

32.

Dial. 103.

Justin significantly cites

it

"from the memoirs,

;

which I say were composed by the Apostles and their followers thus no doubt referring the story to Luke's Gospel. On the spuriousness, however, of Luke xxii. 43, 44, see Notes on Select Readings in Westcott and Hort's Greek Testament and on the bear;

ing of Justin's text on the age of the Gospels, see below. Justin, however, has only 8p6p.&ot, not Bpopfioi alparos- Tatian, in his
Diatessaron, had the passage, which
is

translated by Moesinger

from Ephraem's Commentary, "

sanguinis."
*

et factus est sudor ejus ut guttas

Dial. 103.

ano.

6 7

Dial. 103. Dial. 103.

6
8

Dial. 103.

x a P l Cop-tvos.
Kplvov
Tjpiv.

Ap.

i.

35.

JUSTIN ON THE

NEW TESTAMENT.

187

mocking bystanders not only shook their heads and

shot out their lips, 1 but "twisted their noses to each
other,"
2

and

cried, "
;

Let

deliver

Himself
After

"

and "

Him who He called

raised

the dead Himself Son of

;

God

let

Him." 4
forsook
are to be

Him come down and walk He was crucified, all His

added two sayings of

let

God

save

acquaintances

Him, having denied Him. 5

Christ's, reported

To these items by
These
are, "

Justin, but not found in our Gospels.

In
7

whatsoever things I take you, in these will I also

judge;"

and

" There shall be schisms

all

and

heresies."

But with these we have enumerated

1

the substantial

Ap. Ap.

i.

38; Dial. 101.

tols fiva>Trjf)criv iv aXkrfkois hiappivovv.
6 venpovs

3 Dial. 103.
8 4
6
i.

38.

dveydpas

pv<rd<j6a> iavTou.
5

Dial. 103. Dial. 47.

Ap.

i.

50.

Aib Kai 6 fjpeTepos Kvpios

kcll

'i.

X. elnev'

'Ev ois av
else at-

vpas Kara\aj3a), iv tovtois

tributed to Christ.

Kptvia.

We

find this

nowhere

quotes

c. 40) a slight variation of text, without indicating its source. Otto refers to Hippolytus (Kept rrjs rov navros ahias, 2) u whatever manner of persons they [were when they] lived without faith, as such they shall be faithfully judged " (Ante-Nic. Fathers, Amer. trans, v. 222) but Hippolytus seems merely to state a similar idea. By John Climachus (died 606), it was attributed to Ezekiel (cf. Otto). Apocryphal or interpolated writings of Ezekiel were known in the early Church; and J. B. Lightfoot (Clem. Rom. ad Cor. viii. note 12) supposes that Justin obtained it
it,

Clement

of

Alexandria (Quis Div. Salv.

'with

from that source, and from lapse of memory ascribed it to Christ, perhaps confusing it with John v. 30. Others (Grabe, Credner, etc.) suppose that Justin obtained it from the Gospel according to the Hebrews. Others consider it an inaccurate quotation of John v. 30, or Matt. xxiv. 30, and xxv. 1, etc. or an oral tradition or perhaps a gloss (Otto), summarizing these passages. 7 Dial. 35. Justin cites, as words of Christ, eaovrai o-yiV/iara Cf. 1 Cor. xi. 18, 19. <ai aipeoTftf." The sentence is found nowhere else attributed to Christ but similar summaries to the same effect are numerous. Cf. Tertullian, Clement of Alexandria, Clem. Recog., quoted by Otto.
;

188

JUSTIN MAKTYR.
of Christ's
life

differences between Justin's account and that of the canonical Gospels. 1

If,

then,

we review

these items,

that in comparison with the large

,,

it must be evident amount of agreement

The

,.
differ-

between Justin and the canonical Gospels,

.

encesare

the differences arc most trifling.

It is to be

noted, moreover, that for none of the points in

which he
and not cited from the
''memoirs,"
.

differs

from our Gospels, except the

does
.

"

bloody

sweat,"

Justin

cite

the
.

authority of *
,
.

the "
,

memo irs."
.

Indeed, he seems carefully

to avoid doing so, as

may

be seen in his acfire

count of the baptism, where, while relating that a

1

Justin (Dial. 88) states that Jesus was a carpenter by trade,

and made

ploughs and yokes by which

life."

He

taught the symbols of

righteousness and an active

Mark

vi. 3.

however, according

to the correct text, reads oux oSros eo~nv 6 tkto>v ; The tradition that He made ploughs and yokes evidently grew, as Justin's own

language shows, from the desire to exhibit the symbolical import of His work. In Dial. 51, he says that Christ came and put an
to (e-avcre) John's preaching and baptizing. But this can hardly be called a divergence from our Gospels for though John did not immediately cease working after Christ's baptism, yet

end

Christ did not enter on His Galilean ministry

till

John was impris-

26-30. Dr. Sanday says (Gospels in the Second Century, p. 98) u There is nothing in Justin (as in Luke xxiv.) to show that the ascension did not take
oned.
Cf.
iii.

Luke

19.

20: John

hi.

place on the same day as the resurrection."

But neither
;

is

there

anything in either Luke or Justin to show that it did and Justin speaks of Christ's instructing the disciples in the true meaning of the Old Testament after His resurrection (Ap. i. 50; Dial. 106), which would seem to imply that some time elapsed between the
resurrection and the ascension.
say.

In Dial. 35. Justin makes Christ and false apostles shall arise;" and in Dial. 51, that He preached, "saying that the kingdom of heaven is at hand and that He must ... be crucified, and on the third day rise again, and would appear again in Jerusalem and would eat and drink with His disciples ;" but these passages are so easily

"Many

false Christs

explained as amplifications of the statements of our Gospels that thev can scarcelv be cited as extra-canonical savings.

JUSTIN OX THE

NEW TESTAMENT.

189

appeared on the Jordan, he makes the Apostles responsible only for the fact of the descent of the Spirit like

a dove.

As
first

to

the differences

themselves,

a nd

mav

be

some

are obvious mistakes, as

Cyrenius

procurator of

when he makes Judsea, and when

but'^adTiy
explained,

he states that the Jews went to arrest Christ from the

Mount

of Olives, and

civil positions

held under the

when he shows ignorance of the Eomans by the Herods.

may be drawn from the was "from Bethlehem," and that Pilate sent Jesus bound to Herod as a compliment.
Others are inferences which
Gospels,
as

that Joseph

Others are general statements with perhaps a mixture of

exaggeration, as

when he seems

to say that Christ healed

not only the blind from birth, but also those born lame

and

deaf.

In other cases his

recital is colored

desire to

show the

fulfilment of prophecy.

ably represented Christ's persecutors as

us," because he read in Isaiah
;

(lviii. 2,) "

by his Thus he probsaying " Judge They ask of me

judgment " and Christ Himself as deformed, because he read (Isa. liii. 2), " He was without form and comeliness." In two cases Justin conforms to textual errors which are still represented in manuscripts of our Gospels namely, in the case of the bloody sweat and the words spoken from heaven at the baptism. Of all these differences from the canonical Gospels, only two can be plausibly adduced as evidence for Justin's use of an ex;

These are his account of the and the words spoken at the baptism. Both were found with variations, according to Epiphanius, in the Gospel of the Ebionites, but they are also found scattered in other works and while the words spoken at the baptism are doubtless to be regarded as an early textual corruption of the canonical account,
tra-canonical document.
fire

in the Jordan,

the story of the

fire

was probably a mere

tradition cur-

190

JUSTIN MARTYR.
Its
earliest

rent in various quarters.

form seems to

appear in the Syrian Liturgy, which states that

when

Christ ascended from the water, "the sun bended its

rays."

As
first

to the
is

neither

"In

elsewhere found attributed to Him.

two extra-canonical sayings of our Lord, The

is

whatsoever things I take you, in these I

will judge "

repeated by Clement of Alexandria,

its

but without hint of

source,

and by a

later writer is

attributed to Ezekiel.
are

Interpolated writings of Ezekiel

known to have been current in the early Church, and Justin may have confused this phrase with our Lord's warnings to the disciples of the suddenness
and decisiveness of the second advent. The second " There shall be schisms and heresies " reminds us of Paul's words,1 "I hear that there are schisms among you, and I partly believe it for there and looks like a submust be heresies among you," stantial expression in Paul's language of Christ's warnsaying

ings against false prophets.

to Christ's prediction that
arise," 2

So Justin shortly after adds

"many

false

prophets shall
Similar warn-

the words

"

and

false apostles."

ings, in various phraseology

taken from later times, are

by several early writers. Of course it is possible that Justin obtained these If he did, however, it initems from some document. fluenced him but slightly, and must have been a document which merely added to the common canonical narrative a few legendary details. But while Oral tradiattributed to Christ
textual corruption.

^ nis 1S

possible, oral tradition, together with

is

corruption of the Gospel text,

quite

suffi-

cient to explain all the points of difference.

is

The marvel

that so little legendary matter

1

is
3

found in Justin.

Cor.

xi. 18, 19.

Matt. xxiv. 11.

JTSTIN ON THE

NEW

TESTAMENT.

191

When, for example, we compare his account of the Magi with the fanciful account given forty years earlier by Ignatius of the Star of Bethlehem, 1 we cannot but
remark the sobriety of Justin's narrative. In the same way his account differs from the fragments of Papias,2

and always in the direction of the simple, unadorned

story of the Gospels.
It is certain, therefore, that the extra-canonical ele-

ment

in Justin, so far as

it

concerns matters of

fact, is so

insignificant that it does not in the least af

feet the inference

_ Tho force of
,

which we

are forced to

draw

this substan-

from his agreement with our Gospels, that ment with our Gospel3, these latter were identical with the " memoirs." This general and really conclusive argument
should not be forgotten in subsequent questions of the
relations of texts
to

one another.

We
life

are sure that

which claimed the authorship of apostles or their companions, which were publicly used in the Church, and which gave the same story that is preserved in our Gospels and since, in the generation immediately following his, our four Gospels were, by the testimony of Irenseus and others, recognized as apostolic and universal authorities in the same way in which they are now
Justin used narratives of Christ's
;

recognized,

it

is

absurd to suppose that in so short

a time they had displaced others which had already

received the veneration and moulded the faith of be-

The facts which Justin presents throw the whole burden of proof on those who venture to deny
lievers.

the

identity

of

his

"

memoirs

"

with the canonical

It is based

Gospels.

On

what, then,
1

is

such a denial based

Ad

Eph.

19.

Iren. adv. Haer. v. 32, and, perhaps, v. 36.

192

JUSTIN MARTYR.

on the textual differences between Justin's quotations from the " memoirs " and the narrative of the Synop^ic Gospels, and on the alleged textual agreeThe textual
differences.

men t

of his quotations with those found in I can only give the

certain early uncanonical writings.

results of points,

an examination of the evidence upon these with a few illustrations.

(1) It is, then, a fact that Justin's quotations from the " memoirs " differ considerably from the text of our

They

are considerable,

Gospels.
there
are,

In the

first

Apology, for example,

passages

as I reckon, thirty-six

which may be regarded as taken from the " memoirs," because either citing some instance of Christ's teaching or relating some event of His life. But only two
of these agree exactly with the language of our Gospels. 1

The

rest differ

from

it,

sometimes

slightly,

some-

times considerably; and the question

arises

whether

the variations are such as to lead us to suppose that

Justin used another Gospel, either alone or in addition

which he took this variant text, and which he therefore regarded as an apostolic and authoritative
to ours, from

source.

To answer
Justin's habit of quotation.

this question

we have

to inquire into Jus-

tin's

method
it,

ask
1G

1.1.

and to p assuming his use of our Gospels, that

of quotation elsewhere,
r~,

Ap.

i.

Ou^i

irds 6 Aeycoi/ pot Kvpie, Kvpie, elo~e\evo~eTai els

ttjv

(3acn\eiav tu>v ovpavwv,

a\X

6 noia>v to deXrjpa tov Trarpos

pov

tov ev ruls ovpavols-

Cf. Matt. vii. 21.

6eco.

Ap.

i.

19

Ta a^vvara
.

trapa

dvdpamois 8vi>ara napa

icrnv).
/caXeVat

Cf.

Luke
(Is

xviii.

27

(.

ivapa.

raS 6ea>

Sunday (Gospels,
btnalovs

etc., p.

113) cites Ap.

i.

15,

Ovk

rfkBov

aXXa dpaprtoXovs
'y

perdvoiav] but the correct

text of Matt. ix. 13 omits

i\fj\vda.

perdvoiav,

He

also (p. 115) cites

Ap.
;

i.

and Luke v. 32 reads ovk 35, where Justin quotes

Zech.

ix. 9, in

part as in Matt. xxi. 5

but I include only quotations

from the " memoirs."

JUSTIN ON THE

NEW TESTAMENT.

193

method
text.

will explain his variations

from the canonical

Fortunately

we may

test his

method, since his writ-

ings contain a few quotations from well-known classic

authors and abound in long quotations from the Old

Testament.

Examining
:

lowing results
the classics,

these, I

have obtained the

fol-

In the two Apologies there are nine quotations from

six from Plato,

two from Xenophon, and

His classical q uotatlons
-

one from Euripides.

phrases, very short,
familiar
;

Five of these are mere

and most of them quite

and these Justin repeats accurately. Another, though a familiar passage from Plato, is quoted very freely, and its author is simply called " a certain one of the ancients." 2 Again Justin quotes even his favorite Timreus loosely, 3 and varies the text of still another Platonic sentence. 4 The familiar opening paragraph of Xenophon's Memoirs he cites inaccurately,5 and gives
1

Ap.
i.

i.

5.

Xeyovres " Kaiva

i.

elcr(pepetv

avrov 8atp.6via."
fj

Xen.

Mem.

1.

Ap.
8'

39.

t)

yXao-a
i.

opapoKev,
&o~re Kal
10,

8e (ppfjv

dvaporos"
3.

Eur. Hippol. 607.

eXopevov, deos

Ap.

44.

HXdrav elir&v " Atrt'a

Ap.
ii.

dvalrios"
dXrjdelas

De Rep.
riprjreos

G17 E.

"'AXX'

ovn ye npb

rfjs

dvfjp."

De Rep.
Ap.
'

10,

595

(Plato has dXX' ov yap rrpo ye dXrjdelas, etc.).

avrov ev tw navr\."
Plato,

i.

60.

" e^laae v

Tim.

36.

Ap.

i.

3.

e(pTj

yap nov Kal

ol

ris ru>v TraXaicov

e'lr)

"Av

pfj ol

ap^ovres

(piXoaocprjcracri Kal

dp^opevoi, ovk av

rets

noXeis ev8aipovfjO-ai.

De Rep.
noXeaiv
noXea-iv.
3
r)

5,

473 D.
.

iav
. .

pfj

fj

ol (piX6o~o(f)oi ($ao~iXevo-a>o~iv ev rats

ol (3ao-i.Xels

(piXoao^fjaao'tv, ovk eo-n Kanav iravXa rait

is expressed in Ep. vii. 326 B. Socrates said, "rbv 8e narepa Kal 8rjpiovpybv navrav v ovd evpelv pa8iov ovb evpovra els irdvras elnelv do-cpaXet. Tim. 28 C.

The same sentiment

10.

Ap.

ii.

rbv pev ovv

ttoit]tt]v

Kal irarepa rov8e rov irdvros evpelv re epyov Kal

evpovra
4

els Trdvras
i.

d8vvarov Xeyeiv.
Ps.-Ep.
ii.

Ap. Ap.

60.

ra 8e rplra nepl rbv rplrov.

312 E.

Kal

rplrov trepl ra rplra.

5
ii.

10.

Justin changes the order of the clauses as well as

pfj fjyelcrdai.

the tense, and for ov vopleiv substitutes

13

" ;

194

JUSTIN MARTYR.

from the same book a condensed account of " Hercules's It thus appears that whenever he cites from choice." 1
a Greek author a passage of more than a few words, he
fails to

reproduce the exact text of the original.

It is
Quotations

more important, however, to examine quotations from the Old Testament. x

were, of course, taken
translation
;

Justin's

These

from the Old

from the Septuagint

and while the text of the Septua-

gint

is itself

sometimes uncertain, yet results

examination
still

may

be

reached with approximate accuracy.

Confining our
to

the
I

Apology,

which

is

sufficient to test Justin's

method,

have found

forty-seven

quotations

from the Old Testament.

Of
the
that

these, six agree

exactly with

Van

Ess's text of
is

Septuagint,2 and in eight the variation

so slight

the quotations

may

be fairly called accurate.

Twenty-

two
1

may
ii.

be classed as more or less variant in text

Cf.

Ap.

11.

Xen. Mem.
i.

ii.

1,

21, etc.
5'

To
"

the above passentiment

sages might be added Ap.

/3Xd\//-ai

2.

vpels

airoKTeivai pev hvvavBe,

is,
:

$'

ov.

On

this Gildersleeve's note

The

is

found

in Plato.

Socrates says (Apol. 30 C)

'

epe pi~v yap ovdtv

av jSXa^eief ovre MiXnros ovrc "Awtos

ovde yap av hvvano.

is

The
'Epe

language, with
Se

its

effective rhetorical position,

traditional.

Epict. Enchir. 53. 3

2
i.

Avvtos Ka\ MeXrjros anoKTelvai pev bvvavTai, (3\d^rai Be ov. Diss. 1. 29. 18 2. 2. 15; 3. 3. 21." Ap. i. 33 (Isa. vii. 14), translating, however, " Immanuel
;
; ;

38 (Tsa.
i.

1.

6)

i.

53 (Isa.

liv.

1)

i.

63 (Isa.

i.

3),

twice

i.

64

(Gen.
8

2).
i.

Ap.

37, differing in only

one word from

1
;

Isa.

i.

i.

37, dif;

fering in order of clauses from Isa. lxvi.

i.

40 (Ps. xix. 2)

i.

40 (Pss.

45 (Ps. ex. 13); i. 48 (Isa. Ivii. 1); i. 54 (Ps. xix. 15), introducing tVyupof as explanatory; i. 55 (Lam. iv. 20) i. 59 (Gen. i. 1-3), ovtcos for the second $ws. 4 Ap. i. 32 (Gen. xlix. 10, though here Justin may have used a
i.

and

ii.)

i.

different text of the

LXX.)
;

i.

35 (Isa.

ix. 6, veavla-Kos rjp'iv aneBudr]

for vlus ko\ fdodr] Tjplv)

verbal differences)
i.

37 (Isa.

i.

2, and lviii. 2, with several 35 (Ps. xxi. 17, 18, with slight variations) 11-15), a very mixed quotation of clauses in confused
i.

35 (Isa. Ixv.

i.

JUSTIN ON THE
eight
l

NEW TESTAMENT.
;

195

as very free quotations

and three 2 are maniIn

fest cases of free

combination of different passages.

2,

order;
19),

i.

38 (Tsa. l.w.

with slight variations)

i.

3S (Ps. xxi. 17,

two clauses united as in i. 35, but in opposite order, and in both places reading " feet and hands " for " hands and feet " of the LXX. i. 38 (Ps. iii. 6, with aviarqv for (geytpBrj, and di/reXa,3ero
;

for

diriAij\//-eTcu)
ii.

i.

38 (Ps. xxi.

8, 9,
;

with slight variations)

i.

39

(Isa.

3,

with slight variations)

i.

41 (Ps. xcvi. quoted freely,

though Justin's text may have varied from ours. He seems to have combined verse 5 with 1 Chron. xvi. 5 (" idols of demons "). Did he combine them, or were they combined in his text ? He
claims also that the Jews had cut out the last verse of the Psalm,

"6 Kvpios efiao-'iXevo-ev cmb tov Chov." There is, however, no manuscript authority for the verse in the LXX. The Christians may have used a Targum written in the Christian interest. Cf. Sanday's Gospels, etc., p. 47) i. 44 (Isa. i. 16, with slight variations, indicating lapses of memory); i. 47 (Isa. lxiv. 10-12, with slight variations) i. 49 (Isa. lv. 1-3, with slight variations) i. 50, 51 (Isa. liii. 12 lii. 13-15 liii. 1-12, quoted with unusual accuracy
; ; ; ; ;

for the most part, but in

c.

50, Isa.

liii.

12 differs from the

in
c.

LXX.

and from the quotation of the same verse

7, 8,

51)

i.

51 (Ps. xxiv.

with several variations)

Jeremiah.
;

i.

51 (Dan.

vii. 13,

referred by Jus-

tin to

The

quotation also slightly varies from our text

ol

of Daniel

and Justin adds " ko.1

i. i.

ayyeXoi avrov

<rvv

avrS," proba-

bly from Matt. xxv. 31.

variable)
i.
;

The text

of Daniel,

however, was specially

TeXevrrja-ei)
;

52

(Isa. lxvi. 24,

with navdrjaeTai for

;

53 (Isa.

9,

with slight variations)

i.

53 (Jer.

ix. 26,

quoted as
;

from Isaiah, with variations of text and transposition of clauses) i. 54 (Gen. xlix. 10, 11, with slight variations from the quotation in c. 32); i. 61 (Isa. i. 16-20, with the same variations as in
c.

44).
1
;

Ap. i. 37 (Isa. lviii. 6, 7) i. 44 (Deut. xxx. 15, 19, quoted very and said to have been spoken by God to Adam) i. 47 (Isa. i. 7, quoted freely and mixed with a reminiscence of Jer. 1. 3) i. 60 (a free recital of the story of the brazen i. 49 (Isa. v. 20) serpent (Numb. xxi. 6-9), introducing rimco and Trioreuqrf) i. 60 (Deut. xxxii. 22) i. 62 (Ex. iii. 5) i. 63 (Ex. iii. 2, 5, 14, quoted three times freely, but retaining the important words of the
freely
; ;

original).
2

Ap.
7,

i.

xxxvii.

32 (Isa. xi. 1, mixed with Numb. xxiv. 17); i. 52 (Ez. quoted freely and followed by Isa. xlv. 23, with varia-

196

JUSTIN MARTYR.
the quotation appears to

five of these instances, 1 also,

have been modified by the remembrance of some passage in the Gospels, usually itself a quotation of the

same Old Testament

of

text;
It

and several evident

appears that while

slips

memory

occur. 2

thus

the

agreement of Justin's quotations with the text of the

Septuagint
yet there
is
is

greater than with our text of the Gospels,

more variation than agreement, and an evident dependence in many cases upon memory. The quotations from the Old Testament in the Dialogue are more numerous and longer and somewhat more accurate than in the Apology 3 but the same general
characteristics prevail in them.
If,

however, there

is

so

much freedom

in Justin's quotations from the Old Tes-

tament, which he declared to be inspired, and from even

His textual variations
Gospels not
sui prising,

predictions of the verbiage of which he drew J Christian truth and history, we ought not to
,

be surprised at
Q
j.j

still

more freedom in

his use

ie

Q 0S p e i

narratives, since three of these

liable to

are Synoptic accounts

and therefore specially

be commingled, and since he lived near enough to the

apostolic age for oral tradition to render less necessary

formed part of Ezekiel) i. 52 (where a passage is quoted as if from Zeehariah, which is a mixture of Zech. ii. 6, with reminiscences of Isa. xliii. 5, 6, and xi. 12; and Zech. xii. 10-12, quoted as in John xix. 37, with additions from Isa. lxiii.
tions, as if it
;

17,
1

v. 2, as Matt. ii. 6, but omitting T 6v 'lapdr]\) 35 (Zech. ix. 9, as Matt. xxi. 5); i. 51 (Dan. vii. 13, influenced by Matt. xxv. 31) i. 48 (Isa. xxxv. 6, with reminiscence of Matt, i. 52 (Zech. xii. 10-12, as John xix. 37). xi. 5)
;

and Ixiv. 11). Ap. i. 34 (Mie.

i.

Such as the reference

;

of Zech. ix.

9,

to

Zephaniah (Ap.

i.

35); of Dan. vii. 13, to Jeremiah (Ap. i. 51); of Jer. ix. 26, to Isaiah (Ap. i. 53) and the statement that Deut. xxx. 15, 19, was

spoken by God to Adam (Ap. i. 44). 8 Cf. Sanday's Table, based on Credner (Gospels,

etc., p.

41).

; ;

JUSTIN ON THE

NEW TESTAMENT.

197

the exact quotation of the Gospels than a later age

would
"

require.

Of, then, the thirty-four variant quotations

from the
anu may be
explained
,
.

memoirs " contained in the Apology, L oj

'

fifteen

may
in

be explained as textual variations of pasquotations from the Old Testament,

. .

sages in our Gospels, quite similar to the variations found

many
.

bv depend-

and indicating that Justin quoted the Gospels from memory or else changed the language to
express more briefly or clearly the sense
;

ence on

fifteen 2 ex-

1 Ap. i. 15 (Matt. v. 28, with verbal variations, but the principal words retained, and irapa tw deep added to make the meaning clearer) i. 15 (Matt. v. 32, using the same words, but putting the indicative for the subjunctive tense, and adding d<f>' irepov
;

i. 15 (Matt. xix. 12, with the order of the two clauses changed, evvovxoi repeated, and the clause " Let i. 15 (Matt. vi. 19, liim who can receive it," etc. paraphrased) i. 15 (Matt. vi. 1, with p.T) 20, with very slight variations) 7roietre ravTa npos to 6ea6fjvai vnb twv av8pcona>v for 7rpocre^ere rf]v diKai-

dvSpos for clearness)

first

oavvrjv i>pa>v prj noiiiv epnpoo~dev tccv dvdpa>nu>v

avTols.
i.

npos to

6ea6rjvai

The

following clause

is

the same in Justin and Matthew)

16

(Luke

vi. 29,

transposed as in Matt.
slight verbal variation)

with slight variations, and xirava and IpAriov v. 39); i. 16 (Matt. v. 22 abbreviated, yet

so as to give the substantial

;

meaning)

i.

16 (Matt. v. 41, with

16 (Matt. v. 16, with slight verbal variations, and " let your good works shine," instead of " let your light
i.

shine");
ing with
i.

i.

16 (Matt. v. 34, influenced by Jas. v. 12, but agreetovtoov in tov TTovqpov ")

16

Matthew in " to Se nepto-aov (Luke xviii. 18; Mark x. 17, with

shall I do," etc.));

6 noifjo-as

to.

navTa added

to 6 deos

(the correct text of Matt. xix. 16

i.

reads,

"Master,

what good thing

17 (Matt. xxii. 17-20;

48, cpioted quite freely);

Mark
i.

xii.

14-17

Luke

xx. 22-25, with verbal variations, but the

;

last verse nearly exact)

i.

17

(Luke

xii.

63, twice (Matt. xi. 27,

quoted with Zyva for imyivvo-Kei, the

6 vlos airoKakvtyr} for

clauses transposed,
6 vlos aiTOKaKvtyai..

and oh ap

eav j3ov\r)Tai
Cf. below,

In Dial. 100, Justin has for the various readings of this verse).
2

yiv<x>o-K.ei.

good example of

many

will say to

this class is found in Ap. i. 16 "But me, Lord, Lord, did we not eat and drink and
:

198
or by combination.

JUSTIN MARTYR.
plain themselves as a combination of parallel

passages in the Gospels, due to an intentional

perform miracles in Thy name? And then will I say to them, Depart from me, workers of lawlessness. There shall be wailing and gnashing of teeth, when the righteous shine as the sun and the wicked are sent into the eternal fire," where we have a combination of Matt. vii. 22, 23, and Luke xiii. 26-28, followed by a reminiscence of Matt. xiii. 42, 43. So cf. Ap. i. 15 (a combination of elements from Matt. v. 29, 30; xviii. 8, 9; Mark ix. 47 "If
:

thy right eye offend thee," etc.)

i.

15 (quotes Matt. ix. 13, with

s ptravotav from Luke v. 32, or the latter with eXrjdvda changed to rjXdov from Matthew, though Justin's text agrees with D in Luke. Either he combined the two Gospels, or they had already been combined in his copies. Justin adds, as if also spoken by Christ, " For the heavenly Father wisheth the repentance of the sinner rather than his punishment," a reminiscence of both Old and New Testament passages (Ez. xviii. 23 xxiii. 1 1 Rom. ii. 4 1 Tim. ii. 4 and 2 Pet. iii. 9), which gives the spirit of Christ's minis; ;

try)
kcu

i. 15 Ev^ecr^e vnep to>v i)^6pa>v vpaiv ('Eyw 8e vp.1v Ae'yco ayanare tovs ptaovvTas vpds kcu cvXoyc'iTe tovs Karapuipevovs
; *

vpiv kcu cii\ca6e vnep tg>v enTjpca^ovTcov vpaslike

Justin's text

is

most

Luke
;

vi. 27, 28.

variously cited,
xii.

That this passage was early confused and appears from the Didache, c. 1 Polyc. ad Phil.
;

Athenag. Supplic. xi., who, though introducing a clause from Luke, follows Matthew; CI. Horn. iii. 19; xi. 32; xii. 32, where the quotations vary from each other and from Justin and from the Gospels Apost. Constt. i. 1, 2. Matthew's text was early corrupted from Luke, and the patristic quotations were freely and variously made. In Dial. 133, Justin himself omits the fourth clause, which he gives in the Apology and in Dial. 85, he
;
;

has,

"Jesus commanded us dyanau kcu tovs e\dpovs); i. 15 (Matt. v. 42, 46, and Luke vi. 30); i. 15 (Matt. xvi. 26, with oKpeXelrai and d-n-okecrr], apparently from Luke ix. 25. In Matthew, howi. 15 (Luke vi. 35, 36, ever, D and latt. also have axpeXelrai)
;

and Matt.
27
;

vi.
xii.

45)
29

i.

16 (combination of Matt. xxii. 37;

Luke

x.

Matt. vi. 10); i. 16, 63 (Matt. vii. 24, or Luke vi. 47, with Matt. x. 40 or Luke x. 16, and, perhaps, John xiv. 24); i. 16 (combination of Matt. xxiv. 5 with vii. 15 (freely cited), 16 (with ck for dno), and 19); i. 19 (pff <o/3e?cr#e k.t.X. Matt. x.

Mark

28 and
i.

Luke

xii. 4,

with variations)
i.

i.

33 (combination of

31, 32,

and Matt.

21, attributing all to the angel

Luke who appeared

JUSTIN ON THE

NEW TESTAMENT.
text
of our

199
In one
r

or unintentional mingling of their language.

instance a variation from the

by other

Gospels

is

introduced, the cause of which

reasons -

can be probably assigned, and which

Lord's language thus
" If

may

serve to

show
*

the freedom with which Justin quoted.

:

He

cites

our

ye love them who love you,

he was led

what new thing do ye ? " and it is not improbable that to do this by the thought, which he had just

expressed in the preceding chapter, of the

new

morality

which Christianity had introduced. 2 So, when he continues, " For even the fornicators do this," 3 we recall the mention of Christian chastity with which he had opened his description of the new morality. 4 On the
other hand, no particular reason can be assigned for the
phrase, in

which Justin stands

is the

alone, "

Where
5

the treas-

ure

is,

there also

mind

of the man."

But

if

we

add two instances 6 in which he appears

to

to give

merely

So too reads the Protevangelium of James (c. 11), which Thou shalt conceive of His word " (cf. Justin's Ap. i. 33), or "according to His word" (cf. Sanday's Gospels, etc., p. 129); i. 61 (John iii. 3 and Matt, xviii. 3, with variations: see below, on Justin's use of John) i. 66 (in the account of the institution of the Eucharist, Justin combines Matt. xxvi. 26-28
also has, "
;

Mary.

(Mark xiv. 22-24) with Luke xxii. 17-20, or 1 Cor. xi. 23, 25 below, on Justin's testimony to corruptions of the text).
Ap.
2
i.

see

15.

Ei dyaTrare rovs aycmG&VTas vpds, tI aaivbv

TroieiTe

So Westcott's Canon, p. 124. 8 Kai yap ot tropvoi tovto Trotovo'iv. 4 Also, in quoting (Ap. i. 31) the words of Micah (v. 2) from Matthew (ii. 6), "who shall rule my people," he omits the closing words tov 'lo-parjk, fearing, no doubt, that they might be interpreted of the Jewish people. So cf. i. 15, d<f> ere'pou dvdpos, added to bs yap.el dno\e\vpevr)v for clearness, and i. 1 6, 6 Troirjaas ra iravra, added to ouoVis dyaOos, el pf] povos 6 6eos, perhaps a trace of his
ant i-Marcionism.

Ap.
dvdpa>Trov.
6

l.

15.

onov yap 6 drjaavpos

icrriv,

eVeet

i<a\

6 vovs

tov

Ap.

i.

35, "

Judge us

" fulfilling, as Justin points out, Isa.

200
a

JUSTIN MARTYR.
of events recorded in the Gospels,
desire to

summary

and in

which, through the

show the

fulfilment of

prophecy, he makes the language of Christ's persecutors

pels,

conform more to the Old Testament than to our Goswe shall have classified the various types of quo-

tations from the "

memoirs " found

in the Apology.

It thus certainly appears that Justin is

more exact in
these to have
;

his quotations

from the Old Testament than in those

if

from the Gospels,

variations

we suppose
"

been identical with his

^ ^ ne Gospels ^ ne

memoirs
if

"

but

it

iioroverthrow
from'the'substantiai

al so as certainly appears that

we extend

agreement of Justin with

tion

same methods of quotawhich he used with the Old Testament,

and

if

we take

into consideration the verbal

...

agreements and disagreements of the Synoptic

Gospels themselves (which must have contributed then,
as they do now, to inaccuracy of quotation),

and

if

we
for

remember that

Justin's object did not call so

much

the precise repetition of the words of the

"memoirs"

as for their substantial sense, all his variations from the

text of the Gospels

may

be reasonably explained while

maintaining his principal use of them and their identity

with the
tions

"

memoirs."

In giving merely a statement of

the results obtained

from a comparison of his quotatexts,

with the canonical

we have

necessarily

failed to

show, as would appear from a study of the

itself,

evidence
tin has in

the large amount of matter which Justhe

first

common with
The

three Gospels.

Partial

agreements with the texts given by Matthew and Luke

are continual. 1
2 ("

variations

we have noted imply

mockery of Christ on determined by the wish to

lviii.

ask of

me judgment ")
7.

i.

38, the

the Cross, where Justin's language

is

show the
1

fulfilment of Ps. xxi.

Cf. Sanday's Gospels, etc., pp. 118-128.

JUSTIN ON THE
that the element
that which
is

NEW TESTAMENT.
to both is

201

common

much

larger than

peculiar to each.

Agreements with Mark

much less frequent, because that Gosmuch in common with the other two pel has not wholly wanting. 1 At any rate, but even they are Justin gives us a text which has so much in common with our Synoptic Gospels that it may clearly have
alone are indeed
itself so

been derived from them.

therefore, to overthrow

The

variations cannot be used,

the conclusion already drawn

from their agreement in substance,

moirs
(2)
"

that

his

"me-

were our Gospels.

is to

But what

be said of the alleged fact that in

the peculiarities of his quotations Justin agrees with a

Gospel text used by other early writers

This fact has been often affirmed so strongly
.
.

Are gaid
to agree with other postapostolic

as

to

convey the

impression that
represents

Justin

usually and

closely

a different

type of text from that of our Gospels; and the infer1

103), which
" It

Besides the mention of the naming of Zebedee's sons (Dial. is rather an agreement in matter than in language, we

note an agreement with 15)

:

Mark

ix.

47 in Justin's quotation (Ap.

i.

better for thee with one eye to enter into the kingdom of heaven " (though Mark has " kingdom of God ") and with Mark xii. 30, in the quotation (Ap. i. 16 Dial. 93) " Thou shalt
is
; ; :

worship the Lord thy

thy strength (c|

God

with

all

thy heart and with

all

Perhaps, too (i. 45), the expression, " the mighty word which from Jerusalem His Apostles,
6\r]s rrjs

laxvos

<rov).

having gone out everywhere, preached," is a reminiscence of Mark xvi. 20, " and they, having gone out everywhere, preached, the Lord working with them," etc. If so, it would follow that Justin had the conclusion to Mark's Gospel, which has become canonical. See below, on Justin's testimony to corruptions of the " Gospel text. Mark vi. 3 has also, " Is not this the carpenter ? So Justin (Dial. 103) says Jesus was reckoned as a carpenter; but as he adds that He made ploughs and yokes, he would seem to have also relied in this instance on tradition. 2 Cf. Reuss's History of the Canon, pp. 4G, etc.

202
eiice

JUSTIN MARTYR.
has been drawn that the latter do not give the

upon which the faith of the Church have Justin's agreewas built. Especially D J especially with the Ps- ments with the Pseudo-Clementine Homilies Clementines. tt> and Kecognitions been emphasized. Even Von Engelhardt 1 thinks these sufficient to imply the use by Justin of a written source other than our GosYet the fact is that the quotations in Justin and pels.
original narratives
i.
^

-i-

those in the Clementines differ as

much

as they agree.

How far this That there are a few instances of striking is so. agreement, is true. 2 One of the best examples of this is the form in which both cite the saying, " Let your yea be yea and your nay nay, for that which is more than these is of the evil one." 3 But the modification

of Matthew's

language evidently came from

and your nay nay," a sentence, indeed, which is quoted by Clement of Alexandria as our Lord's words 4 while, as Dr. Sanday has observed, 5 the second clause has no force when joined to the language of James, and it corresponds exactly with the expression reported by Matthew. Another example
v. 12, " Let your yea be yea,
is

James

Justin's

quotation

of Christ's

reply to

the rich

young man, " Why callest thou me good ? One is good, my Father who is in heaven." The Homilist has 7 " Do not call me good for the Good is one, the Father who is
: :

2 8

Das Christenthum Justins, pp. 343, 344. Cf. Examples 2, 8, 9, 11, 13, on pages 205-207.
Ap.
i.

16

Clem. Horn.
Sfxvvvai

iii.

55

cf.

Matt.

v. 37.
del,

Justin has,
ovrats irapeKe/cat

7rept

8e tov

fir)
'

o\cos,

Takr)6r} 8e Xeyeti>

Xevaaro (xp-)
to ov ov
'

M^

6p.6o-rjTe

SXcoy.

"Ecrrco de vpa>v to vai vai,

to 8e Trepiaaov tovtcov e< tov novrjpov. to vai

vat, Ka\

So the Homilist

gives
4
6

it,

terra) vp.a>v

to ov ov
6
7

to yap irepio~o~ov tovtuiv

e< tov novrjpov eariv.

Strom,

v. 14.

Gospels,

etc., p.

122.

Dial. 101.

Horn.

iii.

57;

xviii. 3.

JUSTIN ON THE
in heaven."

NEW TESTAMENT.
first

203

But not only do the

clauses differ in

the two quotations, but traces of

1
;

the last and most

peculiar clause are widely scattered in early Christian

literature

so that

it is

not improbable that both Justin

and the Homilist found it in their text of Matthew. But however striking these occasional agreements, by the side of them can be placed examples of difference

which

effectually disprove the

theory that Theapree8"

Justin and the Clementines followed a com- Jjnandthe mon uncanonical source. Thus Justin 2 has, Glanced by
"
;

For your heavenly Father knoweth that ye differences, have need of these things " the Clementine Homilist 3
has, "
all these

has,

For your heavenly Father knoweth that ye need things before ye ask Him." Justin three times 4 " They shall come from the East and West, and

shall sit

down with Abraham and

Isaac and Jacob in the

kingdom
"

of heaven, but the sons of the

kingdom

shall

be cast out into the outer darkness;" 5 the Homilist has,6

Many

shall

come from the East and from the West,

Isaac and Jacob," omitting the con-

the North and the South, and shall recline on the bosowis
of

Abraham and

cluding clause.
xi. 27, "

In citing the saying reported in Matt.

etc.,

No

one knoweth the Son save the Father,"

first

Justin reverses the

1

two

clauses, twice

has " No

Cf. p. 206, note, (9).

2
8

Ap.

i.

15,
iii.

quoting Matt.

vi. 32,

with slight variations.

Horn.

55, mingling Matt. vi. 32

and

8.

4 Dial. 76, 120, 140.

5

"Htjovcriv drrb

avaroKccv

Ka\

dvo-pSiv
rfj

Kai

dvaic\i6r]<TOVTai

p-cra.

'Aftpahp.

Kai

IcraaK

not 'laKco/3 iv

fiaxrCKeiq

tcov

ovpavcov

ol

8e

viol rrjs /3a(Tt\eias eKftXrjQrfcrovTai els to ctkotos to ea>Tepov.

6

Horn.

viii. 4.

ttoAAcu fXeva-ovrai dno dvciTo\a>v kcu 8vap.a>v, apKKa\ avaKkidrjo-ovTai etr koXttovs 'Afipaap. Kai

tov re Kai
'IcraaK Kai
7

ixea-r^fxfipLas,
'la(ca>/3.

Ap.

i.

63.

204

JUSTIN MARTYR.
final clause "
"
2

one knew l the Father," and gives the

to

and
3

whom

the Son
reverses

may

reveal

Him

the
"

Homilist

likewise

the clauses, and reads

last clause 4

knew

" for

"knoweth," but gives the

the Son

"to whomsoever

may will to reveal Him." Thus the agreements and differences between Justin and the Clementines fairly balance each other, and we certainly cannot conclude that Justin depended on an uncanonical Gospel which was also used by the Homilist, and which was the source of their variations from It is far more probable that the the canonical text. variations from the Gospel text which are scattered
throughout these early writers are to be explained either

by corruption

of the current text, or

by the copying

of

one writer by another, or by traditional modes of expression which had arisen in the Church.
also,

Sometimes,

the

dences.

phenomena appear to present mere coinciIn some instances these variations found their
Gospels
6
;

way into apocryphal

tin's text to that of

but the relation of Jusdoes not by any means

such contemporaneous writings as

it

we
1

are able to

compare with

eyva).

In Dial. 100, Justin has

xviii. 4.

yivaxTKei.

2
8

oi? av 6 vlos diroKakvyjfr].

Horn. xvii. 4

4 ofs iav (3ov\t}tcii 6 vlos

5

aTTOKaXv^ai.

Cf. note below.

Thus, in the Protevangelium of James (c. 11), Luke i. 31, 32, 35, and Matt. i. 21 are united as they are by Justin (Ap. i. 33). The Protevangelium also has the phrase " Thou shalt conceive ac" cording to His word," and Justin (Ibid.) explains the " power the Mary as Logos. Tischendorf ('"When which "overshadowed" were our Gospels written?" p. 88) thinks Justin used the Protevangelium but the mingling of Matthew and Luke was too
;

easy to prove this, and the reference of the " Word " in the Protevangelium was to prophecy, while Justin meant the personal Logos. The Protevangelium also (c. 18) places the birth of Jesus
in a cave.

JUSTIN ON THE

NEW TESTAMENT.

205

point to the use of an extra-canonical document, so that

again affirm that the few instances in which he our text and agrees with other authors do not from differs weaken the conclusion to which we have been alreadyled, that his

we may

"memoirs" were

identical with our Gospels. 1

1 The evidence for Justin's relation to the Clementines will appear more clearly by an examination of the following passages, which he has in common with the Homilies Horn. viii. 21 Dial. 103, 125. Justin agrees (1) Matt iv. 10 with Matthew. The Homilist has, " Thou shah fear the Lord thy
:

God

(Kvpiov tov dfov

<tov (pojUrjdrjcrT)
;

kol avrq> XaTpevcreis p.6vat)."

(2) Matt. v. 34, 37; Horn. hi. 5

xix. 2;

Ap.

i.

16.

Justin and

Matthew. Alexandria (Strom, v. 14) and Epiphanius (adv. Ha?r. i. 20) also quote, " Let your yea be yea," etc., as Christ's word. See p. 202, note 3. It was an easy error. (3) Matt. v. 39, 40 (Luke vi. 29); Horn. xv. 5; Ap. i. 16. The Justin follows Luke mainly, but combines with Matthew. Homilist gives a free recital rather than a precise quotation, but substitutes pacpopiov (a head covering) for ^fi-wra (tunic). Horn. iii. 55 Ap. i. 15. Justin agrees with (4) Matt. vi. 8, 32 Matt. vi. 32, with variations. The Homilist combines Matt. vi. 8
the Homilist agree.
Jas. v. 12 with

Both combine

Clement

of

and
in

32.

See
16,

p. 203.
vii.
i.

(5) Matt.

Ap.

i.

15; Horn. xi. 35; Ap. combines Matt. xxiv. 5 with

16; Dial. 35.

16,

Justin,

vii. 15,

but with va-

riations (rjoXAol

yap tf^ovaiv eVt

r<5

ovopari pov, ea>6ev piv

iv8e8v p.evoi be p p.ara 7r po^drccv, ecra>8v 8e ovres Xvkoi dpnayev e'/c rav epycov avrZv iiriyvaHTeo-Qe avrovs). So in Dial. 35, except ekevo-ovrat (as Matt. xxiv. 5) for rjgovcnv. The Homilist

has
is

'"TroXX'/t

iXevuovrai rrpos
'

p.e

iv ivhvpao-i Trpoftdrcov, eoa>6ev

oe

etcrt

Xvkoi apwayes

dno

raiv Kaprrav avra>v iiTiyvuxjeaBe avrovs.

Justin

thus here
latter,

much

freer in his quotation than the Homilist;

irpos pe.

but the

by introducing
vii.

seems to show a reminisiiceivT) rfj

cence of Matt.
(6) Matt.

22 (iroWol ipovaiv pot iv

11; Horn.
viii.

fjpepa act. A.).

viii.

4; Dial. 76, 120, 140.

Justin

agrees with Matthew.

Homilist has iXevo-ovrai for tfgovo-iv, adds " from the North and the South," substitutes dvaKki8f)o-ovrai
(Is

The

k6\ttovs 'Aj3paa/x for dva<Ki6r](TOvrai pera 'A/3paap,

and omits the

i.

last clause.

See

p. 203, notes 5

and
;

6.
;

(7) Matt. x. 28

(Luke

xii.

4)

Horn, xvih 5

Ap.

19.

Justin

i-'.z

JUST1H MABTFB.

(3)

Oor

discussion,

howeve r. must

before exhausting Justin's testimony

~-

"...'..

"..

on
-:

jkesim.

vtuitU. /of
z: i'..
:

oiijii

M- ;::;.- r wh j n ra
,-.

-:

-=

:.-

.---.:: <z.

-.
-

<_

The

HoeqIIIsl. likewise,

eombiz

111

r-T

:"_:fr>.

:1. :\:_\.

--

Ap. L 63 : DiaL 100.

B. 13

:---.

:-.

:'.-

Tl;

I:

v.

11-:
'-.

;;
-:

?.';

-..:
:

.'.

~~ z ~~
1

_
-

-.:.=

JUSTIN OX THE
Gospels.
It is

NTW TESTAMENT

i."

not only incredible on histori-

cal "rounds that these latter should

have re- me * Harwtmf

impossible
it is

placed in the estimation of the Church the

"

memoirs " of which Justin speaks, but

adv. Cels. v. 11) read " 6 Geo* 6 varijp.'' Early Latin manuscripts and Syriac versions and later nncial manuscripts added "6 0eos." Nothing, therefore, can be inferred from Justin's agreement with.

the Homilist. except that both followed

a widely spread

reading.

(10) Matt. xxv. -il iiraycre for nopevorde

Horn. xix. 2
to

Dial. 76.

Justin substitutes

mom to e*rrepow for to vvp to almaiow;

',

and rm ifuium for rm So 1 he Homilist, except that he retains SwifloW But both vTrar/ere and 6 ^rolfiaaer 6 warf/p have ancient Western manuscript authority for them in Matthew, while to o-kdtos to egarrepov is not without later attestation by confusion with e.g. Westaott and Hort's Xotes on Select Headings, Textual corruption, therefore, p. IS), and was an easy error. will account for the texts both of Justin and of the Homihst. In Dial. 103. Justin says the devil was called Satan by Christ; hence, perhaps, his introduction of the word here. (11) Luke vL 36: Horn. Hi. 37; Ap. i 15; DiaL 96. Both Justin and the Homilist have " xpqoroi ml oucnpfutmes ; " but as Luke vL 35 has - xptotos/* the union of the two words was easy. "~ 1". 1-51 :-:
6 Tfroifincrev 6 iraTTjp for to qrotfuurafurow

(12)

Luke

xi.

..v.

.01

I'liL.

unto vou. Scribes

ye have the keys (ras xXeis e^ere),

do not enter

in yourselves,

and ye and them that are entering ye hinder"

(rois elo-epxpfievovs KarXvere).

The Homilist

speaks of the Scribes

and Pharisees as having been intrusted with the key of the kingwhich is knowledge, and adds, "AXAa rm- (ptjoir (xp-)? Kparmtn Both fiiv rrfw kSelv. rots 8e fiovkofiewots ettrdk&eur oi vupejfOomM. refer to Luke, bat in quite independent ways (13) John iii. 3, 5 Horn. xL 26; Ap. L 61. Both read arayevVTjGrjTe and -r-y SamXelav rim ovparmm ; but the Homilist adds, after az-aytzrzrrrrs. idan fittsfx els owopa ib uiptn tnov ayiou weiftarosBeeog. vi. 9 has Amen dico vobis, nisi quis denuo renatns fuerit ex aqua, non introibh in regna cadorum. Both show John varied by fusion with Synoptists and by the influence of technical theological lanr See below, on Justin and John. X. 8. The above note is based on the list of parallel passages given by Westeott (Canon, p. 160), with some corrections and
:
:

additions.

208

JUSTIN MARTYR.
to regard

on textual grounds
as

them

as later recensions of

the evangelical narrative witnessed to by Justin.

For,
of

we have

seen, his quotations bear all the

marks

combination and addition.

fact

As

the few statements of

which he adds

to the narrative of the

Gospels are

manifestly legendary accretions, so his textual peculiarities

show

as clearly a later stage of narration than our

Gospels.

To suppose that out

to reverse all that

of the evangelical account

as represented

by Justin, the Synoptic narratives were

made,

is

we know

of the tendencies

of the second century as well as the laws of literary

relationship.

Justin, then, presupposes our Synoptic Gospels.

But

did he combine
recital, or

them himself in

his

own memory and

did he follow in his combinations and vari-

ations
their

some previous work ? use by the Church but

;

He
is

certainly testifies to

there

any reason

to be-

lieve that in his quotations

he followed a written form

in text,

which was based upon them and yet varied from them and which contained such slight additions to their historical matter as we have found in his statements ? This is the view of Von Engelhardt. 1 He supposes the existence of a brief Gospel Harmony, which was based chiefly on Matthew, and was a " practical aid for

the use of the three evangelical writings,"

additions.

and which had received some few legendary

From

this

he believes that Justin took his quotations

and statements. This theory makes Justin testify not merely to the existence of our Synoptics, The suppo; , sition not but also to the fact that they were already in his time so old and so well established as to have been made the foundation of a Harmony. The theory is certainly not in itself incredible. The
-,

Das Christenthum

Justins, p. 345.

JUSTIN ON THE
Diatessaron of Tatian
predecessors.

NEW TESTAMENT.
less

209
complete

may have bad

Mare

recently, also, the attempt has

1

Dr. Charles Taylor

"

to

been made by show that Justin was acquainted

;

recovered with the substance of the lately *

Teaching of the Apostles

"

and he certainly

Justin and the " Teadi'

succeeds in pointing out a few striking points

of contact

between our Apologist and the

manual. 2

earlier

chap-

ters of this ancient

In any view Justin throws

est

Cf., most recently, " The Expositor," November, 1887. The most evident are the following. Ap. i. 16 " The greatcommandment is. Thou shalt worship the Lord thy God, and
:

Him
way
ere"

only shalt thou serve with

of life
this
c.

all

thy heart and with

ere."

all
:

thy

strength. Kvpiov rov 6eov tov

is
:

7roiTjo-avra.

Cf. AiS.

i.

"

The

first,
:

So Barn.

19

'

Ay (nrqere is

thou shalt love tov Qebv tov notr/cravTa In Dial. 93, tov ere 7roifjcravTa.

Justin seems to show a knowledge of the negative form of the

Golden Rule, and says "He that loves his neighbor will both pray and endeavor that the same things may happen (yeveerdai) to his
:

neighbor as to himself."
thyself
Troiei."
:

Cf. AtS.
6e\rjerrjs

i.
p.rj

" Secondly, thy neighbor as

yivecrdai eroi Kai erv aXkca pfj

Trcivra 8e oera

eav

In Barnabas (19) we read, "Thou shalt not take evil counsel against thy neighbor," and " Thou shalt love thy neighbor

more than [Cod.

Sin. reads " as "] thine

own

soul."

In Dial.

93,

Justin unites the Great Commandments with the Golden Rule, as the " Teaching " does (c. i.),but as the Gospels do not. In Ap. i.
15,

we

read, ev^ecrde vnep tg>v ej(dpa>v vpa>v Ka\ ayaTrare tovs pierovvis

ras vfias Kai evXoyelre tovs Karapcofievovs vplv, which

precisely in the Gospels

not found

(Luke vi. 28 has tovs KaTapufievovs vpas), but is found in the " Teaching " (c. i.) in a different order, but in nearly the same words (Trpoo-evxeaBe instead of evxeade). The " Teaching " adds, however, " fast for those who persecute you." Cf., also, Prof. Rendel Harris's notes on p. 36 of his edition of the " Teaching " (" The Teaching of the Apostles, Xewly Edited, with Fac-simile Text and a Commentary for the Johns Hopkins University," Baltimore, 1887). He doubts whether we have any direct quotation from the " Teaching " in Justin, yet thinks that
Dial. 35 ("

From

the fact that there are such

men who

selves Christians

and confess the

14

crucified Jesus to

call thembe both Lord

210
not a
little

JUSTIN MARTYR.
light

upon the

"

Teaching," and the latter

upon

Justin.

The

relation, also,

which

exists
*

between
at least

Justin and the so-called Epistle of Barnabas

in favor of the Apologist's

is

knowledge of such a summary of instructions as is found in the " Teaching." Yet the evidence for Justin's use of the " Teaching " is, after all, very slight, and in even the passages where he connects with
"
it

he also

differs

from

it.

Of

course, also, the

Teaching

"

could not have been itself the source from

which he derived his quotations, since it contains but few of them. It can only illustrate the supposition that he used a manual based on our Gospels.

But

it is

a serious objection to this theory that

we

have no notice in early writers of the existence of such

Objections
to the theory.

a Harmony.

The "Teaching" was obviously

ail0 l

no ^

sucn

even Tatian's

Diatessaron,

written later in the century, does not appear to have

been known in the early Western churches. 2

More-

over, Justin quotes differently in different places the

same Gospel passages.

Thus, in the Apology 3 he gives as

Christ's reply to the rich

young man,

"

None

is

good hut
to.

and

Christ,

and yet do not teach His doctrines (p)

. . .

enelvov

8i8dy/xaTa 8iM(tkovts),

we, the disciples of the true and pure

Xpio-rov kcu Kadapas

teaching of Jesus Christ

8c8aa-KaXlas) are

(riy? dX^ii/?}? 'irjaov

made more

confident," etc.) implies that Justin

knew

assert that

a written Ai8axrj tov Kvpiov. But there is no reason to Again, he thinks that it was a written Teaching.
nlcrTfuis
fj

Dial. Ill (6 ovv jradrjTos fjpoov Kai crraupco^ei? Xpicrros ov KaTrjpddr)

tov vopov aXXa povos craxreiv rovs pfj a(pLO~Tapevovs rr/s avrov e8r)\ov) was a " memory " of Aid. xvi. (rore rjei
vtvo

ktictis

twv

avBpcoTvoiv

(U

tt)v

nvpaxriv

rrjs

8oKipaaias Kai (TKavSaKiadrjcrouTai

T77

7roAXot Kai anoXovvTai, ol 8e inropeivavres iv

Triarei

avrwv

acadrjcrev-

tm
1

vtt

avrov tov KaTadepaTos)

but the " curse

" in the

two pasetc.

sages refers to very different things.

Cf.

Von
i.

2 Cf. 8

Engelhardt's Das Christenthum Justins, pp. 379, Zahn's Tatian's Diatessaron, pp. 3-12.
16.

Ap.

JUSTIN ON THE

NEW TESTAMENT.
Dialogue, 1 "
is

211

God

alone,

who made

all things ; " in the

?

Why
is

callcst

thou

me good

One

good,

my
"

Father who

in

lieaven"

In the Apology 2 we read,

Thou

shalt worship

the Lord thy God, and

all

Him

only shalt thou serve, with

thy heart and with

thee
;

all

thy strength, the Lord God who

made

"

in the Dialogue, 3 "

all

Thou

shalt love the

all

Lord

thy God with

thy heart and with

thy strength,

and thy neighbor as thyself." 4 It is, indeed, not impossible that some of the parallel passages in the Synoptic Gospels may have come to be traditionally harmonized. It is possible that Justin's pen may have been sometimes guided by the remembrance of expressions which
were connected with the Gospel text in books used for It is purposes of instruction or worship in the Church.
possible that in this

may

occasionally

lie

the explanation

of his agreement in quotation with other uncanonical

But we think that the phenomena of his quomore consistent with the view that he cited It is certain that if he used freely and from memory. any other written document than our Gospels, that document was itself based upon the latter but while the possibility of his occasional use of such a document
writers.

tations are

cannot be positively denied, there appears to be need

of assuming nothing but the Gospels themselves, al-

lowance being made for the corruption of their

tin's

texts,

together with oral tradition and the operation of Jus-

own mind,

in order to account for the

form of his

quotations.
2 8 c. 93. 101. Ap. i. 16. So Ap. i. 16 "I say unto you, Pray for your enemies," etc., which agrees with Dial. 96 and 133, but differs from Dial. 85, where
1

c.

we

read, " Jesus

commanded

us to love even our enemies."

Cf.

also

Ap. i. 15 (yiveade Se xprjarol Kal oiKTippoves k-t.X.) with Dial. 96, and Ap. i. 16 (noWol be epoxxri pov Kvpic, Kvpie k.t.X.) with Dial. 76, and Ap. i. 16 (6s yap dicovei uov k.t.X.) with Ap. i. 63,

etc.

212
(-4)

JUSTIN MARTYR.

But whether Justin used a Harmony or

to

not, his

quotations testify not only to the existence, but also

(4)

His quo-

the

already considerable antiquity of our

They do this by the fact Ihfsvnopdc Synoptic Gospels. Gospels that, as we have several times observed, they J
already anciem books,
'

contain what appear to be corruptions of the

text.

original
"

They correspond not infrequently

"

to

which are attested ^y other early evidence, but which certainly Textual corruption, were textual corruptions. Sometimes they agree with readings given by the Codex Bezse somevarious readings
of the Gospels
;

times with readings given by " old Latin

"

manuscripts.

The

report, for example,

which Justin gives of the words

is

spoken from heaven at Christ's baptism

found in

Other examples of probable corruption may be found in the reference to the " bloody sweat," which Justin explicitly
iii.

Luke

22, according to these very authorities. 1

was mentioned in the " memoirs," but which "Westcott and Hort expunge from Luke as a "Western corruption 3 and in Justin's evident dependence, in his account of the institution of the Eucharist, upon Luke
says
;

xxii.

19

b,

20,

although these verses appear to have

xi.

been introduced into Luke from 1 Cor.

seems, also, 5 to
1

23-25. 4

He

show acquaintance with the verses which

a, b, c, f2 ' 1; cf.

D. and

lat.

mss.

above, note, p. 185.

2 Dial.
8

103.

See Westcott and Hort's

Justin,

New

Testament Notes on Select

Readings, p. 64. 4 See Ibid., p. 63.

self

combined

Cor.

xi. 23, etc.,

;

count in the " memoirs " cf. posed by them, which are called Gospels, ovtvs irapihcoKav ivre-d\6ai ai'Tois tov 'ir/aovv Xafiovra ciprov k.t.A.." with 1 Cor. xi. 23, iya>
'

however (Ap. i. 66), may have himwith his remembrance of the ac" the Apostles in the Memoirs com-

yap TTapekaftov ano tov Kvplov b kol irapehaxa vp.1v K.T.X. 5 A p. i. 45 (tov \6yov tov lo~)(vpov bv dzro 'lepovaaXrjp ot
Xot a tov etjeXdovres 7Tavra\ov i^pv^av)

ottoo'to-

compared with Mark

xvi.

15-18.

JUSTIN ON THE
-were early

NEW

TESTAMENT.
to

213

added as a conclusion

Mark's GospeL

We

do not mean that Justin's text is now represented in its entirety by any one manuscript or class of manuscripts,
but that he gives evidence of that corruption of the canonical texts which, according to abundant testimony,
took place even in the century immediately succeeding
that in

which they were written, and which most plainly

critics
so,

appears in those manuscripts which textual

classified as "

have
then

Western."
testifies

If,

however, this be
our Synoptic

Justin not only

that

Gospels
as

existed in his day, and were used

by the Church

public documents, and were regarded as apostolic and

authoritative records of the life of Christ, but he also

by the incidental character of his quotations and by their very variations from the text of our Gospels, that these latter were in the middle of the second century already ancient books, handed down from the apostolic age. Xo more explicit testimony to our Synoptic Gospels could well be asked of him and the very diffiproves,
;

culties

which

at first sight present themselves in his

quotations, in the end confirm his

apostolic authoiity.

evidence for their

II.

So far we have said nothing of Justin's

rela-

tion to the Fourth Gospel.

'

The vast majority

and
as

of his

evangelical references were undoubtedly de-

rived from the

first

three Gospels

II. Justin and the Fourth

'

we have

seen, he testifies

plainly to their

antiquity and established use in the Church.

But what

witness does he bear to that other Gospel which

find in the next generation placed

we

by
as

all

the

Church

side

by side with the complement

?

Synoptics

their

apostolic

It

may

be fairly said that Justin's use of the Fourth

214
Gospel
early
is

JUSTIN MARTYR.

now

generally admitted.
critics,

The views

of the

Tubingen
it

which placed the composition of

century, have been genhistorical

His use of
aiiy

that Gospel in the middle or even in the secou(^ ^alf ^

fdmit-

^ e seconc

ted -

erally

abandoned.

The

evidence

for its existence

and use has gradually pushed the date

origin farther back.
;

assigned for
still differ

its

Critics, of course,

amoug themselves but few

it

will be

now found

who do

not assign

to a date considerably earlier than

the writings of Justin.

side has
Thoma's
view.

In

come
jie

of late the

fact, from the rationalistic most energetic assertion of

Justin's use of

it.

Albrecht

Thoma 2

goes to

extreme limit in maintaining the influence

of this Gospel

on our Apologist.

He

declares that their

relation is such as to

amount

of goods."
plifies

He

holds that Justin

the statements of

community comments on and amthe Fourth Gospel. At the

to " a literary
it

same time he
from
it
;

declares that Justin never formally quotes

as historical material, but
it

that he never uses

;

even avoids doing so

that he did not include

among

"the memoirs of the Apostles," and therefore did not

believe in its apostolic authorship
;

in short, that to

Justin the Fourth Gospel was a book of doctrine, not of

whose forms of thought and expression he was saturated, but which he and the Church were far from regarding as a trustworthy narrative of Christ's life.
history, with

Similar views have also been advocated in England by Dr. Edwin A. Abbott, who maintains that while Justin was acquainted either with the Fourth Gospel or with the " Ephesian tradition " out of
Dr. Abbott's views.

which the Gospel grew, he carefully avoided

citing

it

as

1 Justins literarisches Verhaltniss zu Paulus und zum Johannes-Evangelium Zeitschr. fur wissensch. Theol., 1875. See, also, his Die Genesis des Johannes-Evangelium, 1S82.
:

JUSTIN ON THE
he
cites the "

NEW TESTAMENT.
it

215
as apos-

memoirs," and did not regard

1

tolic or authoritative.

So

far as Justin's use of the

Fourth Gospel

is

con-

cerned,

Thoma

errs,

we
2

think, both in

many

Evidence for

instances where he affirms

where he denies

it

it, and in several and similarly strained

JfSbBiraJJ,
Gospel.

1 See " Justin's Use of the Fourth Gospel," Modern Review, Julv and October, 1882. Dr. Abbott summarizes the results of his study, thus: "'That (1) Justin knew of the existence of the

edly quotes

Gospel or parts of the Gospel in some form (2) he never avowit as a Gospel or as authoritative (3) although it is one of his main purposes to prove Christ's divinity and pre-existence previous to the incarnation, he yet never borrows thoughts
;
;

or arguments from that Gospel which alone enunciates these doc-

he agrees with the Fourth Gospel in idenLogos with Christ, he differs from the Gospel, and approximates to the Jewish philosopher Philo in his expression of his views of the Logos; (5) where he treats of topics peculiar to the Fourth Gospel (as distinguished from the Synoptics), namely, the mystery of the brazen serpent and the appearance of God to Abraham, he differs from the Gospel and agrees with Philo; (6) in all these points, and especially in his doctrine of the Logos, his doctrine is more Alexandrine and less Christian, or, in other words, less developed than that of the Gospel; (7) he repeatedly associates references to the Fourth Gospel with teaching from apocryphal or traditional sources (8) even where he is said by modern critics to be remembering or referring to passages in Saint John's Gospel, it is admitted by these same critics that he never quotes those passages, but quotes the Synoptists by preference (9) even when he declares that he will show how Jesus revealed His pre-existence and divinity, he quotes the words of Jesus, not from the Fourth Gospel, but from those Gospels which, as Canon Westcott truly says, do not declare
trines
;

(4) although

tifying the

'

'

'

'

'

'

Christ's pre-existence.' "

will

The

truth or falsity of these criticisms

appear as we proceed. Thus, for example, when Justin (Dial. 53), speaking of Christ's entry into Jerusalem, sees in the ass a symbol of Jews and in the colt a symbol of the as yet untrained Gentiles, Thoma finds acquaintance with the fact mentioned immediately after the entry in John xii. 20, that certain Greeks desired to see Jesus.
2

216

JUSTIN MARTYR.

references have been pointed out

fact of his use of

Irom

strated.
his

by others; 1 but the it may be said to have been demonFirst of all, we would maintain that

doctrine of

Justin's doctrine of the Logos presupposes

acquaintance with that of the Fourth Gospel.

As we found
Gospel
is

in the last lecture, Justin's doctrine is

by philosophy; that of the Fourth markedly devoid of this and it would be a strange phenomenon, if, at a time when such influences as those which Justin shows were abroad in the
strongly tinctured
;

Church, a work were composed, involving the same theme, but without the impress of the prevailing philosophy.
Moreover, Justin's theory, while influenced by philosophy, differed essentially from Philo's in precisely those
points which he had in

common with

the Fourth Gospel.

Everything, however,

is

against the supposition that he

knew

himself to be introducing novelties into Christian

doctrine.

He
2

not only declares his beliefs to be those of

the Church, but in his theology the philosophical and

Christian elements often conflict, showing that he tried
to build

on that which he had received. 3

is

Some

Chris-

tian authority

required to provide the basis on which

Justin argued, and the Fourth Gospel alone supplies

this.

Thus, because the Fourth Gospel lacks the philo-

sophical element found in Justin but contains the ChrisSo when Justin (Dial. 97) quotes from Isa. lvii. 2, "I stretch out hands to an unbelieving and gainsaying people," Thoma finds it suggested by John xii. 32, 33, " I, if I be lifted up, will draw,"

my

etc.

Justin does indeed understand Isaiah to refer to the cruci-

fixion,

but there

is

surely no need to assume a reference to John's

narrative.

Critics

have repeatedly refused such evidence of

" apologists."

liter-

ary dependence

when used by

1 See the passages cited, and sometimes successfully refuted, by Dr. Abbott; e. g., pp. 723 (g), 725 (j), 730, 733, etc. 2 See Lect. VI. 8 See Lectt. IV. and VL

JUSTIN ON THE
tian

NEW TESTAMENT.

217

element on which his

it

philosophizing theology-

rested,

cannot be regarded as the further development

of thought represented as

of the

movement

by Justin, but

must be regarded
he
built.

an

earlier authority

from which the

itself the

Apologist partly diverged, but on which at the same time

This general fact creates of

pre-

sumption that Justin was not only acquainted with the

Gospel, but also accepted
its

doctrine as apostolic. 1

Passing, however, this general consideration, let us

turn to the literary evidence for Justin's use of the

Fourth Gospel, apart from those passages From literary which involve the question of his direct ci- coincidences,
tation of
it.

This evidence consists of certain words or

phrases which are so similar to the language of the

Gospel
Christ
"

as,

when taken

all together, to

create a strong
it.

probability that they were derived from

is " the

He

calls

the only spotless and just Light sent Christ

only begotten
"

to

men from

God."
1

of the Father,

The

reversal of this general argument appears to be Dr.

Abbott's fundamental error.

He

insists that

the Fourth Gospel

was the complete and

self-consistent Christian elaboration of the

philosophical ideas received from Alexandrianism

and partially worked up by Justin. Justin, therefore, represents a middle stage between Philo and the Fourth Gospel. But the philosophical movement shown in Justin certainly did not tend to throw off philosophy, but just the contrary and hence the production by it of the Fourth Gospel is incredible. It is far more in accord;

ance with the known tendency of the age to suppose that the Gospel preceded the philosophical

movement
its

in the

Church

which

movement took
ally

that Gospel for

its

point of departure, but actu-

departed from

views or reproduced them imperfectly,

esides, the evidence of Basilides (Hippol. Refut. vii. 10)

and of

not of Polycarp (ad Phil, vii., since the Gospel and the First Epistle stand and fall together) and Papias (see Dr. Lightfoot's article, "Papias," Contemporary Review,
iii.

Irenaeus (adv. Hser.

11),

if

October, 1875),
Dial. 17.

is decisive for the earlier date for the Gospel. Kara ovu tov [iopov dpafxov K.a\ SiKaiov (poros, rots

218
term applied to

JUSTIN MARTYR.

Him

in the

New

Testament only by the

Fourth Evangelist and in the First Epistle of John. 1 He is " the good Rock which causes living water to Ireak out from the hearts of those who through Him have loved the
Father of
water of
all,

and who gives

2

to

drink

to those

who

will the

life."

"

We

from Christ who begat us unto

and are the true children of God, vjJw commandments of Christ." 3 " He that knoweth not Him [i. e. Christ], knoweth not the counsel of God and he that revileth and hateth Him, manifestly revilcth and hateth Him that sent Him." 4 It was predicted that
arc both called keep the
avBpanois
7re /j.<pdevTos

God

napa tov Beov

to

k.t.X.

True, Justin
light

lias just

quoted

Isa. v. 20,
;

"Woe
12
;

you who make

is

darkness and

darkness light " but his language

at least in striking accord

with John
1

i.

viii.

xii.

46, etc.

Dial. 105.

Movoyevr]s yap
/cat

on

rjv

tco Trarpl

twv o\a>v ovtos,

I8la>s
I.

e avrov \6yos

8vvap.is yeyevvTjp.evos k-t.X.

So Ap.
6.

i.

23.

X.

p.6vos ISlcas vlos tS> 6ea> yeyevvrjTai.

Ap.

ii.

6 p.6vos Xeyop.evos

Kvpicos vlos.

The

fact that Justin does not cite

John

to

prove the

generation of the Logos does not invalidate the evidence of his

language for his acquaintance with John's Gospel.

2

Dial. 114.

KaXrjs TtfTpas Kai a>v

as Kai x a L P etv anodinjaKOvras 8ia to ovop.a to ttjs v8a>p rais Kapbiais tcov 8i avTOv dyaTrrjaavel v.

'

t<ov tov irarepa tcov o\a>v (5pvovo~r}s Kai TroTiovo~r)s tovs fiovXopevovs

to

ttjs <orjs

vBcop

ir i

See John
otto

iv.

10

vii.

38

Rev.

vi.

17

xxi. 6.
8

Dial. 123.
. .

ovtoos Kai

fjfiels

tov yevvrjo-avros

fjp-ds els

Beov

Xpio-Tov

Beov Teuva d\rj8iva KaXovp.eBa Kai eo~p.ev, ol Tas evroXas tov xP l(TTn ^ tpvXao-aovres. See John i. 12 xiv. 15; and, still more, 1 John iii. 1,2; v. 2. Abbott (p. 736) argues that
.

Kai

Justin and the First Epistle borrowed from a

and appeals and " being

children.

to the antithesis

common source, made by Philo between " being "

called,"

and

to the natural exhortation of the Chris-

tians to one another to be not merely " called," but to be God's

But
.

this is

merely an

effort to escape

from the evident

coincidence of Justin's and John's language. The whole phrase, " Beov fyvkao-o-avres" is Johannean in all its parts.
. .

Dial.

136.

'O

yap tovtov dyvocov dyvoel ko\

t>jv

I3ovXt)v

tov

Beov Kai 6 tovtov vfiptfov Kai p.ia(ov Kai tov nep-^avra drjXovoTi Kai

JUSTIN ON THE

NEW TESTAMENT.
which,'''
l

219

Christ would rise from the dead, "

" he lias received

adds Justin,
said to the
" If

from His Father."

believe

Moses

people,
to this

when he
"

erected the brazen serpent,

ye look
2

image and

in

it,

ye shall be saved."

So

The true God and His Son and the prophetic Spirit we worship and adore, lionoring them in reason and truth',' 3 certainly must remind us of John iv. '24:, " They that worship Him must worship Him in
the statement,
spirit

and

truth," " spirit " being

changed

" to " reason

also,

quite after Justin's habit of speech.

against Judaizing

Sabbath as

that God governs the world on on other days

is at

The argument,

the

least in striking agree-

ment with
worketh
fiiael
tea]

Christ's
4

reply to the Jews,

So,

"My

Father

hitherto."

where Justin says of the Logos

Justin merely intensifies John's
oil

vj3piei.

See John

v. 23.

expression.

He

adds, also, Kai

tnarevei. tis els avrov,

oil

mcr-

revei toIs ra>v Trpofprjrav KT]pvyfiaui rols avrov evayyeXiaapevois Kai

KTjpvao-iv els ndvras,
1

with which compare John

v. 46.
'

Dial. 100.
ravrrjv rfjv

18.

avrov \aj3a>v ex el ^ ee Jhn. x. Dr. Abbott evrokrjv ekafiov Trapa rov rrarpos pov.
6 curb rov rvarpbs

(p. 724)
xi. 27.

mistakes Justin's purpose in immediately quoting iMatt.

Justin regarded the saying in

(jrdvra) of the particular fact

Matthew

as a general state-

ment

reported by John.

Hence

his quotation of the

former does not invalidate the evidence of his

x. 18.

language that he remembered John

2

Ap.

i.

60.

'Avayeypa7rrat

\a(3elv rov Mcovo-ea

'

x a^ K0V

* a>l

TTOirjO-ai

rvTTOV o-ravpov

Kai eiTrelv raj \aa>

iav

Trpoo-fiXeTTTjre ra>

tvttco tovtco koX Trio-revere iv avT(p,

o-(o6r)o-(o-6e.

So, also, Dial. 94.

Abbott (p. 575) quotes Philo (Allegories, ii. 20) " If the mind, when bitten by Pleasure, Eve's serpent, is able to discern with the soul the beauty of Temperance, the serpent of Moses, and, through this, God Himself, he will live " but this is insufficient to account for Justin's application of the brazen serpent to Christ crucified and his emphasis on mo-rev^Te. 8 Ap. i. 6. Xoyw Ka\ a\r)de'a Tipwvres4 See John v. 17. Abbott (p. 577) quotes Philo Dial. 29. (Allegories, i. 155): "That which rests is one thing only, God. But by rest I do not mean inaction, since that which is by nature
iii.

See John
:

15.

220
that "

JUSTIN MARTYR.

He

has never done or said anything but what

.

He

has willed Him to do and who made the universe declaration reported by Christ's speak," we remember
.
.

the fourth Evangelist, " I did not speak of myself, but

the Father

who

sent me,

He

hath given

me

command-

and what I should speak;" 1 and Justin's use of the same participle which the Fourth Gospel employs to designate the " sending " of Christ a usage which is pecuby the Father into the world

ment what

I should say

liar to

ment

that Gospel
is

among the books

fact,

of the

Xew

Testa-

a point of evidence none the less strong for

being small. 2

The

likewise, that he five times

active, that which is the Cause of all things, can never desist from doing what is most excellent." But not only is the application of the thought the same in both Justin and John, but Justin adds, " and the priests, as on other days, so on this, are ordered to offer sacrifices," which is so evidently an echo of Matt. xii. 5, that the presumption is that in the previous clause, also, he follows an

evangelical authority.
1

Dial. 56.

ovdev yap
in

(prjpi

avrov

Trcrrpa-^ivai,

nore

fj

MpiXrjKtvai

[^ a)/wX. is
t)

wanting
<a\

the manuscripts, but restored by Otto]

iroirjo'as,

arrep

avrov 6 top <6o~pov

irpai-ai
ical

vnep ov aXXos ovk eari

deos,

fte(Sov\r)rai

Abbott (p. 723) says that Justin's language was a natural remark, in order to guard against a polytheistic inference from the doctrine of the Logos which is true, but does not invalidate the inference to be drawn from the agreement of his thoughts with that of tbe Fourth Gospel. Xor is this inference invalidated by Justin's use of 6/xiXeti/; for it is characteristic of him to deviate freely from the terminology of even those Xew Testament books which he certainly knew.
opiXijcrai.
xii.

See John

49.

Dial. 17.

"The

only spotless and just Light, rots avdpunoi?

91.

nepcfidtVTos

napa rov deov."

vov viov avrov nepL^j/avTi eiy rov Koo~pov."

" Fly for refuge tu tov eo-ravpape" He that revileth 136.

and hateth tov rrep^avra." The word is a favorite with the author of the Fourth Gospel, and is used by him twenty-five times of the Father " sending " the Son. Elsewhere in the Xew Testament it is thus applied but once (Rom. viii. 3),
revileth
140.
Kara, to 6eXrjpa

and hateth Christ manifestly

tov ne p^/avros avrov irarpos-

JUSTIN ON THE
quotes or refers to
Zech.

NEW TESTAMENT.
xii.

221

John

xix.

pierced,"

37,
is

10,

as

it

is

quoted in
they

"

They

shall look

on

Him whom

perhaps a similar indication of his use of

Finally, 2

the Gospel which ought not to go uncounted. 1

or, at

most, twice (see

is

Luke xx.

13).

In Ap.

i.

63, Justin says

;

Christ

called dm'><rro\os, for he diroaTeXXerai to reveal, etc.

but

the verb was here obviously chosen to correspond to the noun, as

in turn the noun was chosen because of the verb in Luke x. 16, which Justin quotes. Abbott (p. 730) admits that Justin's use of ireptyas shows " that he was in sympathy with the later traditions embodied in [the Fourth] Gospel." Why not admit that he was

acquainted with that Gospel

1

See Ap.

i.

52

Dial. 14, 32, 64, 118.

Abbott

(p. 722)

says

that eKKevreiv

is

actually introduced in the passage of Zechariah

by the versions of Aquila, Theodotion, and Symmachus, of which the first was written in the first half of the second century. He refers also to Rev. i. 7, as making it probable that this reading existed before the second century. Probably he would be right
in saying that " this

passage
if

is

useless as a proof that Justin

copied the Fourth Gospel,"

2

this item of evidence stood alone;

it

but taken with the other items

may be

fairly mentioned.

The

following additional items of evidence for Justin's ac:

quaintance with the Fourth Gospel are worth noting

(rt)

Ap.

i.

16 (os yap dicovei pov koi noiel a Xeyeu, aKovei rov

a7rocr-

reikavTos pe)
fie)

and Ap.

i.

63 (6 ipov aKovav, aKOuei rov dnoareiXavTos

24, x. 40, or

may imply acquaintance with John xiv. 24, besides Matt. vii. Luke vi. 47, x. 16. (ft) Ap. i. 33 (" God revealed beforehand, through the proorav
yevrjTat, pr)
e'/c

phetic Spirit, that these things would happen, tv

dTnarqdfj aXX'
of

rov Tvpoeiprjadai TVMTTevOf) ")

is

perhaps an echo

John
(c)

xiv. 29, Kai vvv e'lprjKa vp.lv irplv yeveadai, tva orav yewjrai

TrurTevcrrjTe.

When

Justin (Ap.

i.

the Father save the Son,"

63) quotes Matt. xi. 27, " No one knew etc., to show that Jesus charged the

Jews with ignorance of God, Keim (Gesch. Jesu v. Naz., i. 130, quoted by Otto) and Ezra Abbot (Authorship of the Fourth Gospel, p. 45) think he had in mind, also, John viii. 19 or xvi. 3. (d) Justin's explanation (Ap. i. 11) of the kingdom which the
Christians expect, as not dvdpumvov, but
this world," etc.)
tt)v pera.

6*ov,

reminds
is

of Christ's reply to Pilate (John xviii. 36, "

;

My kingdom

not of

while his whole conception of Christianity as

222
as

JUSTIN MARTYR.
shows, the prologue of the Fourth Gospel was

Thoma

evidently in Justin's mind, and formed the basis of his

theologizing, though he reproduces neither its language
If the Gospel says "

nor
"

its

doctrine accurately.

In the
1

beginning was the Logos," Justin says that the Logos

was begotten

as a

Beginning before

all

creatures."

If the Gospel says " the Logos

was with God," Justin says " the Logos before the creatures both being with
being begotten."
2

Him and

If the Gospel says " the

calls

Logos was God," Justin also repeatedly

Him

God, 3

yet gives the doctrine a different turn from the Gospel

when he

says, for example, "

Who, being

the Logos and

first-begotten of God, is also God." 4

So, if

we

read in
Ap.
37

" the truth," and of Christ's mission as one sent to teach (see
i.

6, 13, 23, etc.), is in

the spirit of Christ's words in John

etc.).

xviii.

("

For

this

end was I born,"

(p.
xii.

quoting Zech.

542) insists that because Justin does not, though 10 according to John xix. 37, mention the soldier's lance-thrust, he shows that he did not regard the Fourth Gospel as reliable history. But in all the five places where Zech.
xii.

Thoma

10

is

quoted or referred

to,

Justin applies

it

to the second
its

advent, and does not enter on any explanation of

clauses.
1

separate
airb

Dial. 62.

Sri.

Kal apx^j Trpb navTcov tcov Troi-r/pdrcov tovt

vno tov Beov eyeyevvTjTo. See also Rev. iii. 14. fj dp^f] But Justin probably departed from John's ttjs uriaecos rov 6eov. language under the influence of philosophy.
kcu y(vvr]p.a
2

John

i.

has 6 \6yos
iroirjp.aTa>v

rjv

irpos tov 6eov.

Justin has (Ap.

ii.

6)

6 Xdyos ivpb tcov

km

crvvcov kcu yevvoofievos

and

(Dial. 62)

dXAa tovto to tco ovti airb rov narpos irpoftXrjdtv yevv-qpa irpb ttclvtuiv Tav troiriparav xtvvtjV tco 7rarpl /ecu tovtco 6 Trarrjp npoaofiiKel. Justin's

use of

o-u'et/H is

another indication of the influence of philos-

ophy on him.
8 Dial. 34, 36, 37, 56, 58, 63, 76, 86, etc. 4

John

i.

has #e6j

rjv

6 Xoyor.

Justin (Ap.

i.

63), bs Xoyos

kcl\

TrpcoroTOKos a>v rov 6eov <a\ debs vndpxei-

Justin's expression tries

ground of the deity of the Logos. It shows, again, a mind under philosophic influences reasoning on the fact stated
to explain the

in the Gospel.

JUSTIN ON THE

NEW TESTAMENT.
and ordered
all

223

the Gospel "all things were

tin declares that

made through Him," Justhings

God

" created

through Him."

If the Gospel sets forth the

Logos as

which "was the light of men," and as "the which lighteth every man that cometh into the world," Justin has the doctrine of the Seminal Logos " of whom every race partakes," 2 and calls Christ " that If spotless and just Light sent from God to men." 3
having
life

true light

the Gospel teaches that " the Logos became flesh," Justin, likewise,

not only teaches the real incarnation of

4

the Logos, but emphasizes the idea that this was His

voluntary

act.

If

the

Gospel
;

calls

begotten of the Father," Justin calls

begotten of the Father of
the Gospel, "
all
"
5

Him Him

"the only
" the

only

while the expression in

;

only begotten Son

Father,

He
i.

God at any time the God] who is in the bosom of the hath revealed Him," is echoed in Justin's
one hath seen
[or
Travra hi avrov iyevero.
etcricre

No

John

3.

Ap.
i.

ii.

6.

ore rrjv dpxv v

Si

avrov Travra

kcu iicoo-uno-e.

So.

64.

rbv 6ebv 8ia \6yov

tov Koa/iov Tvoirjcrai. The fact that in Ap. i. 59 Justin writes, " X6y 8eov the world was made," does not destroy the evidence,

from

his

more careful use elsewhere

of Sea Xoyou, that the latter

it

expresses his real doctrine, though

p. 566) the influence of
2
''

may show
3

again (Abbott,

Alexandrianism.
Dial. 17.

Ap.

i.

46

cf.

Lect. IV.

nowhere says that the Logos oapf- iyevero. He writes that He "became man'' (see Ap.i. 5, 23, yevopevos avdpooTros; Ap. ii. 6, avdpco-rros yeyove). But he declares that He was aapKoiroirjdels, and that He adpua kcu aiua ecr^ev (Ap. i. 66), o-apKonoi4 Justin,

indeed,

Tjdels civdpanros

dijvai

ysyovev (Ap. i. 32), (rapKOTroi.rj8els vnepeivev yevvqthrough the Virgin (Dial. 45), that tov typ^totokov tS>v
crapKOTroirjdevra
akrjOais

iravrav noi^pdrav
;

7rai8tov yeveo~6ai

(Dial.

and that aapKOTroirj8eJ.i, av8pu>Tros vnep-eive yeveadai. So he 84) teaches that the Logos incarnated Himself in the Virgin (see Ap. i. 5 and, especially, 33. The Power which " overshadowed " Mary

was the Logos).

5

Dial. 105.

224

JUSTIN MARTYR.

doctrine of the invisibility and transcendence of the

Father, and in the place which he assigns to the Logos

both in communion with the Father and in the revelation of the Father to the world. 1

These examples of the evidence for Justin's acquaintance with the Fourth Gospel will
Weightof
this evi-

suffice.

Exception
'
;

may J
.

be taken to this or that item

.

but takto
it,

ing

all together, it

would seem impossible

avoid the conclusion that, as

there

Thoma

states

was a

" literary

community

of goods " between the

two
can

writers.

Nor, even
satisfied

at this stage of the argument,

we be

with the view that Justin was

"
is

merely acquainted with the

of which the Fourth Gospel

Ephesian tradition " out

alleged to have sprung.

The

literary coincidences are too

many

not to imply the

Apologist's use of the written Gospel

itself.

Moreover,

as already observed, Justin's divergences of phraseology

and

of

idea,

even when in closest contact with the

Gospel, are far more easily explained by the assumption that his philosophical theology proceeded from the

Fourth Gospel as a basis than that the Fourth Gospel

was a

later

theology

and purified version of the philosophical which Justin represents. The latter hy-

pothesis supposes that the philosophical

movement

in

the early Church eradicated from itself the philosophical

element, which

is

wholly incredible.

Once assume the

non-philosophical Logos-Gospel as an established Christian authority,

tianity

and the union of philosophy and Chriswhich Justin shows as existing in the orthodox Church of the post-apostolic age, and which, as Justin also shows, departed from the ideas of the Fourth Gospel though building on it, becomes perfectly comprehensible and this is the natural inference to be drawn
;

Dial. 61, 62; see Leet. IV.

JUSTIN ON THE

NEW TESTAMENT.

225

from the marks of literary relationship between that Gospel and our Apologist. Those marks show on the
one hand Justin's use of the Gospel, and on the other

hand

his attempts to explain

it.

This

is

precisely the

phenomenon which from the relations of the thought of the two writers we should expect to find.
literary

We

are prepared, then, for the further question,

?

How

did Justin use the Fourth Gospel

was acquainted with

it

Assuming that he and that he more or How did he

less faithfully followed its cardinal ideas,

we

are yet asked if he regarded

it

as apostolical

Fourth GosP el ?

and

authoritative.

Thoma, Abbott, and others

it,

assert

that he never directly quotes

historical material, that
"

that he never uses its

it

he did not reckon

among the
it

memoirs," and consequently could not have held

to

be the work of the Apostle John.

To
(1)

this,

however,

we

reply
.

,
(1)
its
.

That

Justin in a

few instances does

He

uses

seem to use the the Fourth Gospel.

clearly

historical narrative of

historical

Thus, he states

to be Christ, but " he cried to them,

but the voice of one

men supposed John the Baptist I am not the Christ, crying ; for He that is stronger than
that
I

me

shall come,

whose shoes
iii.

am

not worthy to bear."

Now, while Luke

in their hearts of
not,"

15 states that the people "mused

John whether he were the Christ or and while all three Synoptists quote the words of Isaiah (" The Voice of one crying in the wilderness," etc.) and apply them to John, the Fourth Gospel alone puts
them, as Justin does so far as he quotes them, into John's mouth. 2
1

Dial. 88.

See John

i.

20, 23.

The

fact that in this

the Dialogue Justin inserts traditions as

15

-well as facts

same chapter of taken from

226

JUSTIN MARTYR.

Again, Justin states that Christ healed those

"who

were from birth and in body blind and deaf and lame; making one to leap, and another to hear, and another a statement which, as we have already seen, to see,"

is not entirely accurate, but

which

is

most easity ex-

plained as arising from Justin's remembrance of the fourth Evangelist's account of the man born blind. 1 In
the same connection, also,

we

read that the Jews called

Christ " a magician and a deceiver of the people."

latter phrase corresponds

The

most nearly with the charge (John vii. 12), "Nay, but he deceiveth the people," though it may possibly have been suggested by Matt. xxvii. 63, "That deceiver said, when he was yet alive." 2 Still again, when Justin, expounding the Twentysecond Psalm, declares that the latter part of
scribes
the
it

dethat

how

Christ before His crucifixion

" does not (Abbott, p. 716)

"knew

"memoirs

show that he regarded

the Fourth Gospel as on a level with tradition, nor does the question of

how

the Fourth Gospel came to put these words into

John's mouth affect the fact that Justin used

torical.

its account as hisLike the Fourth Gospel, also, Justin treats of John's witness to Christ rather than of his preparatory work among the

people.
1

Dial. 69.

rovs eV yeverrjs Kal Kara

rfjv

<rdpKa nrjpovs Kal Kaxpovs

Kal xcokovs lacraro, tov pev

tu>

Xdyco avrov noirjcras.

aWeadai, tov 8e Kal aKoveiv, tov Se Kal bpdv Evidently Justin used 7rr)povs in the sense
a>

of " blind."

So Ap.

i.

22.

8e Xeyopev )(u>Xovs

ko.1

7rapa\vTiKovs

Kal eK yeveTrjs Tvovqpovs vyteiy TTenoirjKevai

k.t-X.

amov

Kal veKpovs dvayeipai

Here

eK yeverrjs qualifies Trovrjpovs alone,

irrjpovs in Dial.
it.

which Justin prob69

(if,

ably used in the same sense as

indeed, the

latter should not be substituted for

John

ix. 1

rvqjXov eK yeveTrjs-

See above, p. 185, note 2). So Apost. Const, v. 7, referring to

the miracle of

John

ix.,

(K yeveTrjs TTT)pa> eK yr)s Kal aieXov

speaks of Christ as to Xelnov pepos iv r& dnobovs and Clem. Horn. xix.
',

22 has, o&ev Kal StSdcr/caXos

2

r)pa>v irepl

rov eK yeverrjs nrjpov

k.t.X.

Dial. 69.

ko.1

yap pdyov

elvai

avrov eroXpav Xeyeif Kal Xao-

nXdvov.
6

John

vii. 12.

Ov, dXXd TrXava t6v o^Xov.

Matt, xxvii. 63.

nXdvos elnev

en. a>v-

JUSTIN ON THE

NEW

TESTAMENT.

227

His Father would give all things to Him as He asked, and would raise Him from the dead," we note at least
a striking coincidence with the fourth Evangelist's record, that

that the Father had given

that

on the night of His betrayal Jesus, " knowing all things into His hands, and
from God and went to God," rose from
1

He came

supper and proceeded to wash the disciples' feet

if

and

the reference be allowed,

it

certainly implies accept-

ance of the narrative as well as of the doctrine of the

Evangelist.

These

are,

to be

sure,

slight indications, but they

accumulate evidence for the use of the Fourth Gospel's

historical matter.

Discourses form so large a part of

that Gospel that

tin's narrative

it

should not surprise us to find Jus-

taken almost wholly from the other three

and

slight indications, such as these

which have been

given, are

as

much

as

under the circumstances we

confirmed by what

should expect.
(2)

Their testimony, however,

is

we cannot but

consider, in spite of all the criticisms

(2)

tending to a contrary result, a direct quotation

He

di-

from the Fourth Gospel, and that a quotation j?2an au^ 01 of such a form as to demonstrate practically ^h^tV
"

not only Justin's use of the Gospel's narrative,

teaching.

but also his acceptance of

:

it

as apostolic.

Speaking of baptism, he writes

"

For

also Christ said,

unless ye be born again [or regenerated], ye shall not

1

Dial. 106.
<w? t)iov.

Kai

on

r)Trio~raro

rbv narepa avrov Travra napexeiv

.
. .

avra,

Ka\ aveyepelv avrov k rasv venpav

ra XetVoi/ra

tov \j/a\pov edrjKcoatv.

6 irarrfp

John
k.t.X.

xiii.

el8a>s

on

Travra eScoKee avru>

ds ras \ ( ^P as

The

coincidence consists not merely

in the idea, but in the reference of Christ's trust in the

Father

to the

period immediately preceding the passion, and apparently to the last discourse with the disciples, where, also, John
it.

records

228
enter into the
adds, "

JUSTIN MARTYR.

kingdom
it is

of heaven;"

and he immediately
bare them,
is

And
1

that

impossible for those once born to

of those

enter into the

to
all."

wombs

who

evident

This, of course, is not

an accurate quotation
ye be
a

from the Fourth Gospel.

regenerated

It substitutes " unless

" {dvayevvvdrjre) for " unless

fir)

man

be born

again" (or "from above," iav

"

Tt? yevvrjdf) avcoOev),

and

he shall not enter into the kingdom of heaven," for "he cannot see the kingdom of God." The latter

change looks like the introduction of a Synoptic phrase,

and corresponds exactly with the second clause of Matt. xviii. 3, " Unless ye be converted and become as little

kingdom of heaven." Moreover, in the Clementine Eecognitions and Homilies similar quotations occur with nearly the same differchildren, ye shall not enter into the

ences from the text of the Fourth Gospel that are here
their own.

found in Justin, but with additional peculiarities of In the Eecognitions we read, "Unless a

man
the
less

kingdom

be born again of water, he shall not enter into of heaven " 2 and in the Homilies, " Un;

ye be born again with living water in the

name

of the Father, Son,

1

and Holy

Ghost,

ye shall not enter

\v
prj

Ap.

i.

61.

Kai

yap 6

xpicrros' entev'

dvayevvrjdrjre, ov

pr)

(la\6r]Te els ttjv (3a<ji\e[av

twv ovpavwv.
dneKpidrj

On
'lrjaovs

8e Kai ahvvarov

eif rcis fj.rjTpas tcov TfKnvcrcov

iracriv

rovs anaf; yevopevovs ip^T)vai, (pavepov

3-5.
Kai einev alrco

tort.

See John
rroi,

iii.

'Apr)v dpr)v Aeya>

eav

pr)

tis yevvrjBrj avcodev, ov Svvarai toeiP ttjv

(3acri\fiav tov 6tav.

Ae'yei

npos avrbv 6 NikoS^o?

;

IIcoj 8vi>arai avTr)s

6pamos

yfvvrj8r)vai

yepwv

uiv

pf)

8vvaTai eir
;

ttjv

Koiklav
6

prjrpoi

avrov Btvrepov
dpr)v Xeya)
croi.

tlo'f\6e'iv ko.\

yevtnjOrjvai

mreicpidr]

Irjo~ovs

Aprjv

iav

pr) ti? yevvrjdfj

e vSaros Ka\ nveupaTOS, ov tvvarai

elo-(\6elv els ttjv j3aaiK([av tov Oeoii.

Speaking of the advantages of baptism, the cum sacramento verus Propheta tesAmen dieo nobis, nisi quis denuo renatus fuerit tatus est, dicens ex aqua, non introibit in regna coelorum."
Reeog.
vi.
9.

writer says

" Sic enim nobis

:

JUSTIN ON THE
into the

NEW TESTAMENT.
1

229
its

kingdom
this

of heaven."

On

variation from the Fourth Gospel

the ground of and resemblance

to

Matthew,

quotation has been assigned by some

critics either to the assumed extra-canonical Gospel of which we have already spoken as a convenient receptacle for all difficult quotations found in Justin,2 or to

an unwritten or variously written tradition which was

afterwards stereotyped in the form preserved by the

Fourth Gospel. 3

But the testimony of this passage cannot, we think, be thus set aside. 4 That Justin should not quote accurately is, as we have abundantly shown, in accordance with his usual habit. That both he and the Clementines should mingle with a quotation

from the Fourth

fall

Gospel one from Matthew, and should

tuting "

into the

phraseology of the Synoptics to the extent of substi-

kingdom

of

heaven

"

for "
is

kingdom

of God,"

cannot be considered strange, nor

the resulting varia-

tion from the Fourth Gospel of such kind or importance,

even if it had become a traditional form, as to demand any other explanation of its origin than the habit of
1

Horn.
Aeyci>,

xi. 26.

outm? yap

rjplv a>p.ocrev 6 7rpo(prjTrjs

elndav

'Afifjv

viuv
2

iav

p.fj

avayevvq6r]T v8ari ^avn, els ovop-a Harpos, Ylov,

p.rj

dytov Hvcvp-aros, ov

elcreXdTjre eir ttjv fiaatXeiav ra>v

ovpavav.

So Thoma,
others.

p.

508; Volkmar and Scholten, quoted in Otto;

and
8 4

So Abbott, pp. 737, etc. Abbott (p. 740) argues that the introduction " Christ said " rather implies that Justin was not quoting from a Gospel, but from a tradition but, according to his own showing, out of ten cases where Justin introduces a saying with the preface " Jesus Christ " or " Christ " or " our Christ " " said," three are exact quotations from the Synoptics, one is a free quotation from Matthew, two are the two uncanonical sayings of Christ, three are
;

general statements of Christ's teaching, and the tenth is the passage before us. ^Nothing, therefore, can be concluded from the

preface either way.

230
free

JUSTIN MARTYR.
memoriter quotation of which Justin has already

furnished
<yevvr)6f)T

many
for

examples. 1

The substitution

of ava-

yevvrjOfj

dvwOev

may
The

likewise
first
is

be exthat
it

plained by two considerations.

had become a technical term,

for in the preceding sentence

as Justin himself

shows
[i. e.

he wrote, "Then they

the candidates for baptism] are brought by us to where

there
is

water, and are regenerated (avayevvwvrat) accord-

ing to the same manner of regeneration {avayevvrjaewi)

by which we ourselves were regenerated (dvayevvqOrjfiev) name of God the Father and Lord of all and of our Saviour Jesus Christ and of the Holy Spirit they To be " regenerated " are then washed in the water." was therefore to be "baptized," and thus the words of Christ were understood. 2 Secondly, the words of Christ were ambiguous, since they might mean either " born again " or " born from above." Hence the substitution for them by Justin and by the Clementines of the word which expressed their meaning, and which was itself a technical term in the Church, was not unnatural. 3 Furthermore, the differences between Justin and the Clementines show that neither author quoted
:

for in the

their
1

common
Kingdom

source accurately, but that they modified

of heaven " is also found in the Sinaitic Manutwo old Latin manuscripts, and several early writers. See Westcott and Hort's Notes on Select Readings. 2 This may itself be a sufficient answer to Dr. Abbott's (p. 741) objection that Justin ought to have quoted "born of water and spirit," if he meant to quote John's Gospel as an authority To Justin, " regenerate " meant to wash with water for baptism.

"

script,

in the

name

of the Trinity.

The language

of Christ, therefore,

which he quotes, was understood to be a command to do this. 8 The same substitution was made by Irenaeus (Fragm. 34), and is evidently implied in Clement of Alexandria (Cohort. 9). Dr. Ezra Abbot also cites for it some later Fathers (Authorship of the Fourth Gospel).

JUSTIN ON THE

NEW TESTAMENT.
their minds. 1
is

231

Christ's language in accordance

with the motives which

Finally, the

acted in each case

upon

phrase which Justin adds, " It

impossible for those

once born to enter again into the

bare them,"
is

wombs

of those

who

so striking a coincidence, both in sub-

stance and in connection, with the remark of Nicode-

mus, that to consider

or to refer
it

it

an original

reflection of Justin's,

to the ever-convenient uncanonical

Gospel

or to a traditional explanation of the doctrine of regeneration, appears

a thoroughly arbitrary and wilful re-

fusal to accept the natural testimony of the passage.

We

believe the only fair conclusion to be that Justin

Christ's.

quoted from the Fourth Gospel words of

Of course

this quotation settles the question in favor

of Justin's recognition of the Fourth Gospel as a trust-

worthy narrative of
with that

Christ's

life.

evidence be small in amount,

Though the when compared

Justin considsrcd the

Fourth Gos-

for his use of the Synoptics, it is

S/n d
henc
f
,.

his "

enough
used
it

to

overthrow the new theory J that he

only as a book of doctrine, or

was

ac-

apostolic origin,

quainted only with traditions out of which

it

grew.

Justin was not only acquainted with the Fourth Gospel,

but considered

it

true history.
it

The inference

is plain,

that he also recognized

as an apostolic authority. 2

1 Dr. Edward Abbott (p. 753), speaking of tbe variations found in tbe quotations of this verse in the Clementines, says " If, even after the stereotyping of Christian doctrine by the rec:

Four Gospels, these variations of quotation from documents were possible, and if their tendency is evidently to lay less stress on the inward reality and more on the outward sign of regeneration, how much more easy was it that changes should take place in the development of a still undefined and sometimes obscure tradition " The principle which he here applies to the Clementine variations is quite sufficient to explain the variations in Justin, if he too used the Fourth Gospel. 2 That he does not name John as the author of the Gospel, but
ognition of the
!

232
Nevertheless,

JUSTIN MARTYR.
it is

true that Justin does not use John's

Gospel in exactly the same

Yet he does

way
is

in

which he uses the

all his

Synoptics.

It

from them, as we have

evangeliall his narrative

heroes

the*

seen >

^ na ^

ne takes nearly

Synoptics.

caj quotations

and nearly

Thinking evidently of them, he states of Christ's life. that " brief and concise utterances " fell from Christ's
lips. 1

Some

of his arguments also are

drawn from the

Synoptic Gospels when the Fourth Gospel would have

served his purpose better. 2
in the theory of which

There

is this

much

of truth

we have been

speaking, that

does introduce him as the author of the Apocalypse (Dial. 81), is no difficulty. In the latter place he is introduced as a prophet,

and Justin constantly cites the Old Testament prophets by name. But he never cites the Apostles by name as authors of either
single exception of the phrase, "his memoirs" (Dial. 106, referring to Peter), where he probably means our Mark.
1

memoirs or other writings, with the

Ap.

i.

14.

See Ap. i. 63, where he quotes Matt. xi. 27 to prove that Christ charged the Jews with ignorance of God, instead of, e. g., John vii. 28. So too Clem. Horn. xvii. 4, though the Homilist certainly recognized the

Fourth Gospel.

Cf. also Dial. 100,

where

Justin appeals, for the fact that Christ is Son of God, to Peter's have understood {vfvofi<a^v) that He confession, and says, "

We

proceeded before all creatures from the Father," etc. When, in Dial. 105, he says, " I have already proved that He was the only begotten of the Father of all things, being begotten in a peculiar way from Him as Logos and Power, and afterwards becoming man through the Virgin, as we learned from the memoirs," the last clause may refer only to the birth from the Virgin. If, however, he makes the " memoirs " teach that Christ is only begotten, etc., this would seem to be a reference to John (so Weiss's Einleitun^, but as his argument in Dial. 100 seems to make Christ's p. 45) pre-existence an inference from Peter's confession (and Matt. xi. 27), I cannot cite Dial. 105 with confidence as a proof of his use of the Fourth Gospel. So when, in Dial. 48, he speaks of Christ's pre-existent divinity as taught by Himself, the argument in Dial. 100 makes me question the right to appeal to John.
;

JUSTIN ON THE

NEW TESTAMENT.

233

Justin does mainly derive from the Fourth Gospel forms

of doctrinal thought

and expression.
to explain this fact
?

How,
enough

then, are

we

It is not

to say that the object of Justin's writings caused

him

to pass over the

profound spiritual Gosfor Christians rather

;

pel which

was intended

may

be ex-

than for their opponents

seen, he
Christ's sayings

for, as

we have
its

might have found much in

reports both of

and of events of His life which would have harmonized with his purposes. We rather judge from Justin that the Synoptics furnished the evangelical narrative, which, as narrative, was most deeply impressed on the Christian mind. They had already made this impression before John wrote his Gospel. How widely that Gospel was published in the years immediately following its composition we cannot say. Certainly at the great Asian and Egyptian and Eoman centres it was known before Justin wrote. But the already established narrative, embodied in and perpetuated by the Synoptics, seems to have continued to form the staple of the Christian recital of Christ's life
for

even half a century after the Fourth Gospel was added to them. 2 Moreover, while John's Gospel is
strictly historical, the doctrinal objects of its narration

are far
It

more obvious than are those of the Synoptics. was natural that it should be valued more for its
bearings

doctrinal

than for

its

historical statements.

Such was doubtless the purpose of its author, and none of its readers would be more inclined so to value it
than this early Christian philosopher who found in its language the connecting link between his Christianity

and

his philosophy.
1

"Westcott's

Canon

of the

New
p. 46.

Testament, pp. 95, 150.

See Weiss's Einleitung,

234

JUSTIN MARTYR.
to have valued the Fourth book of doctrine, the evidence for

But while Justin appears

Gospel
clusive.
chiefly as a

his recognition of it as

an evangelical authority

is

con-

"When to this we add his description of the " memoirs " as composed by the Apostles and those who followed them, a statement which naturally implies that there was more than one " memoir " composed by Apostles, and more than one composed by their followers, and which consequently seems to compel us to suppose that Justin had another Gospel written by an Apostle

..,,, He included
it

beside Matthew's,
.
.

it

is

fair to infer

that

in the

he not only recognized the Fourth Gospel as

" memoirs."

an authority, but included

moirs."

,.->

-,
it

in the "

me-

Thus explained,
his

his relation to it appears con-

and apostolic authorship and circumstances. It should here be added that these conclusions, which have been drawn from Justin's testimony, have been confirmed by ~ . J of Tatian's J the recent recovery Connrmation of these Tatian was Justin's pupil 1 or Diatessaron. results by 2 Tatian's 'Dia- hearer, and composed a work which Eusebius described 3 as " a sort of connection and compilation, I know not how, of the Gospels," which work, he adds, Tatian " called the Diatessaron." In spite of
sistent both with its canonicity

and with

own

disposition

the reputation of Tatian in later

life

for

heresy, this

work

of his on the Gospels

in

was used
of

for nearly

two

centuries

the

churches

the far East,

whither

Tatian himself retired from Eome.

Theodoret, Bishop

of Cyrrhus, near the Euphrates, writing in

453

A. D.,

says that he had found " more than two hundred copies
of it held in respect in the churches in our parts."

These he collected and put away, replacing them with

1

Hippol. adv. Hser.

8

viii. 9.

Iren.

i.

28. 1.

H. E.

iv.

29.

"

JUSTIN ON THE

NEW TESTAMENT.
He

235

the Gospels of the four Evangelists.

states also that

the Diatessaron cut out the genealogies of our Lord, but

that nevertheless the
tians

work was used by orthodox

Chris-

on account of

its brevity.
is

This information

of itself sufficient to justify the

conclusion that Tatian's

work was

harmony

of our

Gospels, and that therefore the Church of his day and

by

inference his master Justin accepted the authority

and these alone. Though Tatiau was a heretic, there is no reason to doubt that the Gospels which he used were the ones accepted by the church to which
of these

Justin belonged.

There

is,

however, the additional tes-

timony of Dionysius

Bar-Salibi,

an Armenian bishop of

the twelfth or thirteenth century, 1 in his commentary on

Mark, that " Tatian selected and patched together from the four Gospels, and constructed a Gospel which
.
.
.

he called the Diatessaron," and that Ephraem Syrus,

who died a. d. 373, " wrote an exposition [of it] and its commencement was In the beginning was the Word.' Nevertheless, Credner,2 and after him other critics, 3
;
'

have insisted that Tatian's work was not a harmony of

our Gospels, but was the uncanonical Gospel said to

have been used by Justin or one similar to it. They argued that Eusebius had not seen it, and declared that

harmony and gave They appealed to the fact that Epiphanius 4 states that "it is called by some according to the Hebrews,' " and that Victor of Capua called it the "Diapente." 5 But the contention has
the later Church assumed
it
it

to be a

the

name

of Diatessaron.

'

2 8

Beitrage, p. 444

Mcesinger dates his death in 1171 Lightfoot in 1207. Gesch. des Kanons, pp. 1 7, etc. See Supernatural Religion, ii. 152, etc.
; ;

4
6

Adv. Hser.

xlvi. 1.

See Li<rhtfoot's " Reply to Supernatural Religion," Contemporary Review, May, 1877. He shows that "Diapente" in

236

JUSTIN MARTYR.
settled.

now been

In 1876 there was published a Latin

made by a Venetian monk, of an Armenian translation of Ephraem's Commentary just mentioned. 1 This conclusively proved that Tatian's work was, as had been supposed, a harmony of our Gospels. More recently
translation,

an Arabic translation of the Diatessaron

differing in a

itself

has been

recovered by Professor Ciasca, of Eome, which, though

few

details

from that recovered through

Ephraem's Commentary, is still a harmony of our Gospels; 2 while still more recently, on the occasion of the
Jubilee of Pope Leo XIIL, the same scholar produced

yet another manuscript which he had discovered, and

which contains
that used by
tian's

an

Arabic

translation

of

Syriac

original of the Diatessaron, corresponding precisely to

Ephraem and thus giving us

at last Ta-

That Tatian composed a harmony of our four Gospels admits, therefore, no longer of doubt.

work

entire. 3

We

have the book

itself.

In

it

he welded the Gospels

alone,

together with considerable boldness, and omitted from

them the

genealogies.

But he used our Gospels

with occasionally a variation from them due to either

textual corruption in his sources or to oral tradition. 4

He
tin.

thus acted quite in the manner of his teacher, JusProfessor

Zahn holds
" it

that the Diatessaron

was

written in Syriac, and thinks that thus the remark of

Epiphanius that
Victor
1

was called by some

'

according to
im-

is

probably a clerical error, as Victor's

own language

plies " Diatessaron."

See Zabn's Tatian's Diatessaron, and

ii.

articles

by Henry Wace

in the Expositor, vols.

2 8

and

iv.

See Encycl. Britan., xxii. 864, note 17 (Amer. ed.). This manuscript is announced as in preparation for publication, and an English translation is being published by Prof. A. L. Frothingham, Jr. 4 See Zahn's Tatian's Diatessaron, pp. 240, etc.
6 Ibid.,

pp. 18, 220.

JUSTIN ON TIIE
the

NEW TESTAMENT.

237

Hebrews
explain

'

may

may be accounted for. 1 The same fact why so little was known of the Diates"

saron in the early Western Church.

these questions of detail
Justin's pupil

But,

however

may

be settled, the fact that

composed a harmony of our Gospels adds

the strongest confirmation to the conclusion which

we

have reached that Justin and the Church of his age

received these four Gospels alone as established evangelical authorities.
III. It

now

only remains to exhibit briefly the

way
Justin

in

which Justin regarded apostolic

literature in general,
in.

the degree of authority which he attributed

to
it,

and the amount of testimony which he

ew
Teft am en \ Canon,

bears to the existence of a collection of apostolic writings.

Besides the facts pertaining to his use of the Gospels

which have been already presented, Justin's use of the New Testament may be described in a few His use . words. from other New He does not mention nor quote * Testament any other New Testament book except the books than Apocalypse. Of it he speaks 2 as the work of " a certain man among us 3 whose name was John, one of the Apostles of Christ, who prophesied, by a

was made to him, that those who bewould dwell a thousand years in Jerusalem, and that afterward the universal and in short eternal resurrection and judgment of all men together would forthwith take place." At the same time, however, the knowledge and use of many of the other
revelation that

lieved in our Christ

Xew

Testament books

may

be inferred from Justin's

which we have found in his writings traces of the Fourth Goslanguage, in a

way

often similar to that in

1 2

Lightfoot thinks that Epiphanius simply blundered.

Dial. 81.
3

Trap

rjfj.iv.

238
pel.

JUSTIN MARTYR.
Satisfactory evidence

may thus

be adduced for his

acquaintance with the Acts, 1 the Epistle to the Eomans, 2

1

See,

e. g.,

Ap.

i.

49,

where the sentence

'iouSaloi yap, 'e'xovres

ras TrpocprjTelas Kai del Trpoa&oKTjcravTes tov y^piurov, ira.payev6p.evov

fjyvorjaav k.t.X.

seems clearly to have been moulded by Acts

xiii.

48 Ap. i. 50, where the description of the ascension and the outpouring of Divine Power on the Apostles (ko! els ovpavov
27, 28,
;

dvepxopevov I86vres Kai TricrTevo-avres na\ Svvapiv eiceldev avrols Trepcpdeio-av nap' avrov Xafiovres) is not explained by Luke xxiv. 49,

Overbeck (Zeitschr. fur wissensch. Theol., 1872, p. 313) mainbut is a distinct reference to historical facts, which occurred before the Apostles went forth on their mission, as given in Acts Dial. 16, where aTreKTeivare yap tov diKatov Kai irpb i. 8, 9, and ii. 33
as
tains,
;

avrov tovs npocprjras avrov

also
;

is

a reminiscence of Acts

vii.

52 (see

Acts iii. 14) Dial. 20, where we read, " But if we distinguish between green herbs, not eating all, it is not because they are common or unclean (kolvo. fj aKadapra)" after Acts x. 14. Compare also Ap. i. 40 (tt]v yeyevrjpevqv 'HpcoSou rod /3acriXeo)f 'iowdalaiv Kai avrwv 'lovbalatv Kai TliXdrov tov vperepov Trap avrols yevopevov inirpoTvov avv ro'is avrov o-rpariarais Kara tov ^picrroO Ap. ii. 10 (Socrates exhorted the crweXevaiv) with Acts iv. 27 Greeks irpbs 6eov 8e tov dyvu> o~tov avrols 8id \6yov ^rjTrjcrecos imyvmfnv) with Acts xvii. 23 Dial. 39 (ou peprjva ovbe Trapa(ppova>) with Acts xxvi. 25 Dial. 68 (where Trypho quotes 2 Kings vii. 12-16 (Ps. cxxxi. 11) changing Koiklas to oacpvos) with Acts ii. Dial. 120 (the 30, though the text of the LXX. may have varied reference to Simon Magus) with Acts viii. 10. 2 In Dial. 23, Justin's argument about Abraham's circumcision is clearly an echo of Rom. iv. 10, 11. Note iv aKpofivarlq. &v in connection with the quotation of Gen. xv. 16 and els arjpelov.
; ; ; ;

True, Justin did not grasp Paul's thought.

justified &id rrjv mariv,

He makes Abraham
not a o-qbpaylb'a;

and circumcision a
nvevpariKov Kai

o-rjpelov,

but he clearly had Paul's teaching in mind.

rj\iTt,KOV

So

in Dial. 11 ('io-pa-

yap to

aXrjdivov,

'ioilSa

yevos Kai 'laKw/3 Kai

'ia-aaK Kai 'Aftpadp, tov ev aKpofivo-rla k.t.A.)

we have
ii.
i.

a reminis.

cence of Rom.
ttjs

iv. 10,

17,

and

in Dial. 92 (irepiroprjv exovres

KapBias, with the context), of

Rom.

iv.

and
(Isa.
ix.

29.
9
;

In Dial. 32,
x. 22), as left
xi.

55, 64, the description of " the

icard x<*p lv i

implies

remnant " remembrance of Rom.

its

29 with

while

Dial. 44
of

(ko.\

e'^anardTe eavrovs k.t.A.) seems to be a reminiscence

Rom.

ix. 7,

not only in

general thought, but in the intro-

JUSTIN ON THE

NEW TESTAMENT.
and the Epistles

239

the First Epistle to the Corinthians, 1 the Second Epis2 tle to the Thessalonians,

to the Galaal
9.

(luction of ra KaTijyye\pfva

dyadd from the

orayyeX/ai of

Rom.
and

ix. 4,

and rd

Teicva rrjy

eVayyeXiar of verse

In Ap.

i.

40

Dial. 42, Justin interprets Ps. xix. as prophetic of the preach-

Bom. x. 18 uses the language of the Psalm though without calling it a prediction. Dial. 39, like Bom. xi. 2^i, quotes Elijah's complaint as applicable to the later Israel (observe evrvyxdvcov) and in Ap. i. 5 we read,
ing of the Apostles.
to describe the same,
;

Bom. iv. 11 (Isa. xlv. 23 Note that the parts of Romans with which Justin shows acquaintance are those which treat of the relation of the Jews to the Church; namely, the discussion of circumcision and Abraham's faith, and of the rejection of Israel with the exception of a " remnant." So we would expect from the subject of the Dialogue in which the above references are mainly found. Yet he does not reproduce Paul's argument, but only his pracnava
yXcovcra e'^o/ioXoy^o-erat avroo, like

(LXX.)

has

ofJLfirai).

tical position
1

towards Judaism.
i.

See Ap.

19, the

growth of a seed used as

:

illustrative of

resurrection.
<racrdai.
criau.

Note, especially, napard^eL deov and Comp. 1 Cor. xv. 38 and 53. So Ap. i. 52

dcfidapo-lav ivbv-

symbolism of the unleavened bread, that ye do not the old deeds of the wicked leaven (Jva pf/
Dial. 14
this is the

"For
1

ivhvcrei dcpdap-

rd naXaid

iris Kanrjs

(vprjs

epya TvpaTTqre) "

is

at least a striking

coincidence with

Cor. v. 8; while in Dial. Ill the statement

qv yap to irdo~x a vptorof,

first

t0s

vcrrepov doubtless
1

came from the

clause of the same verse of

Corinthians.

In Dial. 35 (see
eo-ovrai o-xlo-p.aTa
1

also Dial. 51), the

ieai aipiiTfis,

words attributed to Christ,

probably arose from a confusion of

Cor.

xi. 18, 19,

;

with Christ's predictions in Matt. xxv. In Ap. i. 66 Dial. 41, 70, the words 7rape'6Wai/ (or 7rapea>Ke) and els dvdpvT](nv (Luke's account was probably early modified by Paul's) evidence the

knowledge of

1 Cor. xi. 23, 24 while in Dial. 39 the description of the spiritual gifts bestowed by Christ on believers, while perhaps influenced by Isa. xi. 2, appears to have been founded on 1 Cor.
;

xii.

7-10

and
(cos

in Dial.

42 the use of the physical body to

recalls 1 Cor. xii. 12.

illus-

trate the unity of the

Church
1

Compare

also

Ap.

i.

60

(rvvuvai ov crofyia dvOpanreiq ravra yeyovevai

dX\d
<ro(pia

Svvdpei 0eov X/yetr^at) with

6 roil Qeov Xoyor
k.t.X.)
2
{Cprj (i. e.,
i.

Cor.

ii.

4,

and

Dial. 38 (ol8a on, &>s

d(f>

Isa. xxix. 14), KeKpvirrai

;

vpcov

f]

with

Cor.

19, 24

ii.

7, 8.

See Dial. 32, where, after saying that Antichrist would be

240

JUSTIN MARTYR.
and Hebrews,4 as well

tians, 1 Philippians,2 Colossians, 3

destroyed at Christ's coming, but would continue " a time, times, and half a time," he concludes that at least tov ttjs dvofiias av8pa>Trov TpiciKOcria. TrevrrjKovTa err) ^acriXevaat Sei. So in Dial.
110, 6
rrjs

mrocrraaiai avffpamos

"ivopa roXprjo-r] els rjpds,

and

in

Dial. 116, 6 Sia.SoXo? icpeo-TTjuev del dvriKeipevos.

ii.

Compare

2 Thess.

3, 4, 8.
1

Dial. 44 (kcu e^anaTdre eavrovs k.t.X.) seems clearly

iii.,

of Gal.

as well as of
:

Rom.

ix. 7,

So Dial. 119 "We Abraham, receiving forever the inheritance, reava tov 'Afipadp. 8ia tt)v Spolav niaTiv owes" In Dial. 95, 96, Justin quotes, " Cursed is every one who continueth not in all things written in the hook of the law to do them," to show man's universal guilt, and thereJustin's.

an echo though Paul's argument is not shall inherit the Holy Land with

fore

the reason

why

Christ died for

;

all

men.

Christ ought,

therefore, to be reverenced

thus

fulfilling

but the Jews curse Him and His, the other prophecy, " Cursed is every one who hang-

eth on a tree."

The

latter,

Justin says, did not

mean

that Christ

would be cursed by God, but by the Jews. The collocation of the two quotations from Deuteronomy shows clearly acquaintance with Gal. iii. 10-13, though Justin misunderstood verse 13. He was governed in his understanding of it, as is shown by Trypho's remarks in Dial. 32, 89, by the desire to retort on the Jews their declaration that the passage proved Jesus to have been disapproved by God. Here, as with Romans, we notice Justin's inability to grasp Paul's thought, though supposing that he was following
the Apostle.
2

Compare

also Dial. 116

("We who

through the name

iii.

of Jesus believed as one

man

in

God

") with Gal.

28.
v\^(i>-

See Dial. 33 (on Brjo-erai) and Dial. 134

Xpiarbs),
8

rcnreivos ecrrat irpa>Toi> avdpanros eira

(e'SouAeucre nal rrjv
1

pexP o^ravpov SovKeiav 6

Phil.
ii.

where Justin had clearly

i.

in

mind

7-9.
t<

See Ap.
;

23, 46, 63 (irpcoroTOKos tov 6eov), 33,

53 (npcoroT.

6ea)

Dial. 84 (jrpairoT. ra>v irdvraiv noir/paTav), 85 (npcoTOT. ndar/s

KTio-ecus),

100 (jrparoT. tov 6eov <a\

irpb Travrav ra>v KTio-pdrcov),

125

(renvov irparoTOKov rav o\u>v KTiapdroov), 138 (npcoTOT. ndarjs kti-

In Ap. i. 58, Justin has tov irparoyovov avrov, which is Dr. E. A. Abbott, Modern Review, July, 1882) but his usual phrase is apostolic, and evidently taken from Col. i. 15. Compare also Dial. 43 (" We receive circumcision through baptism ") with Col. ii. 11, 12, and Dial. 28 (" If there be any Scythaecos u>v).

Philonian

(cf.

ian or Persian," etc.) with Col.

4

iii.

9-11.
is

See Ap.

i.

12, 63,

where Christ

called diroa-roXos-

So Heb.

JUSTIN ON THE

NEW TESTAMENT.

241

1 as with the First Epistle of John.

Reminiscences of

Second Corinthians,2 Ephesians,3 First Timothy,4 Titus,5

iii.

1,

only in the

New

Testament.
is

Cf. also Dial. 11

chapters, where Christianity

called
7-9.

8iadt]Kr)v

Kaivrp>,

and following and Jer.

77

xxxi. 31
.

is

quoted.

So Heb.

viii.

Cf. especially Dial. 13 (rois

fj

fjirjKtTi

alpaan rpdycov kcu TrpofiaTcov

<nro8ca 8aud\eo)s

crtui-

SdXea)? rrpocrcpopals Ka8apioaevois

Xpta-Tov) with
like the old,
xii.

dXkd

iriorei 8ta

tov aiuaros tov

18,

Heb. ix. 13, 14; Dial. 67 (the new covenant, unwas not established ueTa cpo&ov kcu Tpnuov) with Heb. 19; Ap. i. 45 (David predicted that the Father would
ko.1

exalt Christ to heaven

avrco 8aiuovas)
1

Kare^eiv
X. 13.

ea>s

av 7raTa>) tovs e^dpalvovras

with Heb.

See especially Dial. 123,

~

kcu 6eov TeKva dXrjdiva

KaXovueOa kcu

XP 10 TOV cpvKdcrcrovres- Compare 1 John Compare also Dial. 32 (Believers are a robe iv ols alicel iii. 1-3. to napa tov 6eov o-nepua, 6 Xoyog) with 1 John iii. 9, and Dial. 45
ecrucv oi ras evrokas tov

(Christ was
vos ttjv

made
iii.

flesh Iva 81a

7-779

olKOvoulas TavT-qs 6 Trovrjpevcrdue-

dpxh v

o(pis kcu 01 e^ououiiOevTes

8.

avra nyyeXoi KaTakvdwai)

with
2

John

See Dial. 35, where "

many

false Christs

and y^evSoaTroaroXoi

shall arise "

are cpioted as Christ's words.

shall

The

previous quo-

tation, "

be schisms and heresies," was, as already observed, probably due to a confusion of 1 Cor. xi. 18, 19, with Matt. xxv. and as \j/ev8oan6o'To'Koi only occurs in the New Testament in 2 Cor. xi. 13, the latter place may have originated the expression used by Justin. See, however, Rev. ii. and the word would be easily suggested to follow " false 2

There

Christs."

Compare Dial. 47 (77 yap xPV a"r T V s Kai V (piXavdpconta tov deov kcu to aueTpov tov ttXovtov avrov) with Eph. ii. 2, iii. 8 ; Dial.
8

120 (The Simonians said that Simon was God vtrepdvco -rrdo-qs dpxqs with Eph. i. 21 Dial. 114 (" Circumcised by the words of the apostles of the Chief Corner-stone") with
kcu eovo-ias Ka\ 8vvduea>s)
;

Eph.

ii.

20

Dial. 137 (Christ called tov rjyanrjuivov) with

Eph.

i.

Testament). 4 Compare Ap. i. 6 ("the host of the other good angels ") with 1 Tim. v. 21, and Dial. 7 (to. ttjs nXdvrjs nvevuara kcu 8aiu6via), 35 ("the doctrines dno tcov rfjs 77X01/77? nvevuaTcov") with the Trvevuacri nXdvois of 1 Tim. iv. 1.
(here only in the
5

New

See Dial. 47.

Tit.
iii.

77

yap

xpTjoro'rryj

Ka\

cpCkav6p<&iria

tov deov.

Compare

4.

16

"

242

JUSTIN MARTYR.
2

James, 1 and First Peter

to the Epistles

may

also with
is far

probability be pointed out.

This

more or less more testimony

than we should have reason to expect in

books addressed

How

did he

to pagans and to Jews. But the question is, How did Justin

re-

P S" toJfcnter ature ?

gard apostolic literature?

answer

We

observe in

(1) That he strongly declares the authority of the Apostles as teachers of Christianity. "By the power

H
ers

^^

kk ev proclaimed to every race of

men

ognized the
the Apostles
'

that they were sent

the word of God." 3

teaching." 4
5

by Christ to teach to all "They preached Christ's

"

Going out from Jerusalem,

they

preached the mighty word."

they
" received

After Christ's ascension

power, sent to them from

Him

from

heaven, and coming to every race of

baptism, Justin says,
"

men
6

they taught

these things and were called Apostles."

Speaking of

and
;

this
7

reason for this

we

learned from the Apostles

so that the latter

were

not only held to have repeated Christ's teaching, but to

1

In Ap.

i.

16,

by

Jas. v. 12.
2

Matt. v. 34, 37, appears to have been modified See above, on Justin's quotations from the Sy-

noptics.

Compare
iii.

Pet.

9.

Dial. 139 (els <fii\iav kcu ev\oy[av koXccv) with Possibly the pseudo-quotation from Jeremiah, " The
. .

Holy Lord God of Israel remembered His dead, who slept in the grave, and descended to them to preach His salvation," which Justin (Dial. 72) says the Jews had cut out, may indicate an early interpretation of 1 Pet. iii. 19; iv. 6. But Justin says nothing
elsewhere of preaching to the dead.
8 4 5
7

Ap. Ap. Ap. Ap.

is

i. i. i. i.

39.

40.

Trepl ra>i> icqpv^dvTcov rfjv difiaxrjv

6

avrov-

45.
61.

Ap.

i.

50.

The

fact that the reason given

by Justin for bapit,

tism

not apostolic, at least in the form in which he states

does not lessen the significance of his reference to apostolic

struction as that to

in-

which the

faith of the

Church appealed.

JUSTIN ON THE
have explained
high-priest, so
it

NEW TESTAMENT.
He

243

with authority.

declares, further,

that " as twelve bells were attached to the robe of the

the twelve

Apostles depended on the

power of the eternal

grace of
"

priest, Christ,

and through

their

voice the whole earth

was

filled

with the glory and

God and His Christ." 1 The Gentiles believed when they heard the word preached by His Apostles and when they learned it through them." 2 Christians have learned the true worship of God " from the law and the word which came forth from Jerusalem through the Apostles of Jesus." 3 " The words [which came]
through the Apostles of the Chief Corner-stone
spiritually circumcised us
;

"

have

that

is,

have brought us into

newness of

Life.

"

We

have not been misled by those

5 "We have believed God which was again spoken through the Apostles of Christ, and which was preached to us through the prophets." 6 Manifestly, Justin regarded the Apostles as infallible witnesses to Christ's life and teaching, and as authoritative expounders of Christianity. He does not apply to them the term "inspired;" but he declares them to have been endowed with power from on high, so that their teaching was the teaching of Christ and their word the voice of God. From them the Church had learned Christianity. Only through

who

taught us such doctrines."

the voice of

their preaching could the revelation through Christ be

known.
(2)

Hence the written

"

memoirs of the Apostles," or

2

Gospels, are spoken of by Justin as authoritative sources

1 8

Dial. 42.
Dial. 110.
curb

Di a i. 10 9.
ttjv 8eoo~ej3fcav
i.

tov vopov nai tov \6yov tov if-ik66vTOs drtb

iTuyvovres.
6

lepovcrdKrjfi 8ia tg>v

4 6

tov 'irjaov airoaToKav

Dial. 114. Dial. 119.

D ia

118

Credner naturally concluded that these words are

spurious.

See Otto's note.

244
for Christian faith.

JUSTIN MARTYR.

They were
"

authoritative to

him
all

be-

cause they were apostolic.

,, (2) and their memoirs as
.

Those who recorded

the

...

things concerning our Saviour Jesus Christ taught " His miraculous birth. 1 Tothe"me.

authoritative sources

moirs

he appeals for proof that Christ

institution of the

is

Son
charist. 3

of God. 2

In the "memoirs" the Apostles

handed down the account of the

Eu-

He

tells

us that in public service on the

or the writ4

Lord's

Day

" the

memoirs of the Apostles

ings of the prophets are read as long as time permit,"

and that an exhortation by the president followed, based on the passages which had just been read. The Apostles, therefore, to the Church of Justin's time were not only infallible witnesses and teachers of Christianity, but
their written testimony, so far at least as the Gospels

faith

were concerned, was the source and guide of Christian and practice. To them Christians appealed both

for facts

and

for doctrines.

If

any other

facts concern-

ing Christ were accepted on tradition, the statements of

the Gospels were nevertheless the authority to which

appeal was made, and the witness of tradition was in-

comparably
theirs.

less in amount and in importance than They were read in the assembly interchangeit

ably with, and,

would seem from the order of Justin's

language, oftener than, the writings of the prophets.

(3) Furthermore, Justin at least six times introduces
(3)

Quotes
" scdp-

ture -"

a quotation from or a reference to the GosP els witn the sacred formula "It is written;" 5 and in one place remarks that "with
is

us the prince of the demons

1

called Serpent

and

Ap. Ap.

i.
i.

33.
GG.

2 4

Dial. 100.

Ap.

i.

G7.
also,

5 yeyoaTrrai.

Dial. 49, 100, 101, 106, 107, 111.

it

Otto conjectures

In 103, with reference to Luke xxii. 44.

JUSTIN ON THE

NEW TESTAMENT.

245

of our

Satan and Devil, as also ye can learn by inquiring writings," 1 a sentence in which we may

not only see another

reference

to

the

Apocalypse,2
authority in

but also a reference to a distinct Christian literature

which, while nothing definite
is

said of

its

the Church, was evidently regulative of the Church's

faith.

If to these facts

we add

the

many

instances in which

Justin followed, or at least thought he was following,

the teaching of the
considerable

New

Testament

epistles,

we have a
show that

amount

of evidence tending to

apostolic writings

were regarded as the authoritative

exponents of Christianity.

On
(1)

the other hand, certain facts seem to point to a

:

different conclusion

Justin uses the Old Testament as inspired Scripit

ture, calling

constantly " the

Scripture "

or

" the

Word," in marked contrast to the indefinite way in which he speaks of Christian literature other than the Gospels. It would seem, at first sight, as if he ranked only the Gospels on a level with " the prophets."
(2)

hand, certain
pofat'to'a
conclusion

observed, no direct appeal any apostolic writing besides the Gospels, except to the Apocalypse and this latter he introduces almost incidentally, after he had already sought to prove his point from the Old Testament.
to
;

He

makes, as

we have

(3)

He makes He

no mention of public
of believing
it

ecclesiastical use

of any apostolic writings except the " memoirs."

(4)

speaks

the testimony of the

Apostles because
1

agreed with the Old Testament, 3

tu>v fjfierepcou a-vyypapp.aT(ov epevvfjo-avres

Ap.

i.

28.

as kcu k

fiadeiv 8vva<T0.
2

Rev. xx.

Ap.

i.

33.

246

JUSTIN MARTYR.

thus seeming to place them in a subordinate position; while the various points in which he deviated from the teaching of the New Testament, and the freedom with

which he explained the Gospel by philosophy often seem inconsistent with a recognition of the divine
authority of the apostolic writings.

But
in

in estimating the weight of these items of nega-

tive evidence several considerations should

mind
(1)

be borne

For one

tiling, Justin's

apologetic purpose necesto purely Christian

sarily prevented
But
(i) his
1C

him from appealing

teachers as authorities.

He

appealed to the

pu?posl

prophets because they were recognized by

appeal^
apostles as

Trypho, and would, he thought, be convincing

pagan readers because of their an* and the remarkable fulfilment of their But neither Jew nor pagan would have predictions. been moved by the citation of apostolic teaching. The teaching of Christ is presented mainly to exhibit its
authontative

even

to

teachers.

tiquity

moral and reasonable character or

prophecy.

its

fulfilment

of

To the Jew the

his

prophets, and to the pagans

philosophy, were the only authorities that Justin could

quote.

Had

work against

heresies been preserved,

his attitude toward the epistles of the Apostles

might
Ter-

appear very different from what

tullian,

it

now

does.

whose acceptance of the Canon is certain, does not once appeal to any New Testament passage in his
Apology.

The same

apologetic motive

may

explain, also,

why

Justin bases his belief in the Apostles on their agree-

ment with the

one thing.
is

prophets.

To give a reason

for faith is

Thereafter to accept truth upon authority

another.

Justin was convinced of the credibility of

of

the Apostles, as he was

the credibility of Christ,

JUSTIN ON THE
chiefly because they

NEW TESTAMENT.

247

and Christianity in general fulfilled but this was not inconsistent with taking his Christianity from the apostolic teaching and testimony, which, as we have seen, he did.
the prophetic predictions
;

(2)

But, furthermore, Justin's prevailing thought of

the personal Logos led

him

to represent Christianity as

the teaching of Christ, rather than to distinguish be-

tween His statements and those of His messenders. Even the Old Testament is repre sented as given by the Logos, 1 though the But the incarprophets are cited by name.
nation of the Logos was to Justin the central
fact both of Christianity

(2) His doc _ trine of the Logos led him to ap-

Christ's

wor

8*

and of human
faith.

history.

The

person of Christ was, in his view, the substance and

foundation of the

Church's

So

far,

therefore,

was presented at all was naturally cited in the very words of the Logos, rather than in those of even His chosen
as the original Christian teaching

by him,

it

emissaries.
(3) " the

The single statement that in public worship memoirs of the Apostles or the writings of the
"

prophets

were read,

may

not be pressed so
language
he pressed
t0 far
"

as to exclude from public reading all other

apostolic works than the "memoirs," since

we

have frequent testimony from other ancient writers that even non-apostolic epistles were often thus
used.
(4)

Finally, Justin's deviations from

New

Testament

teaching were evidently unconsciously made.

lieved himself to be repeating the doctrines
of the Apostles

He
j

be-

and

to

be defending the
; '

(4) His devi" r om ap tol c

Church and if he did not see that he was in reality departing

faith of the original
1

teaching nnconsciously

made.

Ap.

i.

36.

248
from that
faith

JUSTIN MARTYR.
and those doctrines, he did only what whose acceptance of the New
is

many have

since done,

Testament as inspired
appear sufficiently
often

unquestioned.

After balancing these considerations, certain points

distinct.

It is impossible,

we

think,

to affirm fairly, as

rationalistic critics

have
It

done, that Justin

did not have the

idea of an authoritative
is

New

Testament Scripture.

likewise impossible to
it

affirm categorically that

it

he

did have

in the

complete form in which

was

expressed by the next generation.

ties of

But the

probabili-

the case accumulate decidedly in favor of the

latter rather

than of the former view.

It is clear that

he appealed
tianity.

to apostolic writings rather

than to oral

tradition as authority for his representation of ChrisIt is clear that at least the Gospels
collection, called

had been
1

formed into a sacred

"the Gospel,"

which ranked on an equality with the Old Testament, and that other apostolic books were used to regulate the faith of the Church.
infer that these other books
It
is

perfectly fair to

were held in precisely the

;

same estimate
trines echoed

as the Gospels

for the authority of the

Apostles as teachers was fully confessed and their doc-

them.

True,

believed to

by Justin even when he misunderstood oral tradition was still followed when be pure and well-attested. Distance and

heresy had not yet sufficiently increased to compel

exclusive reliance on written records, though they were
fast leading to that result.

No

doubt, also, not all of

the

New

Testament books were as yet known and

all parts

accepted in

of the

remember the

apologetic object

spirit of Justin's writings,

1

But when we and the philosophizing we ought to acknowledge that

Church.

Dial. 10, 100.

JUSTIN ON THE
he gives as

NEW TESTAMENT.
to the

249

much testimony

Canon

as

we should

expect to obtain from him.

far as it goes,

His positive testimony, so distinctly proves at least a Gospel canon,

and renders a larger canon not improbable. His negaby his object and his spirit. He, moreover, is but a single witness, and the acceptance by the Church of the New Testative testimony is largely counterbalanced

ment

as " Scripture "

may
is

be proved by others.

The The

testimony of Iren?eus
churches of the
"
first

in reality that of the Asian

half of the second century.

"

Muratori Fragment
little

speaks for the

Justin.

Eoman Church
Even
in the

at but a

later date than

apostolic age itself Paul called

"

the

Gospel of Luke

Scripture

"

genuine, the epistles of Paul are

and in Second Peter, which we hold to be similarly termed 2

first

while Ignatius, in the

decade of the second cen-

tury, not only repeatedly declares the authority of the

Apostles as teachers,3 but evidently had a collection of

apostolic writings

besides

the Gospels which formed

with the Gospels his Christian Scriptures. 4

This com-

bined testimony Justin does not oppose, though his

own

is

more limited in

extent.

So

far as his

testimony
confirms

does go,

when

read in the light of the purpose of his

it

writings and the characteristics of his mind,

the conviction that the Church of the post-apostolic

age possessed in more or less ent

1

completeness, in differit

localities,

our

New

Testament and regarded

2

in

Tim.

v. 18.

2 Pet.

iii.

16.

ad Rom. 4. " I do not, as Peter and Paul, issue commandments unto you. They were Apostles I am but a condemned man."
8

See,

e. g.,

4 Ad Phil. " While I flee to the Gospel as to the flesh of 5. Jesus, and to the Apostles as to the Presbytery of the Church."

How

could he

flee

to the Apostles except

by turning

to their

writings ?

250
substantially the

JUSTIN MARTYR.

same way that Irenseus

did, as form-

ing with the Old Testament the Christian Scriptures, an

authoritative rule of faith
also, in Justin's time

and practice. These books, had practically supplanted oral

tradition as trustworthy witnesses to the inspired apostolic

message.

LECTURE

VI.

THE TESTIMONY OF JUSTIN TO THE ORGANIZATION AND BELIEF OF THE POST-APOSTOLIC CHURCH.
examine Justin's testimony Church itself, to look through him at to the those early Christian communities of which we have already learned much from his writings, but whose internal conditions and ruling beliefs we may more
are now, finally, to

WE

directly observe.

we examined the external relaChurch of the second century, and the popular and legal objections then made to Christianity and in doing so we found the Church to consist of locally organized societies, scattered
In a previous lecture
tions of the
;

widely throughout the Empire, everywhere the object of

popular distrust, and liable under the law at any
to suffer persecution.

moment

We have
was

learned, further, that the

Church of

Justin's age

distinctly

and consciously a

Gentile society, which looked back indeed to a

Hebrew
be as

parentage and contained a minority

rites

who

united Jewish

with Christian

faith,

but which

felt itself to

a body emancipated from Jewish limitations.

Gentiles

were regarded as

joiced to believe in a

The Church rewhose kingdom every race was to be equally a partaker, and was even disposed to look beyond its Hebrew parentage, and to declare itself the child of the universal conscience and reason of
its

natural adherents.

Redeemer

of

mankind.

Hence we found

Christianity at this period

252
influenced

JUSTIN MARTYR.

viously originated, affected

losophy of
its

by the ideas which heathen culture had preby the more spiritual phipaganism, grappling with the problems which
it

exclusive claims suggested to the heathen world, as

had already grappled with those suggested to the Jewish race, and endeavoring either to reconcile reason and revelation or to prove the rights of revelation against the es-

tablished dominion of reason.

Then

in the last lecture

we found from

Justin that the Church of his age was in

it

possession of a sacred literature besides that which

inherited from the Hebrews, which
tolic origin
it

had

regarded of apos-

which it appealed and conduct. It claimed to rest its beliefs on apostolic authority, and with the progress of time was depending less and less on tradition and was becoming more and more a religion of a book. It remains, then, to ask what glimpses we may obtain from our Apologist of the internal constituS eS " ti n and doctrinal tenets of the Church itself. timony to 11 " We know, from the testimony of the followtionTmf faith of the j n cr age, that changes of form and elaboration o & a
to the statements of

and

as giving the rule of faith

Church.

of belief

had taken place since the days

of

the Apostles.

What

information does Justin give con-

cerning these changes, and what light does he conse-

quently throw on the character of the Church, both in

his

own and

in the preceding age

To

appreciate,

however, the value of this part of

it is

Justin's testimony,

necessary
,

first to

observe that
.

He

claimed

to represent

..,-.. himself to be
great

he openly claimed and manifestly thought

the fair representative of the

his Christianity

before him.

body of Christians, and that with them had been received from the generation We have several times remarked this, but
Justin did not

now

it

should be particularly proved.

JUSTIN ON THE POST-APOSTOLIC CHURCH.

253

defend a sect of Christians, but the beliefs and usages

followed by the great majority of the Christian com-

munity.

handed down from the Apostles and though, as we have seen, his philosophy did in reality seriously modify that faith, he was himself evidently unconscious of any departure from it. Thus Justin not only presented his Apology in the name of all true Christians, but he specially makes the point that these should not be confounded with Christerm
it,

on

He

insists

on his orthodoxy, as we may

fairly

his fidelity to the faith

tians falsely so called. 1

Of the

real

moral character of

nothing, and would seem, no dealings with them. 2 The doctrine which he represented was, on the other hand, the " We have received traditional belief of the churches.

these false Christians he professes to

it

know

had,

by tradition''
"

he says, "
1

how God

is to

be worshipped."

We have been taught? and

have been persuaded and be-

lieve, that

lences."

He only accepts those who imitate His excelBy these expressions he meant that they had
So likewise had the
its
6

been persuaded by Christ's teaching delivered to them

through the Apostles. 5
rite of

bap-

tism and the reason for

observance been, according

to our author, received from the Apostles

and the pur-

pose of Justin and the Church to adhere to the apostolic

commands appears when he

the Apostles in the
enjoined on them. 7
"

says of the Eucharist that

delivered

memoirs " thus In opposition,

what was
false

therefore, to

Christians, he classes himself with those "

ciples
1

who

are dis8

of the true
i.

and pure

doctrine of Jesus Christ."

2

8
5 7
8

Ap. Ap. Ap. Ap.

4.

Ap. Ap.

i.

26.

i.
i.
i.

10.

TrapeiKfjCpaiJiev.

4 6

Ibid.
i.

8e8i8dyp.eda.
61.

53.
66. 35.

7rape8a>KM.
fj/iels

Dial.

oi

T779

akrjdivrjs

'irjcroii

Xptcrrou Kal Kadapas

8t8a<Tna\ias p.a8r]Tai.

254

JUSTIN MARTYR.

Speaking of Chiliasrn, he admits that "

the

many who

are of

pure and pious faith

"

reject

it.

He

chooses not,

like the false Christians, to follow

trines,

men

or men's doc-

but God and the doctrines which are from Him, 2

all respects

and speaks of himself and those who agree with him as

thus being " in
or,

right-minded Christians,"
It is evident

in other words, " orthodox."

from these

expressions that to Justin Christianity was a body of

definite beliefs

which he had

received,

and which the

vast majority of Christians accepted as having been

handed down from the Apostles. Justin's philosophy had not made his Christianity, though he found the two harmonious, and though he understood the latter by the aid of the former. He was positive that the Christianity which he professed was that which had been delivered to the Church at the beginning.
Furthermore, Justin's declared attitude toward heresy

Most keenly was he heresies. Most His opposition to positively did he declare them to be noveleres3 ties, introduced by the demons to destroy the work of Christ. Most anxious was he not to be identitestifies

in the
.

same

direction.

aware of the existence of

.

'

and most vigorously did he repudiate Thus in the Apology he declares that Simon Magus and Menander and Marcion had been put forward by the devils to deceive men. 4 The two
fied

with

heretics,

their teaching.

former he speaks of as magicians

fies

but Marcion he speciat that time alive

as a heretic proper,

who was

and

causing

many
80.

of every nation to

utter

blasphemies

Dial.

ttoWovs

8'

av Kal tg>v

rrjs

Kadapas Kai evaeftovs

ovtuiv XpicTTLavcov yvaprj^.

2 8

Ibid, Ibid.

roty Trap' enelvov Sibdypaaiv.

6pdoyvu>p.oves Kara
i.

navTa Xpicrrtavoi.

Ap.

26, 56, 58.

"

JUSTIN ON THE POST-APOSTOLIC CHURCH.

against

255

the

Creator of the universe.

He

insinuates,

unfairly no doubt so far as the Marcionites were concerned,

that

the

slanderous

tales

circulated

about

the Christians might be true of these heretics, 1 and

speaks of them

all

and of Marcion in particular with

declaring of the latter that
"

no

little bitterness,

many

have believed him as if he alone knew the truth, and laugh at us, though they have no proof of what they
say,

but are carried away irrationally as lambs by a

and become the prey of atheistical doctrines and 2 So also he declares that the appearance of heretics in the Church only makes the true disciples more firm in the faith, since Christ had predicted the coming of such false teachers. 3 He shrewdly points out, also, 4 that the heretical doctrines bear the names of
wolf,

of devils."

their founders

the sects being called Marcionites, 5 or

Yalentinians, or Basilidaeans, or Saturnilians, after the

individuals

who

originated

them.

They were thus

stamped
trine.

as novelties, unlike the original apostolic docall

Against

these Gnostic heretics Justin speaks

"
6

with the utmost indignation.

says, " the Creator

They blaspheme," he
"

and

Christ."

"We have nothing

to

in

common with them,

name

since

we know them
and
sinful,

be

atheists, impious, unrighteous,

and confes-

sors of Jesus in

only, instead of worshippers of

Him." ' unholy

that
1

"

Many have

taught godless, blasphemous, and

doctrines, forging

them

in Christ's

name

is,

imputing them falsely to Christ.

i.

All these

Ap.

26.

2
4

Ap.

i.

58.

8
5

Dial. 35, 51, 82.

Dial. 35.

MapKiavol,

either

formed from the Latin Marcius.

6
8

a corruption from MapKiavia-ral or else See Otto's note.

7

Dial. 35. Dial. 82.

Ibid.

See also 80.

iv ovofiari avrov Trapaxapdcruovres-

May

not this

refer to the falsification of apostolic writings, such as Marcion's

256
heretical
sects

JUSTIN MARTYR.
were popularly called Christians, but

Justin repudiates them as recent perverters of Christianity.

to idols
all

of them ate meat which had been offered some denied the resurrection of the dead 2 blasphemed the Creator, and misrepresented Christ,
2

Some

and
tolic

stood, in fact, outside of the pale of the true, apos-

Church.
significance of these statements of our Apologist
It
is

The
is

very great.
-,

true that these heretics against

-,
.

whom
Significance of his testi,-.

he inveighed so bitterly were Gnostics,

,

and that he spoke in a much gentler way

even of the extreme sect of Jewish Christians. 3

,,

he
uiluy and
apostoiicity of the

But

it is

not to be inferred from this

.

orthodox
churches.

that he represents a fusion of Jewish Chris-..

tianity with a portion of the Gentile Christians

...

who

reacted against Gnosticism.

How

firmly he

stood on Gentile ground, and

how

plainly he speaks of

even moderate Jewish Christianity as a weakness, we

have already learned

speaking of some

and

his apparent gentleness in

who

denied the divinity of Christ

did not prevent him from branding their belief as a mere " human doctrine." 4 But his description of the heretics
clearly

shows that the Church of

his

day esteemed their

doctrines as novelties.

As Justin
Such
is

says, these sects bore

the names of their founders.

bore no
tion.

The Church, however,

clearly Justin's implica-

man's name.

As

the absence from his writings of any direct apis

peal to the apostolic epistles

of itself a proof that in

the Church stress was not laid on the teaching of indimutilation of Luke,

and perhaps the Valentinian

" Gospel

of

9)? 1 He does not say that all the sects mentioned Dial. 35. were guilty of this. Both the Marcionites and the Saturnili(Iren.
iii.

Truth"

11.

ans were vegetarians.

2

Dial. 80.

See Lect.

III.

Dial. 48.

JUSTIN ON THE rOST-ATOSTOLIC CHURCH.

257

vidual apostles, but on their united proclamation of

Christ, so the

man-named

sects stood in contrast to the

great body of believers, their teaching being stamped as

an innovation on the apostolic

faith.

Justin

testifies,

therefore, to the complete separation of the

orthodox

Christians from the pseudo-Christian sects or schools of

thought which had already arisen.

held to the apostolic teaching.
position

He and

the Church

was the His Christianity betrays no consciousness of having arisen from the fusion of, or compromise between, previously antagonistic parand the differences which existed between it and ties apostolic Christianity may, as we have seen, 1 be explained in another way. It was a Christianity which knew Gnosticism to be a novelty, and considered Jewish Christianity, if not carried too far, a pardonable weakness, but which itself stood on the foundation which it was assured, both by tradition and by written records, had been laid by the Apostles of Christ. Nor is there any reason to believe that Justin misSuch, at
least,

which they

tried to occupy.

represented the essential features of Christianity for the

purpose of commending
for
n

whom
l

-l

he wrote.

That

it

to the unbelievers
l

he would be

-,

in-

His testi " monvtrust-

fluenced by this purpose in the selection of

vor y

inevitable

arguments and in modes of expression, would be almost and the fact may be perceived especially in
;

The resemblances which he adduces beand the tales of mythology are to be referred to this motive. His desire to secure belief in Christ as sent from God, even if His divinity be denied, 2 betrays no doubt the same apologetic
the Apology.

tween the

facts of Christ's life

spirit.

It is not improbable, also, that

he

felt

that his

doctrine of the Logos would

1

commend
2

itself to
;

the better

Lect. IT.

Ap.

i.

22

Dial. 48.

17

258
class of pagans,

JUSTIN MAKTYR.
and would make Christianity appear

to them, as

it

did to him, the perfection of philosophy.

In

his descriptions, likewise, of the Christian ceremo-

nies,

he evidently sought
;

to

represent
stress

them

as being

as simple as possible

aud the
to

the Christian requirement of

of

which he laid on obedience to and imitation

to find favor with

God may have seemed

him likely

two purest and greatest of the Antonines. But while Justin was an Apologist, there is nothing to show that he consciously misrepresented facts. His character was too rugged and bold for such dishonesty. His sneers at the worship of the emperors and at the deification of Antinous are certainly not the language His bold arraignment of the treatment of a sycophant. of the Christians as unjust and irrational shows him a man who would speak the truth while the willingness to suffer and die rather than deny their Lord is of itself a sufficient proof that Justin and his fellow-Christians were not the men knowingly to misstate facts. Moreover, his teaching in the Apology and in the Dialogue is essentially the same, though the persons addressed were very different. We may positively conclude that when Justin speaks from his own knowledge, we may His testimony, therefore, to the trust him absolutely. condition of the Church is that of one who honestly represented, so far as his purpose called for it, and so far
at least the
;

as his peculiarities of thought allowed, the real Chris-

tian

Church

of the post-apostolic age.

itself,

He

defended no
as honestly

party but the Church

and he did so

and

as earnestly as

he could.
concerned, Justin

I.

So

far as

church organization
information.

is

gives us but
his

little

It did not lie within

purpose to describe the internal organization of

JUSTIN ON THE POST-APOSTOLIC CHURCH.

the Christian societies at
subject
all.

259

He

throws light on the

only

when
and

describing the public

worship of
.

the Christians, the celebration of their two

great alms.
rites,

the

distribution
effort

of

their

zation of the

Moreover, his

to exhibit the simplicity

ceremonies

manifestly was and harmlessness of these few so that we could not expect from him a
offi-

careful description of the relations sustained by the

cers

of the

Church

to

one another and to the whole

body.

tion.

What little he does say, however, is worth examinaHe describes, first, the rite of baptism. 1 The canhe
says, are instructed to

didates,

pray God

with fasting

for the remission of past sins, the

Church praying and fasting with them. They are then taken where there is water, and are " regenerated," 2 as the others had been " for in the name of God the Father and Lord of the universe, and of our Saviour Jesus Christ, and of the Holy Spirit, they then receive the washing
;

with water. 3
tion,4 since

This washing

is also

called illumina-

they

who

learn these things are illuminated

in their understandings."

The new member

is

then

brought, writes Justin, 5 to where "the brethren" are assembled, where " we offer prayers in com-

mon

and for the one who has been illuminated, and for all others in every
for ourselves,

Prayers

place, that

we may

be counted worthy,

now
. .

that

we have

learned

by our works to be found good citizens and keepers of the commandments. After the
the truth,
.

prayers,
1

we
i.

salute one another with a kiss.

61.

The

klss *

Ap.

dvayevvuvTai.

On

the doctrine of baptism, see below.

6

to tv tw
4
(fxoria-fios-

v8an

rore \ovrpov iroiovvrai.

Ap.

i.

65.

260

JUSTIN MARTYR.
there
is

Then

brought to the president of the brethren

The Eiickarist.

bread and a cup of water and wine, and he

having received
all,

them renders
offers

praise

and

glory to the Father of

through the name of the Son

and of the Holy

Spirit,

and

at length thanks-

giving 2 for being counted worthy of these things from

Him."

When

he has concluded the prayers and thanksassent by saying

call

giving, all the people present give

Amen.

Then they whom we

it

deacons give to those

present to partake of the bread and wine and water,

away to the absent. Afterwards, Justin we continually remind one another of an y these things. The wealthy among us help the needy, and we are always together. And on the
and carry
'

adds, 3 "

Public worfirst"

daV of the week.

day which is called the day of the Sun, there or ^ s an assem bly of all who live in cities
country to one place, and the memoirs of the
Then,
4

Apostles and the writings of the prophets are read as

long as time permits.

when

the reader has ceased,

the president gives verbal

to the imitation of these

instruction

and invitation 5

good things.

Then we

all rise

together and pray." The Eucharist is celebrated, and afterward " they who are well to do and are willing
give,

each according to his

;

own
is

free choice,

what he

wills

and what

is

collected

deposited with the presi-

dent for the relief of the needy."

Now,

so far as the organization of the Christian so-

cieties is

concerned, these passages contain

:

following items of importance

1

only the

Or, to the presiding brother.

npoa-cpeperai r<3 7rpoeoTwri

twv

d$c\cpa>v.
2 8 5

evxapicrriav

eVi ttoKv Troidrai.

4

Ap.

i.

67.

8ia Adyov.

TrpoKXrjcriv.

Some

editions read, irapa<kr](ytv, exhortation.

JUSTIN ON THE POST- APOSTOLIC CHURCH.

261

We
"

infer
"

church

in each community.
.

from them that there was but one society or Such seems to be the
expression " there
is

fair inference from the i, ., it an assembly ot ail those

m cities

...

-,

One church
in each

and country

to

one place."

There was but one congrega-

oca

'

tion in each locality.

for

If this be thought incredible in

example so large a place as Eome, where the Christians must have been too numerous to meet all together, the reply may be made that Justin none the less regarded the local church as a unit, and that if several
meeting-places be assumed, they must have been considered as but parts of one assembly.

from his language that the local This follows not so society had a permanent president. much from the expression, " the president of a permanent the brethren," for that might be translated president.
infer, further, "

We

the brother

who

is

presiding," but from the statement

that the alms of the society were deposited with

president,

the

who was

therefore the

permanent agent of
its charity.

the society for the distribution of

He

also

presided at the public assembly, preached

and administered the Eucharist. The deacons were his assistants, and he appears to have come to control the duties which the deacons were originally
ordained to discharge. 1

But why did Justin designate the

"

chief officer as

the president "

Was
?

it

simply from the wish to

-why
the
116

avoid technical terms

2

Yet he mentions
" regenera-

the "deacons," and in his account of bap-

tism

he uses the technical term

president" not e iven

-

tion" with marked emphasis.

and

" presbyter "

Moreover, "bishop" would not have been unfamiliar terms

2

Acts

vi.

Ap.

i.

61.

262
to

JUSTIN MARTYR.

the pagans. 1

The same term used by

also found in Hernias,2

Justin, or

one similar to

it, is

though there

applied, expressly

in

one instance, and probably in

It

others, to " the presbyters."

for our Apologist to use, if for

was the natural phrase any reason he preferred

not to give the

we not

title of the officer in question. May " conjecture that his avoidance of both " bishop

and "presbyter" was due

varied in different

to

the fact that their use

churches, and even in the same

church
is

It is a significant fact that the

term "bishop"
officer

not applied in extant writings to the chief

of

the

Roman Church

until a period later than Justin.

it

Forty years earlier

had

come

to

be

used in the

churches of Asia, as the genuine epistles of Ignatius

show, 3 for the particular

ter.

title of

the presiding presby5

to

About Symeon

Justin's period Hegesippus applies the term

of Jerusalem, 4 as Polycrates also does

to

Polycarp, Thraseas, and other pastors of Asia Minor.

But not only does Clement of Eome, at the close of first century, use " bishop " and " presbyter " convertibly, and with the implication that there was a plurality of such officers at the head of the local
the

church; 6 but Ignatius himself

in
his
epistle

is

significantly
to

silent

to

the

Eomans,

as

any presiding

officer in that place, as is also

Polycarp in his letter

of

to the Philippians.
1

The testimony

Hermas concern-

See Hatch's Organization of the Early Christian Churches,

Vis.
ii.

Lect. II.
2

4.

crv

8'

avayvacras

eis

ravrqv

tt)v

ttoKiv
is.
ii.

p.fTa

ra>v
9.

7rpe(rftvTtpoL>p

t&v irpoiarapevcov

rrjs

eKKXrjalas.

iii.

Tois wporiyovpivois rijs eKKArjatas3

See not only

;

Ad

Polyc.

1,

but

Ad Eph.
B

1, 2, 4, 5,

Ad Mag.

2, 3, 6, 7
4

Ad

Tral.

1, 2, 3, etc.

Eus. H. E.

iv. 22.

Ibid., v. 24.

See

Ad

Cor. 21, 42, 44, etc.

JUSTIN ON THE POST-APOSTOLIC CHURCH.

in2 the organization of the Eoraan Church
is

203

obscure. 1

His language seems

to associate the episcopate

with the

executive work of the church, and the presbyterate with

the work of teaching and ruling
2

but no such separa-

tion of titles as to prove distinct offices can be disstates 3 that on drew up a list of the succession down to Anicetus, whose deacon was Eleutherus,"

cerned in his pages.

Hegesippus also
"

his arrival at

Rome he

See Lightfoot's Commentary on Philippians See Vis.

ii.

Essay on the

Christian Ministry.
2

" Tell those

who

rule (rot? 7rpoTjyovp.evois) the

:

ways in righteousness." Vis. ii. 4 " You will write therefore two books [or copies, /3t/3XtSapta], and send one to Clement and one to Grapte. Clement will then send (his) to the foreign cities, for to him has this duty been intrusted (ei<eiva> yap e7rireTpa7rrat) and Grapte will admonish the widows and orphans and thou shalt read it to this city along with the presbyters

Church

to direct their

who

preside over the church (jav Trpeo-fivrepav rav Trpo'ioTap.evu>v

rrjs

Observe here not only presbyters as controlling the worship of the church, but Clement singled out as the church organ of communication with other churches. There is nothing to show whether Clement was but one of the presbyters, or whether he was regarded as having a distinct office but the impression is made by the language that he was the church's executive and
eKKXrjalas)-"
;

probably
teachers,

its

presiding presbyter.

Vis.

iii.

5,

" apostles, bishops,

and deacons " named

as the officers of the church.

Prob-

ably " teachers " represents " presbyters," and " bishops," the chief

terms

presbyters, as executive officers; but, as Lightfoot admits, the may designate " the one presbyteral office in its twofold asVis.
iii.

pect."

" I say to

you who preside

(jvpo-qyovp-ivois)

over

the church and hold the first seats (roty TrpcoTOKaBeSpirais)," etc. Sim. ix. 25 " Apostles and teachers who preached to the whole
:

world," etc.

If this refer to others besides the founders of Chris-

tianity, it describes

only the teaching work of church officers without discriminating their offices. Sim. ix. 27: " Bishops given

to hospitality

never failed to protect the widows and maintained a holy conversation." Here the administrative and executive work of the " bishop " appears but whether the word is applied to ordinary presbyters, or only to the chief, is uncertain. 8 Eus. H. E. iv. 22.
.

264

JUSTIN MARTYR.

thus, while evidently testifying to the existence of a

single chief ruler in the

his time, not giving his

Roman Church
title.

at

and before
later date

At

little

indeed than Justin, Dionysius of Corinth wrote to the

Rornan Church, and spoke of "your blessed bishop

Soter
;

"

but
"

Irenseus,

who was

familiar

with

the

usages of both Asia and Borne, calls Polycarp in one

and in another 3 a " presbyter," and in his letter to Victor of Rome, 4 speaks of " the presbyters preceding Soter in the government of the church which thou dost now rule." Furthermore, none of the
place

bishop,"

extant epitaphs of the

"

Roman

bishops give the

title

Episcopus

"

during the second century, nor even

title

later. 5

It

would thus seem that the

applied to the prestill

siding officer of the Christian societies

Justin's time
in different localities,

varied in
in the

and perhaps

same

localities as well.

Such a

state of things

would

at least harmonize with Justin's failure to

official title of

mention the
suppose that,

the president.

We may
which

not wishing to enter into more particulars than were

necessary, nor to explain the different usages and per-

haps

the

different

opinions

existed

in

the

churches, he used a term which would apply to all

the modifications of government which might be found

in all the Christian societies of the Empire.

But however
but one of
No
sacerdotaiism.
i
5

this

may have

been, the president

was

"

the brethren," merely the leader of their

devotions and the agent of their charity.

No

6 sacerdotal ideas were as yet attached to him.

iv. 23.
2

Eus. H. E. Eus. H. E.

v. 20.

Adv. Haer. Eus. H. E.

iii.

3, 4.

v. 24.

De

p. 50, quoted
6

Rossi, Bulletina di Archeologia Christiana, Ann. II. 18G4, by Hatch, " Organization," etc., p. 88.
all

See also Dial. 116, where Justin teaches the priesthood of

believers.

JUSTIN ON THE POST-APOSTOLIC CHURCH.

Justin makes no mention, however, president to have been the " bishop,"

265
the

if

we suppose
of

any

officers

corresponding to the " presbyters."

No

doubt this

may

be in part attributed to the fact that he was describing

the public worship of the church, and not
its discipline,

nor in detail

its

methods of instructing

its

yet the omission confirms the impression already

that in his time the chief officer

members made
towards

had gone

far

monopolizing not only the original functions of the

deacons, but also those of the presbyters.
Slight as this evidence
is, it

accords with

what we

elsewhere learn of the progress of local church organi-

From the j ust n s dezation during the second century. beginning there one estab- s^pt' 011 was but society J accords with the known lished in each locality. This was originally J J
>

facts of

governed by a body of equal presbyters or

bishops. 1

church orfrftheVecond centuI7'

Their

office,

however, was at

first

chiefly disciplinary

and executive,

for the su-

pernatural gifts of the apostolic Christians regulated to a

large degree the conduct of the service.

But toward the

close of the apostolic age itself, the teaching function,

which had always pertained in idea

called

to the presbyter,

was

into

greater prominence,2 though

an itinerant
early in the

ministry of prophets and other supernaturally gifted

teachers continued to exist with
1
it.

But

I cannot accept Hatch's theory of the origin of the episcoSee his " Organization," etc., Lect. II. The use of the term in the apostolic churches as synonymous with " presbyter " is
pate.

clearly proved

by Acts xx.

17, 28, as well as Tit.

i.

5-7; and the

term

itself

could as easily have been obtained by the Jewish

Christian churches from the LXX. as by the Gentile Christians from the clubs. See Dr. Sanday's article in the Expositor, Feb., 1887, "Origin of the Christian Ministry, II., Criticism of Recent

Theories."
2
8

See the Pastoral Epistles and Heb. xiii. 7, 8 See " The Teaching of the Apostles," 11, 12,

Pet. v. 1-3.

13.

266
second century

JUSTIN MARTYR.

we

find in the

Asian churches, at the

head of the local or congregational presbytery, a per-

manent president

or pastor, called the bishop,

who was

the centre of both the administrative and liturgical and

disciplinary service of the society.

With him appear

the presbyters as counsellors, but they are already sink-

ing into a subordinate rank.

manent pastor of the which is thus shown

ence of heresy.
increased.

flock
to

The bishop is the perand in this centralization, have taken place, the Church
;

found her safeguard against the disorganizing

influ-

As

the second century passed on, the

importance and power of the local bishop naturally

The services of the assembly and the management of the society's affairs fell more and more into The deacons became his assistants in the his hands. administration of the finances and of the benevolent work of the Church. The latter especially, as Justin intimates, occupied a large part of his attention, and must have aided to augment the power of his office.

The

presbyters, while remaining the bishop's council

and assisting him in teaching and discipline, fell into the background, or became pastors of the subordinate chapels, as we would call them, which with the growth
of the society

became necessary.
in local church

the

movement

second century witnessed.

Such was in outline government which the By the end of the century

the elevation of the episcopate over the presbyterate

had been so firmly established in nearly all the churches of the Empire, 1 that it was commonly supposed to have been the arrangement from the beginning. The slight
glimpse which Justin gives of the services of the Chris1

elsewhere.

In Alexandria the process seems to have been slower than See Li^htfoot's Commentary on Philippians Essay
;

on the Christian Ministry,

p. 225.

JUSTIN ON THE POST-APOSTOLIC CHURCH.

tian

267

assemblies

reveals,

so far as

it

goes,

the same

picture. 1

But was

tliere

societies together

of such a thing.

any external bond uniting these local ? We reply that Justin gives no hint His expressions concerning unitv of the
1168

the unity of Christendom are the following,

puref
spiritual,

Expounding the
that those

Forty-fifth Psalm, he

writes.2

who

believe in Christ are one soul

and one

synagogue and one church, even as the

Word

speaks,

"Hearken,
ear." 3
1

daughter, and behold and incline thine Again,4 Christ " hath made us a house of prayer

for the governing

be noted that I have used the term " presbytery " body of a local church or single society. So it is used in the New Testament. It was, since there was but one society in each locality, in one aspect equivalent to the modern " session," in another equivalent to the modern " presbytery," as Nor the terms are used in the American Presbyterian Church. must the " bishop " of the early part of the second century be He was the identified with the diocesan bishop of later times.
It should

pastor of a single society.

epistles

Had

the " bishop " of the Ignatian

been associated with other bishops of the same province or of several adjacent localities in the government of the churches under them, or had he and his presbyters divided on terms of

members of their church, as it grew, into several soeach organized after the original pattern, and governed by the joint council, the result would have been what is now understood as government by presbytery. But in fact the importance of the chief pastor increased. The presbyters were given subordinate positions under him. The local church remained an
equality the
cieties,

organic unit, and the

copate.

the

first

way was paved for the later diocesan episBoth presbyterianism and episcopacy therefore concur in change which passed over the apostolic churches namely,
;

the rise of the local bishop.

From

that point they diverge

the

former preserving the idea of local self-government after the original model, and securing the unity of all by a series of ascending
courts;
2 4

the latter continuing the development of the central

8

personal power.
Dial. 63. Dial. 86.

Cf.

Eph.

v.

23-27.

268

JUSTIN MARTYR.

and worship." 1 Christians are "the vine planted by God and Christ the Saviour," 2 and are " the robe of

them the Seed of God, the Logos, They have believed "as one man" in God, and " being inflamed by the word of His calling, are the true high-priestly race." 4 They are the true Israel. 5 Still more particularly, he states 6 that the prophet 7 predicted that the wicked shall become subject to Christ, "and that all shall become as one child. Such a thing," he adds, " as you may witness in the body although the members are enumerated as many, all together are called one, and are a body. 8 For indeed a commonwealth 9 and an assembly, 10 though many individuals
Christ," because in

dwells. 3

numerically, yet, because they are one in

called

fact, 11

are

and addressed by the one appellation." The of Christendom was therefore to Justin a most unity real, but at the same time a purely spiritual fact.
There
the
is

nothing, either in the charges

or

made

against

Christians

in

the Apologist's

defence,

which

indicates

that a formal
societies

organization of the

separate

Christian
arisen.
is

into one external

life

Their unity was one of

evident that Paul's figures

still

framework had and faith and it of a temple and a body

;

were

controlling Justin's language.

This spiritual

bond

certainly united

the churches

closely together.

We
1

early learn of letters of inquiry or counsel sent

to church, 12
21,

from church
Cf.

or written
iii.

by distinguished
ii.

Eph.
i.

ii.

22

Tim.

15

Pet.

5.

Dial. 110.

6
7 8

Ap.
Isa.

32.

Cf. Dial. 54, 87.

4
6

Dial. 116. Dial. 42.

Cf. Dial. 119, 125, 130, 135.

liii.

2,

according to the

LXX.
9
8i}/zof.

Cf.

Cor. xiv. 12, etc.

as being one object.

10 eKKkrjcria.
11

ok
Cf.

ovres irpayfia

i2

Clem. Horn, ad Cor.

JUSTIN ON THE POST-APOSTOLIC CHURCH.

pastors to other churches than their own. 1

269
the

With

growth of heresy and the planting of new churches,

the original societies, because the depositaries of apos-

Important churches and bishops attained commanding positions in the enBut all the evidence goes to show tire brotherhood. that the local churches were in the second century intolic traditions, rose in influence.

dependent. a

Christian unity lay in the consciousness of

faith

common

and

life

and hope.
It

It divided

the

orthodox from the heretics.

to themselves,

made

believers

seem

body, one race,

though scattered over the Empire, one one church. No church or bishop held
;

any

official

primacy

yet the sense of spiritual oneness

to an established was not difficult in time to embody the Church's unity in an external form. 2 Not yet, however, had that form been created. The Catholic Church of the post-apostolic age was simply

among the brethen and attachment

apostolic faith

was so strong that

it

the total
faith.

number

of those

who

professed the apostolic

In Justin we find the same spiritual conception

of the Church that

we

find in Paul.

He

betrays no

conception of the Church as a whole more advanced

than that of his predecessors.

While we know that

the forces were already beginning to work which pro-

duced a world-wide external organization with which

the Church

was

identified, Justin stands

testifies to

on the older

ground, and thus

siastical

the falsity of the eccle-

claims of modern Eome, as

we have found

Compare the

Epistles of Ignatius, Polycarp, Dionysius of

Corinth.
2

The

first

external expression of the Church's unity was in

of

the form of councils, consisting of the representatives

the

churches of a certain
irregularly,

district.

They appear

to

have been held

and had no binding authority.

See Hatch's Organiza-

tion of the Early Christian Churches, Lect. VII.

270

JUSTIN MARTYR.
to do to the claims of

him

some modern
first

critics that in

his age Catholic Christianity

II.

began.

What,

then,

was the

faith

by which these
?

early

Christians were united, and which they claimed to have

received from the Apostles

faith of the

To

this ques-

tion
P

we
,,

are naturally led as the conclusion

Church.

oi all

our inquiries.

In seeking a reply to this question from Justin, we have only

to abstract

from his statements of doctrine

How

ootained from

element which that philosophical x x

we have

found he introduced into his Christianity.

By
upon

his philosophy he endeavored to under;

stand and explain Christianity

his theology

and the
to

effects of this

were so great as

modify nearly
belief.

every statement by him of the Christian

yet, as

And
two
are

was remarked
the

in a previous lecture, 1 the

elements,

philosophical

and

the

Christian,

equally evident in his expressions.

He

believed

much

which

his philosophy could not appropriate or could

only rationalize away.

His philosophy was clearly

superimposed upon
cal terms, taken also beliefs

his Christianity.

Not only

techni-

from the language of the Church, but

created,

which his philosophy never would have and which therefore must have come from his
religion, are

adopted

found on his pages.

Finally, his

body of orthodox believers, his confessed reliance on apostolic teaching, and his horror of heresy make it certain that while his views were modified by philosophical influences, he is, if allowance for these modifications be made, a competent witness to
close connection with the

the

faitli

of the early Church,

(1)

(l) The "person of

The

first

point to be noticed in the

as witnessed

Christ.

faith of the
1

Church
Lect. IV.

by Justin,

JUSTIN ON THE POST-APOSTOLIC CHURCH.

is

271
central

that the divine-human person of Christ

was

its

article.

On

the one hand, the reality of Christ's humanity,

facts of

and the

His

birth, life, death, resurrection,

and
of

ascension formed the historical foundation on Humanity which the Church's faith rested. His birth Curist
-

from the Virgin

belief. 1
is

is defended by Justin as the common His gradual and natural growth into manhood

Stress is laid on the reality of His humanity 3 in general, as well as of His sufferings in particular. 4 He was held to be sinless, 5 holy, 6 and righteous. 7 He rose from the dead, and ascended to heaven, where He waits in glory the day of His final

mentioned. 2

triumph. 8

These

facts,

accepted on apostolic testimony

is

in just that version

which

recorded in our Gospels,

historical, but were the founby any save by those who by questioning them were stamped as heretical, upon which the very existence of Christianity was held to repose. But, on the other hand, the divinity of Christ is even more emphatically mentioned by Justin as a fundamental belief of the Christians. He was Divinity of worshipped and adored. 9 "We reasonably Christ, worship Him, having learned that He is the Son of the

were not only received as

dation, unquestioned

true God, holding

Him

in the second place;"

and on

this
its

very account was Christianity esteemed madness by

enemies. 10
"

Son of God " was, in fact, the term commonly applied to Christ by the Christians n and while
1

Ap.

i.

33; Dial. 43, 54, 99, etc.

s

Dial. 88.

Dial. 84, 98.

4 Dial. 98, 99,

6
8

103.

p ia

i.

2 .3, 110.

Dial. 98, 119.

Dial. 119.

Ap. Ap.

i. i.

45, 51, 52; Dial. 32, 34. 36, 85, etc.

6.
i.

io

Ap.

i.

13.

See Ap.

22.

272

JUSTIN MARTYR.

the term itself might be understood in a sense in which

it

could be applied to other men,

it

was not

so underIt re-

stood by the Church

when

applied to Christ.

ferred to His relation to the lather before the creation

of the world

and in

this particular

was the Church,

was a

according to Justin, separated from the extreme sect

of Jewish Christians. 2
Christ's birth, therefore,

divine incarnation. 3
doctrine.

This was not merely Justin's

own

Of that we have already spoken.

This was,

according to his testimony, the faith of the Church.

is

His explanation of the way in which Christ was divine one thing. His testimony to the Church's non-philois

sophical belief in Christ's divinity

another thing, and

quite distinguishable from the former.

The

latter

was

unquestioned except by heretics.

the belief of those
is

Ebionism, or at least
to be the opinion

who

considered Christ a mere man,

distinctly declared 4

by Justin not

of the Church, but a "

human

doctrine," or the teaching

of man, in opposition to the teaching of the prophets and of Christ Himself. Moderate Jewish Christianity stood, as would appear from Justin's language, in full accord with the rest of the Church in this belief. 5 Marcion, on the contrary, is declared to be impious for denying that Christ is the Son of the Creator, 6 as well as for denying that the Creator is the Supreme God. Thus Christ was to the Christians the God-Man Son of God from before the foundation of the world the divine Logos who became man for the salvation of men. 7 Justin's doctrine of the Logos presupposes, as
;

Ap.

i.

23.
i.

Dial. 48.

8 6
7

See Ap.
In Ap.

5, 23, 63, etc.

4 Dial. 48.
6
8lci

Dial. 47, 48.

ii.

Ap.

i.

58.

10, Justin says,

to \oyuc6v to b\ov top tyavevra

kq\

6i

i]jxas

xpio~Tov ycyovevai,

feat o~a>p.a

\6yov Kai

yj/v)(rjv.

This

is,

JUSTIN ON THE POST-APOSTOLIC CHURCH.

273
as

we have previously
as one establishing a

observed, the doctrine of

John

the accepted faith of the Church.

He

does not write

new

belief,

but as one defending

and explaining an admitted belief. Dean Mansel has well remarked that the earliest heresies found it easier to deny the humanity than the divinity of Christ, and
thus testify to the universal belief of the Christians in
the
latter.
1

In like manner, in Justin's time was the

divinity of Christ a fundamental article of Christianity.

As such

it

was defended and explained.

We

repeat

that the attempt, apparent in Justin, to reason out the

perhaps, the most
difficult

passage to interpret in Justin's books.

I believe, however, that he wished to oppose the views of those

Marcion, divided Christ. The whole Logos appeared and the whole Christ, physical and rational, was the appearing of the Logos. The body of Christ was produced in the womb of the Virgin by the Logos (Ap. i. 33) the Logos Him-

who,

like

in Christ

self

dwelt in this body.

And

then Justin adds, to

make

the enu-

meration complete, that the ^rv\riv (human soul; see Dial. 105) of Christ contained also the manifestation of the Logos. Certainly

body and logos and words shows that Justin did not mean by these terms to enumerate the parts of Christ's humanity, for then he would surely have said, body and soul and logos (or reason). By logos he therefore meant Christ's divinity, and, besides There is it, attributed to Him a real body and a human soul. nothing to show how he defined the relation of the Logos to the soul in Christ, just as he does not define the relation of the Logos
Justin recognized in Christ three parts,
soul.

But the order

of the

to the

human reason

generally (see Lect. IV.).

Though

his lan-

guage here looks Apollinarian, the probability is that he did not anticipate that heresy. So Otto (sub loco), Weizs'acker (Jahrb. fiir deutsche Theol., 1867, p. 96, note), and Von Engelhardt (Das Christenthum Justins, p. 121, where the various views of the pasSee also Dorner's History of the Doctrine of sage are given). the Person of Christ (Eng. trans.), div. i. vol. i. p. 277. Dial. 105, in which Justin shows that by yf/vxrj he understood the immortal spirit and not the mere animal life of man, seems to have been overlooked by those who make him a trichotomist. 1 Gnostic Heresies, Lect. VIII.
18

274
relation of the

JUSTIN MARTYR.

Son
as

to the

Father was one thing; the

belief in Christ's pre-existent, divine Sonship with the

worship of

Him

God

manifest in the flesh was an-

other thing.
efforts

The

belief occasioned the philosophical

to

explain the

mystery
is

philosophy did not

create the belief.

This

the manifest order as the

matter
(2)
(2)

lies in

the testimony of Justin.

belief

Necessarily connected with

divinity

in

Christ's
faith

The

was the Church's substantial

is

Trinity.

in fa e Trinity.

Justin's testimony to this

the more significant from

the fact that his philosophy tended to modify the doctrine

which we believe was taught by the Apostles, and would certainly at least never have led him to it.

When

describing his theology

we spoke

of the

way

in

which, under the influence of philosophy, he emphasized the divine transcendence.

deed,

we found

that his doctrine

At the same time, inof God contained many

elements of another type, so that two conceptions of

the one Deity seemed to be contending in his mind, derived from his philosophy the other from a living
;

sense of God's moral character and affectionate interest in

men, and due doubtless

to his Christianity.

Still

Justin

thought of God as above and beyond the world, and of

the Logos as a divine being produced by the Father's
will out of Himself,

and through

whom

alone God's re-

lation to the world is mediated.

So, as to the relation

of the

Son

to the Father,

we found

Justin describing

the Logos as not personally eternal, and yet as neither

a creation of nor an emanation from God.

merically distinct from the Father,
as one with

While nu-

He

is

yet represented

Him

in such a

way
the

as to

imply that the

distinction between

them

referred to their personalities,

but not to their nature.

At

same time

He

is

sub-

'

JUSTIN ON THE POST-APOSTOLIC CHURCH.

275

ordinate to the Father, not only in office but in being,

since

He

Father's will.

was produced as a distinct subsistence by the But to the Logos pertains, according to
the world.

Justin's thought, the

God and
is

whole work of mediation between His affinity with human reason

and His activity in human history has So much stress was thus laid on the idea of the Logos that little place was left for the work Though continually using the phrase of the Spirit.
very
close,

been constant.

" prophetic spirit," Justin represents the

Logos as the

real author of prophecy. 1 to the Virgin

Quoting the words spoken

by the angel, " Behold, thou shalt conceive of the Holy Spirit," Justin says that it is wrong to understand here the " Spirit " as anything else than the Logos, who Himself caused the Virgin to conceive and became incarnate in her. 2 Significant variations of phrase from that of the New Testament indicate the same habit of thought. Instead of Saint John's " worship in spirit and in truth," Justin has, " We worship, honoring in reason and truth." 3 Believers are those " in whom dwells the Seed from God, the Logos," 4 rather than those in whom God or Christ dwells by the Spirit. The doctrine of " the Seminal Logos, of whom all men
partake,"
5

while not inconsistent necessarily with the

the Spirit, manifestly

doctrine

of

takes

its

place in
to

Justin's mind.

These examples will

suffice

that the Apologist's

own thought

strongly tended

show away

from

the doctrine of a Trinity. It tended to a sort of dytheism, although it held to the consubstantiality of

the Logos and the Father of

all.

What
1

means, then, the fact that in spite of

i.

all this

8
6

See Ap. Ap. i. 6.

36

ii.

10.

\6y<a Koi uXrjOelq.

Ap. Ap.

i. i.

33.
32.

See Lect. IV.

276
Justin
testifies

JUSTIN MARTYR.
to the
?

worship of three divine persons

by the Christians

Such worship was involved in the

already established formula of baptism, " in the

name

of

God

the Father and Lord of

all,
;

and of our Saviour Jesus

and of the Holy Spirit " : or, as Justin adds in the same connection, " in the name of God the Father and Lord of all," and " of Jesus Christ who was crucified under Pontius Pilate," and " of the Holy Spirit, which predicted through the prophets all things concerning Jesus." So he elsewhere explicitly declares " we worship the Son, holding him in the second place and the prophetic Spirit in the third order." 2 That he
Christ,
1

Ap. Ap.

i.
i.

61.
13.

vibv
.

tlkov iv Tpirr] Taipei,

Tifiwfiev.

iv Sevrepa X&>P? e^ovres nvevfid re 7rpo<pT]See Aj3. i. 6, 65, 66. In Ap. i.

:

" The 6, he mentions the objects of Christian worship as follows most true God and Father of righteousness and temperance and other virtues (who is) free from wickedness, and the Son who came from Him and taught us these things, and the host of other good angels who follow and are like Him and the prophetic This mention of angels is to be explained by Justin's Spirit." desire to set over against the bad angels and demons whom pagans worshipped the whole number of good celestial beings as objects of Christian veneration, thus showing that universally His object was to prove that the Christians adore what is good. So far from this, he says, they have Christians are not atheists. as objects of reverence a great number of heavenly beings, but all Certainly Justin's language was misleading for of them good. that he did not really mean that Christians in the strict sense worshipped angels is proved by the fact that in Ap. i. 13, 61, 65, &G, he names only the Father, Son, and Spirit as objects of worship. His language in Ap. i. 6 shows, however, that the subordination of the Son and Spirit to the Father was so strongly impressed on his thought that it was not difficult for him thus to include angels as, He did not bave a Jew's in a general way, objects of veneration. jealousy of whatever might seem to infringe on monotheism, but was more concerned for the worship of the good than of the One. This was another result of the course by which Justin approached Christianity and the isolated expression before us betrays his
; ;

JUSTIN ON THE POST-APOSTOLIC CHURCH.

277

ascribed divinity to the Logos, even to the extent of

making

Him

of the
_,
.
.

same substance with the Father,

;

we have

already stated
.

but his testimony

concerning

the Spirit

For though his

more remarkable. own theology had really no place

is

iii

,,

The

Spirit.

for

the Spirit, yet Justin speaks of the Spirit as not only

an object of worship, but as the power

of Christian

life.

Not only

is

the Spirit repeatedly represented as having

spoken through the prophets,1 but certain prophecies

are distinguished

from those uttered in the name of

the Father and from those uttered in the

name

of

Christ as being specially prophetic of future

things,

with the evident implication that they were spoken in

the

name

of the Spirit. 2

The province

of the Spirit lay,

life.

according to Justin, in the domain of Christian

The prophecies
in the

just referred to as having been spoken

name

of the Spirit

were those which predicted

religion.

the progress and victory of the Christian

The

own
See

peculiar cast of mind, but not the belief of the Church.

Engelhardt's Das Christenthum Justins, p. 14G, and his quotation from Nitsch, that " to the Gentile Christians, as long as
scientifically reflect, there was not the same need of monotheism as to the Jewish Christians," which was because, Yon Engelhardt adds, " in rising from polytheism to the truth of divine unity, the conception of God became abstract and

Von

they did not a

strict

easily consistent with the thought of subordinate beings

who mani-

fested the powers of Deity."

The view

that Justin classed angels

with the Spirit and regarded the Spirit as an angel is an unnatural construction of his language, and opposed to his general
representation of the Spirit.

taught us and the host of other good angels these things,"

So the rendering, " The Son who is a mere effort to escape difficulties. Dr. E. A. Abbott (Modern Review, July, 1882, p. 568) regards this passage " as a remnant of the undeveloped Philonian doctrine, whereby the Logos is but the elder and foremost of a number of Logoi, Angels, or Powers." 1 Ap. i. 31, 32, 35, 40, etc.; Dial. 7, 25, 32, 34, etc. a Ap. i. 39.

278
aged believer

JUSTIN MARTYR.

who

led Justin to Christ

of

is

represented

as maintaining that the

unless instructed
to

mind by the Holy

man

cannot see

God
but

Spirit. 1

Justin declares
fables,

Trypho that Christians have not believed

filled

words

with the Spirit of God. 2

that other
?

have

I,"

he

cries, " of

What need baptism, who have been

"
"
3

baptized with the Holy Ghost

The

" special " gifts

which Christian men and women possessed are said to have been received from the Spirit of God. 4 It would appear from these expressions that he conceived of the Spirit as the agent employed by the Father and the Logos Thus alone can we in operating upon men's minds. understand him, when he writes of the Spirit as speaking through the prophets, and yet of the divine Logos So likewise he declares as the author of prophecy. that Joshua received strength from the Spirit of Jesus 5 and in one particularly notable passage 6 he uses this language " Though the devil is ever at hand to resist us, and anxious to seduce all to himself, yet the Angel of God, that is the Power of God sent to us through Jesus Christ, rebukes him, and he departs from us." This latter passage manifestly refers to the Holy Spirit. 7 It is true, indeed, that Justin's idea of the Spirit was vague. In no
:

Dial. 4.
Dial. 29.

Dial. 9.

4 Dial. 88.
5
7

^aplafiaTa dwo tov irvevfxaTos tov 6eov e^ovras.

6

Dial. 113.

Dial. 116.
trans.,
i.

See Neander's Church History, Eng.

609; also Otto's

note in his edition of Justin.

The

fact that Justin also called the

Logos an angel shows that his use of the word here does not necessarily imply that he considered the Spirit a creature. The phrase, " The Power of God," etc., may be understood personally or not. The Spirit was, at any rate, to Justin a distinct being sent to men from God through Christ, whom Justin represents as a person (angel), though in his own thought he may have regarded him as impersonal.

JUSTIN ON THE POST-APOSTOLIC CHURCH.

279

case does he clearly declare the personality of the Spirit,

though he often seems on the verge of doing so. Nevertheless the Spirit was to him a distinct object of worship, and the immediate power of a Christian's life and
;

this although his

own

theology

felt

no need of the Spirit

in order to explain the philosophy of Christianity.

Thus Justin in
fold

spite of himself testifies to the three-

object of Christian worship.

first,

He

even finds

in

Plato an adumbration of the

second, and third

powers in the universe, though in doing so he misunderstands and misrepresents that philosopher. Justin's

own

conception

is

vague,

or,

when not vague,

unscriptural

in certain important points.

He

unduly subordinates

the Son to the Father, and the Spirit to both.

He hovers

between the ideas of the Spirit as divine Influence and

as a divine Person.

But he

declares these three to be

the divine objects of Christian worship. the functions of each in the

He

describes

economy of salvation in nearly 2 the same way in which they are described in the New Testament. He thus most effectively testifies to the traditional faith of the Church in the Father, Son, and Spirit as the threefold object of Christian worship,
and the threefold source of Christian
(3)
life.

Furthermore,

according to Justin, the Church

'

believed in a redemption wrought out

the

by (3) Redemptloa Son of God through His incarnation, death, and resurrection. Here, again, we must allow for the influence of Justin's philosophy upon his statements. The main facts
1 2

Ap.

i.

60.

The most marked exception is his failure Spirit's work in regeneration (Ap. i. 61); but the stress which he laid on human freedom and
affairs.

to bring out the

this

was due

to

activity in moral

280

JUSTIN MAETYR.

of his testimony concerning the

work

of Christ

were

exhibited

when we

discussed his theology. 1

To him

was supremely the full revelation of truth, because Christ was the incarnation of the divine Logos. In accordance with his exaltation of reason, he attribChristianity

uted the evil of

life to

the subjection of man's rational

demons of ignorance and sin, and believed that if men be shown the truth, they have the power to recognize it and the ability to choose and obey it. Hence his favorite representation of Christ is as the Christianity is the new law, and man's great Teacher. duty is obedience to Christ's commands. What mean then, we again ask, the expressions which are scattered through his writings and which represent Christ as saving men by His death and resurrection ? He is said to have brought us healing by becoming partaker of our sufferings. 2 By His blood
powers
to the

He

cleanses believers. 3

He
sins. 4

endured

all for

our sakes

and on account of our

conquered death. 5
other race,

By

dying and rising

He

"He became

the beginning of an-

who have been born

6

again by

Him

through

water and faith and wood, which contains the mystery

of the Cross."

of sins

by the blood

In baptism believers receive remission " His Father caused of Christ. 8

Him

to suffer in behalf of the

human

did not know,

when they

inflicted the sufferiug

Him, that He was "the eternal Christ." 10 The fifty-third chapter

1

The Jews upon Priest and King and

race."

of Isaiah is not only

Lect. IY.

2
;

Ap.

ii.

13

Dial. 86, 137.

4
6
7

Ap. Ap. Ap.

i. i. i.

32

Dial. 13, 40, 54.

;

56, 70, 103 63.

Dial. 63.
6
8

Dial. 138. Dial. 111. Dial. 96.

Dial. 54.

Dial. 95.

10

JUSTIN ON THE POST-APOSTOLIC CHURCH.

281
is

in whole or in part repeatedly applied to Christ, but

quoted with such unusual accuracy as to seem to show

that
it was a specially familiar passage to the Christians, and that every clause of it was literally applied to Him. Christ is the Passover, whose blood will deliver from

death those

who have
cross,

believed. 1

Christ served for

2

men
its

even unto the

and acquired

them through

blood aud mystery. 3

With

great

emphasis also does

Justin represent Christ's death and resurrection as a

Of this victory the Cross Death has come to the Serpent through Him who has been crucified, by coming to whom men also may be saved. 6 The demons are now subject to His name and to the dispensation of His suffering." They are frequently exorcised in His name, so that His power over them is proved. 8 Christ is now sitting at the right hand of the Father, waiting till He make His enemies His footstool. 9 It would seem impossible to mistake the significance of these expressions. Justin could only have received them from the faith of the Church. He had no thought
was the
sign. 5

triumph over the demons. 4

of modifying

that faith.

In

it

he practically shared.
it

Therefore he freely expressed

this case to

it,

although

had

little

in

do with the philosophical ideas which were

controlling his intellectual apprehension of Christianity.

It is true that neither in his representation of Chris-

tianity as the

new law nor

in the stress which he laid

on obedience as a condition of salvation, did Justin introduce a novelty. We have already remarked that the
1

Dial. 111.

KTrjadjievos-

8 4 5
6
8

Dial. 134.

Ap. Ap.

i.

46 55

ii.

6; Dial. 91, 131, etc.

i.

Dial. 90, 91.

7 9

Dial. 91. Dial. 76.

Dial. 30. Dial. 26.

282

JUSTIN MARTYR.

tendency to a Christian legalism was characteristic of

his time.

We

have suggested as causes of

it

precisely

these philosophical ideas operating in union with the

felt

necessity of laying stress on Christian conduct

and

of upholding Christian character in the face of pagan-

ism.
faith

But none the

rested

less does it

appear that the Church's

word of truth which Christ had spoken, but also in the redemption which Christ had wrought out by His death and resurrection. The power of Christ lay not only in His character and teaching, but in what He was believed to have done for men upon the cross. In that sign the Church was In His blood she was trusting. And conquering. though, in the confusion which was caused by the contact of Christian faith with the great world of pagan thought, by the awakening of speculation, by the stern practical necessities of the hour, the doctrine of redemption was conceived in crude and fragmentary ways, yet the faith in redemption by the death of Jesus was fundamental and catholic, and is thus attested as the faith which had been received from the Apostles.
not merely in the

_
privileges and prospects of the Christian.

(4)
f

Finally, Justin
,

testifies

to

the faith

spiritual
,

...... privileges
n
. .
,

the post-apostolic church concerning the

..

and future prospects

ot

the Christian.
id)
life

Christianity

was the actual enjoyment of a new

It is true, again, that this is

in

and from

Christ.

not the phase

anitya^elv
llfe '

of

Christianity
;

upon which

Justin lays most stress

but his testimony

to it is all the stronger for

it

being incidental.

Most obviously was

rality.

new

life

in being a

new mo-

Justin dwells upon the contrast between pagan vices and Christian virtues, and points his Imperial readers to the astounding moral change which had passed

JUSTIN ON THE POST-APOSTOLIC CHURCH.

283

over the lives of their persecuted Christian subjects. 1

morality was based upon a new standard which had been derived from the a new moraity knowledge of the holy and loving char-

This

new

of living,

acter of the true God,

imitate.

whom
of life

the Christians strove to

had been caused by a " We have Christ. " been taught," writes the Apologist, and have been persuaded, and do believe that He accepts those only who imitate the excellences which reside in Him, temperance and justice and philanthropy, and as many virtues as are peculiar to a God who is called by no proper name." 2 A new world had already formed itself

The change

new

discovery of

God through Jesus

in the Christian

in Christ

mind around the manifestation of God and that divine revelation, as the Christians
to
be,

believed

it

was the motive-power

of the

new

morality which had

made

its

appearance in them.
life

As

to the origin of this

in individuals, Justin

expresses himself for the most part after almost a Pela-

gian manner. 3

Insisting on man's full ability to repent

life,

and change
as

his

fection of that rational living of

and seeing in Christianity the perwhich heathen as well

Hebrew

antiquity afforded examples, he could even

speak of a man's undertaking to be able to live according

to Christ's

commands, and therefore choosing

if,

to be

born

again.*
sins
;

We

obtain in baptism the forgiveness of past

after baptism, a Christian's

but Justin writes as

salvation depended on his

own

obedience. 5

Of an im-

mediate and unchangeable justification he says nothing. 6

1

6 6

Ap. i. 14, 25, 27; DiaL 110. See Lect. IV. Ap. i. 65 Dial. 44.
;

2
*

Ap. Ap.

i. i.

10.
61.

In Dial. 116 we read,

i.

"We

who
''

believed have been stripped

;

of the filthy garments,

e.,

of our sins

" but, just before, Justin

speaks of the " prepared garments

as to be put on us in the

284
Nevertheless,

JUSTIN MARTYR.

we

discover in

him the consciousness

of

God's special favor to the believer, of a mystical relationship to Christ, and of supernatural grace
Conversion.
.

received in
that,

the

sacraments,

winch proves
gift

with

all his

Pelagianism, he believed that Chris-

tian life

was a communion with, and a

"

from God

through Jesus Christ.

tian to the

Pray," said the aged Chris-

young

Platonist, "that the gates of light

;

may

be opened to you

for these things cannot be perall,

ceived or understood at

but only by the

man

to
x

whom God and

chosen. 2

His Christ have imparted wisdom."

Christians, therefore, are a holy people,

whom God

has

To them it has been granted to hear and understand and be saved by this Christ, and to recognize all the things revealed by the Father. 3 They are the true Israel, begotten of faith and the Spirit. 4 So
Christ's presence.

al so is Christ

represented as always present

as in
6
;

among them by His power, 5 even

possessing the fulness
believers

them
and

the Seed from God, namely, the Logos, dwells

Christ,

of the

Spirit,

imparts
of the

grace to
The
sacra-

according as he deems each one

Particularly in
his

worthy. 7

idea

ments

sacraments does Justin combine rationalistic

of expression with evident belief in their

modes

mys-

future kingdom, so that he evidently confined the stripping off of the old garments to forgiveness of past sins in baptism.

So see Dial. 30 " Have received grace to know " 32: "A remnant left by the grace of the Lord of Sabaoth;" 55 God has withheld from the Jews the ability (to dvvaadai) to discern the wisdom of the Scriptures (compare also 58, 119);
1

Dial.

7.

116

the

Christ.

Power of God sent to us (i. e., the Compare also Ap. i. 10 Dial. 110,
;

Spirit) through Jesus

131, 136, though these

passages
2 4
6

may be understood

in

a rationalistic sense.
8 6
'

Dial. 119. Dial. 135

Dial. 121. Dial. 54.

dvvdfiei.

Ap.

i.

32.

Dial. 57.

JUSTIN ON THE POST-APOSTOLIC CHURCH.

tical' efficiency.

285

Thus baptism

was, on the one hand,

the

rite of initiation into

the Church, and was adminis-

tered to those

who had been persuaded

what Christ taught was true, and undertook

to be able to live accordingly.

tit
By
it

that
Baptism.

they

"

dedicated

themselves to

God" when

through Christ,"

a phrase, however, by which Justin,

when

they had been

"made new

as the following sentences show, merely meant,

they had been taught by Christ's word and had accepted

it.

But, on the other hand, there was received in bap;

tism the forgiveness of past sins

and the

rite itself

was

commonly
was

called "regeneration."

The
it

rite,

therefore,

identified

with that which

represented,

was

regarded as the appointed means of entrance, not only

into the church, but into divine favor,2

was in

conse-

quence of Christ's work the beginning of a new life 3 which, indeed, Justin says, a man assumed of himself,
but from which the burden of past sins was removed,

and through which the mind was "illuminated" so as faithfully to wait and work for the full salvation. In like manner the Eucharist was not common TheEuchafood
;

"

but

as,

through the

Word

of God, 4

nst

"

Jesus Christ our Saviour, having been

made

flesh,

took

were we taught that the food over which thanks has been rendered through the prayer of the word which is from Him,5
both
flesh

and blood

for our salvation, so also

Ap.

i.

61.
:

Ap.

i.

61
;

Dial. 138.
:

Dial. 43
(f]fJ-as

a spiritual circumcision

86

a purification of the
6 \pio~-

soul

ftej3cnrTi<TfXVovs rais ftapvraTais

apapriais as eTrpd^apev,

8ia tov (TTavpai6r)vaL

em
i.

tov v\ov Kal 8i

(see

vdaros ay via at,

tos
4

Tjp(i>v

eXyrpaxraro).
e.

8ia Adyou 6zov;

Ap.

i.

33), through the incarnation of

the Logos.
5 St' (v)(tjs Xdyoi/ tov nap' avrov evxapio-TT]delo~av', i.e., through the repetition of the words of institution which Christ used, and of

286.

JUSTIN MARTYR.
1

and by
tation
2

which our blood and

are nourished,
is

flesh

through transmu-

the flesh and blood of that

Jesus

who was made

flesh." 3

Justin speaks of the

Eucharist as a memorial of God's goodness both in

and redemption, 5 and as thanksgiving which the Christians

creation 4
to

the

pure

sacrifice of

offered

everywhere

God. 6

He

cannot fairly be accused of the later

;

doctrine of transubstantiation
clares, like

but he nevertheless de-

Ignatius

before

him and

Irenseus

after

him, that the consecrated bread and wine became the

flesh

and blood of

Christ,

and that by partaking of

it

even the bodies of believers were spiritually nourished.

power to the Eucharist, as he did and saw in both of them channels by which grace flowed from Christ to His people. He thus curiously combined with his rationalism a tendency toward a mechanical and mystical view of the sacraments so
attributed actual
to baptism,
;

He

which Justin

in the next sentence gives

an account.

See Otto

(sub loco), for various views of this disputed sentence.

2

sult of a
tic

common way, but as the rebread and wine. The Euchariselements nourished the bodies of believers, but after a heavenly
Kara n(Tal36\rjv
;

i.

e.,

not in the

change produced

in the

manner
flesh
is

(see Iren.

iv. 18. 5),

because, as the body of Jesus was

the body of the incarnate Logos, so had the elements become the

and blood

of Christ.

Justin's conception of the incarnation

Christ had a real body; yet the whole Christ, physical and spiritual, was the revelation of the Logos (Ap. ii. 10). The elements of the Eucharist

the key to his conception of the Eucharist.

were real bread and wine; yet the Logos had made them His flesh and blood, the manifestation of His being and power. See
Weizs'acker's "Die Theologie des M'artyrers Justinus," Jahrb. fur deutsche Theol., 1867, pp. 96-99.
8

6
7

Ap. Ap.

i.
i.

66.

*
;

Dial. 41.

66

Dial. 41, 70, 117.

;

Dial. 28, 41.

Ad

Eph. 20 Ad Rom. Adv. Haer. iv. 18. 5.

Ad

Phil. 41.

JUSTIN ON THE POST-APOSTOLIC CHURCH.

that, in spite of the

287

way

in

which

his philosophy led

him
life

minimize the supernatural character of individual Christian life, he testifies to the Church's faith in that
to

as a gift from God,

tion of dependence

and sustaining a constant relaupon the work and power of the

victorious liedeemer.

once crucified but

now
in

was that

faith that, as

we have
the

just seen,

it

So strong was already

disposed to

find

two Christian sacraments a

still

constantly repeated miracle.

(b)

But Christianity was

more emphatically
joyful hope.

to

Justin and the Church a

new and

The
. .

of his own thought was to contendency J

ceive of salvation as future, and to direct

..(b) _

Christi-

its

aaity a new-

gaze on the glorious reward which the Mas-

would bestow at the second advent on His faithful Such was a natural attitude, also, in an age of persecution and therefore in describing Christian hope Justin uttered, in most particulars, the common mind of
ter

servants.

the Church.
It is true that Christianity in its promises

and exof

pectations gave definite

expression to

convictions

which were already widely j t u ttered in spread, and which pagan religion and cul- {h^nrmeTof ture had uttered in divers parts and man- mankind, ners. Plato had reasoned of immortality. Future retribution was not only taught by the popular religions
the
soul,

human

and described by the poets, but, with immortality, had been taught by philosophers. A future conflagration of the world was also a doctrine of the Stoics. Justin, however, did not hold these doctrines as they were taught by philosophy, but in the totally distinct form in which they were taught by Christianity and to them he added other doctrines which, as the resurrection, were scorned by philosophy, and could only have en;

288

JUSTIN MARTYR.
That agreements between
is

tered bis system from the faith of the Church.

he was

sensible, indeed, of the

Christian hope and certain types of pagan thought

evident enough, since he expressly points them out. 1

Not only

so,

but in his descriptions in the Apology of

2

future blessedness, he uses phrases

which agree

strik-

ingly with the Platonic conception of divine reward,

and which have seemed

doctrine of

however,

is

some 3 inconsistent with the a bodily resurrection. The inconsistency, only apparent and from the Dialogue we
to
;

learn of Justin's strong belief, not only in a literal resurrection, but also in a visible reign of Christ with

His

risen people

upon

earth.

Moreover, he plainly points

out the differences between pagan and Christian hopes,

and witnesses

to the latter, not as these

were influenced
facts

by paganism, but

as they

were taught by the

and

founders of original Christianity.

We
advent.

thus learn that the Christians were comforted

in their trials
The second

and encouraged in their confession by the In of Christ's visible return. ^{q sense was the prophecy understood, "He
expectation
4

This hope was held by those who expected and by those who denied that at the advent Christ would establish for a thousand Of Chiliasm we years a visible kingdom at Jerusalem. have spoken in a previous lecture. 5 It was a widely spread but by no means universal
shall be the desire of all nations."

alike

belief of the post-apostolic Church, as Justin expressly

states.
6

But

all

shared in the belief in a visible and

Ap.
v.

i.

18, 20.

"

dcpddpTovs, anade'iset

So Aube's Saint Justin, Philosophe

Martyr, part

iii.

ch. iv.

and
*
6

Ap.

i.

32.

Lect. Ill

Dial. 80.

JUSTIN ON THE TOST-APOSTOLIC CHURCH.

literal

289

second advent.
1

Then

will Christ

both finally

and judge the world. 2 Chiliasm only gave a particular and more definite form to the universal expectation of the future and public victory
conquer His enemies
of Christ.

In this expectation

all

Christians

shared,

and by

it

they were consoled amid the existing hatred

of the world.

With

the advent, moreover, Theresurrectlon

the resurrection of the dead was expected to

explicit. 3

occur; and upon this non-philosophical doctrine Justin

is

particularly

In the Apology, in which

all

Chiliasm does not appear, the advent and the resurrection

and the judgment are

spoken of as

if

con-

temporaneous.
Chiliastic views.

In the Dialogue Justin brings out his

of Elijah,4

by the coming

The advent, he says, will be preceded and will secure the conquest of

Christ's enemies, 5 and particularly of the " man of sin," whose previous appearance will bring the climax of the Church's sufferings. 6 He distinguishes also two resurrections, 7 after the second of which the general judgment will ensue. 8 Christ, at His coming, will gather the Church to Jerusalem, and give her rest. Justin does not teach the restoration of the Jews nor of the Jewish
ritual.

He

regards the manifestation of the

sin " as impending, 9 but expresses

no opinion as
it

"man of to how
judg"

near the advent

may

be,

though apparently The

off.

thinking

it

not very far

connected the judgment of

I

was ment the whole world by Christ, 11

10

With

Dial. 110, 121.

Ap.

i.

28,

52

Dial. 35.

8
4
6 8

Ap.

i.

8, 18, 19,

52

Dial. 69, 80, 81, 113, 117.

6 9

Dial. 49. Dial. 32, 110. Dial. 81, 117.

Dial. 28.
i.

Dial. 121. Dial. 81, 113. Dial. 32.

is

10

"
e.,

So short a time
Christians.
;

left

you

in

which

to

become

proselytes,"
II

Ap.

i.

8.

53, 68

Dial. 35, 38, 58, 81, 118, 132.

19

290
after

JUSTIN MARTYR.
which
,

was believed that the righteous will enupon incorruption, and freedom from suf* ward of the fering, and everlasting fellowship with God, and will reign with Him in immortality and glory,1 while the wicked will be cast with the demons into the eternal fire of hell. 2 Of the state of
it

m The final re-

ter

the dead before the resurrection Justin says

little.

He
,_

only intimates that the

final

reward of the

m World
,,

righteous will not be received till after the to be destroyed by resurrection. 3 When the judgment has been

concluded, the world will be destroyed by

fire.

Such was the outlook

future.
1

of these early Christians into the

Amid

the hatred and distrust of the world, in

Ap. i. 10, 13, 18, 21, 42, 52, 57 Dial. 46, 69, 116, 117. Ap. i. 28,44,45, 52, 117. 8 In Dial. 80, he blames heretics for maintaining that at death their souls go immediately to heaven. He referred, doubtless, to the Gnostic idea of immediate participation through yvSxris in divine blessedness (cf. Iren. v. 31. 1), an idea which was united with denial of the resurrection. In Dial. 99, he says that the Jews fancied that Christ, like a common mortal, would remain in Hades. Yet by death Christians enter on the heavenly kingdom (Ap. i. He thus seems to have distinctly identified heaven with 11). the post-resurrection state, but to have expected blessedness also immediately after death. The pseudo-quotation from Jeremiah (Dial. 72), " The Lord remembered His dead, who slept in the grave, and descended to them to preach His salvation," may indicate belief in Christ's descensus ad inferos and the then preaching to the Old Testament saints but Justin does no more than quote the passage. In Dial. 119, he says, "Along with Abraham we [Christians] shall inherit the Holy Land." Abraham therefore was regarded as, with the other pious dead, still waiting for
;

the full reward.

4

Ap.

i.

20.

Aube

that Justin confounded the fire which

(Saint Justin, p. 182) is wrong in saying is to destroy the world with

distinct.
it

the

fire of hell.

He

keeps them

Of

the future confla-

gration, however, he only states that

(K7rvp(0(Ti.s,

will not be, like the Stoic

a natural process, but a divine judgment.

JUSTIN ON THE POST-APOSTOLIC CHURCH.

291

the face of the constant liability to be called to suffer

for their faith,

and the probable increase of persecution

with the diffusion of their doctrines, these hopes sustained them and as the night grew darker, these stars
;

gleamed the more brightly in their sky.

their hopes

And

Christ our
-"

were manifestly summed up in ho P e They were founded on belief in the hope of Christ Christ's divine Sonship, His resurrection from the dead, and His appointment by the Father as universal

Only the historical reality of His and death and resurrection, and the apostolic teaching concerning His person and His work, will account for the form and the strength of Christian hope in the post-apostolic age. The tenacity with which belief in a future literal resurrection of the body was held by all except heretics, can be explained only by the universal belief in Christ's resurrection, even as this latter belief in turn can be only explained by the fact of His resurrection itself. The universal expectation of Christ's return rested on faith in both His divinity and resurrection, and harmonized His divinity with the lowliness of His recorded life. It was a hope in Christ and of Christ to which Justin testifies as the joyful power
life

King and Judge.

of

Christian

life

and

if it
it

encouraged the early be-

lievers

by

its

promises,

sprang from their unquestion-

ing faith in the

facts, attested

by Apostles, of

Christ's

divine Sonship, and His accomplished victory over sin

and death.
As, then,
tin's
i

we

bring to a close our examination of Jus-

testimony to early Christianity, we can

better judge the It

is

>ii

man and
we

his Church.

/-.i

Conclusion.

impossible,

think, in the light of his testi-

mony,

to believe that post-apostolic

Christianity

was

292

JUSTIN MARTYR.

caused by any fusion of previously hostile Pauline and

Jewish parties
Post apostolic Chris..

for it
,

tianity as a
,

avowedly regarded Jewish Chrisweakness and an imperfect type,

,
.

tianity not f the fusion of Pauiinism

it

denied any peculiar

to the
>

.,

,.

privileges

in

the

Church

with Jewish
views.

sc i us of

Jew, it was entirely unconany division having o existed among o

it

the Apostles but considered their united mis-

sion to have been to all nations, and

accepted our

four Gospels as the apostolic and authoritative record

To suppose that this testimony of the Church was mistaken, and that in the course of two or three generations the Christians had rewritten the history of their origin, and had persuaded
of Christ's
life.

post-apostolic

themselves that their own fictions were divine truths on which salvation depended and for which they cheerfully died, is, apart from the many historical and critical facts which disprove the supposition, to argue by a method which is capable of making any evidence

appear worthless.

Nor can we
mony, that
Nor
created
11

believe, in the light

of Justin's testi-

post-apostolic Christianity was caused, so

far as its essential character

ofapcKtoife Christianity

was concerned, ky the union of Pauline or apostolic teach;

with Hellenism.

n a with Hellenic culture for while we have found Hellenic elements entering largely into

combination with Christianity, we have also found that

it

was with a Christianity already established before

its

contact with paganism began.

It was a ostoiic Christi-

Q ^e
.

con t rar y> the Christianity of Jus-

anitycontinued, though

positively tin presupposed, ' both

,
.

and
.

necra.

tively, just that

foundation which

is

described

in the

New

Testament.

But at the same time Justin reveals the direction from which the influences proceeded which principally

JUSTIN ON THE POST-APOSTOLIC CHURCH.

modified the Christianity of the Apostles in

293

the age

The new faith, launched on the broad sea of pagan society, was ex- Thcmodifi . to new winds and currents, and the c f &" c ame posed r chierlv from men who succeeded the Apostles as pilots and paganism
immediately following them.
F
,

captains were far from being able perfectly to

Burround1Dgs '

grasp and carry on the ideas of their great

predecessors.

Minds which had not been

likely either

trained in

Hebrew
practical

conceptions were

to neglect or

misuse them.

The
of

necessity of devoting attention to

matters

Christian

life

and

ecclesiastical

arrangement, and the stress laid on moral duties by the

glaring contrast

between the Christian ideal and the manners of heathen society, naturally hindered the immediate and complete realization of doctrine. On the
other hand, the rise of heresy confined doctrinal controversy, so far as this existed at
all,

to the particular sub-

jects disputed

by Doketics and Gnostics, and left other topics undeveloped. Truth is apprehended in its integrity only after it has been doubted and denied. Otherwise it is likely to lie, even in the minds of its adherents, in a chaotic and fragmentary state. It is not
strange, therefore, that

we

discover in the post-apostolic

Church a manifest
of the Apostles.

fall

in several particulars, and no-

tably in the doctrine of justification, from the teaching

Nor

is it

strange that Justin combined

It
is

ideas which were really antagonistic.

derful that his mind, trained in

not won-

pagan culture and naturally inquisitive, sought to conform the religion whose power he experienced to the forms of thought in which he had been reared, or that, when testifying to the confessed belief of the Church, he taught doctrines which,

when
lated

trying to explain

them by philosophy, he mutifall

and

distorted.

In this very

of post-apostolic

294

JUSTIN MARTYR.

doctrine below the completeness of apostolic teaching

may we

rather perceive a fresh testimony to the superIt is easy to under-

natural construction of the latter.

stand that an age of inspiration might be followed by

an age which very imperfectly comprehended the ideas But it is very difficult to underof its predecessor. stand how the later age could impute to its predecessor
ideas,

and even records, which convey the impression of

a completeness of thought which the later age did not

itself possess.

Justin, therefore,

was the

fair representative of
it

the

had received from the the influences which were Apostles, and of Justin the developing and there corrupting it. nere sentativ^of his Church. Whether, however, it was development or corruption, the process, as disclosed by him, implies
Church, of the faith which
the already fixed establishment of the faith in the

minds of
mental.
.

its

ences to be

followers as apostolic and fundaThe marvellous spectacle of Chris.

drawn from
histesti-

tian morality arising in the depraved soci-

mony

ety of paganism, like the sun out of a dense and of Christian brotherhood and charity shedding the bright, warm rays of love upon a world which was divided into distrustful and envious classes and worshipped in the temple of brute Force, is a convincing proof that a new moral power had been awakened
mist,

"

in

human

life.

The

reliance of the Christians of the

is

second century on apostolic teaching

that from

further proof

the apostolic age and circle had the

It

new

power come.
of Hellenism

was not generated by the

friction of

It did not spring from the union and Judaism. Justin testifies not only to the belief, but, by fair inference, to the fact that it had sprung from the Christ whom all the Apostles had

ecclesiastical parties.

JUSTIN ON THE POST-APOSTOLIC CHURCH.

unitedly proclaimed.

295

And

faith

in

Christ

as

God
His

manifest in the
teaching as the

flesh,

thus revealing at once the divine

Father and a new ideal of

human
;

life

faith in

new and

true law of man's present

faith in

righteousness and future salvation

His death
peace

and

resurrection, as God's victory for

;

man
life,

over sin and

full of

death

the consciousness of a

new

and satisfaction, derived from this faith in the Eedeemer the confident expectation of glory to come on earth and after death, these were the ideas which,
;

like

the light that streamed over chaos at the

first

creation,

were the sign and the beginning of the new

which by the Word of the Lord was appearing That it was indeed a divine creation, wrought by the divine Word, is the sum and substance of Justin's testimony to early
creation

out of the chaos of the ancient world.

Christianity.

INDEX.

Abbot, Ezra,

221, 230.

Baptism, 164, 259, 283.

Barnabas, Epistle
of,

285.

Abbott, E. A., 153, 214-223, 225, 226, 229-231. Acts of the Apostles, authenticity of
the, 114.

112, 121, 124,

130, 165, 177, 210. Basilideans, 255. Basilides, quotation of

John by,

177.

Justin's acquaintance with the, 238.

rationalistic theory of the,

Baur, F.

C,

48, 88, 106, 113, 173.

Bindemann,
112-

172.

114.

Bithynian persecution, 63. Bleek on Justin's use of Gospels, 173.

Advent, Second, 120, 288. Alexandrianism, influence on Christian thought of, 9, 89, 96, 98,
127, 153, 158, 165. not a Judaizing influence, 166.

Cabalism, 9. Canon of the New Testament, formation of the, 5, 87, 170, 171. Justin's testimony to the, 178,

Angels, worship of, 276. Anthropology, Justin's, 156-160. Antoninus policy toward the Chris:

237-250.
other testimony to the, 249. Ceremonies, simplicity of Christian,
79.

tians, 68, 69.

Apocalypse, quoted by Justin, 117,

237.

Charges
motives
:

popularly

made

against

Apologetic

influence

on

Christians, 31, 36, 37, 54, 55, 57.

Justin's statements, 246, 257.

Charity, early Christian, 260.

Christ, doctrine of the person of, 270-

Apologies, Justin's: argument of the first 73-82. contents of, 30-38.

date of, 28.

of, 33,

35,

274.

271 149-154, 271-274. Christ's coming, object of, 161-163.

of,

humanity
divinity
life,

of,

mutual relation
:

of, 27.

Christ's

Justin's account

of,

179-

Apologists, early Christian, 2, 130. Apostles their authority as teachers,

242, 243.

182.

Church a Gentile
government
the, 252.

society, 102, 126. of the, 265-267.

faith of the early, 270-291.

Justin's description of the, 116.

mentioned by name, 117. Aristotle, influence on Justin

137, 146.

Justin a fair
of, 13,

representative of

parties in the, 105-107.

2. 25,

Athenagoras,

124.

in each locality a single, 261.

AubC, Barth.,
Aurelius,

13, 18, 19, 21, 28, 29, 66,

organization of the early, 258267.

121, 135, 139, 150, 158, 160.

Marcus

policy

toward

unity of the early, 267-270.

Ciasca, Professor, 236.

Christians, 56, 70.

298
Clementine Homilies
tions, 112, 115, 119, 127, 159.

INDEX.
and RecogniEphesians, Epistle to, Justin's acquaintance with, 241. Ephraem Syrus, 235, 236. Epiphanius's account of Justin's
death, 12.

Clementine quotations compared with

Justin's, 202-205, 228-230.

Clement
268.

of

Kome,

68, 125, 177, 262,

Episcopate, the early,

to,

8,

261-267.

Colossians, Epistle

Justin's

ac-

Eternal
290.

rewards and

punishments,

Commodus

quaintance with the, 240. policy toward

:

ChrisJustin's

Eucharist, the, 260, 285, 286.

tians, 70.

Eusebius's account of Justin, 12, 13,

to,

Corinthians, First Epistle

19, 20, 24, 27, 47.

acquaintance with, 239.

Exorcism

of demons, 159.

Second Epistle
Creation, doctrine
235, 243.
of,

to,

Justin's ac-

quaintance with, 241.

139.

Fisher, G.

P., 179.

Credner, K. A., 47, 48, 172, 174, 178,

Crescens, 14.
Critical theories of early Christianity,
3,

Galatians,

Epistle to, Justin's ac-

86-91, 111-113.

quaintance with, 240. Gibbon, 66.

Gieseler, 67, 69, 70.

Deacons,

7, 8, 261, 266.

Gildersleeve, B. L., 27, 138. Gnostics, 9, 130, 255, 256.

Dead, state of the, 159, 160, 290. Defence of Christianity, Justin's, 7382.

God, Justin's conception

of,

141-147.

"Gospel":
177.

early use of the term,

of the

Demonology, 158-160. Descent of Christ to Hades, 160, 290. Destruction of world by tire, 290.

"Gospels": application

term

to evangelical narratives, 176.

Government, attitude toward Christianity of the

De

Rossi, 65, 264.

Roman, 60-73.

Dialogue with Trypho

how

far historical, 18, 39.

date of the, 28. contents of the, 38-44.

Diffusion of Christianity in century, 51.

Habits
59.

of the early Christians,

53,

second

Hadrian

letter to

Fundanus,

62, 63,

67.
letter to Servianus, 69. policy toward Christians, 67-69.

Dio Chrysostom,

58.
to, 3, 57, 130,

Diognetus, Epistle

177.

Dion Cassius,

58, 68.

Harmony

Dionysius of Corinth, 72. 264, 269. Dorner, J. A., 48. 121, 122, 151, 273.

of the Gospels, whether used by Justin, 206-211. Harnack, A., 15, 19-21, 25, 26, 28, 29,
47.

Harris, Prof. RenoVl. 209.

Ebiomtes,

23, 106, 109, 126.

the, 184, 185.

Hatch, Dr. E.,

the, 97-100.

7,

265. Justin's

Gospel of

Hebrew economy,
Hebrews,
Epistle

view of
ac-

Eclecticism, philosophic, 132-134.

Eichhorn, J. G., 47, 172. Emperors, worship of the, 66, 78. Empire, the Church and the, 57-59.
Enprelhardt, Moritz von, 15, 18, 22,
27-21), 48, 49, 91, 139, 147, 150, 174,

to,

Justin's

176,202,

2<i8,

273,277.

quaintance with, 240. Hegesippus, 3, 262, 263. Heresy, a novelty, 254-256. of demoniacal origin, 159, 254. repudiated, 254-256.

INDEX.
Heretics not recognized

299
rejected

by "ortho- Judaism,

bv

post-apostolic

dox," Hennas,

53, 253.
2,

Church, 100, 104, 110.

not appreciated, 101.

177, 2G2, 263.

Hilgenfeld, A., 48, 88, 90, 147, 173. Hippolytas, 15, 47, 177.
llnlt/.niami, II.,
8!),

Judgment, the last, 289. Justin Martyr:

his life, 12-24.

112.

Hope, Christianity a new, 287-291. Hostility of Roman world to Christians explained, 59, 60.

date of birth, 12.

studies in philosophy, 13, 132. conversion, 16-18.
activity

and influence,

14.

arrival at

Rome,
his

21.

"Idol-meat," abstinence from, 111115.

death, 15.

chronology of
8, 71, 89, 177,

life,

19-21.

Ignatius,
269.

191, 249, 262,

his writings, 24-27.

importance of his testimony, 45,

46.

Immortality, doctrine of, 140. Impatience of pagan society with Christians, 56-58.
Incarnation, doctrine of the, 83, 84, 161.
Inspiration of the Scriptures, 93, 94,

honesty of his testimony,

258.

50, 257,

ancient and moderate estimates of, 46-49.

his defence of Christianity,
82.

73-

242-246.
Interpretation,

Justin's

method

of

his theology, 141-164.

Scriptural, 95, 96. Irenajus, 1, 5, 7, 14, 22, 23, 42, 46, 121, 125, 191, 264.

Kate, Bishop,
Kiss, the, 259.

93, 172.

James, Protevangelium
with, 242.

of,

204.

Lactantius,

42.

Epistle of, Justin's acquaintance

Legalism in Justin, 122-124. in post-apostolic Church,

122-126.

113,

Jewish Christianity: attitude of the Church toward, 104, 105, 107110.

not necessarily due to Judaism,

125, 167.
Life, Christianity

a diminishing element in the Church, 126, 292. Jewish Christians: Justin's opinion
of, 104, 256.

a new, 282-287.

Lightfoot, J. B., 51, 58, 61-63, 65, 66, 68-72, 187, 235, 263, 266.
Literature, Christian, of the second century, 1-3.

two classes of, 105. John the Apostle: author

of

the

Apocalypse, 117. his doctrine of the Logos, 149. John's Gospel used by Justin, 213:

Logos, Christianity explained by the incarnation of the, 83, 84. Justin's and John's doctrines of
the, 146, 149, 153, 216.

225.

Justin's doctrine of the, 94, 148-

how

used by Justin, 225-234. not a book of doctrine merely,

231.

156.
Justin's use of

New

Testament

influenced
the, 247.

by

his doctrine of

one of the " memoirs," 234.

early diffusion of, 233.

John, First Epistle of, Justin's acquaintance with, 241.

Jowett, Professor, 141.

the Seminal, 136, 155, 156, 275. Lucian, 56, 71.

Luke's Gospel, Justin's use

181, 200.

of, 118,

300

INDEX.
Paganism,
Christianity realized as-

" Man of Sin," 289. Mansel, Dean, 273. Marcion, 21, 23, 33, 107, 127, 254,
255, 272.

pirations of, 108, 287.

explains

Mark's Gospel, Justin's use

201.

of, 178,

the modifications of Christianity in post-apostolic age, 166-168, 292-294.

of, 159.

demoniacal origin
vices of, 81.

Marsh, Bishop, 172. Martyrology of Justin, 15, 20. Matthew's Gospel, Justin's use
181, 200.

Papias, 121, 176, 177.

of,

Paul, Justin and, 100, 101, 103, 104, 108, 110, 112, 116-120, 123.

Melito,

2, 70.
:

" Memoirs of the Apostles "

description
179.
of
the,

175,

178,

public ecclesiastical documents,

179, 244.

Pauline Epistles, Justin's use of, 118, 162, 190, 238-240. Paulus, H. E. G., 172, 174. Persecution, no formal, 61, 68. frequent outrages, 62, 72. less than at later period, 71, 72.
Peter, First Epistle of, Justin's acquaintance with, 242.
Pfleiderer, Otto, 89.

sources

of

evangelical

knowl-

edge, 179, 243, 244. quotations bv Justin from the, 197-201, 244.
their
relation
to

Philippians, Epistle

to,

Justin's ac-

our

Gospels,

quaintance with, 240.

Philo, 133, 150, 153, 158, 216.

171-174, 178, 191.

Menander,

33.
7,

Philosophy and Christianity,

128, 130, 131.

9,

10,

Ministry, origin of the Christian, 261, 264-266.

Philosophy a preparation for Christian it}-, 135, 287. Christianity presupposed

tin's, 166.

Mommsen,

Th., 65.

Morality, argument from Christian, 78-82.

Christianity a new, 282, 283.

by Jus-

Christianity represented as, 7477.

relation of the

New

Testament
to,

Neander,

48, 69, 70, 90, 278. 18,

to, 9, 128,

129.
13,

New

Testament, Justin's use of the, 170-250.

Platonism, Justin's relation

35,

47,

135,

139-141,

145,

146.

Pliny, the younger, 58, 63-67. Plutarch, 58, 133.

Old Testament
96.

a Christian book,
alleged, 42.

Polycarp, 72, 262, 269. Prayer, public, 259.

Presbyters,
7, 8, 262-267. Prophecy, argument for Christianity from, 33, 75.

corruptions

by Jews

highly esteemed, 92-94. quotations from the, 194-196.

said
to

have been

known

to

pagans, 94.

Prophets, Christian, 265. Prophets, Hebrew, inspiration of the,

94, 154, 155.

Oral tradition, 190, 248. supplanted by the ment, 244, 250.

New

Testa-

Pythagoreans, Justin's relation

137.

to,

11, 253-257. Otto's edition of Justin, 15, 17, 20, 26, 30, 39, 42, 44, 47, 48, 51, 119, 137, 184, 273, 278.

Orthodoxy, early,

Quotation

from

John's

Gospel,

227-231.
Justin's habit of, 192, 196.

Overbeck, Fr.,

91, 238.

INDEX.
Quotations from classics in Justin,
193.

301

Sunday, observance of, 260. Synoptic Gospels used by Justin,

175-205.

from Old Testament, 194-196. from " Memoirs," 197-201, 244.

furnished the staple of evangelical narrative in early Church,

233.

Rationalism,
282.

Justin's, 1G2, 284.

of,

Redemption, doctrine

161, 279-

Tacitus,
Tatian,

57, 68.

Regeneration, 283-285. Resurrection, the, 120, 288, 289, 291.

Reuss on the Canon,

Ritschl's

5,

170, 201.

234. Tatian's Diatessaron, 210, 234-237. Taylor, Dr. Chas., 209.

2, 15, 46, 77, 176,

theory
at

of

post-apostolic

"

Teaching of the Apostles,"

177, 209, 210, 265.

2,

121,

Christianity, 48, 90, 91.

Roman Church

middle of second
261ac-

century, 11, 23. title of president of the,

264.

Tertullian, 14, 22, 43, 46, 55, 77, 121, 125, 246.

Textual corruption of MSS., 189. proves antiquity of Gospels, 212,

213.

Romans,

Epistle

to,

Justin's

quaintance with, 238.

Rusticus, Junius, 15, 20.

Textual differences between Justin's quotations from " Memoirs " and

our Gospels, 192-201. Theological aim of eclectic philoso-

Sacerdotalism, not
264.

in early church,

phy, 134.

"The Twelve,"
Thessalonians,

117, 119.

Sacraments, the, 79, 164, 259, 260, 283-286.

Second

Epistle

to,

Justin's acquaintance with, 239.

San day, W.,

173, 174, 183, 184, 188,

Thoma, Albrecht,

118, 162, 214, 215,

200, 202, 265.

222, 224, 225, 229.

Saturnilians, 255.
Schiirer, 26.

Timothy, First Epistle

to,

Justin's

acquaintance with, 241.

Titus, Epistle to, Justin's acquaintits

Schwegler, 48, 173. Second century: importance of

study, 1-11

Semisch, 48, 150, 172. Semler, J. S., 47.

Septuagint, use of the, 92, 93, 194,
196.

ance with, 241. Trajan, correspondence of Pliny and, 63-66. policy toward the Christians,
66-69.
Trinity, doctrine of the, 274-279.

Simon Magus,

33, 254.

Tubingen School, theory

of the, 48,

Societies, the Christian, 52, 53, 78.

independent, 52, 269.

illegal, 61, 65.

86-88, 108, 173. 291, 292. modifications of the, 88-90, 111.

unity of the, 269. Societies, laws against unauthorized,

65.

Uberweg,
leged use
204.

135, 140, 156.

Dncanonical
of the

Gospels,
of,

Justin's

al-

Soteriology, Justin's, 163-165.

Spirit, doctrine

184,

185, 189, 190,

Holv, 275-

279.
Stahlin, Ad., 48, 147.

Uncanonical words of Christ, 187,

188, 190.

Stoicism, 13, 133.

Justin's relation
to,

Unity of the early Church,

136, 138, 139.

10, 52,

267-270. Urbicus, Q. Lollius, 28, 61, 62.

Suetonius, 57, 58.

302
Valentinians,
255.

INDEX.
Westcott and Hort Notes on Select Headings, 186, 212, 230.
:

Variations in Gospel texts in early writers, 204. Volter, Dan., 26.

Westcott, B. F., 170, 174, 179, 183,

199, 207, 233.

Wieseler, 70. Worship of the Christians, 244, 247, 200.

public,

Warfteld,

B. B., 2, 177. Weiss, B., 89, 153, 232, 233. Weizsacker, 21, 38, 48, 91, 137, 146,
147, 150, 153, 286.

Zahn,

210, 236.

Zeller, E., 75, 96, 135, 139, 156.

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