Building Bridges for Wellness through Counselling and Psychotherapy

Chapter 30 (p348-359), 2010

Published by the Centre for Diversity in Counselling and Psychotherapy OISE, University of Toronto, Canada Sampurna Montfort College, Bangalore, India

Healing Practices of the Khasi and Jaintia People of Northeast India

Sandra Albert and Glenn C. Kharkongor

Pittu Laungani (Laungani, 1996a; 2002a; 2002b; 2007) was one of the first to point out that the Euro-western model of counselling and psychotherapy was inapplicable to Indian society. To reach this conclusion, he examined several key issues - religion and spirituality, individual and community, personality, stress and mental illness, and, death and bereavement. He proposed a four-fold conceptual model to explain differences between western and eastern cultures: individual-collectivism, cognitivism-emotionalism, freewill-determinism, materialism-spiritualism, with each pair of factors representing a continuum. Within this canon of work, Laungani also wrote about the traditional, indigenous and cultural practices of India and its significance and implications for health and well-being. In this chapter, we examine some of Launganis premises in cross-cultural psychology, in particular the interplay between external influences and surviving indigenous beliefs and practicesi. We explore the significance of these traditional healing practices and discuss their psychological, emotional and social significance in an Indian context with particular reference to the Khasi and Jaintia indigenous people of Meghalaya, in North East India ii. We begin by discussing the culture, social and religious practices of the Khasis and Jaintia people. The Khasi and Jaintia people of Meghalaya
Each culture has something of value to offer to another culture and, equally importantly, something of value to learn and imbibe from another culture. A mixture of cultures is more likely to lead to an enrichment of ones intellectual, emotional, spiritual, humanitarian, and moral visions. Each culture is in some ways flawed because no culture has all the answers to the Socratic question of what constitutes the good life and how it should be lived (Laungani, 2007, p.47).

Meghalaya is one of the seven states of northeast India. It has a population of 2.3 million people; the majority belong to the Khasi, Jaintia and Garo groups. The Khasis and Jaintias are genetically, linguistically and culturally connected; differing from the Aryan-

Dravidian groups of India, though the closest genetic relationship is with populations in East and Southeast Asia (Langstieh, et al., 2004). The two groups constitute 57% of the population in this region and are collectively known as Khasi (Statistical handbook Meghalaya, 2003)iii. The Khasis are also known as the Hynniew Trep (seven clans). Kha means born of and Si refers to an ancient mother; Khasi therefore means born of a mother (Bareh, 1997). The Khasis follow the matrilineal system, the children take the name of the mothers clan and identities are closely linked with that of the maternal clan. Inheritance of ancestral property is though the female progeny with the youngest or khadduh getting the major share. With this comes responsibility; it is the khadduhs duty to look after her parents and other members of the family who are in need. The khadduhs husband moves into the wifes home after marriage. The other siblings including the older sisters, move out of the ancestral home establishing neolocal residence, which is in contrast to the other Indian matrilineal society, the Nairs of Kerala, who practised a joint family system and the females of the family had joint property ownership (Aravamudan, 2007). It has been said that matriarchy is a non-violent social order when compared to the patriarchal societies; the matilineal societies of Meghalaya have been non-violent as opposed to the other societies of the north east India which have engaged in inter and intra-tribal warfare (Mukhim, 2005). Although the Khasis could be described as communal or collectivist in many areas of decision-making within the family, individual choice is given precedence when it comes to choice of spouse. Hence arranged marriages which is the norm in mainland India is a rarity amongst Khasis. However, the family will intervene if a partner is chosen from a related clan, a cultural practice that was perhaps set in place to prevent consanguinity. Each clan has a list of clans with whom inter-marriage is forbidden shong sang, even if the relationship is very distant and almost untraceable. Thus the Khasis practise a complex kinship system with prohibitions rather than prescriptive rules for marriage which is in contrast to the other indigenous matrilineal tribe of Meghalaya, the Garos (Chowdhury, 1996). The Khasis are an inclusive society, a non-Khasi woman marrying a Khasi man can choose to become a Khasi on performing the tang jait ceremony. She is then given a new clan name and her children are thereafter known by this name. Khasi society is matrilineal but not matriarchal. There are no women in the traditional local governing bodies or durbar shnongs. In the modern political system a few women have won elected office. Traditionally womens opinions may be sought, but the final decisions are made by the males. Religion, spirits and sacred traditions
In seeking plausible explanations, they attempted to exonerate themselves from the randomness with which illness can afflict humanity But one is preyed upon and even devoured by ones primeval fears. (Laungani, 2003, p.165, 172)

The Hindu way of life with its strong sense of religion and spirituality, dominance of the community over the individual, and a holistic yet fatalistic belief system still holds sway 2

over the peoples of India, even in the urban areas of rapid techno-economic development (Laungani, 2007). While this holds true for the Aryan-Dravidian peoples of India, it is not completely applicable to the indigenous peoples of Northeast India. The Hindu pantheon of Gods and the caste system are unknown. Indeed it is possible that certain Hindu rituals have borrowed from ceremonies of the indigenous peoples, such as cremation of the dead, mountain worship, and the use of betel leaves, turmeric, coconut in religious rites (Chowdhury, 1996). The Khasis and Jaintia people worship a formless god, the religion is referred to as niamtrai khasi by the Khasis and niamtre by the Jaintias. The three basic principles of the religion are: kamai ia ka hok, earn by ones own effort and righteousness; tip briew, tip Blei, know God by knowing your fellow men; and, tip kur, tip kha, know your paternal and maternal relatives. The last tenet implies that marriage within the clan is strictly forbidden (Singh, 1994). The traditional religion is theistic with elements of animism. The theistic concept is of one divine power U Blei, God, sometimes referred to in the plural as Ki Blei, the plural form is used as a mark of respect or as a to refer the many roles of god (hence some have referred to the religion as polytheistic). There are no temples, idols, sacred places of worship or saints. Khasis do not worship their ancestors, but homage is paid to the ancestors especially to the ancient founder mothers of the clans. Khasis are remarkably free from fear of ghosts. (Chowdhury, 1996). The rooster plays a significant role, the cock leads the way to God after death; iar khad lynti. God accepts the cock which is offered as a sacrifice. Symbolically the roosters crowing brings forth the sun when the world is in darkness, and it intercedes for the people when they are overwhelmed in moral darkness. Scattered through the hills of the state are numerous law kyntang, sacred groves or sacred forests. There are 79 documented groves in varying sizes - many are larger than a hundred hectares, but some are as small as an acre; with many more undiscovered sacred forests. These sacred groves have been preserved from the time of the origins of the Khasi people, for religious custom forbids damage or removal of anything even a leaf or a stone - from a sacred grove. One may pick fruit to be eaten while in the forest but nothing can be carried out of the forest. Fallen trees are left untouched on the forest floor. The local folk healer is permitted to take medicinal herbs for his clients. The foliage is dense, the oaks, rhododendrons and other deciduous trees are laden with epiphytic growths of ferns and orchids cascading onto the forest floor. The sacred groves are protected repositories of biodiversity, especially pteridophytes, gymnosperms and angiosperms, including many rare and primitive species (Down to Earth, 2003; Chowdhury, 1996). Each region and sub-group has its own version of rituals, taboos and ceremonies that are built around the groves. The Khasis believe in spirits, mostly benevolent. The good spirits are those with good intentions towards people, e.g.,U blei shillong, spirit of the mountains, Ka lukhimai, Ka

lei khuri spirits of the hearth, U lei umtong the spirit of the water, U lei longspah, spirit of wealth and Blei iew, market spirits (Chowdhury, 1996; Bareh, 1997). Beliefs associated with the taro, an evil spirit, is prevalent mainly among the Jaintias. How a taro enters a person is unclear. It can take temporary residence in a person other than the patient and the spell may be cast from a distance. Sometimes the taro resides in certain families whose identity is known to the community. Khasis believe that one who have visited or been in contact with a family that possess taro can fall ill. Locals avoid being in debt in any way to families with taro for example, nothing is ever borrowed from them, all payments are made in full and immediately if anything is bought. Eating or drinking from these families is avoided, but, if politeness requires that one partakes of food or drink, a symbolic payment, throwing behind a coin as one comes out of the house is made. Those who fear or are mentally weak are more susceptible to the spells of the taro. To illustrate how taro is understood and integrated into the peoples worldview we offer the following case vignette: As narrated by her neighbour, an 18 year-old girl despite warnings from her family, continued her friendship with a young girl from a local family, whom locals regarded as a family with taro. One day she had tea with the marked family, and on returning began acting strange, talking nonsense, not eating, talking in her sleep and became ill and weak. She was taken to a modern doctor, admitted to hospital where she had to be tethered down on her bed because of violent behaviour and fits. She responded to medications only temporarily and symptoms returned on wearing off of the medication. On the advice of relatives the family sought voluntary discharge from hospital and she was taken to a traditional healer who prayed over the client. During this session the client spoke in a strange voice resembling the voice of the mother of her friend, saying words to the effect, You had tea with us and did not give anything in return. The clients family then went to the family with taro as instructed and requested the matriarch to call back the taro. She expressed distress that such a thing had happened, said the girl must have been weak, and was susceptible to the taro. She called back the taro saying Come back, do not disturb her, she is a friend. Following this the client fully recovered. Another evil spirit is U thlen, a serpent spirit kept by some families to make them wealthy. The thlen, a monster serpent that lived in a cave, attacked and swallowed passers-by on market days. By a clever stratagem, the snake was induced to swallow a piece of red-hot iron, made to look like a piece of smoked pork. The thlen died and was cut into bits for the community to feast on. But a foolish old woman failed to eat her piece and it came back to life. The woman was forced to care for it, feeding it with human blood from murdered victims. In return the thlen made her wealthy and prosperous. Subsequently thlen worship spread through marriage, kinship and trade. The families that keep the thlen must feed them with human blood or failing that , appease it temporarily by plucking a hair or cutting a piece of clothing stealthily from an unsuspecting victim. The victim may become weak and sick and may even die, unless the spell is exorcised by the syiem saad, high priestess. Beliefs associated with the thlen

amongst the Khasis are related to the desire for and seeking of wealth through unfair means. Fear of the thlen worshipper is quite prevalent among the Khasisiv. Healers and healing practices among the Khasis The canvas of traditional medicine in India encompasses two broad categories: The first category includes the codified or classical systems of medicine. These codified systems consist of medical knowledge with sophisticated theoretical foundations expressed in thousands of manuscripts, for example, Ayurveda, Siddha, Unani (Balasubramanian, 2003) and the Tibetan tradition. (Dummer, 1988). The second category includes the age-old local folk healing systems which can be found throughout India in parallel to the codified or classical systems of medicine (Balasubramanian, 2003). In India they are known as local health traditions (LHT); these are practices, beliefs and customs related to health, specific to each locality and passed on from generation to generation by word of mouth. They make use of a surprisingly wide array of locally available flora and fauna. LHT is comprised mostly of the oral traditions practiced by the rural villages. The carriers of these traditions are millions of housewives, thousands of traditional birth attendants, bone setters, village practitioners skilled in acupressure, eye treatments, treatment of snake bites and the traditional physicians/herbal healers. This stream of inherited traditions represents an autonomous communitysupported health system which efficiently and effectively manages the primary health care of the Indian rural masses. Local health traditions in Meghalaya are widely practised and used. Each major tribe has its own system, though there is some overlap. Each family has its own set of home remedies, passed down by the older generation, for many common ailments. When these fail the help of the local health practitioner is sought.
The Indian client is likely to search for a therapist he/she can respect, look up to and defer to. The counsellor or therapist is seen as a special person, as the expert, a person who is imbued with special powers, even in some instances with psycho-magical powers, which can be used to alleviate the clients personal and familial problems (Laungani, 1997, p.348).

There are various types of healers in Khasi society, For example: The nongai dawai kynbat is one who heals with herbs, usually for physical ailments. In conversations with several nongai dawai kynbat, most of them stated that enquiring about the emotional status and psychological wellbeing of their patients is important as physical ailments may be caused by emotional or psychological problems. Most of the practitioners counsel and pray for their patients as part of the treatments. They also said that there are diseases in which only or mainly the mind is affected. The nongkia is one who performs rituals, and has the ability to heal evil spirit-related problems. The nongkia makes a diagnosis such as a problem with the spirit of the wind or spirit of the water is made. Ksan rngiew is a ritual performed by nongkia to

restore good fortune. Lyngdohs perform ceremonial rituals and sacrifices related to dance, and festivals (Bareh, 1997) and sometimes healing. The most common divination ritual involves the breaking of eggsv . The diviner casts the egg onto a wooden board; the position of the broken egg shells indicates the cause of trouble or illness. Other methods are to examine the entrails of chickens or other domestic animals. A riew don sap pynkhiah, are those with ka sap, divine talent or gift of healing. They treat stomach aches, headaches, boils, toothaches and other minor ailments, mainly through prayers and may administer water, oil or limestone paste. The most sought after healer is the syiem saad, the high priestess of the kingdom of Khyrim, cultural and religious seat of the Khasis. The syiem saad presides over the annual religious ceremonies of the Nongkrem harvest dance. She specializes in thlen related problems. Most come fearing that they have been marked by the followers of the thlen. A cleanly-cut tear in their clothes may have been excised to appease the thlen. Marked victims may succumb to severe physical or mental illness and they seek preventive treatment to ward off the curse. Narsaw, the treatment, consists of prayer and touching the clothes or hair with the tips of two hot iron rods. The person need not come in person, an article of clothing or grains of rice from their home may be sent instead vi. The syiem saad who sees both Khasi and non-Khasi clients for counselling and healing had this to say: I pray and say whatever words of reassurance that come into my head, trying to recall what my mother used to do and then use the narsaw treatment. I do not use chants or mantras, only prayers to U Blei, help me to help my people, heal them. During some sessions I say rather authoritatively to the client, You are in the land of the living, do not be afraid. The words of the one with faith are very powerful. There have been instances when the syiem saad or the gifted person prays over the client and declares that she/he cannot get the answer, there is no spirit involved, and advises that the client be taken to a doctor of modern medicine. Invariably an organic cause is detected and the patient is healed. Christian influences on the Khasi culture Colonization brought Christian missionaries in its wake and Christianity is now the predominant religion of Meghalaya. But many indigenous social, cultural and religious traditions have survived and remain embedded in the psyche and behaviour of the Khasis. The westernising influence of Christianity, rapid urbanisation and uneven economic development has brought social upheavals and like indigenous peoples elsewhere, there is high unemployment, alcoholism, and poor health and education services, especially in the rural areas (NFHS 3, 2007; Statistical Handbook Meghalaya, 2003). There is considerable need for psychotherapy and counselling services in this region, and currently there are only a few modern practitioners available to support this need. However, there is still a strong support system of traditional and cultural practices of the Khasis and Jaintia that contribute substantially to the alleviation of physical and mental illness and the emotional well-being of these communities.

Christianity has made significant incursions into the cultural practices of the Khasis. The church has labelled many ceremonies, including dance festivals as heathen and evil. This has led to the loss of many cultural and traditional practices in music, dance, drama and ceremonies customarily observed at birth, death and other occasions (Bareh, 1997). Visiting the nongkia for ritualistic healing is also discouraged. But many Christians still seek traditional healing, especially for emotional problems, as seen in the following case summary: A 28 year-old female Khasi university lecturer with a postgraduate degree in social work, who is a practising Christian, lost her (Christian) father in 2006. A few days after the funeral, she became listless and weak with malaise, fainting spells and loss of appetite. She was taken to a modern hospital where she was treated with sedation and supportive care, with partial relief. Without recovering fully, she was discharged after three days of hospitalization. Her maternal grandmother, who still practices the traditional Khasi religion now took over and performed the customary ceremony of appeasement of the dead soul. She prayed over the traditional shang kwai, a bamboo basket containing betel leaves, lime paste and areca nut during the ceremonyvii. In her prayer the love of the departed father for his daughter was acknowledged (she was his favourite child) and she asked him to now leave his daughter in peace to get on with her life. She then turned to her granddaughter and said, He has gone now and youll be well. And so it was, from that moment her symptoms never returned and she is well to this day.
Your perceptions, your own understanding, your own attitudes, your own beliefs concerning your illness are unique. They are unlikely to be understood, appreciated, or shared by most doctors. But doctors in general, due largely to their insufficient training in psychology, tend to focus on the disease and ignore the subjective appraisals and reactions of patients to their illnesses. These beliefs are symptomatic of the manner in which medical science is construed, defined and practised in Western societies today. In fact, focussing on the body, namely, the disease and ignoring the mind of the patient, medical science has succeeded where the greatest philosophers from times ancient to modern, have failed in resolving the metaphysical dualistic mind-body problem. (Laungani, 2003, p.169, 170 )

What appears to be lacking in cross-cultural research is a good and robust guiding theory - a unifying paradigm. Whether such a theory will emerge and how such a theory will be tested are questions to which no clear answers are available (Laungani, 2007, p.104).

Launganis definition of culture and his description of its features find resonance in Khasi culture. Laungani makes the point that that each culture has something of value to offer. What can the Khasis contribute? Perhaps the most significant is its gender equality. In a country where patriarchy is dominant, sons are valued while female feticide and girlchild neglect is rampant; the sex ratio of 933 females to 1000 males is noteworthy. Among the Khasis and Jaintias, the birth of a baby girl is a joyous event. In the Indian context, the important role of women is unique to Khasi society and has survived the onslaught of Christianization and its emphasis on patriarchy viii. This is reinforced when one compares the Khasis to the Nairs, the other matrilineal society in India; the latter 7

women lost their right to inherit property by an act of law passed in 1975. In less than 30 years this has had repercussions, with profound negative implications on the womens position in the family and in the society. The Nair women have become devalued as women elsewhere (Aravamudan, 2007). However the Khasis have to be watchful, lest they go the Nair way, for there are voices in their society who are calling for a change of the traditional ways. In illness, whether physical, mental or emotional, Khasis seek out healers who will diagnose the cause of the illness, which may be located in the patient, the ancestors or in the community. Some of the illness will be declared to have a physical cause and the healer will use herbal treatments. The patient may even be referred to a modern doctor. But at times the cause of the illness is attributed to spells cast by evil spirits. This would call for religious counselling or demonological therapies as described by La ungani (2002a). Irrespective of the cause, or category of healer, the diagnosis and prescribed cure is obediently and unquestioningly accepted and followed. In this respect the Khasi client is much like his fellow citizens in the rest of India, regarding, as Laungani says, the therapist as an expert whose methods or cures are infallible (2007; 1997). Once again, the inadequacy of modern doctors to consider the patient in the milieu of his belief systems, perceptions and belief systems has been demonstrated. Most Khasis, especially in the rural areas, will go to modern doctors only for obvious needs such as surgery or difficult labour and delivery. For most illnesses they seek out the local healer (Lyngdoh, et al., 2007). Laungani bemoans the tendency of doctors to focus on the disease, ignoring all else. This he ascribes to the lack of sufficient training in psychology.
An appropriate definition of stress should reflect to a large extent the social and philosophical preconcerns of a given culture. The word stress itself is not easily understood in India. There is no equivalent word for stress in the languages of India; its meaning has to be gleaned from a variety of social, philosophical, psychophysiological, and somatic-symptomatic indices. (Laungani, 1996, p.31)

There are no equivalent words for stress in the Khasi language as well, a discussion with a group of bilingual Khasis brought forth the following words as close equivalents; jing sngewsih, sadness, jingthait jabeing, tiredness of the brain, jingswai, feeling lost, khuslai, worry and sngnew blaw, feeling lonely. Most often a trained counsellor will counsel in the local language. The word stress is indicative of the many words that counsellors will need to translate for use in their practice or research. Translation is fraught with difficulty, especially when applying practices from Western to another culture. In a treatise on cultural-preparedness for counselling (Arulmani, 2008), it is recommended that an evaluation be made of the belief system and attitudes of a particular culture to help determine the nature of psychotherapies that will benefit them. Methods of counselling that emerged in the West were created in response to needs expressed from within Western culture; where conditions could be created that were necessary and sufficient in that context for a particular approach to counselling. But the same conditions

may be neither necessary nor sufficient for a people who have a different cultural heritage (Arulmani, 2008). To make counselling relevant it would be useful to ascertain the cultural preparedness and to shift the approach from client-centred counselling with culture-centred counselling as Laungani (1997) recommended. Launguni (2005) even suggests the building of bridges that would allow counsellors from different persuasions to function in tandem. It is only in recent years that institutions have started offering courses in counselling and psychology in Meghalaya. The instruction and interventions continue to be based primarily on Western models. Launganis writings prompt the inclusion of cross-cultural psychology in the syllabi, to sensitise the new generation of counsellors and psychologists to these issues.

References Aravamudan, G. (2007) Disappearing daughters: The tragedy of female foeticide. New Delhi: Penguin Books. Arulmani, G. (in press) Cultural preparedness: Assumptions that influence the practice of counselling in India. In Larry Gerstein (Ed), Handbook of cross cultural counselling. New York: Sage Publications. Balasubramanian, A.V.(2003) Social organisation of knowledge in India: Folk and classical traditions. Centre for Indian Knowledge Systems. www.ciks.org/article2.htm retrieved May 2008. Bareh, H. (1997) The history and culture of the Khasi people 3rd Edition. Guwahati: Spectrum Publications. Chowdhury, J N. (1996) Ki khun Khasi-khara (The Khasi people). Published by the author. Distributor: Chapala Books, Shillong, Meghalaya. Down to Earth (2003). Centre for Science and Environment. http://www.cseindia.org/dtesupplement/forest20031231/febrile_frenetic.htm. Retrieved March 2008. Dummer, T. (1988). Tibetan medicine and other holistic health-care systems. London, Routledge. Langstieh, B.T., Reddy, B.M., Thangaraj, K., Kumar, V., Singh, L. (2004) Genetic diversity and relationships among the tribes of Meghalaya compared to other Indian and Continental populations. Hum Biol. 76(4):569-90. Laungani, P. (1985). National differences in personality: India and England. Personality and Individual Differences. 6(2), 217-221.

Laungani, P. (1996a). Cross- cultural investigations of stress: Conceptual and methodological considerations. International Journal of Stress Management. 3(1), 25-35. Laungani, P. (1996b). Death and bereavement in India and Britain: A comparative analysis. Mortality. 1(2), 191-212. Laungani, P. (1997). Replacing client-centred counselling with culture-centred counselling. Counselling Psychology Quarterly, 10(4), 343-351. Laungani, P. (2002a). Stress, trauma, and coping strategies: cross-cultural variations International Journal of Group Tensions. 31(2), 127-154. . Laungani, P. (2002b). Understanding mental illness across cultures. S.Palmer (Ed) in Multicultural counselling: A reader. US: Sage Publications. 129- 154. Laungani, P. (2003). Therapeutic strategies for coping with a life-threatening illness: A personal statement. Illness, Crisis & Loss. 11(2), 162-182. Laungani, P. (2005). Building multicultural bridges: The holy grail or a poisoned chalice. Counselling Psychology Quarterly, 18(4), 247-259. Laungani, P. (2007). Understanding cross-cultural psychology. New Delhi: Sage Publications. Lyngdoh, W., Kharkongor G.C., War, J., Nicol, B.M., (2007). KAP survey on traditional medicine in Mawlam village, Meghalaya. Presented at National Seminar on Biodiversity: Herbal Medicine. North East Council and Directorate of Higher and Technical Education, Government of Meghalaya. Mukhim, P. (2005) Khasi matrilineal society - Challenges in the 21st century. The Second World Congress on Matriarchal Studies, San Marcos, USA. http://matriarchy.info/index.php. Retrieved May 2008. National Family Health Survey (NFHS3) 2005-06.www.nfhsindia.org/anfhs1.html. Retrieved March 2008. Statistical Handbook Meghalaya (2003). Department of Economics and Statistics, Government of Meghalaya. Reddy, B.M., Langstieh, B.T., Kumar, V., Nagaraja, T., Reddy, A.N., Meka, A., et al. (2007) Austro-Asiatic tribes of northeast India provide hitherto missing genetic link between south and southeast Asia. PLoS ONE. 2(11):e1141. Singh, K S. (1994) People of India: Meghalaya. Vol XXXII. Anthropological survey of India, Calcutta: Seagull Books.

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Acknowledgement: We thank the following people for their support in the writing of this paper: Ms Amelia Syiem and her family; Ms Batriti Syiem, the current syiem saad; Dr. Helen Giri, historian.

NOTES:
i

The UNESCO definition of indigenous peoples has been referred to (UNESCO and Indigenous Peoples, 2006). http://portal.unesco.org/ci/en/ev.php.
ii

The northeast region of India was a corridor for early migrations between the Indian landmass and Southeast Asia, China and Australasia. It is a genetic melting pot of Mongoloid, Australoid and Caucasoid peoples and has been populated from the paleolithic era, perhaps for 70,000 years (Reddy, et al., 2007). The region is home to seven states, largely inhabited by indigenous peoples, numbering about 220 tribes, each with their own language. These indigenous communities have lived continuously in this territory and have a historical continuity with pre-invasion and pre-colonial societies. They are mostly of Mon-Khmer or Sino-Tibeto-Burman heritage with their own languages, cultural patterns, social institutions and legal systems.
iii

The Khasi country was a confederation of several syiemships or kingdoms. The Khasis instituted the system of syiemship, by ordaining a royal clan, Jait Syiem, from whom the syiem (king) or ceremonial head of state was chosen. Syiemships had democratic foundations, and safeguards were put in place to prevent the syiem from being autocratic (Bareh, 1997). The syiem presides over a durbar or council of ministers which holds most of the political power. In the Khyrim syiemship, culturally and religiously the most important kingdom, the syiems sister the syiem saad is the custodian of state rituals, her oldest son could become the next syiem, and her daughter the next syiem saad. To this day almost all the syiemships continue to exist and function, although their powers have been diluted through merger with the other syiemships under the KHADC (Khasi Hills Autonomous District Council) by a special provision of the Indian Constitution.
iv

During my (Glenn C. Kharkongor) childhood in the Khasi hills, my grandmother would often warn us to stay away from strangers, especially those that tried to entice children with sweets. They might be followers of the thlen, seeking to ensnare easy victims.
v

Egg breaking rituals are prevalent among other cultures extending from South East Asia to the Polynesian Islands (Chowdhury, 1996).
vi

The appointment was made on behalf of the first author by a member of the Syiem clan. Her family had converted to Christianity and had thereby given up any family claim to the Syiemship. The current Syiem saad is a former schoolteacher. Her brother, the reigning Syiem, is a doctor of modern medicine
vii

Kwai, a folded betel leaf with a streak of lime paste eaten with areca nut, is served in a traditional hand woven bamboo basket. It is an integral part of Khasi culture and is associated with interesting folklore about its origins and importance. It is offered to all visitors to a Khasi home. A meal would be considered incomplete without chewing kwai.
viii

The Seng Khasi, literally Khasi Society was founded in 1899 (Singh, 1994) to protect Khasi culture, especially from Christianity. Members of the society are adherents of the traditional religion.

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