CONSUMER ETHNOCENTRISM: THE CONCEPT AND A PRELIMINARY EMPIRICAL TEST
Terence A. Shimp, University of South Carolina
Abstract
Casual empiricism reveals considerable variability in the
attitudes and behaviors of consumers toward products impor-
ted into the U.S. from other countries. Increasingly
greater number of American consumers have adopted foreign-
made products, but an unknown number of consumers eschew
the purchase of these imported products. The specific mo-
tivations underlying either form of behavior remain a vir-
tually unexplored phenonemon in consumer behavior. This
study addresses this issue by introducing the concept of
"consumer ethnocentrism" and presenting empirical evidence
from a preliminary test of the concept.
Introduction
The general concept of "ethnocentrism" was introduced and
used descriptively by Suniner in 1906 (Adorno et al. 1950)
and remains a venerable concept in the fields of anthropol-
ogy, sociology, and social psychology. Ethnocentrism was
originally conceptualized as a purely sociological concept
that distinguished between ingroups (those groups with
which an individual identifies) and outgroups (those regar-
ded as antithetical to the ingroups). It now, however, is
recognized that ethnocentrism is a psycho-social phenomenon
with relevance to individual-level personality systems as
well as to the more general cultural and social analytic
frameworks (Levine and Campbell 1972). The present under-
taking is most sympathetic to the individual-level aspect
of the multi-faceted notion of ethnocentrism. The concept
of "consumer ethnocentrism" is designed to capture indi-
vidual consumer cognitions and emotions as they relate to
product offerings from other countries (i.e., "outgroups").
In the fullest sense of ethnocentrism, these product symbols
from other countries may represent objects of contempt to
the ethnocentric consumer, whereas the products of one's own
nationai group are objects of pride and attachment (cf.
Levine and Campbell 1972).
The general applicability of ethnocentrism to the study of
consumer behavior has been recognized by others (e.g.,
Berkman and Gilson 1978; Markin 1974). There, however, is
no known work that has reconstructed the concept to be more
finely suited to the specific study of consumer behavior.
The term "consumer ethnocentrism" labels a concept that cap-
tures the spirit of Jacoby's (1978) plea for domain-specific
constructs. The concept is used here to represent consu-
mers' beliefs in the superiority of their own country's pro-
ducts. This perception is postulated to transcend mere
economic and functional considerations, and, instead, to
have a more noble foundation rooted in morality. That is,
consumer ethnocentrism is intended to capture the notion
that some consumers believe it is somehow wrong to purchase
foreign-made products, because it will hurt the domestic
economy, cause the loss of jobs, and, in short, because,
from their point of view, it is plainly unpatriotic.
The consumer ethnocentrism concept is postulated to be one
component of a complex, multifaceted construct involving
consumers' cognitive, affective, and normative orientations
toward foreign-made products. The domain of this general
construct spans object-based beliefs and attitudes (i.e.,
perceptions of product quality, value, etc.), normative-
based beliefs and attitudes (i.e., perceptions of whether
one should or should not purchase foreign-made products),
and personalistic-based considerations of what mode of be-
havior (product choice) is in the consumer's best personal
interest. Consumer ethnocentrism, as a dimension of this
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Copyright © 2001. All Rights Reserved.
general consumer-orientation-toward-foreign-products con-
struct, is designed to capture normative-based beliefs that
buying domestic products is somehow good for the country,
whereas purchasing non-domestic products is deleterious to
the economy, the country, and to fellow citizens.
At the individual consumer level, ethnocentric tendencies
should be determined in large part from one's socialization
experiences. The family unit would be expected to be the
primary socialization agent, but adult opinion leaders,
peers, and mass media would also influence a child's ethno-
centric orientation during the prime period of early child-
hood socialization. Consumer ethnocentric orientation
would perform a function very much like those performed by
racial attitudes and religious dogma—namely, to provide
the child with a sense of identity and belongingness. This
orientation, once formed, should carry into adulthood with
few changes except in those instances where one's sociali-
zation influences are markedly altered.
Though no one has previously formulated a specific concept
such as this, consumer behavior researchers have studied
ethnocentrism if only indirectly. Research has examined
such issues as attitudes toward foreign products, biased
consumer perceptions, and related matters (e.g., Anderson
and Cunningham 1972; Bannister and Saunders 1978; Etzel and
Walker 1974; Caedeke 1973; Rierson 1966; Schooler 1971;
Schooler and Wildt 1968).
Who are consumer ethnocentrics, what are their identifying
characteristics, and how do they differ from non-ethnocen-
trics in their perceptions, evaluations, intentions, and
behavior with respect to foreign-made products? This re-
search was undertaken to address these questions. The
automobile was selected as the focal product category, be-
cause it may be imbued more than most any other in U.S.
society with cultural and symbolic significance.
Variables and General Hypothesis
The general hypothesis tested was that consumer ethnocen-
trics have less favorable perceptions and evaluations of
foreign autos, that they perceive important referents not
to favor their purchasing foreign cars, and that they are
less likely than non-ethnocentrics to own or to intend to
purchase foreign-made automobiles. A number of criterion
variables were measured to test for specific differences
between consumer ethnocentrics and non-ethnocentrics. In-
cluded were all the standard Fishbein measures (Ajzen and
Fishbein 1980; Fishbein and Ajzen 1975), the consumption-
specific measures designed by Warshaw (1980), and other
measures idiosyncratic to the study of foreign cars. Vari-
ous independent variables were also measured. Research has
revealed that attitudes toward foreign products are related
to age, sex, and socio-economic characteristics (Adorno et
al. 1950; Bannister and Saunders 1978; Schooler 1971), thus
offering rationale in the present research for examining
these related variables.
Methods
Data were collected in waves from a consumer panel located
in the two Carolinas. Responses were obtained at one wave
or another from nearly 1200 households, though data are pre-
sented only for the subsample of 863 who provided responses
to the consumer ethnocentrism measure. This sample is older
(mean age 47+) and somewhat upscale in socio-economic char-
 acteristics. Though unrepresentative of the population in centrism is complex and the relevant dimensions are unknown
the true sense of the word, this alone does not diminish (cf. Selltiz et al. 1959, p. 262). Two coders were trained
the generalizability of the study results. Indeed, up- to independently classify responses as indicating either an
scale consumers actually are more representative of the ethnocentric or non-ethnocentric orientation. The inter-
automobile buying public, as many lower SES consumers have coder agreement exceeded 98 percent, and the 11 (of 863)
literally been priced out of the new automobile market. disputed coding decisions were reconciled and assigned to a
single category. Of the 863 respondents, 304 (35%) were
The initial wave of data collection obtained measures on a classified as "consumer ethnocentrics" and 559 (65%) as
variety of demographic and socio-economic variables, in- "non-ethnocentrics."
cluding measurement of social class using Hollingshead's
(1949) education and occupation factors, which were coded
Responses classified as "ethnocentric" reflected various
and combined into five social class categories. The most
themes, the most frequent being that consumers should sup-
extensive data collection occured at a later wave, which
port American companies, oftentimes with the addendum that
obtained the Fishbein and Warshaw measures alluded to
the economy is in trouble and needs help. The following
above and also the measure of consumer ethnocentrism.
response is illustrative: "I do not believe we should buy
Operationalizations of value expectancy and subjective norm
foreign products. If we bought more American-made products,
items followed the technique devised by Oliver and Berger
we would have less unemployment. I prefer, if it is at all
(1979). Several points are pertinent regarding these mea-
possible, to stick to our own products." Several themes
surements. First, the questionnaire adhered to the recom-
also appeared in the non-ethnocentric responses. The most
mendation that measurement be specific with regard to ac-
frequent comments were that American consumers have the
tion, target, context, and time (Ajzen and Fishbein 1980).
right to choose whatever products they want in order to get
This was accomplished with the instruction: "in this sec-
the best value; that foreign competition promotes increased
tion of the questionnaire a variety of questions are asked
quality of domestic products; that trade unions are respon-
about your purchasing a new automobile within the next year
sible for the non-competitive position of American firms-
or so. Some of the questions refer to foreign-made cars.
and so forth. '
Interpret this as meaning standard Japanese or German cars
(for example, Honda Accord, Toyota Corona, VW Rabbit)
rather than luxury foreign cars such as Mercedes or Rolls
Royce." Results

Background Characteristics of Consumer Ethnocentrics and

The choice of behavioral consequences and referents to Non-Ethnocentrics
serve as value expectancy and subjective norm constituents
was made on the basis of personal observation augmented
An initial consideration is whether ethnocentrics and non-
with precedents from prior automobile research (e.g.,
ethnocentric consumers are fundamentally different in back-
Holbrook 1978; Mazis and Ahtola 1975; Vinson, Scott, and
Lamont 1977). Nine specific consequences associated with ground characteristics. Results presented in Table 1 show
purchasing a foreign car were selected: fuel economy, car that the two groups are roughly equivalent in life cycle
payments, dependability, status, safety, workmanship qual- stage and racial character, but clear differences are mani-
ity, ease of serviceability, appearance, and innovativeness fest m educational achievements, income levels, and social
of engineering. Four referent groups were chosen: friends
and neighbors, spouse, family other than spouse, and work
associates. Motivation to comply measures associated with TABLE 1
these referents were situation-specific rather than general.
Respondents were asked whether others' opinions mattered as Comparative Profile of Consumer Ethnocentrics
they concerned the choice of a car, not whether their opin- and Non-Ethnocentrics
ions mattered in some general, unspecified behavioral do-
main (see Miniard and Cohen 1979, 1981 for elaboration). V<riatle S t i t i s l t u l Analysis
Race ^ « l . i l , I4fj p - .57 Etf>oocentriC5 .
Other Fishbein constructs (i.e., Aact, SN, and BI) were mea- a r t not: sjgmf different in
rate.
sured using accepted procedures. Warshaw's more consump-
tion-specific constructs also were operationalized. These Life Cycle ^ = 7.44. M f . p = .2fl Ethnoce/itrrcs are not sigmfhc^qtl
included measures of the relative affordabilility of for-
eign-made cars and relative desirability (excluding afford- EcJucitioo 4-i. 7df, f < ,00 oKer educatio
ability considerations). All measures adhered to the pro- n-«l/>riocentri
cedures suggested by Warshaw (1980). IricMie SVmoctntna hav« lower inc
tha/l non-ethflocantrjcs.

Measurement of Consumer Ethnocentrism Social Oass ; - 17.7^ Zdf, p <• .00 Ethnocentrics r e f l c t t lower social
class attammtnt ttian ncn-^fhna-
centnca.
Operationalizing consumer ethnocentrism was complicated by
the absence of a suitable measurement scale. The famous F
and E scales constructed by Adorno et al. (1950) to measure
class attainment. In particular, consumer ethnocentrics
the general construct of ethnocentrism and related con-
reflect significantly lower education, income, and social
structs were considered inappropriate for the present re-
class levels. The social class finding is based on analysis
search because of excessive generality and datedness. More
of only the three major classes In Hollingshead's (1949)
recent ethnocentrism scales have been developed, but these
classification, due to the paucity of respondents classified
are domain specific and too specialized for the present
as upper or lower class. Analysis of the three mass classes
undertaking (cf. Chang and Ritter 1976; Warr, Faust, and
indicates an identical proportion, 43 percent, of ethnocen-
Harrison 1967). Failure to locate an acceptable ethnocen-
trics and non-ethnocentrics in the middle class. However,
tricity scale necessitated a specialized measure. An open-
31 percent of the ethnocentrics are upper middle class and
ended question was designed: "Please describe your views
26 percent lower middle class, whereas the proportions for
of whether it is right and appropriate for American con-
non-ethnocentrics are 44 and 13 percent, respectively.
sumers to purchase products that are manufactured in foreign
countries." The question was posed in a projective fashion
Differences Between Ethnocentrics and Non-Ethnocentrics
("American consumers") and was directed at respondents' per-
Toward Foreign Gars
ceptions of the morality of purchasing foreign-made products
("is it right and appropriate?"). The choice of an open-
A series of tests examined the general hypothesis that con-
ended question is justified, as the issue of consumer ethno-
sumer ethnocentrics are fundamentally different than non-

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Copyright © 2001. All Rights Reserved.

ethnocentrics in how they perceive and evaluate foreign TABLE 2
cars. The first set of results compares the two groups on
a number of specific disaggregated variables—beliefs, Differences Between Beliefs, Perceptions, and
evaluations, normative beliefs, etc. Next, the two groups Intentions of Consumer Ethnocentrics and
are compared on a social class-by-social class basis to Non-Ethnocentrics
rule out a possible alternative explanation for the pre-
vious findings. Differences between ethnocentrics and non-
ethnocentrics in terms of aggregated cognitive structure Consumer Non-
and subjective norm variables provide a final set of find- ethnocentrics ethnocentrics
ings. t-
Beliefs'^ X SD X SD value Pr.
Disaggregated Findings. Multivariate analysis (MANOVA) was
performed on each of several sets of dependent variables- Good fuel economy: .68 .20 .79 .37 -3.74 .000
beliefs, evaluations, normative beliefs, motivations to High car payments: .66 .24 .59 .27 2.90 .004
comply, intentions, affordability considerations, and de- Dependable trans-
sirability considerations. With exception of the evalua- portation: .59 .21 .73 .18 -8.05 .000
tion and motivation to comply measures, all analyses were Status symbol: .33 .24 .36 .23 -1.51 .133
multivariate significant (all£'s< .001), thereby suppor- Safe car: .47 .24 .57 .22 -4.90 .000
ting the general research hypothesis that consumer ethno- Quality workmanship : .55 .20 .69 .19 -8.06 .000
centrics and non-ethnocentrics differ in their beliefs, Easy servicing: .39 .24 .53 .22 -6.76 .000
purchase intentions, etc. but not in their evaluations of Good looking: .54 .21 .64 .20 -5.12 .000
automobile attributes or in their motivations to comply Innovative
with referents. The following discussion of univariate engineering: .54 .19 .63 .18 -5.55 .000
findings is appropriately restricted to the five sets of
dependent variables that achieved multivariate significance. Normative Beliefs

The first findings in Table 2 reveal that consumer ethno- Friends and
centrics' perceptions toward foreign automobiles were uni- neighbors: -.40 .94 .05 .83 -5.69 .000
formly less favorable—they were significantly more likely Spouse: .05 1.64 .35 1.39 -2.15 .032
to agree that owning a foreign car would require high car Family other
payments (the only negative consequence) but significantly than spouse: -.43 1.25 -.01 1.16 -3.88 .000
less likely to acknowledge all but one (status) of the Work associates: -.78 1.07 -.41 1.04 -3.82 .000
eight possible positive consequences attendant with foreign
car ownership. Warshaw Variables

Respondents' normative beliefs provide a second set of Intentions:

findings. Consumer ethnocentrics' normative beliefs were
significantly less positive for all four referent groups. 1.80 1.99 2.30 2.03 -2.70 .007
Thus, consumer ethnocentrics personally were not as favor-
ably inclined toward foreign cars, not did they perceive BI 0.66 1.13 1.76 1.81 -7.57 .000
y
that others favored their purchasing foreign-made automo-
biles. 1.03 1.48 2.54 1.81 -9.75 .000

Generic product purchase intentions, "brand" intentions,

Affordability ^
and other Warshaw (1980) variables provide the last set of
considerations
findings in Table 2. The results show that: -.onsumer
ethnocentrics were significantly less likely to purchase a Any Auto: 2. 55 1.88 -1.83 .067
2.23 1.99
new automobile within the next year or so (i.e., BI^); they Foreign Auto: 2.61 1.66 3.32 1.49 -5.08 .000
were significantly less likely to purchase a foreign-made
automobile (BI ) , and they were significantly less likely
Desirability
to purchase a foreign car given that they do purchase a
considerations
new automobile (BI . ) ; there were not statistically sig-
nificant differences between ethnocentrics and non-ethno-
centrics in their perceptions of how difficult or easy it Any Auto: 1.89 2.04 2. 43 2. 02 -2.96 .003
would be to afford a new automobile, but a new foreign car Foreign Auto: 1.71 1.81 3.51 1.87 -10.73 .000
was perceived as less affordable by ethnocentrics and non-
ethnocentrics; the desire to purchase a new automobile was
stronger for non-ethnocentrics and so was their desire to ^ h e belief items (b.) were measured with 5-point probabil-
own a foreign car. ity scales that were''"labeled with "no chance" that foreign
cars would provide the consequence (coded as 0 ) , to "50-50
chance" (coded as .5), to "certain" (coded as 1).
Social Class Findings. The foregoing findings demonstrate
clear and persistent differences between consumer ethno- The normative belief items (NB.) were measured on 5-point
centrics' and non-ethnocentrics' perceptions and intentions bipolar scales and coded from -I to +2, with negative num-
regarding foreign automobiles. The possibility remains,
bers meaning that respondent perceived that important others
however, that these differences are attributable to some
opposed his/her purchasing a foreign car, whereas positive
other factor which confounds or moderates the ethnocentrism
numbers reflect perceived support.
variable. The best candidate for this role is social class,
which previously was shown to be lower for consumer ethno-
'^The three intention variables—BL (intention to purchase
centrics. All twenty results presented in Table 2 were re-
any new car), BI (intention to purchase a foreign car),
analyzed on a class-by-class basis. These analyses were
and BI , (intension to purchase a foreign car provided that
limited to Hollingshead's (1949) three middle classes,
a new car is purchased)—were measured with 7-point scales
because, as noted previously, the number of respondents
ranging from "definitely won't buy" (coded as 0) to "de-
in the upper and lower classes was insufficient.
finitely will buy" (coded as 6 ) .

The first affordability variable (Any Auto) was measured

on a 7-point scale ranging from "very difficult to purchase

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Copyright © 2001. All Rights Reserved.

 a new automobile" (coded as 0) to "very easy" (coded as 6 ) .
The second variable (Foreign Auto) was measured in terms of
how difficult respondent perceived it would be to afford a
foreign car compared to an American model. The alterna-
tives ranged from "more difficult to purchase" (coded as 0)
to "less difficult" (coded as 6 ) .
6
The first desirability variable (Any Auto) was measured on
a 7-point scale ranging from "feel absolutely no desire to
purchase a new automobile" (coded as 0) to "feel a very
strong desire" (coded as 6 ) . The second variable (Foreign
Auto) was measured in terms of respondent's perception of
the relative ability of foreign cars to satisfy automobile
needs^^compared to American cars. The alternatives ranged
from "foreign autos are less able to satisfy needs" (coded
as 0) to "more able" (coded as 6 ) .
The findings for each social class generally reproduced
the overall findings. This was determined by comparing the
statistical conclusion (i.e., to reject or not to reject
the null at a = .05 or lower) for each of the twenty tests
on each social class (i.e., nine personal beliefs, four
normative beliefs, and seven Warshaw measures) against the
overall sample conclusion from Table 2.
A "mismatch" was registered when a specific within-social
class result led to a different statistical conclusion than
that from the overall sample result. Of the 20 comparisons
for each social class, the number of "mismatches" was five,
two, and five for the upper middle, middle, and lower mid-
dle classes, respectively. The absence of any systematic
pattern in these mismatches suggests that the fundamental
differences between consumer ethnocentrics and non-ethno-
centrics are real rather than artifactually conditioned by
social class confounds.
Further demonstration is afforded by results from a series
of seven MANOVAs, one for each of the seven sets of depen-
dent variables (beliefs, evaluations, normative beliefs,
motivations to comply, intentions, affordability considera-
tions, and desirability considerations). Each set repre-
sented a vector of dependent variables, and ethnocentrism
and social class as factors in 2 x 3 MANOVAs. The primary
purpose of these analyses was to examine for significant
multivariate interaction effects between the two factors,
the presence of which would have suggested that ethnocen-
trism i^ confounded with social class. Not one of the
seven multivariate interaction effects was statistically
significant, thereby removing social class as an alter-
native explanation for the previously observed differences
between ethnocentrics and non-ethnocentrics.
Aggregated Findings. Another set of tests for differences
between ethnocentrics and non-ethnocentrics was accom-
plished by aggregating various attitudinal, cognitive
structure, and subjective norm variables. Three standard
Fishbein variables were formed: Aact, 2b.e., and SNB.MC..
Differences between consumer ethnocentrics and non- ^ ^
ethnocentrics were tested by analysis of covariance for
each of the three aggregated criterion variables. Ethno-
centrism, social class, and sex were factors and age was a
covariate. Past research on foreign products (Bannister
and Saunders 1978; Schooler 1971) along with commonsense
justify the addition of sex and age to these analyses. One
might expect that younger consumers and perhaps males would
be more favorably disposed toward foreign automobiles.
Ihe findings in Table 3 reveal that social class was in-
significant in every analysis. Sex had significant effects
on the cognitive structure (i;b.e.) variable, with males
possessing more favorable structures. Age was statistically
significant for only the Aact variable; younger consumers
had more favorable attitudes. Finally, the ethnocentrism
variable attained statistical significance In all three
analyses; ethnocentric consumers were uniformly less
favorably disposed toward foreign cars.
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Copyright © 2001. All Rights Reserved.
TABLE 3
Summary Results for Attitudinal and Normative
Influence Variables
Analysis of
ConsuiMr
Socij] Class Stx
IBt H IOS.03 .000 t.iS .001
•131 -0* SO.Ol .000 1.2S . I J
, 1.3S .36 770 .006 <\
Consuwer ) 5»
Etluocantnc; Ihn-tilinorxntr^cs
-5.08 l.0»
6.S1 s.n S.07 6.9»
Data dre 9iv<n only for s t a t i s t i c a n * s i j n i f i c a n t cases.
Automobile Ownership. A final interest is whether consumer
ethnocentrics and non-ethnocentrics differ in foreign auto-
mobile ownership. Respondents listed the makes and models
of all automobiles they owned, and households were subse-
quently classified as "owning none" or "owning one or more"
non-luxury Japanese or other imported automobiles. Cross-
classification of the ownership and ethnocentrism variables
uncovered a strong relationship: 35 percent of the non-
ethnocentrics owned at least one foreign car, whereas only
10 percent of the consumer ethnocentrics were foreign car
owners (x^ corrected = 60.18, 1 df, £ < .001). Next, each
of the three mass social classes was analyzed separately
to remove the potentially confounding effects of social
class. Twenty-one percent of the upper middle class ethno-
centrics owned a foreign-made auto compared with 41 percent
of the non-ethnocentrics (x^ corrected = 5 . 9 9 , 1 df, p <
.01). Only seven percent of the middle class ethnoceritrlcs
owned a foreign car in contrast to the 40 percent of non-
ethnocentric owners (x^ corrected = 26.03, 1 df, p < .001).
Likewise, only six percent of the lower middle clUss ethno-
centrics owned a foreign car, whereas 20 percent of the
non-ethnocentrics were owners (x^ corrected =2.47 1 df
£ = -12).
Discussion
Ethnocentrism characteristically involves strong pro-in-
group sentiments combined with strong anti-outgroup senti-
ments (Adorno et al. 1950). As a sociopsychological con-
cept, ethnocentrism is designed to account for why people
identify with groups, believe their groups are best, and
regard other groups (outgroups) as antithetical to in-
groups. Applied to the domain of consumption, the concept
of ethnocentrism (Consumer Ethnocentrism) is a potentially
valuable explanan of wby some consumers have negative ori-
entations toward products manufactured outside tbeir native
country. In the present study, respondents designated as
"consumer ethnocentrics" ascribed to the position that pur-
chasing foreign automobiles is wrong because it hurts the
country, the domestic economy, and fellow citizens. "Non-
ethnocentrics," who did not share these sentiments, held
significantly more favorable beliefs, attitudes, and inten-
tions toward foreign automobiles.
An obvious and legitimate concern regarding this study is
the issue of measurement quality: Was the measure used
(a single open-ended question) too crude, and was consumer
ethnocentrism in fact measured? It is undeniable in re-
sponse to the first issue that a single open-ended question
lacks precision, is less desirable than a multi-item scale,
and that a psycbometrically-sound scale to measure consumer
ethnocentrism would unquestionably be preferable. However,
the fact remains that such a scale is unavailable. It is
furthermore notable that the consistently significant dif-
ferences detected would have been even stronger had a more
precise measure of consumer ethnocentrism been available.
A second issue is whether the measure of consumer ethno-
centrism, imprecision aside, did indeed tap this construct
rather than some other. This of course is a validity is-
sue. Criterion validity has been demonstrated, as ethno-
centrics were predictably different along a variety of mea-
sures. The high degree of intercoder reliability in clas-
sifying respondents into the two ethnocentric groups ful-
filled a necessary (but not sufficient) condition toward
establishing construct validity, but the unavailability of
a second consumer ethnocentrism measure precluded a deter-
mination of convergent validity. Discriminant validity
likewise was not established, as there conceivably are
other untested variables with which consumer ethnocentrism
is fundamentally inseparable. However, it can be said with
confidence that consumer ethnocentrism is not a mere mani-
festation of more basic social class factors.
Additional work obviously is needed before it can be con-
cluded with assurance that consumer ethnocentrism is a use-
ful concept. A valid scale adhering to accepted psycho-
metric procedures is a needed next step. Such a scale
would transform consumer ethnocentrism from a dichotomous
or "specific nonvariable," as operationalized in this re-
search, to a continuous or "general variable." The latter
is always superior due to greater discriminatory ability
and because it permits more powerful statistical analysis
(Hage 1972).
Although incidental to the present paper, it may be of in-
terest to note that efforts have recently been undertaken
to construct a psychometrically-sound scale to measure con-
sumer ethnocentrism and related phenomena. The proposed
Consumer Orientation toward Foreign Products Scale is con-
ceptualized as a multifaceted construct that includes cog-
nitive, affective, and normative elements. The construct's
domain spans consumers' object-based beliefs and attitudes
(i.e., perceptions of foreign product quality, value, etc.),
normative-based beliefs and attitudes (i.e., perceptions of
whether one should or should not purchase foreign-made pro-
ducts) , and personalistic-based considerations centering
on consumers' personal interests and welfare.
The proposed scale and the study presented herein are based
on the belief that this global form of consumer choice be-
havior (domestic versus foreign products) has strategic
implications. In terms of private policy, knowledge of the
number and identifying characteristics of consumer ethno-
centrics would be useful in formulating market segmentation
and promotional strategies. For example, knowing the mag-
nitude of ethnocentric attitudes within a targeted market
segment would indicate whether appeals to patriotism are
appropriate. Moreover, the application of a psychometri-
cally-sound scale in companies' periodic consumer research
studies would enable a determination of the role played by
ethnocentric attitudes in influencing product choice be-
havior.
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