Uncovering The History of Africans in Asia

Uncovering the History of
Africans in Asia
Uncovering the History of
Mricans in Asia
EditnJt,
Shihan de Silvajayasuriya
and
Jean-Pierre Angenot
BRILL
LEIDEN BOSTON
2008
C'.wr iJJIIStrtltitm: "'''he Nizam's African Dodyguanl 81 du: 1877 Imperial Durbar:
Mounted Toy Soldier by \V.M. Hocker ...
With kind permission of Kenneth mdjO)"Ce Robbins.
This book is printed on acid-free paper.
Uncov-ering the history of Africans in Asia I edited by Shihan de Sih"ajayasuriya and
Jem-Pierre Angen01.
p.cm.
Includes bibliographical rcf"et"Cnces and index.
ISBN 978-90-04-16291-4 (pbk.: alk. paper) I. Mricans-Asia-History. 2. African
diaspora. I.Jayasuriya, Shihan des. n. Angmnt,.Jem-Pierre.
DS28.A35U53 2008
950.0496-dc22
ISBN 978 90 04 16291 4
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PIUN1'ID IN THE IG"IIII!IILAND5
CONTENTS
Foreword by Tukumbi I.Aimumba-Kasongo ........................ vii
Chapter One General Introduction .................................... ..
Shihon til Si/DQ &
]m-Pil"e Angtnol
Chapter 1'Wo Identifying Africans in Asia:
\Vhat's in a Name? ......................................... 7
Shihon til Si/DQ Jtgasuri.JO
Chapter Three The Afro-Asian Diaspora: Myth or
Reality? ............................................................ 37
Campbell
Chapter Four The African Slave Trade to Asia and the
Indian Ocean Islands ..................................... 57
&bm a CoUins
Chapter Five The Makran-Baluch-African network in
Zanzibar and East-Africa during d1e XIX
Century ........................................................... 81
&atria Nt&Oiini
Chapter Six Somali Migration 10 Yemen from the I 9th 10
the 21st Centuries ........................................... 107
UiJa lngron1s & Richard Ponldttmt
Chapter Seven Nineteenth Century European References
to the African Diaspora in the Arabian
Peninsula ......................................................... 121
C/Vfiwd Ptreim
Chapter Eight Migrants and the Maldives: African
Connections .................................................... 131
Shihon til Si/DQ Jtgasuri.JO
vi
Chapter Nine The African Native in lndiaspora ..................... 139
}tanllle Pfnto
Chapter Ten Atligrants and Mercenaries: Sri Lanka's Hidden
Africans .............................................................. 155
Sllilum de Silva ]t9VlSUfiJVJ
Extensive Bibliography on the Afro-Asian Diaspora ................. 171
Angtnol & Gtralda til lima A,.,.ot
Notes on Contributors ................................................................ 189
Index ........................................................................................... 193
FOREWORD BY TUKUMBI LUMUMBA-KASONGO
Why, how, and when bad Africans or Blacks from the African continent
found themselves in Asia? What pans of Africa did these Africans or
Blacks originate from? Who were these Africans or Blacks who migrated
to Asia? Where in Asia are there the majority of the people of African
descent? Who and what have they become? How had they been group-
ing, integrated or disintegrated into various social and cultural fabrics of
the Asian counuies? What is the level of social consciousness of their
African-ness or Blackness, if any? And what contributions have they
been making to the development of their communities in Asia?
It is necessary that I firsdy describe the general background behind
these interesting and complex studies; secondly, I would like to present
a sincere CIJU/1 de dulptou to the Guest-Editor for a work well done; and
thirdly, I invite our readers to read and use this book critically. I am
working with the same Guest-Editor to produce another similar work
on the same topic to be published in another special issue of 1111 Jt.ftiean
ond Asian Sbulits in the Fall of 2007.
By some ad hoc common historical knowledge and some limited
anthropological, ethnographic and biological studies, it is known that
there are people of African descent in many pans of Asia. However, d1e
scholarship in this area though not static, is still minimum. It is limited
in relationship to irs potential as it calls for questioning the conventional
paradigms, and it is not intellectually legitimate yet. Many empirical
and historical research projects are still needed to study collecti\'e and
individual memories and stories of these people and how they bad
become Asians like other Asian ethnic groups for centuries.
"Thl4ftiean DiiJsfJIWa in ilsia: Historieal Gltllnings" whose Guest-Editors
are Dr. Sbihan de Silvajayasuriya of the University of London in Lon-
don, United Kingdom, and Professor Jean-Pierre Angenot of Federal
University of Rondonia, Brazil, is a monumental and rich work. It is an
innovative coUection of well-studied u ~ e c t s undertaken by established
scholars dealing with various forms of migration of the Africans to Asia
from an interdisciplinary and a multidisciplinary perspective. I thank
them, including the authors, for having analyzed various aspects of a
topic that goes beyond a simple logic of linear history in the process
viii TUKUliBI LUKUitiBAKASONGO
of studying the movements of people with their traditions, their hopes
and dreams, and their power of social reproduction.
Because of the complexity of the issues examined in d1is volume, I
would like to invite the readers to contextualize d1e whole work within
a broader intellectual discourse and historical perspeclives, to raise gen-
eral issues related to the qualitative nature of the work itself, and to see
how this work could help project the implications of the locations of
large communities of people of African descent in Asia. After carefuUy
reviewing each article included in this coUection, I shared my satisfac-
tion with Dr. Shiban de Silva Jayasuriya. Thus, I decided to push for
the publication of the special issue of the A.fiimn tmd Asian Sttulits as a
book. In shon, it is my hope that the readers will appreciate d1e value
of this work within a bigger historical and sociological picture as an
important step in d1e further studies of both Africa and Asia.
In 2004,1 was invited by Professor Jean-Pierre Angenot to participate
in one of his conferences organized through the TADIA International
Network, to be held in Goa. In the same year, he made a request to
me to explore any possibility of publishing some papers in lht A.ftictm
tliUl Asian Studies. After l'e\riewing the abstracts he submitted, the list of
possible contributors, and their professional affiliations, I appi"O\'ed the
project for publication in the A.fiimn tliUl A.sion Situ/Us. "I11us, with high
enthusiasm, I worked closely with Dr. Shihan de Silva Jayasuriya of
the University of London, the Guest Editor, who carefuUy paid close
attention to all the details for producing this work. I read each article
with high interest and inteUectual curiosity to make sure d1at this work
could produce high quality intellectual debates and d1at it stimulates
funher discussion and scientific investigation.
"I11e questions related to, and/or about, the African Diaspora at large
have been extensively studied mainly through two main interrelated
historical perspectives, namely European-American transatlantic slavery
and European colonialism. "I11ey are the dominant areas of interest,
which are part of the imperialist paradigms. The studies on African
internal, regional slavery and the African autonomous or independent
international migrations have been limited until recently. Thus, \\rithin
the existing world system and its international commercial routes, com-
munication technology, and the axis of power, Africa bas been more
directly connected to Europe than to any other part of d1e world.
For some, the phenomenon of Africans in Asia can be considered
as enigmatic, random, individualislic or atomistic. But this is not the
view shared with some aud1ors in this coUection. In d1is publication
FOREWORD ix
a broad basis of motivations and trends have been studied. As W. E.
Burghardt Du Bois expressed in his work entitled: Till WlWid tlllll Aftita,
(1985, p. 176):
Tiac: COimection belween Asia and Amca has alwa)'S bc:e11 dose. There was
probably actual land connection in prehistoric times, and l.lac: black race
appears in both continems in the earliest records, making it doubtful
which continent is the poinl of origin. the Negroid people of
Asia have played a leading part of history. The blacks of :Melanesia have
scoured dae seas, and Charles Taiiber makes l.lac:m inventors of one of
the world's finl wrillen thus, this gn:atest of all human iiM!n-
tions was made b) aborigines whose descendants today rank among l.lae
lowest, the proto-Australians.
"11te logic of this ciaation was clarified by ahe empirical facts in specific
case studies in this volume. The work dealing \\litlt 1he specific hisaori-
cal, physical and social movements or migration of Mricans or Blacks
in Asia over 1he centuries is clearly a complex historical, sociological,
ethnographic and pioneering work. It is a work that can help demystify,
deconstruct, and attempt 10 reconstruct eahnicity (Black ethnicity} and
its cultures and some of its history. No single tlteory can provide suf-
ficient tools which would explain comprehensively the facaors that have
led to movemenls of Mricans or Blacks and the implications and the
consequences of their migrations. As such, I hope that this work will
engender an imellectual curiosity and the space needed to challenge
the conventional push-pull theory.
The value of this work also lies in tlte fact ahat the authors have
diverse academic and cultural backgrounds and 1ha1 they are intel
lectually located \\lithin ahe major schools of tltoughts in their various
disciplines and interests. Also, the book is published at a time when
the real and potential political debates about eahnicity in its various
dimensions are, in moSl cases, fused and reduced in the languages of
religions, power struggles, and in ahe forms of international security
and capiaalist regionalism.
While the arguments of the positive role of cultural diversity and
multiculturalism are becoming internationaUy appreciated wluable tools
and 1opics wiah which 10 formally assess institutional performances and
their development, especially in academia and multinationals, the stud-
ies of specific eahnic groups, tlte races or cultures, are still considered
\\litltin ahe existing world politics as threatening to the grand paradigm,
namely tlte world system and its various categories. Slates and their
institutions and many private and public institutions the world over
X TUKUliBI LUMUitiBAKASONGO
are still politically resistant to dialoguing wid1 specific human histories.
However, in the contexl of d1is book, the studies of the African Diaspora
as a human and social history can create mechanisms of understanding
people, a sine qua non condition for learning about them.
111e paradigms, methodological and analytical perspectives developed
in this book were examined and appreciated wid1in d1e frameworks of
the dynamics of d1e world political economy and the contemporary
state and its cultures. 1ne world of the states has defined the world
using some precise tooJs such as physical territoriality, imagined and/ or
real sovereignty, and population defined as citizens. But the call is to
be critical to the state centric power as it has tendencies of obscuring
history.
1ne centrality of African historiography in the making of the world
history or me humanity at large as the cradle of the humanity, though
is sliD intellectually and historically controversial in some milieux, has
been scientifically proven by African and non-African scientists. This
centrality also challenged the arguments of the state-centrist in defining
Africans or people of African descent. Cheikh Anta Diop, the Senegalese
scientist, who popularized and internationalized the concept of Africa
as the origin of civilization, ad\ranced the view that ancient Egyptian
civilization, which is essentially Black or African, was in d1e origin of
the Greek civilization, a civilization which had been appropriated as
the foundation of Western European civilization.
While dus work does not address Cheikh Anta Diop's propositions,
various types of arguments advanced complement Diop's Afro-centric
logic in terms of the necessity of the recognition of me contributions
of the African and Black cultures in any pan of the world.
n1is work covers many subtopics such as the nature of the relation-
ship between Africans and the Arabs who live in Africa and are Africans,
the Arabs in d1e Middleast, Buddhism, Hinduism, the Indian involve-
ment in the commercialization of the slave trade before the transatlanlic
slave trade, the lack of d1e intellectual and historical recognition of the
African presence in the conventional historiography, etc. According
to Roben 0. Collins, one of the authors in dus collection, between
800 AD and 1900 AD, the estimated population of Africans in Asia
was approximately d1e same as the population of Africans sent to the
Americas in four and a half centuries i.e. 12, 580,000. DemographicaUy,
this is not a small number that should be ignored and/ or neglected in
a monolithic and unilinear descriptive llistory.
FOREWORD xi
"Unctmtri"lllu Hislmy of A.fiicllns in Asill" is a work of reference that
can stimulate further debates about d1e contributions of the Africans
in the contemporary world.
&fermcu
Du Bois, \ \ ~ E. Bulldwdc (1985} 'nt Hfdlfllfll A IRf'l!? i N t i ~ J!lrl ultidt .4ftit
lltu pllgttJ iR woriiTIJistD,_,: .4Jt &lttlgrrnml NlititM, lllitiJ liiW rt'lilmg.s 1111 A.fritll, New \"ork:
Jnccrnadonal Publishers.
CHAPTER ONE
GENERAL INrRODUCTION
StntiAN DE Sn.vAJAYASURJYA
(King's College London, University of London) &
JEAN-PIERRE ANoJENar
(Federal University of Rondlmia, Brazil)
Asia and Mrica were both subjected to western intervention and com-
mercial interactions, becoming part of a global economy. \Vhile West
Mrica became a trading place for the Ponuguese from the 15th century,
the interior of Mrica was not explored until the mid-19th century.
Contact with the Portuguese inevitably resulted in exporting Mricans to
Europe. The internationalization of the slave trade arguably weakened
Mrica. Colonisation by European powers, each scrambling for a piece
of Mrica, divided tribes and ethnolinguistic groups who had lived in
harmony for centuries and put together rival groups.
Asia also feU victim to western commercial interests, beginning wid1
the Ponuguese who controUed Indian Ocean trade for a hundred years,
turning it into a Ponuguese lake. This was possible by breaking into
and disrupting old and weD-established intra-Asian trading networks.
Building farftung empires, olbtit maritime ones, took its toll, resulting
in the shonage of human capital, loyal personnel, military men for
acquiring and then defending territories. Within this process, Mrica feU
victim to d1e exploitation of human resources, d1e already established
sla\te trade o&ering a mechanism for it. Mricans were moved to far
flung domains, not simply to the Middle East and South Asia but also
to Southeast Asia, up to Japan and China.
Japan, however, had staned to modernise, beginning from d1e Meiji
( 1868-1912) restoration. This enabled the Japanese to hold their own
against American and European powers during the 20th century.
Despite d1e setbacks foUowing the aftermath of World War II, Japan
was able to rebuild its developing industrial base and compete in
world markets, beginning in the 1950s. Initially mimicking western
technology and manufacturing at a lower cost than d1e West, Japanese
C 2008 l<oninlclijh Brill Nv, l..,iclrn
2 SUIIIAN DE SILVAJAYASURrYA AND .JE"NPIERRE ANGENOT
products began to take away a proportion of the maJicet share previ-
ously held by European countries and America. The emergence of
the four tigers-Korea, Taiwan, Singapore and Hong Kong--J>OSed
a real threat to d1e West. India and China are now foUowing, about
two decades later.
Colonisation, the slave trade, indentured labour, aU affected Asia.
People moved in several directions geographically \\rithin the Indian
Ocean. However, we must not forget d1e Mrican-Asian trade that
existed at least from the 1st century onwards. Abyssinians were trad-
ing in South Asia during the Aksumite Empire, from the I st to the
7dl centuries. There was, d1erefore, free movement of Mricans to
Asia. While uncovering Mrican-Asian history, we must not 0\'erlook
the fact that Mricans mainly came as slaves. Yet some slaves rose to
positions of power and influence through their military capabilities.
The Mro-lndian dynasties of Sachin and Janjira are a reminder of
the influence that Mro-lndians wielded in parts of India. While this
glory was not to remain forever, the cultural contributions made by
Mricans are still alive, particularly in music and dance. Uncovering the
history of Mricans in Asia offers a challenge to scholars as it requires
a multidisciplinary approach combining history with other disciplines
such as anthropology, edmon1usicology, folklore and linguistics. It goes
beyond traditional historical analyses and requires taking into account
cultural expressions.
Migration of Mricans to Asia, both free and forced, has gone on for
several centuries. Yet there is little awareness of an Mrican presence in
Asian countries. The extent of their acceptance to kinship networks,
marginalisation and lack of political clout may partially account for
their low profile. Jean-Pierre Angenot and I invited scholars who had
both a wide knO\\Iedge, and expertise in case studies of Asia, to write
articles whid1 could be published in a book, in order to emphasise the
Mrican presence in Asia.
In ... fl1e problems of identifYing an Mrican presence in Asia: What's
in a Nan1e?", Shihan de Silva Jayasuriya (King's College London,
University of London) draws attention to d1e problems of recognising
an Mrican presence in Asia. Eastwards Mrican migration was di&erent
to d1e transAdantic migration in terms of d1e time scale involved, the
types of demand for Mricans and perhaps most imponandy the nature
of interactions wid1 the host societies. The many terms that have been
used for Mricans throughout time and space, masks the Mrican pres-
ence in Asia. Using her expertise in historical linguistics and history,
GENERAL INI'RODUCTION 3
combined wid1 fieldwork and regional knowledge, she draws attention
to me rationale for me various edlnonyms and terms used for Africans.
An awareness of d1e emnic origins that are encapsulated in mese terms
is necesS&I)' for mose attempting to undertake studies on me eastwards
African migration.
In '"'n1e Afiican-Asian Diaspora: Myth or Reality?", Gwyn Campbell
{Department of History, McGill University, Canada) questions if d1ere
might be an African 'slave' diaspora in the Indian Ocean world similar
to dlat of me well-documented African diaspora of me Americas. There
has been increasing scholarly interest in this topic probably heightened
by the International Year to commemorate the struggle against slavery
and its Abolition, in 2004.
Roben Collins {Department of i s t o ~ University of Santa Barbara,
California, USA) has written on history for the past fifty years. He is
of me view mat history is not a social science, but a member of d1e
humanities family. He points out that me historian carries out his task
by searching for every available source, using any discipline, to nar-
rate a story and that she or he is not bound by any rigid theoretical
or med1odological concepts. A Historian's approach to the 'Wrican
Slave Trade to Asia and the Indian Ocean Islands" is based on nar-
rating a story as best as he can, as to what happened, where, when,
how and why.
In "The Makran-Baluch-African Network in Zanzibar and East
Africa during me XIXth century", Beatrice Nicolini (History and
Institutions of Africa, Faculty of Political Sciences, Cad1olic University
of d1e Sacred Hean, Milan, Italy) evaluates me cultural synmesis of
different local realities combining material from her field work wid1
archival sources. She brings in the new historical perspective of viewing
me relations between me coasts, islands and interior of d1e continents
as areas mat are in contact with flows of people, goods and ideas
influencing and changing local societies. She acknowledges that studies
on d1e history of the western Indian Ocean should take into account
several historical-political-institutional factors. Her article emphasises
slavery and examines the role played by the Makrani-Baluch tribes
during me XIXm century.
Leila lngrams (Kent, UK) and Richard Pankhurst {Depanment of
History, Addis Ababa, Ethiopia) draw attention to "Somali Migra-
tion to Aden from me 19dl to me 21st centuries" combining archival
sources and oral histories. Of particular interest is an autobiography
of a Somali migrant to Yemen. lngrams and Pankhurst draw attention
4 SIUIL\N DE SILVAJAYASURIYA AND JEANPIERRE ANGENOT
to free migrants who moved to Yemen for trade, in search of employ-
ment, and also as refugees due to d1e breakdown of 1he Somali slate
machinery.
Clifford Pereira (Royal Geographical Society, London) discusses
elhnicity and the process by which Mricans become Arabs. Drawing
on geographical sources, in "Nineteenlh century European references
to d1e Mrican Diaspora in lhe Arabian Peninsula", he demonstrates
lhe Mrican presence.
By taking into account bolh oral 1radilions and historical accounts,
Shihan de SUvajayasuriya (King's College London, University of Lon-
don) demonstrates lhat Mricans migrated to the Maldives. The Mal-
dives is racially heterogeneous, and moreover, exogamy has diluled 1he
Mrican gene pool. Using music as an indicator of cultural expression,
in "Migrants and the Maldi\res: Mrican Connections'', she illustrates
lhe Mrican legacy of lhe Maldives.
Jeanelte Pinto (ll1e Heras Institute of Indian Histol)' and Culture,
Bombay, India) demonstrates lhe geographical spread of Mricans in
India lhrough her anicle "The Mrican Nati\re in lndiaspora". She
points out lha1 slavery \\'35 not limited to Mricans in India, as it had
existed in Ancient Inc6a. The Mricans in India are mainly lhe result
of Ponuguese and Arab slaving activities. n1e position of Mricans in
India, hO\\re\rer, was ambiguous. On lhe one hand, lhe African slave
had no freedom of choice, wilh female Mrican slaves being objects
of sexual indulgence. Yet, on lhe oilier hand, he or she was a prized
possession and a staiUs symbol, prompting Indians to boast about the
number of Mrican slaves d1a1 lhey owned. In this respect, lhe Mrican
slave was a highly tradeable commodity. Pin1o also draws a11ention to
lhe heights d1at some Mricans were able to reach in India.
In "Migrants and Mercenaries: Sri Lanka's Hidden Afiicans", Shihan
de Silva Jayasuriya (King's CoUege London, University of London),
explores the reasons for lhe concentration of Mro-Sri Lankans in the
Nonh-Westem Province. She demonstrates d1a1 Mricans lived in o1her
parts of lhe country but explains why lheir presence is significant in
Puttalama today.
Finally, Jean-Pierre Angenot and Geralda de Lima Angenol (Fed
eral University of RondOnia, Brazil) provide a useful reference list for
lhe scholar embarking on research into these fields in d1eir "Extensive
Bibliography''.
Study of lhe Mrican diaspora is now a dynamic field of research in
lhe area of Mrican history. Unlike lhe transAtlantic diaspora, eastwards
GENERAL INI'RODUCTION 5
Mrican migrants have received litde attention. Studies on communities
of Mrican origin in Asia have increased. Some studies have restored
the gaUantry and glory that once belonged to some African migrants
in Asia. New hypotheses are, however, necessary when considering the
eastwards Mrican migration.
CHAPTER TWO
IDENTIMNG AFRICANS IN ASIA:
WHAT'S IN A NAME?
SuntAN DE SILvAjAYASURJYA*
In Asia, Africans have been raerrcd to by various names over time and
space. Many Africans wlao migrated 10 Asia were assimilated 10 the host
societies making identification problematic. The difti:rentlabels given 10
Africans in Asia aa:entuate the problem. Moreover, Africans were not
pen:eM:d to have come from a unified entit')t Tiais paper draws attention
to the diOi:rent terms used for Africans in Asia and considers the: rationale
for tlae existence of numerous terms. The problems of identification have
to be oven:ome before a comprehensi\oe stud) of African migration to
Asia is conducted.
JntrodU1ion
I have taken into account the \rarious names by which Africans in Asia
have been referred 10 in historical documents, and other literature,
and also 1he local lerms by which Africans were known in Asia. I
have dra\\'11 on my fieldwork in Asia, expertise in historical linguistics
and history in analysing the numerous 1erms, which have been used
for Africans al different limes in various pans of Asia. nle varlet) of
ethnonyms makes any comprehensive Sludy of African migration to
Asia a difficult 1ask to undertake. It is 1herefore necessary to identify
the African presence masked under dil1eren1 lerms in Asia and in the
scholarly works available worldwide.
African migration to Asia, both forced and \'Oiunlary, has continued
for almost two miUennia. Afro-Asian communilies, however, remain
Depanment of Ponuguese & Brazilian Studies, King's ColleF London, Unkoersity
or l.ondon, SO'ancl, London WC2R. 2U, England. E-maU: de\;lca.shihan@kcl.ac.uk.
c 2008 Koninklijllie BriD Nv, l.eiden
8 SIUJ.IAN DE SILVAJAYASURIYA
'invisible' or as forgouen minorities. Africans in Asia and 1heir descen-
danas have been called by many 1erms and ed1nonyms ahroughout 1he
centuries. This lends to blur 1he African presence in Asia but it also
raises questions about iu origins. An e1hnonym is a proper name by
which a people or ethnic group is known, and especially one which it
calls itself. The etymon of Africa is Afti, a Berber tribe who were liv-
ing in Nonh Africa around Canhage (funis). The Romans called Ibis
province Africa ('d1e land of the Afii'). This term became lhe name for
1he entire Continent and replaced the previous 1erm called Eahiopia.
The Arabic word is 4fri/agw. Therefore 1he older liaerature does not
refer to people from Africa as Africans because d1e Continen1 was
known by 01her names.
Enslavement of Africans can be 1raced back 10 the Pharaonic times,
as is iUUSiraled in Egyptian An. Black slaves were also found in 1he
HeUenistic and Roman worlds. The geographical proximity of Africa to
1he Middle East and d1e maritime links across d1e Red Sea meant that
Africans migraaed to ahe Arabian Peninsula. ror instance, Ethiopians,
Somalis and Nubians, who were mosdy enslaved, migraaed to Arabia.
Ethiopian warriors who came to Arabia musl have remained in Souah
Arabia and elsewhere and laaer have been absorbed into lhe indigenous
population. Arabic lilerat")' sources indicale that Africans were in Arabia
before 1he adven1 of Islam (falib and San1ir 1988).
Today, Africans in Asia are small ethnic minorities (de Silvajayasuriya
2004). From a political point of \riew, an ethnic group is distinguished
from a nation-stale by ils lack of sovereignty. Eahnic minorities are
connecaed to anod1er nation-s1a1e, outside the one in which d1ey are
situated, giving ahem an alaernal.i\'e histocy. ror people to belong to a
particular elhnic group, d1ey should ascribe 1hemselves as such and
olhers muSI also see them as such. An elhnic group shares a common
genealogy or ancesuy and has perceived common cultural, linguistic
and religious practices.
Sudan, HobtuluJ, Zontfi, Nubtl
In medieval times, Africans were referred to by d1e region from which
1hey originaaed. According to medieval Arabic sources, the inhabiaants
of 1ropical Africa belonged to the Sudan, 1he Habasha, the Zandj or the
Nuba (Pelliot 1959; Hasan 1967; Desanges 1962). TI1e lerm as-sudan
(d1e plural of the Arabic word al-aswad 'black') generally referred to
mENTJFYING AFRICANS IN ASIA 9
aU people who are black in colour irrespective of the place of origins.
Sometimes, even Indians and Chinese were included in this category.
Sudan or Bilad al-Sudan ('the land of the Blacks') gradually came to
mean the Black Africans li\ring to the south of the Maghrib.
The Ethiopians (Habasha), due to their geographical proximity to
Arabia and also their association with Prophet Muhammad's history,
were the best known group. The term, Habasha, was used by some for
people living as far as the Niger on the frontier of Egypt. ,(,1111t!j (or
<Jntfi) mosdy referred to Bantu-speaking people from the East African
Coast who had been enslaved and brought to Arabia, Persia, and
Mesopotamia since pre-Islamic times. Popovic ( 1999: 14) points out
that the word ,(,a,Y was borrowed by the Arabs. Its etymon could be
Ethiopian ( , ( , m u g t ~ 'to babarise/pratde/stammer') or Persian (Qlng/qmgi
which means 'negro1. The term ZtliU/i goes back to early antiquity.
Ptolemy, the Greek astronomer, mathematician and geographer knew
<Jngis tllaa and Kosmas lndicopleustes, the 6th century merchant and
traveUer spoke of 16 .?jngion. The 14dl century Moroccan traveUer, Ibn
Batuta refers to d1e Swahili Coast as Biltul tzl ?.1119 meaning 'land of d1e
?.1119' in Arabic. In 150 AD, d1e Greeks and the Romans called d1is area
Azania. lbe Chinese called this area Tsengta. In East Africa, Zangibari
is a term which means 'person from Zanzibar'.
After the conquest of Egypt, the Nuba and its people (Nubians)
becan1e known to d1e Arabs. Talib and Samir ( 1988) suggest that it is
likely that Africans from the South of Nubia who came to the lands
of the Caliphate were also called Nubians. Slaves had to be obtained
from outside the Muslim world because after the conquest was over,
nobody within the frontiers could be reduced to slavel')' (Lombard 1971 ).
Areas of Africa inhabited by the Black-Nubia, Ethiopia, and Central
and Western Sudan became the major areas of slave supply.
Agricultural dC\'elopment in lower Iraq and the expansion of inter-
national trade in d1e Indian Ocean demanded slave labour, long before
the rise of Islam. People who could not defend themselves, such as d1e
Bantu-speaking people, who became increasingly known as the Zmu!i,
were captured in raids or bought as commodities in exchange for goods
from the petty kings of the African hinterlands. These slaves had been
shipped from d1e island of Socotra and the emporium of Aden, which
were assembly points. Slaves went to Egypt via the Red Sea and to
Mesopotamia via the Persian Gul(
The largest number of black slaves were in Iraq in d1e 9th century
and this resulted in the Revolt of the Ztll!i. a major episode in Iraqi
10 SJIIIIAN DE SILVAJAYASURIYA
history which occurred from 869 to 883 AD. It marks the first major
uprising of the Mrican Diaspora. Tite Z,tmj, were slaves who had been
shipped from East Mrica to Iraq and thq worked in salt mines and
plantations under harsh conditions. Tite re\'Olt had triggered solidarity
among the Mrican diasporists who desened the Caliph and joined the
revolt. Some of these rebels were free Mricans. Of the Mrican slaves,
only a few were from the Swahili Coast. Most of them were from
other pans of Mrica. The re\'Oit that was initiated by Ali Muhammad
is undoubtedly dte abandonment of Lower Iraq's barren lands by the
servile workforce and the definite disappearance of the large work
sites. This episode brought about improvements in dte living conditions
of the slaves who had worked there previousl). Anodter imponant
outcome was that dte Zmd survivors who had enroUed in the Abbasid
army, did not return to their former service condition (Popovic 1999:
154). The Abbasid Empire was founded in 750 AD, by Abu ai-Abbas
al-Saffim (descendant of the Uncle of Prophet Muhammad-Abbas)
who, seized power with the help of Persian troops, and put an end to
the Umayyad dynasty {661-75). Baghdad, which was founded in 762
AD became dteir residence.
Edtiopians were imported along the valleys of the Blue Nile and the
Nile or passed dtrough dte pons of Aydhab and Zayla which were on
the Mrican Coast of the Red Sea, into Egypt or Arabia. Somalis were
shipped to Aden via Zayla and were sold in markets at Hidjaz, Syria
and Iraq. Slaves from the Sahel (Ghana, Gao, Kanem and Zaghawa)
were also taken to the Muslim East as there were colonies of Muslim
traders in many Sub-Saharan countries, panicularly in Ghana and
Gao. Muslim merchants were middlemen for the trans-Saharan trade
in gold, salt and slaves. In the merchant city of Mecca, dte protection
and defence of its caravan routes had been entrusted to a troop of
mercenaries called Allobish which is beliC\red to be connected with the
Arab name for Ethiopians-A/ Hobosh. Though the term would suggest
that they were exclusively Ethiopians, on the contrary, it included other
Africans and also Arabic nomads from lihana (the coastal plain along
the Red Sea and shore) and Yemen. Abyssinia is known by many histo-
rians as one of Sub-Saharan Mrica 's oldest countries. Hamitic people
migrated to Abyssinia in prehistoric times. Semitic traders penetrated
the region in 7 BC. The Semitic-speaking Ethiopians caU dtemselves
HobtsluJ or Abulta. A variant of Coptic Christianity was brought to
Ethiopia in 341 AD and it became the state religion. Ancient Ethiopia
reached its peak in the 5th century only to be isolated by dte rise of
mENTJFYING AFRICANS IN ASIA II
Islam and to be weakened by feudal wars. Abyssinians were trading in
Sri Lanka, on the Nonh-West Coast in MiiiDia (Mollo 10ta meaning 'Big
Port') in the 5th century. Although it is not clear how deep the contact
was at that time, it is likely that there was a contact language (perhaps
a Pidgin) in J\-liiiDta to cope with the demands of being the emporium
of d1e Indian Ocean. It has been suggested d1at some vowels of the
Amharic script were borrowed from the script of Sinhala, d1e lndic
language on the Island.
Pankhurst ( 1964: 228) estimates the export of Ethiopian slaves at
25,000 per annum which conveys the significance of Ethiopia in the
slave trade, which is probably comparable to that of East Africa, and
establishes its demographic significance. Perhaps it is not surprising thai
in Asia, People of Mrican origin have been known as Abt.tin, AbtiJtm,
Abi.si, A ~ Habslti, and Habsie. Black sla\'es from the Coastal strip of
Ed1iopia to Mozambique were carried by Arab slave traders to various
parts of the Muslim world, including India. TI1eir presence is recorded
since the early estab6shment of Muslim rule during the Sultanate of
Delhi (13th to 16th centuries). Mrican slaves continued to be imported
to Westen1 India until the lale 19th century. Teotonio de Souza (2006}
reports on manumission in Goa, the headquarters of the Portuguese
Esllldo da India ('State of India'). This is substantialed by a document
in the Archives at Goa which covered almost a century-Codex 860
entided Carlos de A!forria oos Estrlll/OS 1682-1759. He reports of a slave,
Natalia, who was recorded as belonging to Abasg (i.e. Hobshi) caste. It
seems that the Portuguese chroniclers equaled ethnic groups to castes
in India. A few Africans occupied privileged positions in India. TI1e
best-known is Malik Ambar, an Abyssinian sold to slave!'); who becan1e
the Regent Minister of Ahmednagar ( 1600-1626}. The Habshi dynas-
ties of Janjira and Sachin continued until the 20th century (Robbins 8t
McLeod 2006}. Today, some groups of Afro-Indians are classified as
Scheduled Tribes and they receive special privileges relating to educa-
tion and employment.
Mricans elsewhere in Asia, for example in Muscat, were known as
Hubslws which meant an Ethiopian or person from Nord1east Mrica.
In Arabia, Abyssinian sla\'e-soldiers were called Alulbish (plural of
Holulsh), a term which stems from the early centuries of Islam. In Iran
also, people of Mrican origin were caUed HaiJashis. Pankhurst ( 1964:
220-228} confirms that the slave trade which was of grea1 antiquity in
Ethiopia, continued to exist in the 19th and 20th centuries. Ethiopian
slaves were exported to other lands from d1e Indian Ocean ports. During
the early 19th century, there were Habshis in the coun of the King of
Cabul in Afghanistan (Andre-Baptiste 2006). Abyssinian slave-soldiers
in the early centuries of Islam were called Askir which means 'soldier'
in Arabic.
Pereira (2006) mentions thai Galla was used as a derogatory term for
Black Africans. The people who live south of the Amharic-speaking
people (i.e. the Oromo or Galligna-speaking people are called Gallllh
(meaning 'surf')). nte word has its etymon in Amharic. The ruling
people of Ethiopia, the Amhara enslaved the Gallo and other peoples
in Ethiopia. The term Ga/111 was used by Arab slavers and the British
for non-Amharic speaking people of Ethiopia.
It therefore seems to have been used for Ethiopian slaves. However,
the Ga/111 call themselves Oromo. As Go/Ill is thought to have deri\'ed from
the Arabic word Qszl-111 (meaning "said no" or "refused" to be converted
to Islam). Today most Ommo are Muslims, who converted due to both
conquests and missionary activities.
African slaves were brought to the Maldive Islands on Arab dhows
until about the mid-19th century. They intermarried the indigenous
Maldivians and worked mosdy as 10Mis or coconut plantation keepers.
In 1834, two British naval lieutenants who visited Male reported that:
"From dte information we were able to coUect-it appears dtat Muscat
vessels do not often visit this place: when they do, dtey generally bring
a cargo of sla\es. Five years ago one cante and sold about twent)'five
lads, a1 an average price of about 80 rupees each" (Forbes and Ali
1980: 19). When Ibn Batuta \risited the Maldives in 1346, he reported
on "a hermitage situated at dte extremity of the island (Male) and
founded by the virtuous Shayklt Najib". Forbes and Ali ( 1980: 15-20)
state thai dtis is a dear reference to the Habshigefanu Magan ('shrine
of the African worthy'), a memorial erected to a Sha)kh Najib whom
the Maldivians be6e\'e had traveUed through dte Maldives Archipelago
spreading lslant before dying at Karendu Island in Fadifrolu AtoU.
&buru
The term used for Africans in Maldives today refers to a geographic
area. .1\fricans are identifiable by their Negroid physiognomy. ntey are in
the capital, 1\.fale, and some of the islands such as Felidhoo and Feridu.
I met people of .1\frican descent who knew about their African ancestor's
arrival to the 1\.faldives. I was told about Sangoaru, an African who
was brought by a Maldivian Sultan who went to Mecca on pilgrimage.
Altogether, five slaves (Sangoaru, Laalu, Maljan, Masud, Muizz) had
been purchased in Mecca by d1is Sultan. &du Btru ('big drum') is played
by the descendants of Sangoaru who live in 1he Island of Feridu in Ari
AtoU. It is also played in other islands in this AtoU and in Felidhoo island
which is in Vaaw AtoU. Today &du &ru has become commercialised
and is a tourist attraction. The song accompanying this drumming is
called &bum l.mJa ('Negro Song) and d1e words in the original songs
were not comprehensible to Maldi\rians. The dance that accompanies
the drumming is called &b11m .Nuun ('Negro Dance).
Most such sla\'eS are reponed to have come direcdy from eastenl
Africa via Zanzibar and d1e Omani port of Musca1. Othen were bought
in Jeddah, on one occasion by d1e Maldivian Sultan Hasan Ill, who
brought 70 slaves from the Hijaz to Male in the mid-fifteenth century.
In the Maldives, Africa was known as &lnlru Kam. Tile word &lnlru
means 'negro' as in &bum nisun ('negro dance1, &lnlru lrtliD ('Negro
son'), &bum kqjja ('Negro boy), Ba/Juru lauling ('Negro child') and &lnlru
l.mJa ('negro song') (Malonq 1980). The word &lnlru could be from
'berber' which has its etymon in the Roman word 'barbara' which was
used to denote barbarians. Formerly, the North African Coast was caUed
Barbary. Tile Berbers were descendants of the pre-Arab Nord1 Africans.
TI1e Arabs would refer to a non-Arab Muslim as a &r6mi.
Mowalid
In the 1\.fiddle East, Africans were referred to as Sombo, AbUJ and
MouYIIid. Tolrruni is an Arabic term for a West African or West African
slave. Tolcrur was the Sahel area which is modern-day Mali and Niger.
In Arabia, the term Tolmmi was used for Africans.
In Dhofar (Sou1hern Oman), the term Sombo is applied to people
with connections to East Africa. TI1e Oxford English Dictionary states
that Sambo is a nickname for a 'negro'. 1bis could also be due to Slulmbu
being the personal Danle of the Ethiopian slave, whose name changed to
Ambar after being enslaved and who became famous as Malik Ambar
having ruled Ahmednagar in d1e 16th centul)t
In Q.atar, d1e Arabic word obid (which means 'a male sla\e') was
applied to black people of African descent. In Arabic, a female slave
is caUed J05.1' In Iraq, Thawra Youssef (2004), an Iraqi of African
descent states that she is caUed obUJ ('a slave) even today due to her
physiognomy. Ahhough she is not a slave, the terminology has been
retained to describe a negroid person. It is interesting that she seems
to be called by the masculine form of the Arabic word for a slave.
MauYJlid is a term applied in the Middle East for a group of Arab and
African descendants, sla\'e or otherwise. Slaves who converted to Islam
were manumitted because tl1ey were clients (mowiili) of the Prophet
and other powerful Muslims. The best known mowili was Bila Rabah,
an Ethiopian slave whose mother Hamaamah was a slave in Mecca.
He was freed by Calip Abu bakr, who bought him and became the
first Miil}odbdhi (one who calls to prayer) in Islam and took part in all
the early Islamic campaigns including those to Syria and subsequendy
died in Damascus.
Words which the Arabs used to describe non-Muslims became edl
nonyms for Africans as the Europeans adopted the Arabic term. English
travellers reponed of co.lfim (a word they used for Africans) in India.
Apparendy, the majority of ro.Jjm in Goa had come from Mozambique.
Africans in Asia have also been known, and in some parts of Asia are still
known as Ctd", DdJie, Qdfttt, Irqforo, Irqfto, IOJphirs, Kluifris, JrJgits, Ir'!lfirs,
Iropiris, Kapilis and HopTis. In Sri Lanka, people of African descent were
called Ktdfin by the British and they appeared as a distinct ethnic group
in the population census reports of the 19th and early 20th centuries.
The word has its etymon in Arabic {f'!ft means 'non-be6C\er1 and the
Arabs called d1e non-Moslem .1\fricans fJofos. Ibn Batuta commented that
villages in the Muslim setdements were inhabited by Kojin ('unbe6C\
ers') who were victims of the sla\'e raids (Defremery and Sanguinetti
1969). Portuguese historical documents, however, refer to etfres, negros
and uatnJos, all of which could include people of African origin. When
the Portuguese entered the Indian Oceanic waters, they borrowed the
word from the Arabs and referred to d1e Africans as agm, continuing
to use the same term that their predecessors d1e Arabs had used for
the Africans. A tqftin/18 Jo"o ('a young free black'; nho is the Portuguese
diminutive) from Mozambique who was brought to Goa by a G o n ~ o
Pinto Brandio from Lisbon. In the last quarter of the 17th century,
some Goan households had up to I 00 Irqffirs. A Cqfrinho was purchased
to serve in the Augustinian Convent at the end of the l8tl1 century at
Daman, India. Sometimes, ef!ftt is used disparagingly with reference to
any Black African. It is worthwhile noting that the Sri Lankan popu
lation census reports during the British Era refer to Mricans as bod1
KJdlits and also Africans. The term J(}dfir was current along the East
Coast of Mrica, when the Portuguese arrived in the 15dl century. TI1e
term has been borrowed by the Dutch and the British who followed
the Portuguese into the waters of the Indian Ocean.
The Frenchman, TI1evenot, commenting on the Portuguese slaves
in Daman stated that "the Portuguese live very great in India, both as
to their tables, clothing and number of Cqfres, or slaves, to serve them,
having some of these to carry them in Palanchines on d1eir shoulders
and other great UmbreUoes of Palm Tree lea\'eS" (Sen 1949: 116).
De Sil\l'a ( 1972) lists the fixed annual expenditure of Kotte, in Sri
Lanka, during the period 1617-1638 which includes the costs associated
with the Ktdfrs. The cost of mats and ropes used to bundle 1350 bahars
of cinnamon and for clothes of the Kqffirs was 700 xerafims. The salary
of 280 KJdlits at a fanam a day was I ,708 xerafims. The rice allowance
for 280 KJdlits of 2 measures a day was 2,800 xerafims.
In 1640, I 00 Kqffir archers had fought for the Portuguese against d1e
Dutch in Galle (Southern Province), Sri Lanka (de Silw 1953: 274). On
13dl March 1640, Galle had been seized by the Dutch and some Ktdfn
and Canarese had been retained to repair d1e ramparts (Pieris 1973:
77). A few years later, in 1644, when the Portuguese were defending
Negombo fort from the Dutch, Dom Philippo de Mascarenhas (d1e
Portuguese Captain General 1630-1 and 1640-5), had 300 Ktdfn in
his force (Pieris 1973: Ill). The Dutch priest, Phillipus Baldaeus, who
li\'ed in Sri Lanka from 1656 for 9 years, describes a Cajjr trumpeter
who came around with a Portuguese free merchant, in his memoirs, a
'Description of the East-Indian Coasts of Malabar and Choromandel,
its neighbouring Kingdoms, and the Mighty Island of Ceylon' {Brohier
1960: 192). He also describes how the King's slaves and JGdPs and aU
other black sen'31lts were each given a quarter of a measure of rice daily
{Brohier 1960: 130). Captain Robert Knox ( 1681 ), who kept a diary in
the late 17th century Sri Lanka, recorded that in 1681 Kqffir soldiers
were employed by the Kandyan Kings. These soldiers seem to have
deserted from the Portuguese army perhaps after 1656, which is gener-
ally taken to be the end of the Portuguese era. Baldaeus describes two
Ctgjrs (the King's trumpeter and drummer) who came over to the Dutch
on d1e 20th July 1656, and ga\'e them details of the Sinhalese King's
16 SJWIAN DE SILVAJAYASURJYA
movements in the count!')' (Brohier 1960: 267). Baldaeus describes the
ceding of the Fora of Saint George in Mannar (Brohier 1960: 283).
Among the Portuguese prisoners in the Mannar fora was a CaRer who
was a Captain and who had made much of his rank and refused to
bear arms or to do other kinds of labour and insisted that he would
rad1er submit himself to a sound thrashing than so degrade himself.
Baldaeus accompanied Ricklolf van Goens, as Chaplain in the 1658
expedition against Mannar and Jaflhapatam. His account is therefore
an eye witness account.
According to the Dutch Governor, Van Goens Junior, (who served
in Sri Lanka from 1675-80), 4,000 J(}dfirs were engaged in building
the Dutch fortress in Colombo, at the beginning of Dutch rule of the
maritime provinces. The VOC slaves li\'ed south of the Fora across a
lake. TI1e Dutch formed the Kqjfin into a labour pool when they set out
to build their fortress in Colombo. In the early eighteenth century, the
Kaffirs had become aware of their increased numbers and had staged
an insurrection within the ramparted citadel. They had sparked off
many acts of violence in the streets, had caused damage to properties,
and had conspired and murdered the FIScal, Barent van der Swann,
and his wife. The insurrection had been suppressed by containing the
Kqffin within the citadel. They had been housed in an open stretch of
land, which lay below the outerface of the southern rampart hedged in
by d1e Beira Lake, after their day's work in a domestic house or in an
institution. They answered a roD-call and were marched along a Jmr-
row passage and then ferried across the Beira Lake to what was once
a jagged peninsula. Thq spent the night in lines and shanties. The
old and sick slaves were also housed d1ere. According to Brohier ( 1973:
31) old Dutch maps marked the tract known as the Echelon Parade
Grounds as d1e Kaffirs Veldt ('Ka8irs Field'). AI. the end of Dutch rule
in the late eighteenth century, the Dutch gendefolk of Colombo went
to Wolvendaal Church on Sundays in trildctl ('d1ree-wheeled') carriages
or in palanquins pushed or drawn by Kqffos of both sexes (Roberts
et al. 1989: 22). TI1e confusion regarding ethnicities is iUustrated in an
eye-witness account of the people of Sri Lanka. For example, Robert
Pen:ival (1803: 114--115), a British colonial oflicerstated that "There are
also a number of Africans, Cafrees, Buganese, a mixed race of Africans
and Asiatics". Africans married and co-habited with the indigenous Sri
Lankans, the offSpring of these unions are not classified as a separate
race. The child assumes the father's ethnicity for ofticial census purposes
in Sri Lanka. The Buganese are neither African nor Negroid.
Anthony Bertolacci who served the British government in Sri
Lanka from 1800 to 1816 and who held several oflices including that
of ComptroUer-General of Customs and Acting Auditor-General of
Civil Accounts, remarked that though 9,000 Jr4in had been brought
for the regiments (presumably by the Ponuguese and the Dutch) in Sri
Lanka, they were not \>isible. He added that the Kldfir soldiers served in
the colonial regiments and that they were from Mozambique and other
countries on the African Coast and from 1\.fadagascar. He observed d1at
a new race was springing up due to the intermarriages between Kidfir
soldiers and Sri Lankan women. This new progeny was not thought by
him to be sullicient to maintain the existing levels in the local regiments
(de Silvajayasuriya 2003).
When d1e 4th Ceylon Regiment was disbanded at the end of d1e
1815 campaign and the 3rd Ceylon Regiment was also disbanded in
March 1817, d1e Mrican soldiers were passed on to the 2nd Battalion,
which then became a mixed unit wid1 5 companies of Stpoys and 5
companies of Jr4in (Hardy 1864: 239). About 25% of the first 600
Kidfir recruits died during their first year in Colombo. The survi\'Ors are
described as ''fine, hardy, tough, good-humoured feUows, and exceUent
road-makers" (CampbeU 1843: 9). TI1e British Government also had
retained a body of Kt!lfits, brought by the Portuguese from Mozambique,
to construct mountain roads. In addition, 700 Jr4in had been added
to the British garrison in Colombo and then formed into a regiment
(Cordiner 1807: 213).
According to Emerson Tennent, Colonial Secretary of Ceylon (1845-
1849), the Dutch had kept up the strength of the Ktdftrs by immigration
from the Cape, and the British had maintained the numbers by buy-
ing slaves from the Ponuguese in Goa (Tennent 1860: 259). He seems
to imply that Jr4in did not mO\e as slaves from the Cape. Frederick
Nonh, the first British Go\'ernor in Sri Lanka (1798-1805) formed
a Regiment of Ca./ftts. In 1808, the second Governor, Sir Thomas
Maidand ( 1805-11) had been able to increase the number of Kqffr
soldiers to 800. When Roben Brownrigg became d1e Governor in 1812,
and he continued until 1820, there were four "nati\'e" regiments caUed
the 1st, 2nd, 3rd and 4th Ceylon Regiments. The 3rd regiment consisted
of Ktdftrs only and the 4th regiment contained a mixture of Kidfirs and
Malays. In 1813, the Malays were transferred to the 1st regiment which
consisted of Malays only, as there was a serious scuOie between the Ka.Jfos
and Malays in the 4dl regiment. In 1815, the 4th regiment which con-
sisted of Kidfirs was incorporated into d1e 3rd Ceylon Regiment (Tylden
1952: 125).1n 1816, the third Ceylon Regiment was also abolished on
the orders of the British Government. The Secretary of State wrote
"dull d1e Kandyan war has ended favourably" and with d1e present
climate of Europe (favourable to England), the Ceylon Goven1ment
should dispense with the services of the 3rd Ceylon Regiment. The
Ceylon Regiments were gradually awarded rifles, and becan1e known
as the Ceylon Rifle Regiments in 1848, and the Irqffir soldiers received
rifles. After the 1830s, the number of Irqffir companies was reduced
from three to one. TI1e Boys' School of the Ceylon Rifle Regiments
had 28 Cqjfits in 1835.
2
It is interesting that d1e list of promotions that
took place in the Ceylon Malay Regiment in 1802, includes a Malay
Officer named "Kaftir Boonkoos ... He could be the offspring of a
Malay father and Ktdfo mod1er. A Minute by Major Thomas Skinner,
in 1861 , reports that "flat nosed, d1ick lipped woolly haired K'!IJir from
Mozambique is I think to be preferred, for in addition to his soldiery
qualities he is of a powerful athletic frame, he is innured to labour, and
is less artificial in his habits than the Malay".
3
Major Skinner went on
to suggest d1at if it were possible to recruit Ktdftn from Mozambique
to d1e regiments, it would be a mistake to introduce beef-eating Ktdftn
who are unaccustomed to li\>ing on rice which is d1e staple food of the
countr). General Braybrooke had considered the climate of Sri Lanka
as being unsuited to the Jr# of Mozambique. The Jr# Companies
of the Ceylon Rifle Regiments employed on the public worlts of the
colony, had for several years penetrated the depdlS of the jungles and
tl1e mountain ranges where it would have been impossible for any
other men to have worked. It had been difficult to estimate the age of
these K1dJits but judging by d1e length of service with the British, it was
estimated that many of them were efficient hardwortcing men until the
age of 60. Thq had lasted for longer than any other men could have
lasted under similar circumstances. He also commented that d1e cli-
mate of Sri Lanka was inimical to d1e Jr4ir and that it was thought
difficult for them to rear children. In 1861, there had been 126 men
and 655 married women in the Regiment, which included Malays,
Hindoos, and KldJits. There had been only 995 children of both sexes.
In 1861, there had been one company of K1dJits in the Regiments. If
1
S.L.N.A., 4/3, Bathurst to BI'OWJ'Irigg No. 46 of 8th june:, 1816.
S.L.N.A., 6/1479, A.M.S. to C.S., 9th Dc:cembr.r IR3.'i.
s S.L.N.A. 2/50 (Cq .. on) Council Proor.cdings, 27th l'ebruiU)' 1861.
mENTJPYING AFRICANS IN ASIA 19
K#f could be obtained from Mozambique, it was thought that two or
three di\risions of pioneers should also be composed of them as they
could be comened to soldiers at any time and might act as feeders to
the Regimem. The Ceylon Executive Council had considered the pos-
sibility of sending a recruiting pany to obtain Kqfftrs from South Africa
but had postponed the mission.
As early as 1545 the Ponuguese Crown forbade the sons of Ponuguese
settlers in the colonies from being enlisted as soldiers, d1ough d1is proved
impractical and by 1634 only soldiers of a high degree of European
blood were enlisted into the higher le\els of d1e military and naval
forces. h1 the 16th and 17th centuries, d1e Ponuguese raised some Indian
auxiliary troops called Lastorins {lA.seatS} and Sipais (Stfys). They found
that the Konkani-Marathi troops of d1e West Coast of India did not
make good soldiers, and as a result they did not make as much use of
them as the French and British (in later years). Instead the Ponuguese
relied much more on the African slaves. African sla\es defended d1e
Macau fon against Dutch freebooters in 1622. Africans also helped
the Ponuguese to defend Hormuz against a Persian assault in 1622.
In 1651, the Governor of :Macau requested "Negro, sla\res rather than
Eurasians from India.
An artillery regiment raised in Goa, in 1773, included Europeans and
also Europeans born in J\sia. It was only after a royal decree enforced
b) Pombal in 1792 d1at racial discrimination was eliminated from d1e
armed forces of Ponuguese Asia. The Dutch also employed African
militian1en and bandsmen in Ceylon prior to the island falling into
British hands. In the 17th and 18th centuries, the Portuguese had suc-
cessfuUy excluded other Europeans from the Mozambique, and indeed
the East African slave trade. By 1800, however, d1e Portuguese had
ceased to be a world naval power in the Indian Ocean. Clifford Pereira
(personal communication) who has carried out archival research in d1e
National Maritime Museum, London, has demonslrated lhat by d1is
time Ponugal was relying increasingly on East India vessels to transpon
people (soldiers, administrators, clergy, setders and domestic servants}
as weD as mail and goods between Asia (Goa, Macau and Timor} and
the Adantic (Brazil, the Azores, Madeira and Lisbon). At this time there
was a shonage of soldiers in British Ceylon which became a British
colony in 1802. The British Governor, Sir Frederick Nonh appealed
for a regiment of West Africans, perhaps by buying slaves and training
them as soldiers. At first the idea was to create a "Ctdfte Corpr' but then
Sir Frederick Nonh decided to expand this to a regiment of perhaps
I ,000. 111e most olnrious sources were the Portuguese settlements of
Goa, Daman and Diu and a series of correspondences were initi-
ated between Sir Frederick North and Sir \V'Il6am Clarke, the British
ambassador in Goa at that time. Between 1802 and 1810 British troops
of the 84th regiment were based in Goa and the creation of se\'eral
battalions of Goan troops took place. The English merchant, Charles
Forbes, corresponded with a Goan "to pay the bearer the sum of Rs
150, Bombay Rupees, the price of one Ctdfit, and take his receipt for
the amount". lnjuly 1804, the British Ambassador had collecced fifty
Africans through a Colonel Ta)lor, a buying agent, to ship co Colombo
and found a Captain Scou co cranspon any number of them for 2000
rupees on board the Hercules. It appears d1a1 there was some friction
between the three parties regarding the pricing of d1is human cargo,
suggesting chat these Africans were slaves. The process of sending these
Africans 10 Ceylon was later hampered by the actions of the Catholic
church in Goa, which refused the sacrament to any Portuguese who sold
slaves 10 the Protestant Eng6sh. Despite Sir William Clarke's insistence
that be could work around chis, Sir Frederick North decided it might
be beuer to purchase d1e soldiers at their source in Mozambique.)
A ship was subsequendy despatched co Mozambique and loaded
with almost fhe hundred African men (and a few women}. Despite
the loss of many Africans due 10 fighting (with the Indian and
disease aboard the ship, the majority made it to Colombo.
some Africans were taken from captured French ships. Hence the
Third Ceylon Regiment was created, predominandy with Africans.
Two years later, in 1808, the British parliament passed an Act oudaw-
ing slave trading by all British subjects. l11e Third Ceylon regiment
fought in the 1815 war against the King of Kandy, where the British
were \rictorious and the entire Island came under British rule, a feat
that the two pi'C\rious colonisers of the island-the Portuguese and the
Dutcb-were not able lo achieve.
In the 1820's there was a se\ere drought and famine in the Zambesi
valley. The effect of this natural event on the Afro-Portuguese
landlords was 10 undermine their agricultural activities. The trading fairs
(Ftim.s} were slopped and banditry became common place. Thousands
of destitute and starving Africans were sold as sla\es. During the 1820s
and 1830s the British started pressurising the Portuguese to put an
1
Mhamai House 7 January 1813. Sla\-es fmm C'.oa to Bomb&)t
Nonh/Ciarke correspondence in PRO C055/34.
end to the slave trade. The establishment of an independent Brazil,
in 1922, and the move by Brazil to allow Britain the right to search
ships canying slaves in 18261ed to a decline of slaves being exponed
around the Cape of Good Hope and new markets were sought in
Asia (including Goa). When the drought broke out in the 1830's, the
econom) had changed to one based on slavery and Brazil had declared
that slave-running was an act of piracy. The Tonga peoples returning
to dle river valley and d1e Mro-Ponuguese families combined to raid
people from far inland in the Shire and Laun""a valleys. At the sanle
time the PltlQ) families had developed closer ties with the coastal Swahi6,
who would transpon the slaves to the matkets of dle Middle East via
Mozambique Island, Kilwa, and Zanzibar. Slaves were shipped to Goa
and Macau while others were often recruited into the militia eid1er in
Mozambique or in Asia.
The slave trade from Zanzibar to dle Middle East was only abolished
b) the Hamenon Treaty of 1847. British naval patrols covered dle area
from Nonhero Mozambique to Baluchistan {Pakistan). By 1881, d1ere
was a considerable British anti-slavery naval force in Eastern Africa,
utilising Zanzibari, East African, Arab and Goan seamen.
The term Kqffir has been borrowed by the African people them-
selves as KtfultL The term has no ethnological value as the Kqffin have
no national unity. According to d1e Encyclopedia Britannica (1911),
it was used to describe d1e large famil) of Bantu negros inhabiting
the larger pan of the Cape, the whole of Natal and Zululand and
the Ponuguese dominions on the east coast, south of the Zambesia.
K'!lfir is also loosely used for any negroid person in South Africa. Tile
Bechuana, for example, in the Transvaal and Orange Free State are
usually called Kqffin.
The Kqffirs in South Africa are divided into Amo Zulu, Amo SuYLti and
Amo-Ton/Ju. The Kqffin proper are represented by Amo-Xostl, the Ttmbu
and the Pontlo. Therefore all the Kqffir people are collectively called
.{,ulu-Kqffir. Se\eral broken tribes were intermediate between these two
branches and are called Amo-lingr1 i.e. 'wanderers' or 'needy' people,
from the word/tngUQl ('to seek senrice'). The .{,ulu and Amo-Xaso regard
the Amo-Ftngu as slaves or outcastes, who do not have aD)' rights to dle
pri,rileges of the true-born Kqffirs.
I was told by people of African descent in Sri Lanka that some
of their ancestors have come from South Africa {de Silva Jayasuriya
200 I, 2003, 2005, 2006). The South East pan of the Cape Province
of Soudl Africa was called Kqjpllrill. Kqffonia (or 'land of the Kidfn')
is not an officiall) designated area presendy. Hunter (1873: 338-342)
22 SJWIAN DE SILVAJAYASURJYA
reports that the c'!lftes (who occupied a region more eastward to the
Hollmtos) were not of the proper negro race, but chat they ha\re woolly
hair like the negros. The people of K4foist11n ('land of the infidels'), a
province of Afghanistan were called K:Jdits. They are mostly descended
from the broken tribes of eastern Afghanistan, who refused to convert
to Islam, in the I Oth centul'); and were driven out I>) tl1e swordsmen
of Mahomet. Before the conquest of Abur Rahman, all the K'!/firs
seem to have been ancestor-worshippers or fire-worshippers. So, a
native of tile Hindu-Kush mountain in the north-west of Afghanistan
is also called a Kqftr but they are nol negroid and are not from the
African migran1s. Kafiris1an was renamed Nuristan ('land of light or
enlightenment') after tile people convened to Islam at the turn of che
20th century. Burnes ( 1833: 306-307) disagrees witl1 tile suggestion
1hat the)' are of Greek descent, and descendants of Alexander the
Great of Macedonia. He considers ahem co be "aborigines of the plain
who fled to their present ele\rated abode in the wars tl1at foUowed the
introduction of Muhammedanism. Bowen ( 1944: 56-7) wrote on the
'Rtd K:Jdits' and 'Bitldc KAjirs' and tried to distinguish between lhem by
"tile filtl1 in which tile Blk live, and the fair hair and complexion
of lhe Rtd KAjirs".
Some Afro-Sri Lankans seem to connect tl1eir ethnonym with a
place called JGNjJ, which according to their oral history is an island. In
1907, the Capuccin missionaries calculated that 6,000 to 8,000 sla\es
were exponed annuaU) from Kaffi (Pankhurst 1964: 222). Kf!!fo is a
region in Etl1iopia and some Afro-Sri Lankans believe 1ha1 it is tl1eir
ancestral homeland. They are not able to describe it in delail. Some
Afro-Sri Lankans believe chat the place of their origin has gi\ren ahem
1he ethnonym /(#. The term Kqffir is a colonial carry 0\rer which has
been borrowed by tile indigenous languages as AII/Jiri in Sinhala and
Atl/Jili in Tamil. /("#. was pan of tile Abyssinian empire and was in
Nort11 Ease Africa. The people of JGNjJ who are called are said
to have been from che same stock as tile Northern Abyssinians. They
intermarried with the Muslim Gal/tiS but remained Christians.
Sitli
Terms used by the British for African seamen became echnonyms.
StW, &idee, &it!J, &itltlu, Sgdee, SllutJi, Sitli, Silf1, SUIIli, Silll!1 and Sillhi are
terms used for Afro-Indians and Afro-Pakislanis. In Pakistan, Sltidi
&lu&k4 S/tjJij Situlri, SU/i are some of the names that describe people of
African descent. According to Badalkhan (personal communication), dle
term SIIUJi is used in the Sind and Karachi but rarely in Balochistan.
Abdulaziz Lodhi ( 1992) suggests that the word Siddi has its origins in
StyvJi which means 'captive' or 'prisoner of war' in Arabic.
Slaves were chattels, similar to livestock in many respects. They were
not slaves because d1ey were 'outsiders'; they were slaves because d1ey
were born to sla\res, or had been rightfuUy ensla\red. Despite dle clear
legal definition, slaves were allocated a bewildering variety of social
roles, from emirs to outcastes (Ciarence-Smidl 2003). Rulers relied on
militaJy and adminis1rative slaves 10 such an extent 1hat they sometimes
seized power. Eunuchs were treated as officials and harem guards as
their genitals had been partially or entirely remO\red so that 1hey could
not fadler any heirs (Toledano 1998).
A connection, between commercial penetration of Eastern Africa by
outsiders and dle appearance in the interior of new political structures,
was occurring as the 19dl century progressed. The de\relopment of
Zanzibar under Omani rule is pan of d1is process. As the demand for
slaves, ivory and plantation products grew earty in d1e century, traders
were attracted to the island of Zanzibar and Indian financiers serviced
the trade caravans and provided goods on credit. Seyyid Said carefuUy
nurtured Zanzibar's commercial community and it rapidly atlracted
much of 1he inland lrade dlat for lhree centuries had been brought
to Mozan1bique Island and dle Zambesi towns (Newitt 1995: 267).
Sa)ryid Said was 1he first Sultan of Muscal, Oman and Zanzibar, in
1821. He died on 19th October 1856. At that time, the Omani king-
doms included Oman, part of Yemen, Hormuz and Makran Coast
{modenlday Iran and Pakistan}. Clifi,rd Pereira {2006: personal com-
munication) found the ethnonym, SUJi, appearing in shipping records
referring to people from dle Omani Sultanate from 1851 onwards. It
appears that people from the Sultanate were simply called lhe Sidi (a
contraction of the Arabic word StwUJ). Tile contraction would prob-
ably have been made by Bantu-speakers. The word Sitli seems to have
then become an ethnonym for some Africans in India. Tiley could have
been Swahili, African or Arab from Aden. Ewald (2000: 83) confirms
that the British called African seanlell O>Oth enslaved and free} &ttlil.s,
in the 19dl century.
Ommanney (1955: 162-3) refers to 'Bombay, a 'SU/i boy', who was
a survi\'Or of a larger number of Arabs and African ratings taken on
as firemen and stokers in His Majesty's ships before and during d1e
Firsc World War. They were called 'Sidi boys' by the navy as they were
subjects of the &yyid, as the Sullan was known in his dominions. There
had been several 'Sidi boys' in Zanzibar at thai time. They had been
distinguished by their old-style naval rating, directness, sophistication,
self-pride and by their fluency in English. An Eng6shman was astonished
to be greeted by his friend's "coal black" cook who said "Back in 11 ji/Ji
sit. Jut gorn tltllln lilt m ~ ~ d .for 11 lulll OllJios; clullk!". AU d1ese 'SU/i boys' had
drawn a pension from d1e Admiralty. They were \rery proud of d1eir
service in dle navy, in the hot stokeholds of coal-burning ships. Bombay
had spoken English, French, German, Arabic, and his mother-tongue
Kiswahili. 'Bombay' had been a tourist guide in Zanzibar after his
retirement from the navy.
Sidi was originally a tide of honour given in Western India lo
African Muslims holding high positions under the kings of Deccan as
in SUk/i 'Jiuplt, for example. Nowadays il is also a clan name and some
Afro-Indians have names such as Laurence Siddi andjohn Siddi. Basu
( 1992: 260-261) slates chat d1e ethnonym of the Siddis is Hllbshi. Many
scholars have implied chat SUJi derives from S;vl meaning 'master' or
'ruler' in Arabic. Pereira (2006: personal communication) points out
that the word Sidtli has its etymon in the Arabic word Styidi/Sq)wtli/
StgtdJti meaning 'lord or master' and d1a1 it was app6ed to people of
African descent as a tide (i.e. Master or Lord) because it was the term
with which they called their masters. He adds that the term Sut/i or
Sidi does appear in 19th century British sources as applying to people
of African descent in Western India (Maharashtra, Gujarat) or to the
men of African and Arab descent who worked as stokers in the boRer-
rooms of steamships.
Initially, Africans in India seem co have been called Hllbshi TI1en
the word mfte seems co have been introduced by the Portuguese from
the late l6d1 century upto dle 18th century. The word Kidftr (from the
Arabic word ql!ft which means 'non-belie\rer1 does not imply thai one's
origins are African. It is not a derogatory term, in this context. In Sri
Lanka, the population census reports from d1e colonial era recorded
Kqffirs as a separate ed1nic group. The term was retained in indepen-
dent Sri Lanka. There are Kt!ffin in Soud1 Africa and in Kalash in the
Nord1-West Frontier of India, for example. TI1e Kt!ffin in Kalash are
not African in origin.
Ia is not clear exacdy when d1e terms Hllbshi and Kil.ffir began to
decline in use. The term Sitli seems to ha\re been introduced by the
British in the 19th century. Sidi describes Africans in Gujarat and
K.arnaraka today. Africans in Andra Pradesh caD themselves CJu.sll as
they identif} themselves with the Yemeni Muslims. They hm'e a multiple
identity and also call themselves Sidi among other ethnonyms.
Mokrani, S]oll, Dodo, Gulom, Zongi/Hlri
In addition to being called Sllidi, in Pakistan, people of African descent
are called Mokroni, Dodo, Syoll, Gulam and Zongibtwi. According to
Badalkhan (2005: personal communication), the terms most com-
monly used are S)Vlh ('black') or Gulmn ('senranllsla\'e') in the interior
of Balochistan. In Karachi one also hears Dot/a (both 'd' are retroflex}
but it is considered a pejorative term and not liked by the Sllitlis
themselves. S)-oh ('black') and Gulam Cslave' or 'servant') are of Persian
deri\ration while IJoJIJJ could ha\'e its origins in the Urdu word Dotlogiri
which means 'strength or strong'. The meaning of Dodo is ambiguous
and according to Badalkhan (2005: personal communication) the word
means 'champion' or 'athlete' in Karachi today. Afro-Pakistanis never
use this term to identifY themselves; only others call them as such.
Therefore, it does not qualifY as an ethnonym. Mokrai is simpl) a person
from the Makran region. Its origins stem from the early migrants from
Balochistan to the then newly cosmopolitan city of Karachi, who were
blacks from Makran, who called themselves Mokrtuti. Now the term has
got rooted among the non-Baloch population of the Sind and Punjab
but it is not correct to call them Mokrani for the reason that they are
black. Indeed skin colour is not a determinant of race or ethnic group
in .1\sia, where there is much variation in hues. Zongibtzti probably is a
reference to people who have come from Zanzibar which is nowadays
in Tanzania.
Although Hobslti, Kidfir and Sidi, are more often used, Africans are called
Oulusll in India. According to Esma Durugonul (2005: personal com-
munication) d1e term Clltlush is an Ottoman military term and is still
in use. II means sergeant or llolbmlilr (from d1e French word lltlltbtlrtk
which means 'a soldier with a pole and an axe or spear') of d1e Sultan's
bodyguard; herald, messenger, musician of the Palace. According to the
Oxford English Dictionary, Clulush is a Turkish messenger, sergeant or
lector. Chaush is the name given to the Yemeni communities living in
Hyderabad. Afro-Indians in Hyderabad also caD themselves Chaush as
they identity themselves with Yemenis (Minda 2005). The etymon of
Chaush could be the French word dulussts which refers to hose, cover-
ing the body from waist to foot or breeches. In Medie\ral times, it was
used to refer to the armour for the legs and feel. The word may have
been used to refer to the Yemeni army in British India whose military
uniform includes dulusses. The Oxford Eng6sh Dictionary states that
chausses (plural of the noun) are pantaloons or tight cO\rerings for the
legs and feet, especially of males, forming part of a knight's armour .
.Maeuo
Sometimes the African tribal name was used to refer to Africans prob-
ably because d1e incoming Africans called d1emselves by d1eir tribal
name. Agostinho do Rosario, a black of 'mama caste' was enslaved to
Father Marinho do Rosario, Commissary General of d1e Hospitalliers
of Stjohn, in Goa. The mUUIS are an ethnic group in Africa. As castes
are considered distinct groups in India, the reference to a 'maaJil caste' is
understandable. This most probably refers to people of the INI&Ua tribe
who are in Mozambique. Eduardo Medeiros (2003) points out d1at the
term refered to Africans being taken to Madagascar as slaves.
Ortmg Btlontla Hilllm
African migrants to Indonesia were part of the Dutch colonial regime.
They were called Orang &ltulllo Hilom (which means 'Black Dutchman'
in &htlStl lntltnwio). TI1q were Ghanaian soldiers who were recruited
by the Dutch in d1e mid-19th century. The Dutch had paid salaries to
the &/ant!JJ Hitom and had offered them passages back to Elmina once
they retired from the army. Some remained with their Indonesian wives
and families but after 1955, d1ey had been forced to leave Indonesia
with the Dutch and the people of European and Indonesian
descent (Van Kessel 2005: personal communication).
K'unlun
An examination of Chinese sources reveals another term for Africans.
In China, black slaves were called K'unlun, a term which describes
darlt-skinned people including Africans. K'unlun were employed as div-
ers in Chinese pons to caulk the seams of boats with oaksum due to
their strength and ability to keep their eyes open underwater (Invin
1977: 71). The Chronicle of the Sung Dynasty in 976 recorded that
an Arab merchant bought 'a black K'un Lun slave with deepset eyes
and black body' (Chou Jukua 1911: 599). ltsing. a Chinese Buddhist
monk visiting Srivijaya (the Buddhist kingdom in Indo-Malaysia with
its headquaners inja\ra) in 671 AD reponed that the Chinese Buddhist
monks, besides studying Sanskrit, mastered a language called K'unlun.
According to Sneddon (2003: 41), the Chinese called any indigenous
language, K'unlun, and in this instance it referred to Malay. According
to Asher (1994), K'unbm was almost certainly a form of Malay and
was widely used as a &ngua franca in the area. TI1e Chinese Tang era
(618-906 AD) refers to K'unlun or black African slaves, described as a
rare luxury item of no economic importance (Balazs 1932: 13).
Ftd.tulto and FaltJShmum
In Israel, there are se\reral terms to describe Africans. According to
Kessler (1996), Falasha is from ancient Ed1iopic, or Ge'ez, meaning 'an
exile' or 'a stranger'. TI1ey have a Bible and a Prayer Book in Ge'ez.
Kessler is not convinced that it is a derogatory term unless it is used as
an insult. The idea of exUe is because they were living in Galut or Exile
from d1e Promised Land and he points out that it did not apply when
they came to Israel. The Falasluls are believed to ha\re been comrened
by Jews living in southern Arabia in the centuries before and after d1e
Christian Era. TI1ey have remained faithful to Judaism and ha\re not
coanrened to Christianity when the powerful kingdom of Aksum con-
vened in the 4th century AD. Thereafter, the FalllslltJS were persecuted
and were forced to retreat to the area around the Lake Tana in nonhen1
Ed1iopia. From 1980 to 1992, some 45,000 Falasluls fted drought and
war-stricken Ethiopia and emigrated to Israel. Falaslul is a person wid1
no right to own land. It refers to Ed1iopian Jews since d1e time d1e
Ed1iopian Negus (emperor) took away their tide deeds. The FaltJShmuras
are FolllSiuu (Edliopian Jews) who have convened to Christianil) due
to various reasons such as economic hardship and persecution. Due to
the Israeli law of return, they are entided to come lO Israel if d1ey can
trace a maternal Jew in their geneaolog}t Man) Folasha families have
Falashn1ur11S within d1eir family. In addition, there are several thousands
of "Black Hebrews" now in Israel and most live in dle soud1ern mwn
of Dimona ffadmor 2003). The "Black Hebrews" are a community
which emigrated to Israel in the 1970s from the United States. They had
claimed to be 'the originaiJews'. Most of them came lO Israel as tourists
and simply stayed after their visas had expired. The lsrae6 goven1ment
decided to give them permanent resident status in July 2003.
Mulallo
The terms used for the offSpring of Africans and Portuguese unions
reveals their African ancestry. Mulatto was a Spanish and Portuguese
term which means 'a person of mixed African-European' heritage and
was used in the Americas after the 16th century. Gemelli-Careri, the
Italian docmr who visited Goa in 1695 found dlat the city of Goa was
teeming with multlltos. He stated that "There are also an abundance of
Cqfrts and Blacks; for there are Ponuguese that keep d1irty or forty, and
the least six or twelve; lO carry their umbrella, and Andora, and other
mean Employments; nor are they at an) other charge to keep dlem,
but a Dish of Rice at Noon, and another at Night; for d1ey have no
other Garments but what d1q brought out of their Mothers' Wombs"
(Sen 1949: 188). The statistical record of Goa and its neighbourhood
in 1797 records Mulllltos.
6
Jeanette Pinto ( 1992: I 06) points out dlat
people of Afro-Ponuguese descent were called Mulattos in India.
The British also borrowed the term mulatto lO describe any person of
mixed ancestry including those with African and Asian parentage.
SltDJtS and Frttd Slovts
'When historical documents refer to slaves and freed slaves, their eth-
nicity is not specified. As tstrtllNJ (the Portuguese word for sla\re} and
ka.ffir were synonymously used widely, Jeanette Pinto ( 1992: 97} deduces
h MoDCiOr.s do Reino, MS 177-A(l7796-98), p. 317.
that it indicates the widespread usage of Africans as bondsmen. When
the term slave is used without an adjective it is not possible to work
out d1e ed1nicity of the slave. TI1e term slave could be confused wid1
indigenous systems of sla\'el')'. In Ancient India, the slaves were mainly
Indians who lived in the region and were bonded to labour; thq were
insolvent debtors who worked for their masters to pay off their debt. In
later Medieval India, the ethnicity of d1e slaves changed with the arrival
of d1e Moghuls and the Europeans. TI1en the word sla\'e referred to a
multiplicity of ed1nicities: African, Arab, Indian, Chinese andjapanese
{Pinto 2006: personal communication). Pinto {1992: 32) draws attention
to the fact that sometimes African sla\'es were simply referred to as Cowa
{the Portuguese word for cargo) in ship records. A ship that came to
Daman had listed several slaves under the heading of Cargo.'
De Silva (1972) distinguishes between Kqffirs and slaves and also
becween servants and slaves. Pieris (1973) describes the Dutch defeat
of the Portuguese in jaffi1apatam where "300 armed Toupas and
Kil./ft!s slaves. ... " emerged from the fon. Pieris (1973) in his book
"Some documents relating to the Rise of d1e Dutch Power in Ceylon,
1602-1670, from the Translations at the India Office, London refers to
Kidfirs and slaves as distinct categories. Kqfftr mercenaries are mentioned.
TI1ere is no mention of Ktdfo sla\'eS. Perhaps the Portuguese bought
KidJir sla\a in Africa and then trained them as militia in Goa to whom
they then paid salaries.
VOC officials employed African and Asian slaves as domestic servants,
housemaids, concubines and seamstresses. In this pool of multiethnic
slaves, the Dutch stereotyping of slaves diftered across time and setde-
ments. They ge11erally considered Asian sla\'es to be cleaner and more
intelligent than d1e African slaves, who were, according to the Dutch,
more suited for hard physical labour. This ethnic stereotyping meant
that the male African slaves were put to work in the fields and to build
fortresses while the Asian slaves were engaged in domestic work or
as artisans. However, African slave women were not employed in d1e
fields; they were housemaids, wet nurses, seamstresses and domestic
servants. A system of gender stereotyping existed within the ethnic
stereotyping of slaves. TI1ere were two different categories of Dutch in
Sri Lanka: d1e VOC (' Vtrm,gdt Oost-JtuliKht Compagnir} employees and
the Vljburgen ('free burghers'}. The distinction between these two cat-
egories was not maintained in the British era and both groups became
1
Afliw/lgd ill .Ddmao, MS 6777 (J 796-1841), p. 19.
30 SIWIAN DE SILVAJAYASURIYA
known as Burghers. The Jtfjburgm came to the Island for private
business and trade. They ran bakeries, inns and taverns, for example.
Colombo became the seat of goven1ment since the Dutch capture in
1656. Its inhabitants were mainly Sinhalese Buddhists. The Jtiibutgm
engaged their sla\"es in their businesses as artisans or as labourers. When
the British took over and the Burghers (who included bod1 the VOC
o8icials and the J+gbutgm) were reduced to a lower socioeconomic status,
their slaves also suffered. Ne\"enheless, slaves were an income general
ing asset and were hired out by their owners when they needed extra
income. Benolacci ( 1817: 59) commented that a few Burp)m supported
themselves by hiring out their slaves to work as bricklayers, palanquin-
bearers, house-senants, and in od1er similar jobs. Slaves were bound
to give their masters whate\"er part of their wages that exceeded what
was required for the supply of the mere necessities of life.
The slaves that the Dutch possessed at the time of capitulation, in
1796, were looked upon as their private property and were doomed to
continue in senritude and so were d1eir descendants in all future gen-
erations; their master had d1e right to dispose of d1em to Dutchmen,
Burghers or Sri Lankans. There were nearly an equal number of female
and male slaves. In total, d1ere were about 8,000 to I 0,000 slaves
according to Benolacci (1817). When d1e parents were unmarried, the
child of a slave by a free woman was not a slave, but a child of a free
man b) a female sla\"e is a slave to the woman's master. This was based
on Roman Dutch law on d1e principle that the fruit follows after the
womb'. The rate of reproduction in female slaves was low, probably due
to malnourishment and their physicaU) demanding occupations, and
was therefore an insignificant source of suppl)' for captive labour..
The Dutch, however, introduced humanitarian ideas about slavery
almost a century prior to the British. The Dutch applied the same
principles and code for dealing with slaves in Batavia and in Sri Lanka.
By 1771, the Dutch had reduced the number of slaves in Sri Lanka.
The transfer of slaves was made more difficult by 1787. Christian slaves
were not transferable. Dutch law to reduce and abolish sla\"ery was
already in place in Sri Lanka when the British arrived on the Island;
it was confirmed in 1802 after the British had taken over. Anyone
who attempted to enslave a freeborn person was fined I 00 rix dollars.
Ne\"erdleless, slavery continued in the Dutcll era and when the Dutch
capitulated, female slaves were wonh I 00 ridis (3 4s 8d) and males
were valued at 50 ridis (1 13s 4<1). A female cl1ild slave was wonh 3
rix doUars (0 4s 6d). Emancipated slaves of the Dutch were called
libertines (from Rom. Antiq. meaning a Freedman' or one manumitted
from slavery). A son of a freedman was also called a Libertine. Some
Libertines would have had African ancestry though aU slaves may not
have been African.
The number of libtrtints had increased as slaves received freedom on
death, or depanure of their masters. The Libtrlin6S gradually merged
with the Tupassts ('descendants of the Portuguese and Sri Lankan
unions'), and the name Iibtrlint fell into disuse (de Silva Jayasuriya
2003). TufJtlssts were called mulifOS by the Ponuguese; they are called
Portuguese Burghers today. Certificates of Burghership which were
originally given to the Dutch entitling them to reside in the toWns and to
enjoy ci\ric rights, were later given to the Iibtrtinu. The only obligation
associated with Burghership was the enlisnnent in the reserve militia.
The question of redeeming or transferring slaves arose when the
British encountered the institution of slavery in Sri Lanka. The
Commander of the British Expeditional')' FOrce extended the meaning
of propert)' to include sla\a. The sla\a were restored to their own-
ers. All sla\"eS had to be registered. The British oftered a sum for d1e
maintenance of d1e slaves.
Sir Alexander Johnston, President of His Majesty's Council and
Chief Justice of Ceylon (1806-1819), had adopted various measures
to raise the political, moral and intellectual character of the people
in Sri Lanka. He had obtained a charter from the Crown to extend
the right of sitting upon juries to aU Sri Lankans; a privilege not pos-
sessed by any other Asian nation. In return, he had urged the gradual
abolition of domestic slavery in Sri Lanka. TI1en the proprietors of
domestic sla\"es can1e to a resolution that all children hom of dleir sla\"eS,
after 12th August 1806 (the birthday of the then Prince Regent, later
George IV, was chosen so that the slaves might associate the freedom
of their descendants with the reverence of the Crown), should be free,
thereby putting an end to d1e state of domestic sla\"ery that prevailed in
Cqlon for three centuries. Slavery was abolished in Sri Lanka during
the Governorship of Edward Barnes (1824-31), and a group of sla\"e
owners in Galle and Jaflila freed all children born of their slaves. Sri
Lankans had been anxious to show themselves worthy of the privilege
which had been granted to them. In the 19th century, sla\"ery became
a subject of debate and was finally abolished in Sri Lanka in 1845.
According to Saunders (1982: I) the number of black slaves in
Ponugal in the 15th and 16th centuries was striking, though they had
not out-numbered the native Ponuguese. The Africans were called pmos
('black1 or negros. When the Ponuguese set out for India, their ships
would have included some Negroid Africans.
32 SIUIIAN DE SILVAJAYASURJYA
Last:arins
When historical records refer co last:atins, their echnic origins are not
specified. De Silva (1972) scates that lllstarins were distributed as sla\res
and servants to the captains and mulialjyor.s, if they were rebellious. De
MeUo had realised chat the key co conquering the lands of Sri Lanka
depended on the loyalty of the lllstarins. According to Charles Boxer
(1991: 389) a lascorin was a native soldier in Ponuguese Asia. In che
16ch and 17ch centuries, che Ponuguese also raised auxiliary Indian
troops which they called lllstarins (Boxer 1991 : 301 ). They cherefore
punished the rebellious lascllrins and rewarded the loyal. ClifiOrd Pereira
(2006: personal communication) who has carried ouc archival research
on shipping records stales that before the 19dl d1e cerm lascar
was used for anyone east of d1e Cape of Good Hope-Mricans, Arabs
and Asians. In addition to being sailors, lasum also served as cooks and
cleaners on ships.
Afto-ltlliillns/ 4fro-A.sitiiiS
The more recent terms used for Africans in India also confuse d1e ethnic
origins. Few scholars are using the term Indo-African when referring
to people of Mrican origin in India and Indonesia. The Dutch coined
the term Indonesia recently, which means 'islands in the Indian Ocean'.
The label Indonesia was in keeping wich Polynesia (many islands),
Micronesia ('smaU islands') and Melanesia ('black islands').
When 'Indo' is prefixed co Africans it implies India, che Indian
Ocean or the Indian subcontinent. TI1erefore the term lndo-Africans
means Indians who have migrated to Africa. h1 the late 15ch century,
when the Portuguese made contact with Ease Africa during Vasco da
Gama's voyage co India, chere were many Indians crading in East Africa.
During Portuguese rule, the number of Indians increased further as East
Mrica and Portuguese India were part of the Esllldo t!Jllllllia ('the Scate
of India') and Goans (caUed Canarins by the Portuguese) were moved
to East Africa for various jobs. During the 18th and 19th centuries,
many of these Indians were given /JrfLtiJS ('land grants') and most of
them took African wi\res. TI1eir children are called Afro-Indians (Newitt
1995). TI1is could be confused wich the cerminology used for people
of African origin in India which is also Afro-h1dian. In addition, the
Nonh Americans, tend to call the Africans in India, African-Indian.
Here the Indian does not refer to an American-Indian ('Red Indian')
but one domiciled in India. Similarly, the term Afro- .1\sian refers to
Africans or people with African ancestry in Asia.
Africans have intermarried with other ethnic groups in Asia and their
physiognomy has been dUuted. Many Africans became a pan of the kin
s)rstem of Asian societies. Assimilation has concealed their genealogy
and This is in contrast to the African Diaspora in America.
Although some African-Americans have become wealthy and hold
imponant positions, they are outside the kin system. Historians will
have 10 take a dillerent approach when researching the Africans in .1\sia.
Reliance on archived documents only, can be misleading as Africans
in Asia had many ethnonyms and sometimes their ethnic origins were
not recorded. A Levi-Straussian approach of combining history and
anthropology would be more effective than dating the cargoes and
counting the men and piastres.
Condusion
Many African migrants ha\re now assimilated 10 the Asian societies.
Some names used for Africans in Asia reveal information about their
origins while others conceal them. l11e numerous terms are partly
due 10 changing names of the geographic locations from which thq
originated. Other names were given 10 them by the people who dealt
with them, through commercial transactions, the sla\re trade, mission-
ary activities, and colonial expansions. The terms used for Africans in
Asia varied across time and space, and even overlapped in some parts.
A knowledge of the terms used for Africans in Asia is necessary for
scholars undenaking a comprehensive study of the eastwards African
migration.
I should like to thank Dr Hemal Jayasuri)a, Schiller International
University, for his critical and constructive comments on this paper.
SIUIIAN DE SILVAJAYASURJYA
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CHAPTER THREE
THE AFRICAN-ASIAN DIASPORA:
MYI"H OR REAU"IY?
Since joseph E Harris' The African Presence in Asia: Consequences of
the East African Slave: Trade (1971) there has been a growing scholarly
interest in the possibility of an African 'sliM:' Diaspora in the Indian
Ocean world similar to that of the weD-documented African Diaspora of
the Americas. However, while the number of studies on communities of
African origin has blossomed, there has been little auempt to evaluate if
those communities fit the criteria--weU-eslablished for the Americas--of
a victim diaspora. In pursuing such an exercise, this paper concludes
that in the Indian Ocean world the criteria for the historical or current
existence of an African Diaspora of sla\oe origin are not met.
lnlrodutlion
Scholarly incerest in che African-Asian Diaspora
1
is an extension
of researdl inco the African-American Diaspora. This highlighu six key
characteristics of such a diaspora: displacemenc from a homeland co
two or more peripheral or foreign regions; che formation of a 'relach'ely
scable communicy in exile';
2
social rejection by, and alienation from, the
locally dominant sociecy; an awareness, real or imagined, of a common
homeland and heritage, and of che injustice of removal from ic; efiOns
to maincain links with and improve life in chat homeland; and a desire
ultimately to return permanendy to the homeland.
3
Also critical is d1e
Depanmen1 of Histol'); McGill Uni\'ttsity, 855 Sherhrooke Slreet W., Montreal,
Canada H3A 2T7. E-mail: gwyn.campbell@nqill.aa
1
African' is here defined as a member of a family or group lhat had been living
in of Africa or its for more than two FncralionL
Wilson, ''Conceptualizing the African Diaspora'', p. 118.
1
Okpcwho, Davies and Maznai (cds.), 1M 4/iitllll DiarJilJrtl; "Africans
in the Diaspora", pp. 184-6; Hinc & McLeod (cdR.), Cios.rifll Thompson,
C 2008 Nv, (..,un
38
GWYN CAMPBEU..
formalion of a diasporic 'consciousness', for which there are duee
pre-requisites: geographic concentralion; common living and working
condilions markedly dift"erent from the polilically dominant group;
and a leadership which arliculates the diaspora's interests-defined in
opposilion to those of the dominant group. It is here argued that the
pre-condilions for an African-Asian diasporic consciousness did not
exist in most of Asia, which in turn undermines the argument for the
existence of an African-Asian Diaspora.
Tht H1111Uiond
The first prerequisite for a diaspora is the dispersion of its members
from a geographical centre of origin to several distant regions. African
slaves exported to Asia were cenainly dispersed throughout d1e Indian
Ocean World {lOW) &om the Middle to Far East
1
in a trade that was
mullicfireclional, involved overland and marilime routes and changed
over
However, they possessed no common centre of origin. Rather,
they came from many dift"erent regions of Africa and the islands, and
represented widely varying ethnicilies and cultures.' Terms applied in
Asia to African-Asians often supposed to indicate precise origins (e.g.
Zanj I Sidi = Swahili littoral; Habshi = Ethiopian; Kunlun = African),
tend nuher to be generic. Thus 'Zanj' indicated someone from the
'uninhabitable' regions of sub-Salumm A&ica; 'Ethiopian' meant any
dark-skinned person, African or Asian/ while 'Kunlun' referred both
to the east African island of Pemba, and generally to anyone with dark
pigmentation, notably from Africa, Papua New Guinea or Melanesia.
8
On Maurilius, the term 'Mozambique' covered at least thirteen cfifferent
.4/Rt(JIU f 1/Jt see abo inarocluctinn in Ma1suoka a Soren11011, Glttls.ts 111111
Jlasu, ;,fndian SiCii".
1
Hunwick, "Black Africans", p. 31; VCrin, "Madagascar''; van Goor,
Srate, p. 196; "The Ducc:h East India Company and Trade'', pp.
81, 8!'i; Boomgaard, "Human Capital'', pp. 83-96;Jayasuriya, '1'he Cqolon KtJffn";
Bhargava, I111Bt111 ex.- p. 30.
Schnttcnhammcr, "Simoes and rorrns of Slave!)' in Lare Imperial China", pp. 143-
54; Wmk, JJIHiNI. ,d. I, pp. 36-1; C.oocly, "Slave!) in Time and Space'', p. 18.
h Trimingham,/slitm iR &sl.4jmll, pp. 2-3; Hunwick, "Black Africans'', p. 31; Vhin,
"Madapsc8r.''
' Lewis, ;'111c African Diaspora", p. 37; Ro-, "Africa in Islam'', pp. 12-13; Irwin,
4fdri11U ,16rN( p. 16.
8
Fibi, au. 4fiir11, p. 21; Irwin, ,fftit- JJJmxuJ, PP. 169-72.
niE AFRICANASIAN DL\SPORA 39
edtnicities from southeastern Amca.
9
'Sidi' Hindus of Kamataka possess
a low incidence (6%) of the sickle ceO trait, probably indicating that
few of their forebears origina1ed from East Africa.
10
Moreover, except
in recent concentrared setdements, such as Hyderabad, few African-
Asians today have a clear idea of their African origins.
11
ht other cases,
oral histories do not seem to match historical accounts.
12
Again, 'a diaspora by its nature cannot exist widtout a homeland
and tbe quest to re-altain that homeland' .s However, there is scant
evidence amongst African-Asians of a desire to return to Africa. nte
few ex-slaves in dte lOW who were olfered passage to dteir region of
origin found re-integration difficult.
11
African-Asians returned to Africa
only because of Western pressure: from 1874, CMS missionaries to
India sent some African ex-slaves to establish a mission at Freretown in
Mombasa, the activities of which continued to dte 1930s. I) Otherwise,
altempted returns were sporadic, generally escape bids by freshly
tured young adult male slaves, and in no way represented an African
diasporic consciousness.
16
lndeed, when oflered passages back to Africa,
many African/ African-Asian slaves refused.
17
Currendy, most African-
Asians reject identification with what they consider an undeveloped
region.&
An awareness of the injustice (or '\rictimisationj of forcible removal
from the 'homeland' is also weak, although slaves exponed to Asia
underwent dislocation and suffering. Malagasy slaves to dte Mascarenes
commonly believed that they would be eaten by whites,
19
and some
Mozambican sla\es chose suicide to exile.-. Slave monality was high;
possibly 12 per cent of slaves shipped to the Mascarenes died en-route,
Alpers, ;'Br.coming 'Mm:ambique', pp. 1-2.
10
Vljayalwmar, "Gmc:cic: sludies among 1he Siddis", pp. 118-9.
11
Harris, Prt.ftRtl in JJsi11, pp. 111-2; Bhulachai')'B, ;'Indians nf African
Origin", pp. 579-82.
11
Jayasuriya, ;,Ceylon KiiJiin.. ''
., Q.uoled in l..oi."Cjoy (eel.), DituJHim J(nJJSIIIIIr 4, p. 3; see also iclan, "'The
African Diaspora".
11
Sec e.g. Wam:n, "Sinlcrure nf Sla\tc:ry in 1hc: Sulu Zone:'', pp. 111-28.
Ak)'l'.al1lpnng, :Afriams in 1he Diaspnra," 197; Basu, "Indian Sicli''.
lh Alpers, ''Flight ro freedom'', pp. 5Hl8; Mampilly, "African Diaspnra nf the:
Indian Sub-continent"
., Sc:c: Miers, ;'Sia\tC:ty and the: sbn.or: 1radc: in Saudi Arabia", pp. 120-36.
Mnnagny, ;'L'Afriquc: ouhliCc", pp. 223-4.
Grillilhs, Hdllts MilllttutiiT, p. 26. c:omparalhtc: ma1c:rial sc:c: Pic:rsc:n, "While
Cannibals, Black Manyrs", pp. 147-59.
:10 Rr.a, Dj 1M MuW.. pp. 117-8.
40 GWYN CAMPBEU..
a rate which rose as distances grew. Also, slaves were wlnerable to dis-
ease carried aboard or encountered at their destination: approximately
25 per cent of African male slaves imported into Sri Lanka in 1817
died within a year.2
Moreover, most slaves were ascribed a low social status. In Impe-
rial Madagascar, India, and South China, they were categorised as a
hereditary 'outcaste' status based on a ritual distinction between 'purity'
and 'poUution'. Such distinctions continued after abolition which rarely
conferred full citizenship. 22
Most ex-slaves were incorporated as inferior members of the host
society or retained, as in most Islamic societies, in hereditary servitude.
29
This reflected in part their weak economic position as, unlike many ex-
slave holders, few recei\red compensalion upon abolition, or assistance
in adjusting to a post-slave economy. Dominant groups continued to
consider ex-slaves 'impure' and 'poUuting', and to caD them the tradi-
tional terms for 'slave'.
21
Moreover, indigenous traditions were reinforced
by colonial European, notably Dutch and British, racial codes. 2)
Emancipation released large numbers of ex-slaves onto the local
labour market, which favoured the employer. Subject to the harsh laws
of supply and demand, many failed to secure wage labour. Some, like
the African-lranians of SMk, the Sidis of the Gir forest in Gujarat
and the Western Ghar forests,
26
and the ex-slave Creoles of Mauritius,
became economically and sociaUy marginalized.
21
Exceptions included
the nizam of Hyderabad's lrllsllllQlh advisers, for whom he provided a
trust fund, and ex-slave professionals in Saudi Arabia accepted as pan
of the Arab elite.
28
Jayasuriya, "C9oion Kojirs"; also Lewis, Rllu fiNl Slsrny i11 1M MUIJ/11 FAst,
p. 10; CampbcU, "1"11e &ate and Pre-colonial Demognphic Hisrol)", pp. 415--45.
21
Watson (r.d.), JWan fiNl Jtfi'ita of "Siigmadzalinn", pp.
137-56; idem, '"So6darity and Antagonism", pp. 565-71.
:zt Bnmsch\oig, '"Abd".
21
Enn, "'The abn61ion of sla\oery'', pp. 83-93; Even, "Siigmalizatinn"'; Watson,
"Transactions in People'', pp. 237-R. 246--7; Harrit, .A.fn'ra Prtsmfl, 116--7, esp. n. 4.
2.\ Harrit, .Aftita Prtsmu, II H; R.eid, BfJIIiJJgt tmJ Dtf11Nllll9, p. 18.
:lll Harrit, J!Mca I'N:ulw, 103, 113-4; :Mirzai, :African in Iran"', p. 236;
Bhatlacharya, "Indians nf African Origin,'' 579-82; Vijayalmmar, et al., "Genedc
studies among the Siddis nf Karnataka," 98; Boi\in, "La Condicion senile dans Je
Sindh colonial" .
.n Benoit, "'Les nublit.s de Ia libene"'.
,. Cole and Ahndd, "FamUy in Changing Saudi Arabia''.
Diasporic Consciousness
What, then, explains the lack of an African-Asian diasporic conscious-
ness? One factor may have been the desire to forget the role of feUow
Africans, from warrior kings to impoverished kin, in enslaving and
selling their own kind.
29
More important was tbe lack of the three
bases for the rise of a diasporic consciousness: geographic concentra-
tion; common living and working conc6tions markedly difterent from
those of the locally dominant group; and a leadership to articulate d1e
diaspora's interests.
Gtogmpltic Ctmctnlralion
Slaves in Asia often comprised 20 to 30 percent of d1e population (rising
to 50 percent and over in Indonesian pons). However, concentrations
of purely slaves were rare as almost every Asian society pos-
sessed both indigenous and foreign slaves drawn from many different
regions and ethnic groups. The Middle East, a major market for African
slaves, also imported large numbers from d1e Caucasus, Central Asia,
Pakistan and India, and smaller numbers from furd1er east. African
slaves in the lOW also served a variety of masters, indigenous and
foreign. "l11us in Asia, 'slave' was never equated with African or Black,
or slave-owner with Muslim.
31
Commtm Liuing 1111d Wonting CoiUHiions
In the 10\.V, few examples exist of concentrated numbers of slaves liv-
ing and working together outside imperial Madagascar (c. 1790-1895}
and d1e east African plantation islands (Mauritius and Reunion from
c. 1750; Zanzibar and Pemba from the 1830s). Neid1er was there an
'"' Boivin, "La Condilion senoile.''
to Q.uoled in l..oi.T.joy (ed.), DilupDrfl Nnmlllw 4 (200 I}, 3; see aiiiD idem, "'fhe
Afric:an Diaspora."
11
Boomgaanl, "Human Capiral''; Kim, A Korean S)'!ltc:m of Sla\tc:JY", pp.
155-68; Kopytol' and Miers, :African 'Sia\.:ry'", pp. 60-1; Reid, "lnaoduccion,'' 12,
29; Campht.U, ''Sla\ICJY and Fanompoana", pp. 474--5.
42 GWYN CAMPBElL
identification wid1 fellow 'Africans'.
32
In part dtis reflected internal
divisions, such as ethnicity. Slaves of the same edtnicity as d1e slave-
holding society were generally ascribed superior starus to those obtained
while fresh arrivals raised dte starus of resident slaves. Thus
a mass influx of Makua slaves in nineteenth-century Madagascar placed
the newcomers at the bottom of the slave hierarchy.n Similarly placed
were recaptured fugiti\'e slaves, whose inferior status was often visibly
clarified through branding or tattoos.
31
Another sign of superior slave
status was avoidance of menial or ritually degrading activities.:L\
lbe development of a diasporic consciousness also requires a leadership
to express thar diaspora's interests. Some Mrican-Asian communities
produced highly educated figures.
36
However, dteir interests lay less with
fellow 'Africans' than with the local elite: thus Ala ibn Abl Rabah, born
in Saudi Arabia of Nubian parents, became a celebrated Muslim teacher
and jurist at Mecca,
97
and Abo AI-Qiahiz, probably of Edtiopian slave
descent, became a leading inteUectual in early ninth-century lraq.
58
'lbe
leaders of the 860-83 'Zanj' revolt in Iraq, traditionaU) considered to
have been East Africans, :19 were in fact non-slaves involved in local power
politics.
10
MoreO\'er, the sla\'e elite often became slaveholders, reflecting
a distance from fellow 'Africans' and a communality of interests with
the slave-owning society.''
see Tcdoclc, ""The lnRuence of in the FOrmation of Creole ldentit)",
pp. 3-8; Alpen such a consciousne&S c:xisled, but produces nn e\oidence of
it-Aipr.rs, "'Becoming 'Mozambique'," csp. p. 18.
st CampbeJI, ''lntniduction: abOlition and its aftcrmaah'', pp. 1-28."
se Rdd, ''Introduction," 12.
"" Schotrcnhammcr, ''Sla\,-es''; Klein, "'lntroducrion: Modern European Expansion
and Traditional Senoirude in Africa and p. 7; Chauhan, Jf,6idR.f in llfflill, pp.
12-117.
!II Though fr.w n:ceh,'UJ a Wesrern education-Aipc:rs, ''Rccollc:cting Africa'', pp.
84-5.
51
Irwin, AbmtJ/, 66.
!II Pc:Dat, )\).Qjlhiz''.
!II Allen, Suxlltili tJriiiU, p. 73.
IU Jbid., 73.
11
Schotrenhammcr, ''Simoes''; Klein, "Introduction," 7; Chauhan, Jyritas ilr /IIIlis:,
Colr. and Alrorki, ''Family in Changing Saudi Arabia.''
Dtnial of 4fiW
Despite being generally impoverished and socially stigmatised, Mri-
can-Asians overwhelmingly claim a local Asian, and deny an Mrican,
n1us African-Asians in Sri Lanka and the Middle East stress
a local identity;
19
Mrican-Q.atars even claim to be members of noble,
second-ranking Arab tribes. u
Some former Mrican slaves in Madagascar constructed tombs in
omer to claim a Malagasy ancestry, and Sunni Sidis insist thai d1ey
are 'Muslim Sidis' and claim direct descent from Mohammed. n Mall)
ex-slala have retained strong emotional bonds wid1 the former slave-
owning famUy with whicl1 they identified far more closely than with
others of Mrican origin and descent.""
Some Diaspora scholars emphasise the existence of Wrican' cultural
traits, notably music and possession cults, as proof of Diaspora 'memory'
and 'consciousness'. However, evidence of this is weak. Of the music
of Wrican' inspiration played by people of Mrican or part-Mrican
descent in Q.a1ar, Anie Montigny comments:
It is above all for iiS &berty of expression that music is taken up, and Blades
do not search through it to return to their roots, nor to contest their
social condition. Rather, they emphasise iiS a.rabic:ised character, taken
as a proof or their Arab rooiS.
17
Similarly, Sidi devotees of Bava Gor claim an Indian and deny an
Mrican identity.
18
Passington Obeng's study of Indian Sidis produces
evidence not of an Wrican-Asian' but of a class or caste conscious-
ness incorporating Wrican' and 'non-Mrican' groups, d1a1 is based on
common economic interests. e In such contexts, it is futile to search for
a 'slave mode of production', a construct which bears 6tde relation to
historical rea6ty in the lOW outside planwion economies.
50
u mr Iran, see Minai, :African Presence in Iran, 241; For India, sr.c Basu, "Indian
Sidi''; :African Diaspora.'' mr Sri Lanka, see Cooper, "Within Sowh Asia";
see alto Alpers, ;'Rt:collecting Africa," 8..';.
u Jayasuriya, ;'Ceylon Ksjin''; Montign); "L'Afrique nublih-.," 215.
;,I:Afriqur: oubliCc;" 214, 216-7.
n Ali, Jtfiirtm Dispmfll, p. 226.
Monlil"% ;I:Afriqur: oubliCe."
Ibid., 223-4.
ShmO: "Sidis and Panis".
D Obr:ng. ;Survival Scraar:gies''
.10 iR pp. 234, 238-9; Klein, "lntrocluclion," 10-11;
Campbdl, "lntmduclion: abolition and its aftermath.''
GWYN CAMPBEU..

In the Asian world, in contrast to the Americas, most slaves were
subject to forces promoting assimilation into local society rather than
separateness and alienation from it.
51
First, 'violence', considered a characteristic of slavery in the Americas,
was not universally employed against slaves in the Asian world where
violence or the threat of violence was rarely used outside European-
managed plantations. Elsewhere, harsh working conditions did exist
and could provoke revolt, suicide and attempts to cunail reproduc-
tion.
52
However, slaves represented a capital asset d1e value of which
was wonh maintaining or even enhancing. Moreover, maximum slave
productivity could only be achieved through acknowledging the essential
humanity of slaves. !1:1
In general, however, slaves in the lOW generally enjoyed an array of
traditional and prescribed rights unknown on dte American plantations.
In the parts of the 10\V, outside the Mascarenes, where European law
was applied, treatment of slaves was tempered by local economic and
political forces.
51
Igor Kopytoff and Suzanne 1\ltiers stress that large
complex societies were more likely to institutionalise inter-generational
slave status and slave stigma than simpler decentralised polities.
5
:1 How-
ever, even in Korea and China, where the most extreme systems of
hereditary slavery were practised, slaves nevenheless possessed a legal
status and some rights: 11tey were immune from state corvees, could be
punished but not kiUed by dteir owners, their marriages were in general
respected. Such rights, it could be argued, meant d1at they were not
true outsiders as they had entered into the dominant society's system
of reciprocity.!IG As such, dtey were, like 'free' subjects, bound to serve
those of higher status, but were in return guaranteed protection from
external predators and at least basic food, clodting and shelter.
57
Some
Campbell, "lnuoduclion. Sla'ltc:ry and o1hc:r forms of Unfree: Labour'', pp.
\oii-xxxii.
lll Alpc:rs, "F1ighl 10 Boomgaard, ;'Human Capilal''; Sheri&; "The: sla\tc:
b'adc: and ils falloua'', pp. 103-19.
lll Klein, "lntroduclion," 11-12; Mc:Wassoux,.41111mpolqc) ff pp. 9-10.
Boomgaarcl, "Human Capiaal''; \\Wdc:n, ;'lncUan Ocean sla\tc:l)'", pp. 29-49.
!.\ Kop)'l08' and 1\fic:rs, "African ;'Siavc:ty'," 42.
lli Schollc:nhammc:r, Kim, "..VtJtt'; sec: also Salman, '1'hc: meaning of
sla\tC:I)'", pp. I R0-97.

Ounpbr.B, "lnaroclucdon: aholilion and illl aftc:rmaah''; Klein, "lncroduclion," 25;
sec: also Kopycofl' and Miers, ;:African ;SIM'el')''," 26-7.
slave staruses overlapped with those of free people, the lot of elite slaves
being invariably better than that of the vast majority of free people. In
such such as in nineteenth-century imperial Madagascar,
this was so even for ordinary slaves-to dte extent dtat dtey refused
freedom to avoid being subject to corvee.
58
Also, slaves in the ,A,ian world quickly adopted the language, religion
and general culture of the dominant slave/ex-slave-holding society.
Many, possibly dte majorit); of African slaves in the lOW were employed
in sensitive positions--widtin the household, court, administralion or in
commerce--where some, notably child and young female forged
intimate relations with their owners forbidden to non-kinsmen. fur
most slave-owners, it was vital dtat the sla\re spoke the local language
or, at the very minimum, understood orders. Children, particularly,
rapidly learned dte local language and customs, and there existed strong
incentives for slave wives to do likewise if dtey wislted to advance their
own and their children's prospects. Many developed close dependent
relationsllips with dteir owners who often used for slaves terms that
were frequendy cognates of dtose used for 'children', 'fOster children'
or 'nephews' and 'nieces'. 59
In suclt circumstances, the native languages of slaves quickly ceded
to that of the dominant society. In China and lntperial Madagascar,
language classes were established in slave reception camps to facilitate
the process. liO By the second-generation, African-Asians had largely
shed their cultural origins; many became monoglot speakers of dte host
community's language.
111
African-Q;ltars base their claim to be Arab
in part on their knowledge of, and contribution to, Arabic language
and Currendy only dte elderly Afro-Sri Lankans speak Sri
Lanka Portuguese Creole (otherwise known as the Indo-Portuguese of
Cqlon), the former mother tongue of that community.
119
Vestiges of
other singular languages, such as Makhuwa in Madagascar,
"' Campbell, Msla,oc:ry and Fanompoana.''
-'- Kim, "'..'N'ollt'; Sc:honenhammer, MSIB\a"; Klein, "Introduction," 8; Reid, ''lntm-
ducaon," 9 .
.., J)coJaye, "SIB\'t:l')' and Colonial R.epresmwions", pp. 129-42; CampbeU, Mll.fada.
p.'ICar and the Sla\tc Trade'', p. 224.
61
Harris, Jfjiita Prtsnru, 99-100, 111-2; Minai, '"African Presence in Iran,"
241; Chauhan, AfiittiiU in /111M, 261, 263; Jayasuriya, ''Ceylon Ktdfits''; Bhauachar)'B,
"Indians of African Origin,'' 579-80; Ali, Ajritllll Di.f/Jmlll, 224; "AAiens and
Homelands''.
61
''L'Afrique ouhliCe," 223.
jayasuriya, ''Ceylon Kqlin''.
46 GWYN CAMPBEU..
are fast disappearing." Swahi6 is an exception. However, dlis reflects
its role as a lingua franca, utilised in coastal areas of d1e Middle East
not only by African-Asians but also by numbers of sea-faring and
coastal Arabs. 6)
Similarly, most African-Asians accepted the locally dominant reli-
gion, from Islam in Muslim regions, to Hinduism and Christianity in
parts of India and Sri Lanka, to Christianity and ancestor worship in
Madagascar.
66
Acceptance of the local religious ideology was vital for
slaves employed in sensitive and inter-personal activities. As crucial was
the conversion of imported child brides and concubines to local belief
systems so that these might in turn be transmitted to d1eir children,
especially those who had an opponunity to be integrated into the
slave-owner's lineage.
67
Moreover, African-Asians often sought higher status through reli-
gion. Many who adopted Islam constructed d1eir own mosques. ClB In
nineteenth-century Madagascar, many sought positions within the early
Christian church, or as trac6tional ancestral mediums. G9 Afro-centric
scholars interpret this as an assertion of African heritage.
70
However,
while African-Asians employed practices and a vocabulary that some-
times demonstrate an African aJ6liation, these were employed in a local
context, in which the local language and traditions dominated.
11
Rather,
in a process of empowerment, African-Asians sometimes used religious
ideology to gain higher status in local societ)t
72
For example, d1e Bava
Gor cult gives its Sidi mediums ritual power over their former owners
and an honorific place in local history and societ)t
73
It thus cements
"' Alpers, Africa,"' 93-4.
"" Mirzai, Wrican in Iran,'' 237-8; Alpc:rs., Recolleeting Africa,'' 93.
"' Harris, AjritaR 99-100, 111-2; Mirzai, :.-\friean Presence in Iran,''
241; Chauhan, 4,6it'tliiS in IIIJliJI, 261, 263;Jayasuriya, "'Ceylon Kqffin''; Dhauaeharya,
"Indians of African Origin,'' 5 79-80; Ali, DU/Jmal, 224; Dn:wal, "i\liens and

' Kopytofl' and Miers, ":.-\frican '"Siavel')'," 28-9; Waason, "Transactions in
People; 249; Kim, "'Noln .. ; Schollenhammer, ''Sia\or:s''; Sheri&; '"The siM-e arade and
ias fallout".
111
Afia PrtSIIIIU, 122; Mirzai, "'Afriean Pre:sr.nee in Iran," 235.
"' aunphrJI, "Crisis of Faiah", pp. 409-53; Idem, "lnaroclucdon: abolilion and illl
aftermath.''
ru Alpers, "African Diaspom'', pp. 67-8, 73; Idem, '"Recollecdng Africa,'', 90-1;
Drewal, i\Jiens and Homelands''.
11
Mnnaigny, "'L'Afriquc oubli&.,'' 221-2.
tJ See Ghatwai, "Shrine When: Crime Suspects Face Unusual Trsa".
t.t Basu, "'Indian Sidi"; ShmO: "Sidis and Panis.. ..
their identiry as Gujaratis.
14
Other Sidis used similar saint cults (Mai
Coma, Sidi Mubarak Nobi, Bava Habash, Mai Mishra), to assen local
Indian, rather than African identity.'!\ 11te No/JOn and Gwali/Dtmllll heal-
ing ceremonies of southern Iran and Baluchistan respectively, and dte
essentially female-dominated <fit" spirit possession cult of dte Middle-
East-Persian Gulf-Baluchistan regions, served a similar purpose.
76
Associated influences are possession cults, and song, music and dance
{often focussed around the lyre and big drums).
77
Those associated with
Bava Gor, and with the A&o-Sri Lankans, appear to possess Tanzanian,
and Mozambican/Tanzanian elements respectively.
78
Some emphasised
the role of males,
79
but the role of females, notably in song, dance and
possession cults, was major, and may be interpreted as a means whereby
wonten could gain influence in a male-dominated society.
80
lOW societies also provided the means for legal integration of slaves
into local societies. From around I 000 CE a growing racial tolerance
facilitated assimilation in Mus&m societies.
81
Caucasian and Ethiopian
females might have been more highly priced d1an darker-skinned Afri-
cans as concubines, but this made litde difference in terms of children
born to the latter or of their legal treatment.
82
Many members of
the Arab elite, such as the celebrated sixth-century Arab warrior-poet
'Antara 'ibn Shaddad, and even later Muslim monarchs, had African
mothers. as Again, over 40 percent of d1e Makrani (Pakistan} maternal
gene pool derives from Africa, notably from Mozambique, but only 8
percent of dte paternal gene pool . .w
According to the slunia, slaves could redeem themselves, while chil-
dren of a slave woman and her owner inherited a non-slave status, as
did a concubine mother upon the death of her owner (a rich Muslim
II Shro&; MSidis and Panis. .,
n Basu, ;'Indian Sidi".
"' Hunwick, "Black Africans,'' 37.
" Bhaaachar)'B, of African Origin," 579, 581-2; HaniA, A.ftittm l'w:urw,
112; Mirzai, :African Prtsc:nce in Iran,'' 241-5.
Basu, ;'Indian Sidi";Jayasuriya, "Ceylon Kq/ils.''
E.g. me Gnjarali Muslim saint Baba of rcputcclly Ethiopian origin---sec
"African Dia."Pora in me Nonhwcstem Indian Ocean,'' 74.
Nd!IOn, "public and pm'BlC politics", pp. 55.'1-6; Lc:wis, Rlu1111111Sltary, 13; Pd-
lat, ;,Ka)'RB''.
Lewis, RM1 flllll Slmrn)\ 19, 26--7, 37-41; Hunwic:lc, "Black Africans," 35-6.
r Good); "SIM'CI')' in 1'imc and Space," 29.
as Irwin, 4ftiti111S ,flmltlt/, 54, 58.
114
"Sia\-ery and Gender in the Indian Oao.an''.
48 GWYN CAMPBEU..
was legally restricted to four wives but the number of concubines he
might possess was unlimited). As in European territories in the 10\V,
Muslim slave soldiers were usually freed after a period of service, mar-
ried local women and were assimilated.
85
In Hyclerabad, the Nizam
encouraged his Mrican soldiers to marry Arab girls.
116
In Bahrein, a few
'free' women married slave men.
87
Of Bahrein's pearl divers
in 1831 and Kuwait's population around 1900, an estimared
one-third were non-slaves.
Again, in Dutch Sri Lanka children of slaves gained their freedom if
they converted to, and were married by, the Dutch Reformed Church,
while their parents could not be sold, and were freed upon d1e dearh
of dteir master.
89
Slaves employed by British families in Bombay in the
late eighteenth century were usually freed by n:stament Will following
the death of their owner.
90
In Imperial Madagascar (c. 179D-1895),
traditionally categorised as possessing a 'closed' system of slavery,
91
manu-mission was considered meritorious for QJql/ltRJtl (Merina enslaved
chiefly for indebtedness) with whom slave owners shared a common
religious and cultural heritage, but not for non-Merina Malagasy or
Mrican slaves
91
who, however, assimilated relatively easily into lowland
societies such as the Sakalava.9S
Moreover, proscriptions against sexual Haisons across the slave-free
Hnes were frequendy ignored, as is confirmed by genetic studies.
91
In
Imperial Madagascar some female slave-owners broke fundamental
taboos against taking male slaves as their sexual partners.!k\ In the
1ft uwis, Rllu- Sltawy, 10, 15; Oasu, Mlndian Sicli''.
Bl Harris, .Afia PrtsniU, 112.
111
Sherifl; "'Thr. sla\<r. tradr. and ils fallout''.
111
Sheriff; "The trade and its fallout''; Clare-Smith, "Islam and thr. abolition
of me trade'', pp. 137--49.
11
' ja)'BSUriya, Kq/its''.
w Chakra\'llrli, "The Duu:h East India Compan);'' 83.
01
mr the debate; which een1res around thr. concepts of 'kin' and see MeU-
lusoux, JIRJIJmflologr " Sftwv, and Kopytoll' and Miers, "Afriean "Slavery','' 3-84; see
also Waaon, Mlna-oduction: a. an insdrudonM, pp. 1-15; Bloch, ''Modes of
production".
111
Poirier, MUn '1\fenahr.''', pp. 122-4-; Campbell, "History of Nineteenth Century
Madagascar'', pp. 331-79.
10
l..amhek, "RtNohed hut Not RevoltingM; \<r.rs, "Solidarity and Antagonism''.
111
Sr.r. Ramana tJ aL SNP haplotypc'-S'', pp. 695-700; Singh
et al., "Shon randr.m repeat-based Y-ehromosomr. haplotype data''; Jenkins et al.,
M8-Giohin Haplotypr.", pp. 1303-8.
111
Poirier, "Un 100 n. I.
Makran and Gujarat some Mrican males formed liaisons wilh local
members of low castes and with tribal peoples.
96
The Sidi Hindus of
Karnataka, who intermarried to a great degree with local Hindus,
display fewer physiognomically negroid characteristics than Christian
or Muslim Sidis.
97
For some, intermarriage resulted in positions of
high ollice and weald1. Thus d1e Sidi elite of Janjira merged through
intermarriage with the lsmaili 1)'abji who in the nineteend1 century
emerged as leading entrepreneurs and bankers.
98
The trend may have
been e\en greater in Southeast Asia, which possessed many 'open'
systems of slavery where e\'en adult male slaves found it relatively easy
to fit into their 'host' society.
99
Such inter-mixture inevitably promoted assimilation of slaves into
local society. For example, in early Ceylon, 'Ka8ir'
soldiers (from Mrica, notably Mozalllbique and Madagascar) interJnal'o
ried with Sri Lankan women to the extent dlat it depleted the Mro-Sri
Lankan conununity-despite d1e nominal ruling dlat all children of such
unions assumed the father's 'ethnicity'-and continued intermarriage
threatens to lead to its disappearance.
100
Until d1e recent interest shown in them by 'Diaspora scholars,' Indian
Sidis possessed little awareness of being or of pan-Sidi cause.
101
n1e oven"Vhebning tendency of Mrican-Asians to seek a local Asian
identity runs counter to d1e desire of 'Diaspora scholars' to awake an
Mrican-Asian diasporic consciousness. Reacting to the burgeoning
interest in the Mrican Diaspora outside the Americas, and possibly
provoked by Edward Blyden's comment that 'The countless cara-
vans and dhow-loads of Negroes who have been imported into Asia
have not produced, so far as we know, any great historical resuhs,'
102
A1pen., ''commc:nrs''.
"' Ati, Ajtit1111 /Jistltrsdl, 22H.
111
Basu, "Indian Sidi".
111
Rcld, "Introduction," 13, 2H.
IW ja)'BliUri)'A, "Ceylon Mjits".
101
Prashad, "African-Dalits'', p. 195; Cooper, "Widlin South Asia''; Ohmg, "Sul'-
vival Sttatcgicll. ..
IIQ Bl).ten (1880), quoted in Shcppcnon, "lnaoducdon", p. 4.
50 GWYN CAMPBEU..
academic essenlialists' have since 1982 joined Joseph Harris' search
for the African-Asians and their heritage.os
Scholars of dus 'Diaspora' are backed b) politicians whose purposes
it serves. In the belief dmt Sidis were genetically supremel) gified for
sports, the Indian government Sports Authority in 1987 established a
special programme to recruit and train them for international competi-
tion. The strategy failed due, according to government spokespeople, to
poor Sidi motivation.
101
Again, upon Nelson Mandela's \risit to India,
Gujarati Sidi gtmla dancers sporting so-called traditional exotic Wrican'
costumes (peacock feathers) were summoned to perform before the visi-
tor. Bollywood has subsequendy ponrayed them in d1e same costumes
to embeUish films.

Such external pressure carries social, political and economic risks
for African-Asians precisely because it accentuates d1eir foreign' and
often 'slave' origins. Affirmati\re action programmes aim at promoting
the status of communities in the West and its historic enda\res,
such as Soud1 Africa, do not exist in most of Asia. The much vaunted
exception, d1e recognition in India of some Indian Sidis as a 'Sched-
uled Tribe', is not cenain to improve their lifestyle.
106
By contrast, some
might argue d1at the best way to promote d1e status of African-Asians
is to downplay d1eir differences from, and promote their integration
into, local society.
In contrast to d1e Americas, where communities of African descent either
underwent creolisation or developed an diasporic conscious-
ness, the 0\rerwhelming majority of people of African-Asians quickly,
and often deliberately, slled consciousness of d1eir African origins, and
sought assimilation into local society where d1ey assumed a new 'local'
ethnicity. lndi\ridual sla\res sought to forge linkages not with other slaves
but \\rith slaveholders who alone could ameliorate their conditions and
lUI Prashad, ')\frican-Dalirs.'' 189-201; 'Wilson, "Conceprualizing me African Dias-
pora,'' 118-22; Alpers, ')Vrican Diaspora in the NonhYoacc:rn Indian Ocean,'' 62-81;
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1
"' Singh, ''l.etter From Mumhai''; Drewal, ':Aliens and Homelands."
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Vestiges of cultural origin, such as the ,?pr healing ceremony practised
by ex-slaves in the Gulf, are insufficient basis for a separate conscious-
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107
Indeed, most African-Asians continue to den)'
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CHAPTER. FOUR
THE AFRICAN SLAVE TRADE TO ASIA AND THE
INDIAN OCEAN ISLANDS
RoBERT 0. o U J N ~
Unlike 1he Trans-Adanlic Slave Trade the transportation of slaves from
Mrica to Asia and the Mediterranean was of great araliquily, bul the
intense historical interest in the Trans-Atlantic Trade for the past two
hundred years has overshadowed the stud) of the Asian slave trade
which, unlil 1his past clec::ade, has been largely ignored despite 1he fac1
that the total number of Mricans exported to Asia was spread out ovc:r
thousand years (belween 800 AD and 1900 AD) bul has been estimated
at approximate!) lhe same as the number of Mricans sent 10 the Ameri-
cas in four and a half centuries i.e. 12,580,000. This paper describes the
Mrican slave trade to Asia across the Sahara Desert, ovc:r the lled Sea,
and from lhe coast of East Mrica, and how this trade was conducted
in each of lhese regions. HiSIOf)' is not a social science, but a member
of the humanities famil)'. It is the search of every available source using
any discipline to narrate a story and n01 bound by any rigid theoreti-
cal or methodological concepts. In the compilation or this essay, I have
employed 1he latest information and interpretations on 1he Mrican sla\'C!
trade lo Asia to wrile the history of that institution as lO what happened,
where, when, how and why.
lntroduelion
Unlike d1e Trans-Adantic Slave Trade the transportation of slaves
from Africa to Asia and the Mediterranean was of great antiquity.
n1e first evidence was carved in stone in 2900 BCE at d1e second
cataract depicting a boat on d1e Nile packed with Nubian capti\res for
enslavement in Egypt. n1ereafter throughout d1e next five thousand
Depanment ol History, University or California at Santa Barbara, California
93106, USA. E-mail: moDins@history.ucsb.edu.
58
ROBERT 0. COu.JNS
years Mrican slaves captured in war, raids, or purchased in d1e market
were marched down d1e Nile, across the Sahara 10 the Mediterranean,
or 1ransported over the Red Sea and 1he Indian Ocean to Asia. The
dynastic Eg)oplians also look slaves from 1he Red Sea region and 1he
Hom of Mrica known to them as Punt. Phoenician setdements along
the North Mrican liuoral possessed Mrican slaves from the immedi-
ate hinterland or slaves from south of 1he Sahara forced along the
established trans-Saharan trade routes to the Mediterranean markets.
The Greeks and the Romans continued 1he ancient Egyptian raids
inlo Nubia and sent military expeditions from their cities along the
southern Mediterranean shore thai renamed wilh slaves from 1he Fez-
zan and the highlands of 1he Sal1ara. African slaves, like those from
Europe, were used in the households, fields, mines, and armies of
Mediterranean and Asian empires. However, it should be noted dmt
Mricans formed only a modest portion of 1he Roman slave community
as the abundant supply from Asia Minor and Europe became more
than adequate for the economic and mililary needs of the empire. Not
surprisingly, Mrican slaves were more numerous in the Roman cities
of the Mediterranean littoral.
There can be no reasonable estimate of the number of slaves
exponed from Mrica to d1e Medilerranean basin, 1he Middle East,
and the Indian Ocean before d1e arrival of d1e Arabs in Mrica dur-
ing 1he se\renlh century of the Chrislian Era. Between 800 and 1600
the evidence for d1e estimated volume of slaves is more intuitive than
empirical but belter d1an none at all. One can only surmise that dur-
ing d1e previous four 1housand years when slaves were a common and
accepted institution in most Mrican societies 1hose slaves marched
across the Sahara or transported over d1e Red Sea and Indian Ocean
to Asia during 1hese eight hundred years must have been a considerable
number. Until the seventeenlh century 1he evidence is derived mosdy
from lilerary sources whereby maximum and minimum numbers can
at beSI be ex1rapolated gi\ren d1e paucity of direct data. There is a
considerable amount of indirecl evidence from accounts of the trade,
population, and d1e demand for black slaves for military senrice from
which general bu1 not unreasonable estimates of the Asian slave trade
can be proposed.
When European states direcdy entered d1e world of international
1rade in the seven1eend1 century, the estimates of 1he number of slaves
become increasingly reliable. n1ere is a striking similarity between 1he
tolal estimated number of slaves exported across d1e Adantic and d1ose
sen1 10 Asia. The 1rans-Adantic trade carried an estimated 11,313,000
'111E AFRICAN SlAVE TRADE TO ASIA 59
million slaves from 1450 10 1900. n1e Asian trade numbered an esti-
mated IOtal of 12,580,000 slaves from 800 10 1900. The imponant
difference between 1he Trans-Atlantic and 1he Asia slave trade, however,
is d1e time span in which the exponation of slaves look place. "lbe
eleven million slaves of the Trans-Atlantic trade were exponed 10 d1e
Americas in only four hundred years, an intensity that had dramatic
eflecu on me Amcan societies engaged in d1e trade. The twelve and a
half million slaves exported 10 Asia during eleven cenruries obviously
did nol have me same traumatic impact experienced on the western
African coast injusl four cenruries of me Trans-Adantic trade. During
three hundred years, 1600-1900 for which mere is more credible evi-
dence, dle volume of me Asian trade is estimated at 5,510,000 slaves,
half mal of the Trans-Atlantic. At the end of the Napoleonic wars
during d1e first half of 1he nineteenth cenrury an extensive plantation
econom)' was developed on the East African coast and me islands
of Zanzibar, Pemba, and the Mascarenes in the Indian Ocean that
required greater numbers of slaves from d1e interior. In a brief spasm
of fifty years until me impact of d1e European abolitionists after 1860
dramatically restrained and lhen ended me trade 10 Asia, me eastern
African slave trade \\'35 more reminiscent of lhe West African experi-
ence d1an in any of d1e preceding cenruries.
Until the arrival of the Porruguese on me coasts of sub-Saharan
Afiic:a in the fifteenm cenrury, Islam was the onl)' ideology 10 introduce a
more systematic regulation of slavery in Africa. B)' me tend1 cenrury d1e
Arabs, who had conquered Nonh Africa, the Middle East, and Persia,
had absorbed 1he historic institution of slavery, but as Muslims d1ey
shaped the ancient traditions of slavery to conform 10 d1e religious laws
and practices of Islam. lbeir legal definitions and treatment of slaves,
however, was more a modification in the starus and function of a slave
than any fundamental change in d1e practice of involuntary servitude.
n1e slave remained propeny 10 be used as me master wished as an
agricultural laborer, soldier, domestic, concubine, or even a high oflicial,
a WtJVr. Thousands of slaves were taken in d1e holy wars,jihOJl, during
me expansion of the Islamic world, for meir enslavement was legall)'
and morally justified because d1ey were not Muslims but unbelievers
(kojirin) who were expected 10 abandon d1eir traditional religions and
embrace in slavery the 1rue faith. lslanl recognized mat Christians,
Jews, and Zoroasuians required a special starus. The)' were "People
of me Book," d1e Bible, the Talmud, and d1e Avesta (Pure Instruction)
who acknowledged one supreme deity, God, Allah, or Ahura Mazda.
Consequendy, d1q were regarded as protected minorities who
60 ROBERT O. COu.INS
were not 10 be enslaved, their propeny safeguarded, and permi11ed to
practice their religion freely so long as they paid a special lax (fo;Joa).
In reality, and Zoroastrian aU were regularly enslaved in
lhe tumult of war, raids, or pirac)' where legal distinctions disappeared
before passion, bigotry, and a\rarice.
As the Islamic empire expanded slaves came increasingl) from
conquests of non-Muslim Africans on dte frontiers of Islam for slave
markets in the Arab Midclle East where women and children were more
pliable and lherefore more 6kely to accept Islam. Young women became
domestics or concubines for dte harem; young men were trained for
military or administrative service. Except for the constant demand of
lhe Moroccan sultans in lhe seven1eend1 and eighteenth centuries for
young men as slave soldiers, mature males and women were preferred
to perform the menial tasks of field and household under harsh con-
ditions and a short life and had to be continuously replaced by newly
acquired slaves, preferably females.
Since the young were absorbed into Muslim society and the old per-
ished, dte need for constant replenishment of slaves was not impeded
by race or color. The only criteria for the Muslim was lha1 1he slave
be pagan, and since African traditional religions were unacceptable,
sub-Saharan Africa became the most important source of slaves for 1he
Muslim merchants who established elaborale commercial nel\\rortcs to
transport ahem out of Africa across the Sahara, the Red Sea, and 1he
Indian Ocean. In order to justify sla\'ery Europeans frequendy argued
lhat conversion to Christianity, the religion of the plantation owners,
would by example bring civilization and salvation to slaves odterwise
condemned to eternal damnation. Islam, howe\'er, imposed upon lhe
Muslim master an obligation to convert non-Muslim slaves in order for
lhem to become members of the greater Islamic society in which the
beneficence of dte afterlife was assumed. Indeed, lhe daily observance
of lhe weD-defined Islamic religious rituals was the symbolic and out-
ward manifestation of the inward conversion without which emancipa-
tion was impossible. Unlike Christianity and African religions the act
of emancipation was explicidy defined in Islamic legal tradition that
enabled the slave to become immediately free rather than lhe lengthy
African generational process of acceptance by social assimilation. Con-
version also enabled slaves to perform different functions unknown in
lhe slavery of dte New World. 11te Arab conquests had produced a
far-flung empire of many edtnicities whose common denominator was
Islam administered by a \rast bureaucracy that required slave officials
'111 AFRICAN SlAVE TRADE TO ASIA
Table I &timates of African sla\"C exports fn>m Africa,
across the Sahara, Red Sea, and East Africa and the Indian Ot:ean,
800-1900 and 16()()-1900.
Trans-Saharan African Sla\"C Expons:
Period
800-1600 4,670,000
1601-1800 1,400,000
1801-1900 1,200,000
800-1900 Total 7,270,000
African Sla\-e expons across the Rr.d Sea:
Period
800-1600 1,600,000
1601-1800 300,000
1801-1900 492,000
800-1900 Total 2,392,000
African sla\l: expons across Africa and lhc Indian QcQn:
Period
800-1600 800,000
1601-1800 500,000
1801-1900 1,618,000
800-1900 Total 2,918,000
61
African Sla\-e expons across the Sahara, Red Sea, East Africa and lhc Indian Ocean
(800-1900)
Total 12,580,000
Sla\l: Expons across the Sahara, Red Sea, and East Africa and the Indian Ocean
( 1600-1900)
Total 5,510,000
Soun:e: Paul E. T-YOrmlllimu;, sta-ay, 1ables 2.1, 2.2, 3.7, 7.1, i.i.
62 ROBERT O. COu.JNS
and sla\re soldiers loyal to the state, for their status was dependent
upon their master and his religion. These sla\re officials were frequendy
empowered to haw aud1ority over free members of the state. Often
Muslim sla\reS became highly specialized in commerce and industry
through the acquisition of skills in the more advanced technology of
the Islamic \\'Orld d1a0 in Mrica or even on the sugar plantations of
the Americas.
Women also occupied a different status in Islam than in Mrican or
Adantic slavery. Islamic law 6mited the number or legal wi\reS to four,
the sexual appetite of men being satisfied by d1e number of concubines
tl1ey could afford. Slave women were gi\ren as concubines to other
slaws, to freed sla\reS, or to d1e masters sons. n1e relationship between
the male master and the female slave, however, was clearly defined in
theory by d1e legal Islamic sanctions that applied to emancipation. A
concubine became legally tree upon the death of her owner. If she bore
him children, she could not be sold and her children were free, but in
practice d1ey had a lower status d1a0 children of free wives.
Trons-Soharon SlaDt Tratlt
Although the numbers of the slave trade to North Mrica and Asia are
more a benchmark from which extrapolations can be disputed, there
is no doubt that there was a constant demand for slaves in the Islamic
world Until the fifteenth century, the expon of slaves across the Sahara,
the Red Sea, and the Indian Ocean was be6eved to be relatively con-
stant, numbering between 5,000 and I 0,000 per year throughout these
many centuries whose modest numbers mitigated the impact of the
loss among Mrican societies. 111e estimate of d1e number of slaws,
4,670,000, exponed across the Sahara between 800 and 1600 can only
be but a reasonable guess based on c6ffuse direct and indirect evidence
acceptable for lack of a better figure. Whether more or less, there was a
demonstrable demand for sla\res from sub-Saharan Africa that resulted
in continuous contact between the Mus6m merchants, who organized
the trans-Sal1arm1 slave trade, and the rulers or the Sudanic states, who
supp6ed them. The presence of Mus6m traders had a profound influ-
ence at the courts of Mrican kings. n1ey not only conducted commerce
but also introduced 6teracy and Islamic law as it pertained to tl1eir
transactions, principally slaves. Although d1e Biltul ai-Sudtlll stretched
from the Adantic Ocean to the Red Sea, there were only six established
'111 AFRICAN SlAVE TRADE TO ASIA 63
vertical routes across the Sahara dull resulted in weD-defined markets at
their 1erminals in the Sudan and North Mrica. 1bere was the Walata
Road from ancient Ghana to Sijilmasa in Morocco; dte Taghaza Trail
from nmbuklu a1 the great bend of 1he Niger nonh to Taghaza and
Sijilmasa or to Tuwat and Tunis; 1he Ghadames Road &om Gao on
the lower Niger to Agades, Ghat, Ghadames, and T r i p o l ~ the Bilma
Trail or 1he Garamantian Road thai left dte Hausa swes at Kano and
Lake Chad north to Bilma, Murzuk in dte Fezzan, and on to Tripoli;
the rorty Days Road or the Darb al-'Arbain &om EI-Fasher in Darfur
nonh to the Nile at Asuyt; and 1he route furdtest east 1hat began a1
Suakin on 1he Red Sea, swung southwest to Sennar on the Blue Nile,
and thence followed the Nile to Egypt. 1bere was also a vigorous and
often ignored lateral eas1-wes1 trade which connected dte great markel
towns of the Saltel overland and on the Niger Ri\'er along which slaves
were moved la1erally for sale locally by dyula 1raders or to dte larger
markets in one of the Sudanic termini of the trans-Saharan 1rade.
Like dte Adantic trade, 1he larges1 number of slaves did not come
from the same region throughou1 the millennium of the trans-Saharan
trade, and although a very important source or revenue, dte savanna
states of the wes1em and central Sudan were not dependent upon dte
slave trade for their rise, expansion, and decline. They were imponant
suppliers of sla\ti bul nol a1 the expense of their political and culrural
independence. Sla\'eS associated with dte gold and sail 1rade and dte
Ghana wars had long been taken from the headwaters of the Senegal
and Niger rivers up the Walata Road 10 Sijilmasa in Morocco. During
the 1hree hundred years ( 1235-1492) of lhe Keita dynasty and the
expansion of the Empire or Mali sla\'eS were captured south or dte
Niger and from its headwaters 10 Gao where they were exported from
nmbuklu up the Taghaza Trail or less frequendy from Gao up dte
Ghadames Road. The Songhai Empire (1492-1599) succeeded 1hat of
Mali when Sunni Ali or the Songhai established his au1hority 0\'er dte
whole of the middle Niger River \'alley. His wars and dtOSe or his suc-
cessors produced a substantial increase in the number of slaves exponed
across dte Sahara in the sixteenlh cenrury partially 10 ofiSet the loss
of revenue from the declining gold trade. When the Moroccan army
crossed the Sahara to conquer Songbai in 159 I, the large number of
Songhai caprured produced an ample supply of slaves in the markets
of Nonh Africa before rerurning 10 the historic pattern of dte past.
Funher eas1 in 1he central Sudan wes1 or Lake Chad during dte same
cenrury 1he Kingdom of Bornu acquired an excessive number of slaves
ROBERTO. COUJNS
The Trans-Saharan Routes
during its wars of expansion under ldris Alawma (e.l571-1603) who
were exponed up the Bilma Trail to Tripoli. The moi {kings) of Bomu
utilized this historic route that had been established many centuries
before by the Saifawa dynasty in Kanem. In dle nineteenth century
the largest number of slaves to cross the Sahara had shifted from the
western and central Sudan to the two routes for the Nilotic slave trade,
the Forty Days' Road (Dar ol-:Arbain) from Danur and d1e route from
Sennar to Nubia and fypt. The estimated I ,200,000 slaves exponed
across the Sahara in the nineteend1 century, compared to 700,000 in
the eighteenth, can only be explained by d1e increase taken from the
Upper Nile basin, for the numbers exported from the states of the
western and central Sudan had steadily declined.
1
During d1e seventeenth and eighteenth centuries (1601-1800) the
trade steadily increased to some 700,000 in each cen-
tul)' or sixty-seven percent of the total exponed across the Sahara in
the preceding eight hundred years. This estimated average of 7,000
per year for these two centuries, based on limited evidence, may be
greater than the real numbers, but the indirect evidence reasonably
concludes that there was a considerable supply of slaves from the
1
Lovejoy, iR Slm.on;o: .4 His1o17 f1 SbtNiy iR AJNQ, second edition,
Cambridge: Cambridge Uni\ocnity Press, 2000, pp. 24-29.
savanna and Sahel because of drought and warfare. When dte rains
did not come, the fields were barren and the free cultivators vulner-
able to slavers when wandering dte countryside in search of food. In
order to suavive they often enslaved themselves voluntarily to those widt
something to eat. These two centuries also experienced the dissolution
of the old Sudanic empires into petty states whose warlords carried on
interminable warfare with local rivals that produced an abundance of
captives who became slaves. "flte extent of suffering from drought or
war was painfully measured by the increase in the number of slaves
during these two centuries.
Between 1639 and 1643 a serious drought spread from dte Senegam-
bia to the great bend of the Niger. After a period of adequate rainfall
the severe dry years returned during the last quaner of the seventeendt
century. Desiccation in the Billld 111-&u!Jm proved worse in the next cen-
tury. A major drought brought famine to the middle Niger valley from
I 711 to 1716 and again during dte earl) 1720s, but dte great drought
of the eighteendt century on the Niger and in Senegambia lasted from
1738 to 1756. Bornu in the central Sudan suftered correspondingly in
the I 740s and 1750s. Thereafter sporadic and localized years of little
or no rainfaU were recorded &om 1770-1771 at 1imbuktu, 1786 in
the Gambia, and during the 1790s in dte central Sudan.
The wars that followed the fragmentation of dte old empires were
characterized by Muslims against non-Muslims, Muslims who claimed to
be Muslims but did not practice orthodox Islam, and Islamicjhod.s led b)
holy men against infidels and those they regarded as renegade Muslims.
"lbe historic goal of Muslims was to convert unbelievers to Islam and
the enslavement of them for conversion was bodt legally and moraU)
correct. "lbese reasons, however, were often a euphemistic rationale
for dte warlord to resolve the problem of replacing dte natural loss of
slaves by exploiting new sources or whose sale would provide revenue
for him and the state. The organized razzia became commonplace widt
a variety of official nantes, pQIJtl or Stliatp'll in Darfur and Sennar for
instance, to be carried out more often than not b) slave soldiers. Some
of the enslaved were retained, women as concubines, men as soldiers
or agricultural laborers, but a far greater number were sold, and for
most warlords slaves, after direct taxes, were the greatest source of his
mrenue. During the innumerable petty wars among the Hausa city-
states Muslim prisoners were illegally sold for the trans-Saltaran trade
along with non-Muslims to the dismay and condemnation of Islamic
jurists. Furdter west on the middle and upper Niger and the plateau of
66 ROBERT O. COu.INS
the Senegambia the distinction between Muslim and non-Muslim was
more well-defined, but this did not inhibit the Muslim reformers from
leading their foUowers, loiibts, in holy wars against apostate Muslims
who were enslaved when they refused to accept Islam as practiced by
dogmatic Muslim clerics or the political audtority of the theocratic
lslamist states they founded
Those who supplied slaves for the trans-Saharan trade were not
always Muslims. The powerful Bambara pagan state of Segu established
on the Niger soudtwest of Timbuktu was a major supplier for the
traJlSooSaharan trade in the seventeendt and eighteenth centuries. The
hunting associations of young Bambara men were easily transformed
into mercenaries to loot for petty warlords or organized bands to raid
for panache and profit. Slave soldiers were the largest contingent in
the armies of dte Bambara and in dte states of the Senegambia where
they coUected taxes, held administrative offices, and were often the
powerbrokers at the royal coun.
The reduction in the number of slaves crossing the desen that
accompanied dte steady decline of dte established trans-Saltaran trade
in the nineteenth century was oiiSet by dte astonishing gro\\rth of the
Nilotic slave trade. In 1820 dte army of the able and dynamic ruler
of Egypt, Muhammad Ali, invaded the Sudan. Although nominally
the viceroy of the Ottoman sultan, Muhammad Ali was in fact an
independent ruler whose armies had conquered the Hijaz and its holy
cities, Mecca and Medina, and advanced through Palestine to the
frontiers of Syria at great human and material expense to his army
and government. He dterefore invaded the Sudan to exploit its gold
to replenish his treasury and to enslave the pagan Sudanese to rebuild
his arnl) and succincd) summed up his purpose to his commander in
the Sudan. "You are aware dtat the end of aU our e8on and expense
is to procure Negroes. Please show zeal in carrying out our wishes in
this capital matter. "
2
Hidteno dte Funj Kingdom of Sennar had exponed some 1,500
slaves per year to Egypt. Muhammad Ali wanted 20,000. A military
training camp was constructed at lsna and a special depot to receive
slaves from the Sudan at Aswan. From the administrative capital at
2
Muhammad 'Ali 10 sar-I 'aslcar [Commander-in-Chief) or abe Sudan and Kordo&n
(Muhammad Bq Khusraw, SaRardar), 23 Sepaember 1823 in Hill Et.J'I' in 1M Sllilul
1821-1881, p. 13.
Khartoum the Eg)'ptian governor-general organized military expeditions
up 1he Blue and While Niles to enslave dte Niloles. By 1838, despite
heavy losses from disease and hardship on the march down lhe Nile
and across the Nubian Desen I 0,000 to 12,000 slaves reached Egypt
every )rear. Under pressure from lhe British government the 01toman
sultan and the khedive of Egypt officially declared the slave trade
illegal in the Commercial Convention of 1838, but on the Nile dte
trade shifled from the Egyptian governmenl to an elaborate private
commercial network constructed by Muslim merchanu to continue
and expand dte trade 1hroughout dte upper Nile basin. By the 1870s
tens of 1bousands of slaves were exponed to Egypt and to Arabia from
poru on dte Red Sea, and although 1he numbers dramaticaUy declined
during 1he years of the Maltdisl S1a1e in the Sudan ( 1881-1898), dte
Red Sea trade only came 10 an end af1er dte Anglo-Eg)optian conquest
of the Sudan in 1898.
Table 2 Estimated slal.re exports across the Sahara 1600-1900 and its
percentage or the total Asian trade 1600-1900.
Period Period Period
1600-1700 'lo 1701-1800 % 1801-1900 Ofo Toral &: Pc:n:enaage
Trans-Saharan:
700,000 12.7 700,000 12.7 1,200,000 21.7 2,600,000 47.1
Soun:oe:: I..IM!jo); T-for..lias;. . Tallies S.l, 7.1.
The RnJ &d SltM Tratk
"The Red Sea slave trade was ironically older than the trans-Saharan. The
dynastic Egyptians regularly sent expeditions 10 dte Land of Punt,
the coasu of the Red Sea and norlhem Somalia, to re1urn wi1h ivol);
perfumes, and slaves. Slaves were undoubledl)' among 1he commodi-
ties exponed from Africa to Arabia across dte Red Sea and 1he Gulf
of Arabia during 1he centuries of Greek and Roman rule in Egypt.
Between 800 and 1600, dte direct evidence remains scanty, but the
numbers of slaves 1ranspor1ed to Arabia were no1 large and localized
ralher dtan organized. An estirnaled guess has been I ,600,000 slaves
were expor1ed during this period or an annual average of 2,000 slaves
per year. The sources of slaves for the Red Sea trade were limited
to Nubia, the Nile norlh of its confluence at 1he modern capi1al of
68 ROBERT O. COu.JNS
Khanoum, and Ethiopia but the total Red Sea trade amounted to only
thirty-four percent of the trade during these same eight
hundred years. 1be ports were Aidhab in Eg)opt until destroyed by
the Ottoman Turlcs in 1416, Suakin in the Sudan, and Adulis (Mas-
sawa) in Edliopia.
During the seventeend1 century the Red Sea expon trade appears
to have been a steady but modest number of I ,000 slaves per year.
The estimated number of slaves increased in d1e eighteenth century
to some 2,000 slaves annually from Ethiopia and the Nile \'31ley that
was, however, only a symbolically small portion of the increasing world
wide expon of African slaves that continued into the nineteenth centul')t
Throughout the eighteendl and early nineteenth centuries Darfur in
the Nile basin sent se\'eral thousand slaves per year to Egypt but also
to the Red Sea d1rougb Sennar on the Blue Nile and thence east along
the established trade route to Suakin. The Funj Kingdom of Sennar
itself exponed some I ,500 slaves per year until conquered by the forces
of Muhammad Ali in 1821. 1bereafter, Egyptian government razzias
and later in the century powerful merchant-adventurers organized
the Nilotic trade for Egypt, but they also sent a substantial number
of Sudanese slaves to Arabia d1rough the Red Sea ports which the
Eg)optian government controlled. Slaves in the upper Nile basin were
captured by the private armies of these merchants that raided
as far as Dar Fertit in the west and southwest into d1e kingdoms of the
Azande and Bagirmi deep in equatorial Mrica.
1bese same centuries also experienced an increase in the slave trade
&om d1e Ethiopian highlands. Slavery in Ethiopia had been an accepted
institution in the long history of that Christian kingdom, and sla\ti had
regularly been sent to the Yemen and Arabia from the ancient pon of
Adulis dlat later becan1e Massawa. Although there had been constant
conflicts d1roughout d1e centuries between Christian Edliopians in the
fertile highlands and the Muslim Somalis on the arid plains below, it
was not until d1e sixteenth century dlat d1e famous Imam of Harar,
lbrallinl al-Ghazi, known as Grin, the left-handed, and his Somali war-
riors ravaged Ethiopia, destroying churches, monasteries, and enslaving
large numbers of Ethiopian Christians until he was kiUed in 1543 by
Ponuguese musketeers who had arrived to defend the emperor and his
Christian kingdom. Thereafter Muslim control of the Red Sea contin-
ued to insure a dependable supply of Ethiopian slaves through Massawa
during the se\'enteenth and eighteenth centuries when the centralized
authority of imperial Ethiopia collapsed. Known as d1e MIISI!font, the
period of judges, E1hiopia dissolved inlo anarchy for two hundred years
during which d1e rival warlords of me nobility obtained many slaves in
meir petty wars and razzias. "They retained some slaves for agriculture
and domestic chores selling me surplus captives 10 Muslim merchanu.
In me nine1eenm century Sb'Ong emperors returned inlernal stability 10
Ed1iopia, but mey waged continuous warl"are on d1eir frontiers against
me Egyptian governmenl, whose armies raided 1he border hiD coun-
try, while 1he Muslim Galla (Oromo) pillaged soumweslem Edliopia
for mousands of slaves who were exponed across me Gulf of Arabia
from me Somali ports of Berbera and Zeila. Children, girts, and young
women were particularly prized in 1he Ed1iopian trade ouhlumbering
males IWO 10 one and commanding d1ree times d1e price in me mar-
ketplace. During d1e first half of d1e nineteenm century me E1hiopian
Red Sea trade peaked al 6,000 10 7,000 sla\es each year numbering an
estimated 175,000 exponed in d1e second quaner of lhat century.
Table 3 &timated slave exports from R.:d Sea, 1600-1900, with the
percentage of tbe total Asian trade 1600-1900.
Period Pl!riocl Period Period
1608-1700 % 1701-1800 % 1801-1900
.,.
l&oo-1900 TOI:II

Reel Sea: 100,000 1.8 200,000 S.6 492,000 8.9 792,000 14.4
Soun:e Tllhlcs S.J, 7.1.
East Aftiton llllll 1/u lllllilm Octon Slave Tmu
During me centuries of 1he early Christian Era Greek traders had been
making d1eir way down 1he coas1 of Eas1 Mrica where mey conducted
a profi1able 1rade mat included slaves. The Greek mercanlile presence
in me Indian Ocean did not survive d1e dominance of Rome in d1e
Medilerranean, bu1 trade on me East Mrican coast was continued as
in d1e pas1 by merchants from Arabia, Persia, India, and China who
plied 1he walers of 1he Indian Ocean on 1he monsoon winds of d1e
Sabaean Lane. The Arabs brough1 goods from Asia-dolh, porcelains,
glassware, and hardware-and af1er me sevend1 century Islam. "fl1ey
returned 10 Asia wim ivory, gold, rhino hom, spices, and always slaves,
called ZOI!i (Blacks), for fields, mines, armies, and households. The Arabs
70 ROBERT 0. COu.JNS
were followed by the Persians and lhe Chinese who craded on d1e East
African coast during the Sung ( 1127-1279) and the Ming ( 1368-1644)
dynasties for ivory, rhino horn, and tortoise sheDs that were highly
valued in lhe Orient and a few slaves mostly as concubines.
Ald1ough lhere is Arabic, Persian, and Chinese documentation and
lhe writings of Arab geographers and travelers about East Africa and
its trade, there is little direct evidence as to lhe number of slaves
exported to A<lia until the nineteenlh century. By extrapolation wilh the
slave trade in lhe Red Sea an estimate of I ,000 per year d1roughout
lhe centuries until d1e eighteenlh does not appear unreasonable. At
lhe end of lhe eighteend1 century there are records of d1e number of
slaves (2,500 per year) from lhe mainland chat passed lhrough Kilwa
to lhe French sugar and coffee plantations on lhe Mascarene Islands
and sla\res exported from Mozambique to Cape Town and Brazil to
add anolher 4,000 to 5,000 per year from lhe historic ports of lhe East
African coast.
9
11lis was a dramarlc increase from lhe last three decades
of d1e eighteenlh century but only the lwbinger of lhe massive numbers
exported during d1e first half of lhe nineteenth century.
Table 4 Estimated slave exports from Easl Mrica 1600-1900 wiah ahc:
pen:c:nuage of 1he toaal Asian Trade 1600-1900.
Period Period
1600-1700 .,. 1701-1800 % 1801-1900 % 1600-1900 ..-
F.- Mria: 100,000 I.R 400,000 7 . .! 1,618,000 29.4 2,118,000 38.4
8otJia,: Lo:ejo); ilr .4fiic- Tahlrs .!.7, 7 .!.
In d1e first decade of lhe nineteend1 century 80,000 slaves are estimated
to have been brought from lhe interior of East Africa Over a d1ird
(30,000) were retained on d1e coast; d1e other 50,000 were shipped to
lhe A<lian mainland (Arabia, Persia, and India), the Mascarene Islands,
and lhe Americas. During d1e next four decades lhe decline in lhe Mas-
carene trade was oOSet by a regular increase in d1e number of slaves
sent to lhe Americas, mainly Brazil that reached a high of I 00,000 per
decade during d1e 1830s and 1840s lhereafter to experience a drastic
decrease to a trickle by mid-century. During this sanle first half-century
lhe export trade from lhe East African coast to d1e A<lian mainland
s Trtmdlfllllit ill Sldtttry, pp. 61-62.
"111E AFRICAN SLAVE TRADE TO ASIA 71
I R AN
. Shuaz
A R A B I A
. Medina
. Mace
Aksum.
Maldi\'C ts.", :
Indian Ocean
\
\ I
' .;.. '.''scychc:lle< _,/
-=-- --______ .... ..-
CURR.Etll
:.morant -y.p-
The Indian Ocean, RA::d Sea, and the Sabacan Lane
experienced a modest bur firm increase to a high of 65,000 per decade
in rhe 1850s and 1860s until 1873 when rhe Sulran of Zanzibar was
forced by rhe British governmenr and navy ro ban all trade in slaves
by sea. Despite rhe British intervention ar Zanzibar the rerenrion of
slaves ro work rhe growing number of plantarions on rhe Mri-
can mainland coast rose an average twenty percent per decade from
35,000 slaves in rhe first decade of the cenlUI)' to a high of 188,000 for
rhe 1870s ar a rime when the Indian Ocean trade firsr restricted
and then suppressed. When confronted by rhe influence of
and rhe power of the Royal Navy, rhe slaver rraders brought
fewer sla\'eS our of Africa, yer from 1890 to 1896 as many as 16,000
reached the coast, a good number of whom were smuggled across the
Indian Ocean.
4
This spectacular increase in the nineteenth century East African
slave trade was caused by the development of plantations that required
large numbers of unskilled labor on the islands of Zanzibar and Pemba
where Arab immigrants from the Hadhramaut and Oman and Swahili
entrepreneurs from the mainland had planted extensive plantations
of cloves, coconuts, and grain. The Swahili trallic in slaves from the
mainland to the oftShore islands dates &-om the late sixteend1 century
when pauician Swahili families, d1e Nabhany of Pate and the Mazrui
from Mombasa, acquired estates on Pemba and Zanzibar at the end of
the sixteend1 centuey. The fertile soils and timely rainfall of Pemba, in
particular, produced sullicient rice and cereals to become the granary
for the whole of the Swahili coast throughout the seventeenth and
eighteenth centuries. Under tl1e leadership of Sultan Sayyid Sa'id,
who arrived in Zanzibar from Oman in the 1820s, cloves were being
exponed by 1827, and thereafter the island became the principal
supplier to the international market. The clove, like cotton, is a labor-
intensive crop, that required an ever-increasing supply of slaves, and
it is no coincidence that the demand for slaves was greatest during the
peak of clove production in the 1860s and 1870s. the needs
of d1e nineteenth century plantation economy of East Africa for slaves
were similar to d10se in the Americas d1at produced the expansion of
the trans-Adantic slave trade in the eighteenth centuey.
During the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries slaves for the East
African coast and Asia came mainly from the hinterland of the Zam-
bezi \talley controUed by the Ponuguese. By the nineteend1 century the
sources of supply had sllifted nonh where African traders, the Nyamwezi
and the Yao, brought slaves to the coast from d1e interior of Lakes
Tanganyika and Nyasa {Malawi). Kilwa, which had been reduced by the
Ponuguese to a commercial backwater, now became the principal slave
entrep()t for the Zanzibar clove plantations supplying nearly ninety-five
percent by 1866. After the prohibition against exporting slaves across
the Indian Ocean in 1873, Kilwa continued to supply slaves for the
mainland plantations by marching them up d1e coast.!\
I Trfllll{orlfllllilll&f ill pp. 155-156.
Cooper, Pralillitlrt lilt &ut (".otJII t( pp. 115-130.
During the eady decades of d1e nineteend1 century Arab and Swa-
hili traders from the East African coast developed a second route for
slaves and i\oory using d1e historic road into d1e interior that led d1em
to the Africans living in the \ricinity of the great equatorial lakes of
"langanyika and Victoria. Their success brought them into competition
wid1 the Nyamwezi and Yao traders and precipitated hostility with d1e
Africans of d1e lakes who at first supplied slaves only to be taken as
slaves themselves by the heavily armed agents of the coastal merchants.
The interior of eastern Africa erupted in raiding and petty wars from
which the African victims became slaves in these local struggles between
rival warlords, traders, and 'W3J'rior bands known as d1e ruga-ruga. 111e
ruga-rugs had fled north in the 1840s and 1850s &om d1e intense warfare
of the Zulu in southern Africa in the 1830s, the years of destruction
known as the MJafll, to plunder, loot, and add to the insecurity of
the East African interior that made slaves readily available soud1 of
the Lake Plateau of East Africa.
Table 5 Estimated 8-e exports rrom East Mrica 1800-1900 and the
pen:entage or the total Asian trade 1800-1900.
Regions
Arabia, Persia, India
South-east Mrica
Mascarene Islands
East Mrican Coast
Total
Volume East Mrican Trade
(pen:cntage)
347,000 21.4
.W7,000 25.1
95,000 5.9
769,000 47.5
1,618,000
Source: Table 7.7.
Summaty 1111d Condusions
Asian Trade
(percentage)
10.5
12.3
2.9
24.6
"lne history of slavery in Africa and the sla\re trade cannot be measured
only in terms of numbers or statistics of the slave trade which obscure
the complexities of the system and the enormity of the misery that
accompanied the institution. Yet numbers do serve their purpose for
they quantifY to give a means, no maner how sterile, to understand
this othernrise incomprehensible human tragedy of mankind. There are
pitfalls to a\ooid in reading the numbers. There was, of course, no trade
ROBERT 0. COu.JNS
0
0
T i u ~ \\enid of the Swahili
Indian
Ocean
30Dkm
zoo .es
witl1 dle Americas until dley were discovered at the end of dle fif1eentl1
century, yet slaves had been taken out of Mrica across dle Sahara, tl1e
Red Sea, and East Africa for many centuries before Columbus. Their
numbers can only be estimated, precariously, from indirect evidence
and extrapolation after the coming of tl1e Arabs from 800 to dle great
surge in dle Trans-Atlantic slave trade in dle seventeendl century at
some seven million or less dlan 9,000 per year This figure is not very
helpful, for tl1e number of slaves taken 10 the Medi1erranean and Asia
varied dramaticaUy in time and place. Not until the seventeenth century
did evidence, direct and indirect, permit greater certainty as to the
estima1ed numbers of slaves taken out of Mrica. From 1600 to 1900
dle Trans-Adantic and the Asian slave trades togedler systematicaUy
exponed 16,414,000 slaves from Mrica of which 10,904,000 slaves
were taken to dle Americas, and 5,510,00 slaves were taken to d1e
Indian Ocean islands and Asia. This represents a total annual average
of 54,715 slaves per year or over 36,347 exported every year across
dle Atlantic and anodler 14,000 yearly to Asia.
In Mrica dlere are no statistics but many accounts and oral tradi-
tions confirm dlat the slave trade and slavery were \rery much a pan of
Mrican life until tl1e 1930s. Thereaf1er numerous incidents of slavery
have been reponed to dle present day and involuntary servitude remains
under new names, but after 5,000 years the institution of slavery as
a system has come to an end to leave behind myths and trudls. 111e
historic obsession witl1 tl1e Trans-Adantic slave trade and slavery in tl1e
Americas has often obscured dle trade to Asia and slavery within Africa.
Sla\rery was as indigenous to Mrica as to Europe and Asia. Slavery was
an institution in most Mrican societies, and its abolition came later than
in the Americas. 111e international system of slavery tied dle Americas,
Mrica, and Asia together, and tl1e task of emancipation was not com-
plele until sla\res were as free in Mrica as in the Americas.
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CHAPTERm'E
THE MAK.RAN-BALUCHAFRICAN NE1WORK IN
ZANZIBAR AND EAST AFRICA DURING
THE XIXTH CEN''I''URY
Throughout the western Indian Ocean during the XIXth Century
were not just one; but people from nwa)' merchandise and slave
routes. They gc:nerall) divided in two main monsoon directions: one
from East Africa and the Reel Sea to Arabia, to India and to South East
Asia, and the other in the opposite direction; consequently, slaves
not onl) black Africans, but also Asians.
1
African slaves imponc:d
in numben annuaUy from East Africa to Oman, travc:l6ng o1a Arab
tlllfiUJS (strn6uq). Around the fint half of the XIXth Century was an
extensive of slaves from Ras Assir ( .. The Cape of Slaves") and
Pemba, and many African people bought with cloth and dates on
Zanzibar and Pemba Islands, enslaved, and transponed to the Arabian
Peninsula they mainly engaged in fishing ),earls in the Per-
sian/Arab Gulf.
2
Slaves also became lords of African .. as they
considered to be loyal than anybody else \Villain their dans
and tribes. In this regard, Omanis used lO recruit mercenary troops also
from the Baluch tribes, who developed a long-lived military tradition,
a real element of within Omani areas of influence
in East sub-Saharan Africa.
This article examines the role played b) the: Makrani-Baluda tribes
during the XIXth Century's sub-Saharan East African apogee with the
Omanis, and their influence: on the social, political and economic level
giving special attention to slavery.
HiscOI) and lnstilutiom of 1\froasian t:lOUIIIries, Faculty of Political Scicnca, Catho-
lic Uni\oersil)' nl the Sacred Hean, Milan-ltai)\ email: bcatric:e.nicolini@unican.il.
1
B. Nicolini, ''The 19th ccniUr)' Sla\oe Trade in lhc: \\'Csccrn Indian Ocean: the
Role of the BaJoch Men:enaries'', in Carinajahani, Agnes Koru, Paul Titus (Eels.), Tlu
&lodJ 1111t1 OtAm: l.illpulk. kistlwirlll 111111 sotitfHJilitlll JlmJIti'a P6tmlism u. &Jtxlrislmt,
W'aesbaclcn (Rdchen) 2008,81-106. The llanslitcralion of Arabic nan'ICS hen: follow
a simplified sy11em nf the Encyclopaedia of Islam, Cd Rom Edition, BriO Academic
Publishers, Lr:idcn, 1999.
1
From now on the Penianl Arab Gulf will be referred In as the GuU:
C 2008 KaniMiijb BriD NY, Leidaa
82 BEATRICE NICOLINI
Jnlmduetion
In the Indian Ocean religious elements, such as Hinduism in India,
Buddhism in the Malaysian-lndonesian Archipelago, and the spread
of Islam through shon as weD as long-distance trade routes, strongly
influenced, and in many cases, modified the concept and use of slavery.
"lbe social, political and economic functions of slaves were generaUy: a)
domestic patriarchal, b) productive-agricultural (bonded labour directed
into intensive wet crop agriculture); c) military administrative. Within
the Islamic world, armies of slave-soldiers came from Central Asia,
mainly Turkish peoples from the Caucasus and from the Steppes tiD
their islamization; while domestic slaves came chiefly from the coastal
strip of East Mrica.
Mtlhodolog,
This article evaluates the cultural syndtesis of different local realities
through fieldwork and, at the same time, integrates this widt the archi\ral
and bibliographical research that lies at the basis of the work itself. In
this respect, dte new historical perspective which tends to the relations
between dte coasts, islands and interior of the continents no longer a
state of incommunicability, isolation and stasis but rather an intense and
dynamic mO\'ement of peoples, goods and ideas-with marked effects
on local societies-is also to be considered an extremely valid tool in
pi'O\riding a more complete and up to date interpretation of events. It
is weD known that studies in the history of the western Indian Ocean
can no longer be considered merely as hagiographic reconstructions, but
must take into consideration a number of historical po6tical institutional
aspects. 11tese include: dte presence of different etlmic, social and reli-
gious groups togedter with the affirmation of Arab-Omani domination
between the end of dte XVIIIth and stan of the XIXth Century; the
fundamental influence of the Indian mercantile and other Asian com-
munities; the impact widt the SwahUi populations of dte East Mrican
coast and the sub-Saharan areas. All of these factors must, naturally,
also be considered in relation to links with Europe.
111E JIAKRANBALUCUAFIUCAN Nlt'IWORK 83
Sllllltly in lilt Western Indit111 Ott1111
Oman occupies the southeast corner of the Arabian Peninsula and
is located becween latitudes 16 40' and 26 20' nonh and longitudes
51 -50' and 5go 40' east. The coastline extends I, 700km from the
Strait of Hormuz in the nonh, to the borders of Yemen in the soudt
and overlooks the Arabian Gulf, Gulf of Oman and the Arabian Sea.
n1e total land area is approximately 309,500 square kilometres and it
is the third largest country in the Arabian Peninsula. Oman's territory
has a varied topography, consisting of plains, desens, mountain ranges
and oases. The rock matter is predominantly sedimentary and is rich in
metallic mineral deposits, such as copper, chromite and gold. nte two
main mountain ranges are dte Hajar range, running from Musandam
to Ras al Hadd; and the Q.ara range in Dhofar, which attracts dte light
monsoon rains during dte mid-summer mondts. Around 82% of Oman
consists of desen. Most conurbations arise on the coast. There are many
caverns in Oman and the country is home to one of the largest caves in
the world, Teyq Cave, which is 250 metres in depdt, 300 million metres
in size. It is thought dtat dte cave was formed as a result of several
chambers collapsing due to erosion. lnere are several islands located in
Oman's waters, dte largest of which is Masiral1 in dte soudteast which
is accessed by sea. lne climate difters from one area to another. It is
hot and humid in the coastal areas in summer; while it is hot and dl)
in the interior with dte exception of the higher mountains, which enjoy
a moderate climate throughout the year. Rmnfall is generally light and
irregular; although heavy rains and dtunderstorms can cause severe
flooding. In dte south, the Dhofar region has a moderate climate and
the pattern of rainfall is more predictable with heavy monsoon rains
occurring regularly between May and September. Average temperatures
for the nonh of Oman are 32 to 48C. from May to September; 26
to 36C from October to April. Due to the monsoon season, June to
September, Dhofar in the south of dte country maintains a fairly steady
year-round temperature of around 30 to 35C. nte average rainfall in
Muscat is 75mm. In the Jebel al Akhdar region, the average rainfall
can be from 250mm to 400mm. The monsoon season in Dhofar can
bring rainfall of between I 00 and 400mm.
From the descriptions of travel accounts by Europeans during dte
XIXth Century, the picturesque ba) of Muscat was a semicircle,
enclosed by the mountains and with rocks dropping down to dte sea on
BEATRICE NICOLINI
which fortifications had been built to watch out for keeping a lookout for
enemies. n1e town was suiTOunded by IUUs and rung round with walls
and, with a green valley beyond the shore, it was a pleasant place. The
hinterland of Muscat is so mountainous dlal, in the XIXth Century, it
could only be reached on camel or donkey back.Just outside d1e town,
the coast is mainly desert, hilly and desolate.
African slaves were imported in great numbers annually from East
Africa to Oman, travelling on Arab dhows (sanbuq). In the first half of
the XIXth Century there was an extensive commerce of slaves &om
Ras Assir "The Cape of Slaves" and Pemba, and many African people
were bougbt with clod1 and dates on Zanzibar and Pemba Islands,
ensla\red, and transported to the Arabian Peninsula where they were
mainly engaged in pearl fishing in d1e Gulf. n1ey were forced to dive
forty times a day or more and their monality was high.
Slaves also became lords of African "reigns", as they were considered
by d1eir masters to be more loyal than anybody else wid1in their clans
and tribes. In this regard, Omani Arabs used to recruit mercenary
troops also from the Baluch tribes, who developed a long-lived military
tradition, representing one of d1e real elements of power within Omani
areas of influence in East sub-Saharan Africa.
This paper examines d1e role played by the Makrani-Baluch tribes
during XIXth Century's sub-Saharan East African apogee with the
Arabs from Oman, and their influence on the social, political and
economic level with special attention to slavery.
It is imponant to emphasize that d1e Islamic Arab world's perception
of slavery as an economic and power policy was entirely dift'erent from
that of the Christian West which had undersigned d1e Holy Alliance
and strove for abolition. In Islamic society, unlike many od1ers, slavery
was not prohibited. It even finds precise dispositions in its support in
the Koran: the equality of all men before God implies clear duties
also in regard to slaves, but not the suppression of slavery itself, even
though it is se\rerely forbidden to reduce anod1er Muslim to the state
of slavery. In terms of rights, no political or religious function may be
performed b) a slave, but owners may delegate to slaves any responsi-
bilil) or task related to d1e exercise of their authority. Thus, the slaves
of imponant indi\riduals enjoyed a privileged status and could often
attain higber positions of power than free men, the cases of slaves
themselves becoming princes not being entirely exceptional, either. In
the context of lslan1, slavery is a highly-structured concept, regulated
down to the smaller detail by the civil and criminal codes. As a result,
it is diflicul1 to pass judgement on lhe moral or physical condition of
slaves in lhe Islamic Mrican world as compared 10 1hose in olher soci-
eties. Conditions obviously varied, and mere were cenainly those who
atlempted to escape, but there is no doubt 1hat d1is institution lay at
lhe very foundation of lhe entire Islamic society of 1he cosmopoli1an
commercial empire 'founded' on 1he seas by an Omani Sullan: Saiyid
Sa'id bin Sullan AI Bu Sa'id ( 1806-1856). Moreover, as we have noted,
it was inevitable that mere would have to be a dash wilh lhe Christian
West, as represented by Great Britain, over Ibis question. s
From lhe Islamic re6gious poinl of view slaves are considered per-
sons, bul being subjecl to their masters lhey are not fuUy responsible,
and lhey are at lhe same time a lhing.
1
818\"ery can originate 1hrough
bird1 or lhrough captivity, if a non-Muslim who is protected neid1er
by treaty nor by a safe conduct falls into lhe hands of lhe Mus6ms.
Slaves can get married: 1he male slave may marry up to two female
slaves; 1he female slave may also marry a free man who is not her
owner, and 1he male slave a free woman who is not his owner. n1e
marriage of lhe slave requires lhe permission of the owner; he can
also give lhe sla\"e in marriage against his or her wiD. The permission
implies dw lhe master becomes responsible wilh lhe person (l'tlka.66) of
lhe sla\"e, for lhe pecuniary obligations lhat derive from 1he marriage,
nuptial gifts and maintenance. Minor slaves are not to be separated
from lheir near relatives, and in particular lheir parents, in sale. 11le
children of a female slave follow lhe status of d1eir mo1her, except thai
lhe children of 1he concubine, whom 1he owner bas recognised as his
own (umm waltlll), and 1his was d1e case of 1he numerous sons of lhe
Omani Sul1ans during d1e XIXd1 Century, is free wilh alllhe rights of
children from a marriage wilh a free woman. And d1is rule has had lhe
most profound influence on lhe de\"elopment of Islamic societ)t 111e
Islamic law of slave!)' is patriarchal and belongs more to d1e law of
1
On lhc history or sla\oety in Islamic African sociedes, amonpt che many. see
17u .tlfta Diluf111RJ: 9/ CIIIJMrt llllll Rt/igitm fllllkt
Slia.ry; l.cM:joy, Tra.1formlllilltu ill SlaWJI.!' .tl HiJIIJty tf S&avry ill ..f.!Mr; Lovc:joy, .tl.ftittJIIJ
;, lltmltlt.t: StwJia ill s/twv fUIII 1111 sit&-, lnlllt ill ,_,,. 9/ D. C.rtilt; Cooper, From
Sliaii'J tD SIJIIIIIIm: PiiDikJJitm IMor flllll .tfgritiiiJMrt ill flllll Cotut4J M)IF, Pou\\oels &:
Le\uion 17u Hisltw.J 9/ l1ltmt;, ..yiim; see lhc papers presented at the Confel'-
enee on Islam, and Diaspnra, H. Tubman Raouree Cenii'C: on the African
Diaspora, Depanment of Yod: Uni\oersicy, Toronto, Canada, 24-26 October,
2003 where it was considered chat comprc:hensi\oe on sla\"e!"f needed.
Schacht, ..4, /11/nHJwtiiJit tD lslmnk IM, p. 127; "'The TWilight or Slavery in
the Persian Gulf ... pp. 23-37.
86 BEATRICE NICOLINI
family than to the law of propeny. Apan from domestic slaves, Islamic
law takes notice of trading slaves who possess a considerable 6beny
of action, but hardly of working slaves kept for exploiting agricultural
and industrial enterprises.
On Swal1ili coast slavery was mainly characterised as an open and
very much absorptive system, although during d1e XIXth Century
the majority of slaves from the interior such as Unyanyembe and the
Great Lakes region were destined to cultivations, and consequendy
totally excluded from any chance of paternalistic generosity from d1eir
masters. The search for a bener life on Zanzibar and on d1e Swahili
coasl was tempted by slaves in many ways: those who were outside the
master's household worked in the master's nlasham.611-from the French
champ, or field, dlal is the plantatiortr-and were expected to take care
of their subsislence, cultivating a small plot of the nuulunnbtl; the more
privileged cultivated by themselves a small piece of land, pa)ring an
annual or monthly tribute to their master."
J.libtznma were hired slaves, mainly in urban centres; they were exaremely
poor, but in some cases joined Hadrami Arab's caravans and succeeded
in modifYing d1eir humiliating conditions of life. n1e trading sla\res,
""!{unuli, craftsmen, reached a decent level of dignity, but they remained
under strict control of their master, and 'illegal' or personal initiatives
were severely punished.
In Mrica slaves were d1ought of as less than human and, even when
they embraced lslam-Sunni and never lbadi as onl) the Arabs of
Oman-were thought of as being less d1an Muslinls.
The burning question of sla\rery went hand in hand with another
and no less relevant factor.
1
In the sub-Saharan East Mrican regions,
and in d1e eastern Mediterranean, there was no local 'peasant class'
d1at could be employed on the new cultivations which European
demand had induced rich landowners 10 introduce and which were
proving to be bod1 extremely successful and profitable (sugarcane, rice,
copal, vanilla, pepper, cardamom, nutmeg and, especially on Zanzibar,
cloves). Consequendy, the use of slaves for tilling the land and other
Lodhi, OtiiRIIII U. Swdili. .4 Sbuf1 U. IARgudfl tl1ll/ CIJJMR Ctwtuu, pp.
46-47.
Gla.aman, !Wstf flllll RiDI, !Urtbj, lltlNIJitJR, (IN/ CoastitMullaS t.1111 dtt
Cotut, 1856-1888, pp. 79-114.
' On the li\orely debate on the ques1inn of sla\orery, amongst many, see Heuman,
7M S/Ja-, fJifll AIJolilillfl, in Winks (Ed.), Hif1Diitplp6.J, 1M Oxjwd Hislllr;
dtt BtiJish /!.mtlilr. pp. 315-326.
heavy labour on the plantations had become a question of routine; in
other words, when England undertook her crusade againsc slavery, it
was precisely this most miserable section of society which constituted
the economic foundations of the entire region.
We also agree with Barendse that trade and tribe relationships
between Swallili coast and Makran littoral during the second half of
the X1Xd1 Century were pre-existing to the power of the AI Bu Sa'id
of Oman, and highly influenced by the role of lndian-bod1 Hindu
and Muslim-merchant communities all over the region of the western
Indian Ocean, who became extremely rich and powerful.
8
Therefore, within this framework, the Makran-Baluch presence
along the Swahili coast, apparendy was dosely related to their nlilitary
and mercenary role within d1e tribes of Oman, further on developing
in trading in East Africa, but this is an interesting hypothesis which
requires further research.
From d1e end of the XVIIIth Century, and for all of the XIXth,
it was precisely these tribes of piUaging warriors who protected, bid,
supponed and faithfully defended d1e AI Bu Sa'id of Oman, thanks
also to the tribal structure and dan famil) relationships of their society
which, traditionally nomadic, could count on both 'Makran', on d1e
today's Iranian and Pakistani coasts, and 'peninsular' and 'continen-
tal' so6darity. From the accounts of traveUers, explorers and British
officials of the time-as weU as from Archive documents sources---we
see emerge among other Baluch tribes in Africa d1e Hot, d1e Rind and
the Nousberwani..
9
The Baluch tribes from Makran, a very tough people, very skilled in the
use of weaponry, adaptable to c6mate change and environmental con-
ditions, were pushed from the extreme misery of their country towards
Persia and towards the coasts of Arabia. Here, d1ey oftered themselves
as soldiers, sailors and bodyguards for a salary that, though even
modest, could represent the dift"erence between life and death for
themselves and their families. During the XIXth Century d1e conc6-
tion of 6fe of d1ese people was so hard that the British explorer Sykes
wrote: "they arr adst:ripli glllxM atul in misem/JU eo1Uiilions, nominal{1
11 third of the mp ... only tntmgh lo lcttp IJot!1 muJ soul togtllur"'.
10
During
Damldsc; nt AIYI6iM Situ: nt J-. Otta Hfwitl tfllrl &r.VJt/Mt" CmbtQ.
:Miles, Jl/tiiiJ ., 1M TriM '!/ Olna LC.S.B. A#Uts, p. 94.
10
S)okes, 'TNJarfllllls Mills iR PmW, p. I 08.
88 BEATRICE Nlr'.OUNI
the XVUhh and XIXth Centuries the Baluch were known to Brit-
ish agents as 'ferocious freebooters', and they protected and hid the
of Oman in their desolate lands; they were mainly employed
on the dhows of d1e Muscat rulers, or sent on military expeditions in
the Omani deserts.
Zanzibar is an archipelago made up of Zanzibar and Pemba Islands,
and several islets. It is located in the Indian Ocean, about 25 miles from
the today's Tanzanian coast, and 6 south of the equator. Zanzibar Island
(known locally as Ungqjo, but as Zanzibar internationally) is 60 miles
long and 20 miles wide, occupying a total area of approximately 650
square miles. At that time the island of Zanzibar wu administered by
governors representing Saiyid Sa'id bin Sultan AI Bu Sa'id and exercised
aU power on his behal( The military suppon which furnished these
representatives with absolute aud1ority over the island and its afthlrs,
consisted of special troops of proven trustword1iness, that is to say, the
Baluch corps closely tied to the AI Bu Sa'id by fundamentally economic
agreements. The local gO\rernors also had the suppon of the local,
autochthonous Swahili aristocracy, mainly merchants. These came
under the mwi'!Yi mAuu, subdivided into diwon, jumiH, llllQt; and were
tied to d1e Omani elite by mutual interests in the exploitation of the
resources ollered by the island and the eastern shores of Africa.
12
This
mercantile empire, with Saiyid Sa'id bin Sultan AI Bu Sa'id moved its
economic and political centre of gravity to Zanzibar, making control
of the neighbouring islands and d1e nearby African coast one of the
cornerstones of its wst system of interests. 1\-lany years later, the Eng6sh
explorer Richard Bunon, would claim dw: "If you play the flute in
Zanzibar it will sound as far as the Great Lakes".
19
Wid1out a shadow
of a doubt, European rivalry in the Gulf and the western waters of
the Indian Ocean from the stan of d1e XIXth Century on, combined
with related upheavals in pO\\rer and strategy, had a decisive impact
also on the deviation of the maritime routes follO\ved by this immense
commercial traffic mainly based on human ftesl1.
11
Hourani, .tlrd6 Sfarifll, p. 89.
Glassman, 1M lltW dolllts: lht cORimtJicltJty cORS"-slus.f of slttN wm1t111t1
.... Su!fiiM ('.tJtUI, pp. 277-312.
1
9 A daim llw luiS been inlerpmcd in OWlY conflicling W8)'S. N"ICfllini, Mdru, Oma
fJifll 'TIIw TtrJJJilfiiJ CIIIIMml C.tll'litiDr ill llrl u.'#Sitnl INIMm Oua (I 199-I 856).
Clearly, however, the ability and modernity of Saiyid Sa'id bin Sultan
AI Bu Sa'id in exploiting such political contingencies was also to cany
a certain weight.
Within d1is framework of trade, commerce, bargaining, conflict and
struggle for the control of trade in dlis or that valuable merchandise,
the island of Zanzibar inserted itself with the dynamism of its officials,
merchants, cunning adventurers and slaves. Turning once again to
the question of slavery, we must remember how the vety backbone
of Zanzibar's economy at this sensitive stage in its rise was formed
precisely by slaves, d1e key element in both the local economy and the
immense wealth of its merchants.
These, therefore, were the foundations on which Saiyid Sa'id bin
Sultan AI Bu Sa'id and d1e Indian mercantile communities built their
great commercial emporium in the face of inevitable conflict with d1e
English in the Gulf over the question of piracy.
The contrast is self-evident between the two, profoundl) dift"erent
ways of perceiving objectives and strategies. On the one hand, we
have an ~ b ' merchant prince and his traditional coun of advisers,
warriors, merchants and slaves and, on the od1er, we have Great Brit-
ain which, gready influenced by marked public pressure, decides to
launch a crusade against the slave trade and traders. In other words,
an undenaking which has d1e aim of tearing up from the roots d1e
real economic foundations of the entire western Indian Ocean region
and of revolutionising both tbe traditional mechanisms of local power
and traditional culture itself. We thus have a conflict between d1e force
of superior technology and military power of d1e Europeans and the
cunning and ambivalence of the merchant prince of Muscat and Zan-
zibm; Saiyid Sa'id bin Sultan AI Bu Sa'id, conscious d10ugb he was of
his own military weakness. Since 1800, when Saiyid Sa'id bin Sultan
AI Bu Sa'id received the model of a 74-gun ship as a present &om d1e
visiting British envoy, Major-Generaljohn Malcolm (1769-1833), from
the start he recognised the imponance of cultivating British friendship.
And this was a relationship valued too by Britain.
14
In sub-Saharan East Africa during the XIXth Century, it was believed
that slavery, if we go beyond d1e mere capture of human beings, was
also caused by d1e tribes of the interior accumulating debts to the slaving
II Davies, 17tt Blsod-IW .4mh Rtl "'" l l l . ~ l t l l ... QFmi Piry/191-1820, p. 55.
90 BEATRICE NIC".OLINI
merchanrs of the coast, as well as by the recurrent periods of drought
su&ered along the Mrima coast, sometimes along that part facing the
islands or Zanzibar and Pemba. In alternating phases, cherefore, the
populations 'decided' to travel to Zanzibar and there sell d1emselves
in1o slavery.
1
!l
The slave trade practised along the East African shores had cenain
principal characreristics: the slaves did not come from areas or Swahili
cultural influence, and were caUed ms/tntti (pl. ~ l , thai is 10 say,
barbarians, uncivi6sed. n1ey were not Muslims, as were all free Swahili
within the domains of the Omani Arabs, and were d1e propeny of their
owners, slavery being regulated by 1he principles of Koranic law.
ne slaves formed a separace caste. There were wolumWil wqjinga, not
yet assimilated into the coastal populations, the woladia, transponed
as children to Zanzibar, and, in this category, also the wo,calia (pl. of
mQllia), those generations born on d1e coast and fully acculturated into
ooascal Islamic culture.
nlOSe enjoying more privileged conditions were, naturally, the domestic
slaves. neir relationship wich their owners was more that of a member
or the family than one or submission and they were called udugu yangu,
my brod1er, and d1e women suria, concubines of their owners or nan-
nies. As they were often entrusted with manual labour, household slaves
thus became m.simami.ti, guardians, nokotl, ktJJJJJmu, first or second head
slaves in the spice and coconut plantations on Zanzibar and along the
coasts. Others had the task of leading cara\rans towards d1e interior.
"lbe slave of the moshambo hoed the fields, sieved copal and carried che
merchandise to the porrs. 1ney could also be assigned a piece of land
with which to suppon themselves, working there on lbursdays and
Fridays, the two days or rest. They were also permitted, on payment
of a tax, to gee married.
16
ne demand fOr slaves came, primarily, from the various pariS of
the Arabian Peninsula, where the cultivation of date palms called for
a continuous supply of labour, but also from western India, where they
were employed in local oases and on sugarcane and tea plantations from
Central Asia, where cotiOn was beginning to be grown, as well as from
various regions of the Occoman Empire and from the American conti-
nenL African slaves were also used as domestic help or in crafcwork in
rich families and at the Arab couns. 1be demand was especially high
for young women and girls 10 serve in the home. Slaves destined for
the courts were given special training in entertaining important guests
widt their singing and dancing.
Another specialicy was that of the eunuchs, held in particular esteem
especially in the Occoman Empire.
17
These were mutilated without any
regard being shown for hygiene, a face reflected in dte sul'\rival rate for
those transponed from Africa of only one in ten. According 10 Islamic
law, mutilation is forbidden inside the dJJr al-/slmn, therefore, only slaves
were mutilated, with some exemptions in Central Asia and in Persia.
"11te eunuchs were highly priced, three times more than a slave, and
reached high ranks within Islamic societies. 1be eunuchs were lllllim
guardians, as well as guardians of everyching sacred, like the Holy
Places, such as Mecca. "lbey retained great prestige and richness; black
castrated slaves were powerful figures in the Ottoman Empire and
eunuchs were highly respected within the whole of dar al-/slan1 being
very close to Muslim sovereigns.
Great Britain was the first nation 10 undenake an international cam-
paign widt humanitarian goals. There remained, however, a weighty
and complex knot 10 unravel. How could they combat slavery and,
at the same time, ally themselves with the most famous and powerful
proteciOrs of the slmoe traders, such as Saiyid Sa'id bin Sultan AI Bu
Sa'id who, in their turn, obtained their greatest profits precisely from
this trade in human flesh?
It was around this crucial question that relations during the XIXdt
Century between dte Omani Arab Sultan, dte East India Company
and Britain revolved, a problem which animated lively politic:al debate
also within the \rarious forces in play.
The slave trade, therefore, represented a highly destabilising ele-
ments for British policy, not only on the political but also on a social
and economic level. To this was added the imposing humanitarian
" Clarence-Smith, fllllllslmn. pp. 22 om,ards; Tolcclano, Sltmny 111111 Allolilimt
;, 1111 em- Miitlll Etut
18
Vc:rcellin, Trt1 u/i t llldNmli. Rit11tlli socitlli t 11illl pril.'tiJIJ. Rti - pp.
186-191.
pressure brough1 10 bear by public opinion in Bri1ain which forced 1he
Government 10 take decisive aaion with the specific aim of putting an
end 10 such trade.
19
Conntelitms bttwttn Woard Communiliu
During the XIX1h Century, dte growing eft"ectiveness of British mea-
sures aimed at abolition caused a reduction in the availabilily of Afri-
can sla\"es. This lack was, however, pardy compensated for by Asiatic
slaves, as shown by the commerce in Asian people from dte coast of
Baluchistan destined to be sold in 1he squares of Arabia during 1he first
decades of 1he XXth Century.:IO And this was one of the alternative,
and litde studied, slave routes in the western Indian Ocean.
At this poinl h is useful1o indicate another, important fac1or which
played a part in dte impressive economic-commercial growth of Zan-
zibar, as weD as the labyrinlh of suspicion, diffidence, envy, misunder-
standing and open conftic1 between Britain and Saiyid Sa'id bin Sultan
AI Bu Sa'id of Oman. And here we come 10 dtat delicate and precious
material which had been exported throughoul dte Orienl since time
immemorial:
Since 1he II Century BC, ivory had been exported from East Africa
10 1he Mediterranean. From the Vlld1 Century A.D., India and China
emerged as 1he main markeu for African ivory. Superior 10 Asian ivory
in qualily, consistency and colour, African ivory had foDowed 1he mari-
time roules of the Indian Ocean until the end of 1he XVI111h
departing from Mozambique. New fiscal burdens and taxes, however,
imposed by the Portuguese at dte start of the XIX.th Century and
termed 'suicidal' by Sheri&;:rJ together wid1 1he mercantile ascendancy
of France and Great Bri1ain in the Indian Ocean, caused a shift in 1he
1
g See the cxtc:nsi\re an:hi\'111 dncwnen1alion contained in '111omtz.f a.d:llllt 1tJpm e
LiNtt-J Pbpm, The British I.Jbrary, London. McCaslde, Cllllllml &t1111111m: IJ1iJIIm llltiJ
.4.ftit ;, 1M NIIWtlllh Cmtwy, pp. 66H89.
w H.s.A.-A.G.G. Records, Daluc:hislan An:hives, ComplltiRI fliNiuJ
txiflnlu tj ;, C.apt. P. Cor, Ctm.mllllllll'oliMal Allulrst ID liM.
OJ. C. A. KimJJalJ, ..4 Poliliml RlsiirRI iR 1M Pmitm GIIIJ 171A StptiiRINr, 1901, Political,
3-2/5 7. Nicolini & Redaclli, Q!rtftd: histDry 111111 .4rt.6m. .NDII tj 11 San'9 tj 1M .A.rtlriM
pp. 401-414.
21 Ykisakt:r, Tkt hory Trlllk iR 1M l.iJmlt AMI 160fJ-1870.
Sheri&; Spices & lrtWJ U. lllltpllieR of "" Etul Afi4R
EmpiR ;.,. tAt ltfri/ 177()-187J, p. 81.
ivory trade. The ports of Mozambique ha\ring been progressi\oely aban-
doned, the dealing and sale of this precious material would henceforth
be conducted on 1he island of Zanzibar.
Starting from the second decade of the XIXth Century, Europe
encered che ivory markel wich its considerable demands. The splendid,
shining Mrican ivory, pure white and strong but a1 che same time eas-
ily worked, was increasingly sought after in 1he wesl for luxury items
such as elegant elements of personal toilette, billiard balls, piano keys,
elaborace jewels, cudery and cloching accessories. In chat particu-
lar atmosphere of a fin tk silde Europe increasingly fascinated by all
things Chinese or exotic, ivory was a must. ntis is made crystal clear
by the fact that British imports of ivory rose from 280 tons in 1840
to 800 in 1875.
The economy of the Ease African interior thus witnessed an immense
growth in the demand free men recruited from among dte
Mrican tribes allied between eacl1 other (mainly Yao and Nyamwezij,
and for slmoe porters.
29
Women with small children were obliged by
slave craders and Baluch soldiers and bodyguards to abandon
their oiiSpring in order to continue transporting elephant tusks.
A complex exchange netWork soon developed bel\\oeen the interior
and dte coast, leading 10 the introduction of rice cultivacion in the
interior in those areas under Arab dominion such as Tabora, Nyangwe,
in modern day northern Congo, and in nearby Kasongo.
l..aler, thanks to dte entrepreneurial abi6ty of nppu np, the greateSI
and most powerful slave trader of the XIXth Century,
21
the borders of
what had been identified by the Eng6sll as dte Otcoman Empire, pushed
further to the north-west into modern-day Rwanda and Burundi. At
that time, "their movement was 6ke a snowball". u
Another wealchy protagonist in this chapter of Zanzibar's history,
Jairam also profiled greatly from this opening up to wescern
markels. A member of the 1bpan family, who was the richest and most
influential merchant in Zanzibar, personally financed almost all of dte
11
Roclrcl, '':A Nadon of Ponen': lhc: Nyamwczy and the Labour Market in Nine-
teenth..century Tanzania", pp. 173-19!;.
1
' At the end or the XIXth Century, Hamed bin Muhammad AI Muljebi, nicbwned
T!ppll Tip. owned 7 10,000 sima in Africa, a eapilal WDnh approximately
50,000 Maria Theresa chalen in total. Farrant, TI/JIM Tlp tlllll IN &ul SJ.t Trfllll.
Tappu Ttp's family has not died out, lhc: last descendant of this great XIXth Century
slll\'1! and i\oory trader was a dnetnr in Oman in 1993.
n W'llkilwon, Tilt /..,1111 TrfMiititm " Oma, p. 60.
BEATRICE NIC".OUNI
caravan traffic, accepting responsibility for aU the risks and eventual
losses d1is entailed. Throughout the firs1 half of the XIX Century,
Jairam 1bpan represented the financial and political kingpin of all
activity occurring on Zanzibar (around the year 1840, for example,
he had four hundred slaves in his personal service). As such, it was
wich him chat Europeans and Arabs had to deal. A somewhat singular
political-financial phenomenon rhus came into being, in d1e figure of
Jairam 1bpan who concentrated Arab, Asian and European inrerests
in his own hands, conducting as though wid1 a baton 1he ancient,
admirable and sophislicared sysrem of commercial currents, connec-
tions and links of the wesrern Indian Ocean. 2G
A further factor, and no less imponant than was the extraordi-
nary and revolutionary expansion of dove cultivation on che island of
Zanzibn n1e creation of a new niche for agricultural exploitation on
Zanzibar and Pemba was destined to transform the twin islands into
a true commercial empire. According to English publications of che
lime, at the end of tbe eighteenth Century the introduction of doves
(Eugtl!)'tl t:ti1)ViJih.JIIIIta, of the A(1rloeoe, Mynle family) alcered complerely
the perceptions of the economic and commercial potenlial not, take
DOle, in the eyes or the Europeans but in dlose of Saiyid Sa'id bin
Sulcan AI Bu Sa'id and his Indian protlgls.
Since the II Century BC envoys from Java a1 the Han coun of
China had sucked dO\"eS to sweeren their heavy garlic breath during
audiences with the emperor. Clove plants, originaling in the Moluccas,
were first exploired b) the Dutch who grasped the commercial value of
this precious, perfumed spice whid1 also possessed medicinal properties.
Around the year 1770, the French merchant, Pierre Poivre, succeeded in
oblaining a few seeds wi1h whidl to scan a cultivation on 1he Mascarene
Islands. It was, therefore, the French who, at the Slart of the XIX.ch
Century, incroduced doves onto the island of Zanzibar.
These initial at1emp1s proved successful, 1he environmen1 being
perfecdy suited to this cultivation which eventually led to Zanzibar
being the primary producer of doves in tbe world. From available
English accounts, il appears chat Saiyid Sa'id bin Sulcan AI Bu Sa'id
decided to inwsc his wealth and energy in a project of d1is kind. Such
"' Nicolini, A Glintl11 t1/Niitm Mmluml Ctmrmailia in t6aing /800: 1M TO/Jtlll
FtmriiJikmll#l /lliliw Adilvd StNms, paper pi'CII:nlcd 10 the lntcmabonal Conference
The African Diaspora in Asia, 2006.
a move required both courage and faidt, as dte plants take from sewn
to eight years to reach maturity and produce che first blooms, and ten
years for che firs1 crop. As budding does no1 occur at regular periods
and dte buds themsel\es must be removed before flowering, harvesting
occurs in dtree phases, between August and December. This requires
numerous and skilled labour, especially as the plancations also need 10
be weeded in continuation. t
7
We must also bear in mind che face dtat the culli\ration of cloves
was very simUar to that of dates practised in Arabia and understood 10
perfection by dte Arabs, who proceeded to acquire land on Zanzibar,
mainly by expropriation to 1he coasl of dte Swahili. nte management
of land on Zanzibar was organised in chree dift"erent categories: wtlltlftJ,
natural scrubland; lrillmbo, areas suicable for building upon; msilll, rural
areas and lands surrounding villages. 11te legalised expropriation prac-
tised by the Arabs and a somewhat questionable interprecation of dte
juridical institution of usufruct often led 10 Swahili lands eft"eccively
being confiscated.
The mtJShanlba of the Sultan of Zanzibar, initially concencrared around
Mntoni and K.izimbani, gradually grew to include Bumwini, Bububu
and Chiwini. In 1835, Saiyid Sa'id bin Sultan AI Bu Sa'id possessed
as many as forty-five mmhmn/Jil on the island.
Clove 'fever', wich its high profit on initial expenditure, produced a
real landowning aristocracy, continually financed by dte Indian
mercantile communities, thai slowly replaced the old Swahili aristocracy.
ntis did not, however, cawe any kind of rupture, thanks to the dexterity
of dte Indian exponents who gradually im'Oived the local African elite
by delegating to them certain casks and responsibi6ties, dtus making
them acti\oe participants in dtis major Indian Ocean business.
On che coasts of che continent, on the conlrary, society experienced
significant changes due to the massive influx of slaves from the inte-
rior and of Arabs and Asians from abroad (I"abora-a ke)' site on
the commercial route towards the heart of the continent-practically
became an town with a considerable Baluch presence). ntus,
profound differences de\oeloped between the cultural identities of dte
islands, on dte one hand, and dte continenl on the other, where, from
The euldwtion of dcM:s on Pc:mba lela suc:ccssfulthan on Zanzibar due to a
cyclone which destroyed most of the plants in the fine decades of the XIX1h Cenwry.
Hennen, A Histtwy " 1111 Artlb Slllll " pp. 28-29.
96 BEATRICE NIC".OUNI
the third decade of the XIXth Century onwards, the opening up of
cara\ran routes wrought a true revolution in economic, mi6taJy, social
and cultural terms.
This agricultural turning-point rapidly undermined the traditional
order, and the plantations and slaves needed to cultivate them led to
the phenomenon known as 'clove fever'.
Naturally, hand in hand with the growth of the plantations went an
ever increasing demand for slaves. In 1811, of the 15,000 slaves d1at
arrived on Zanzibar, 7,000 were destined for labour on d1e maslulmba.
28
By 1822 d1e plants had grown to a height of roughly four and a half
metres.
This 'clove fever', therefore, pushed d1e annual number of new slaves
up from 6,000 at the stan of the Century to 20,000 in the second half,
and it was the clove plantations whicl1 would prove to Zanzibar's
economic growth. Profits, in fact, rose phenomenally &om 4,600 Maria
Theresa thalers in 1834 to 25,000 in 1840.
29
For Saiyid Sa'id bin Sultan
AI Bu Sa'id, it was a triumph.
Britain the cultivation and exportation of tropical agricul-
tural produce with an extremely favourable eye insofar as this could
represent for oriental leaders a valid economic alternative to the slave
trade. The increasing number of clove plantations on Zanzibar, however,
also necessitated a notable increase in the labour force. High mortality
rates on the maslulmba meant that almost d1e entire wortcforce had to
be replaced every four years which, as we have seen, created enormous
problems and far reaching changes within East African society. "lbe
confiscation of the more fertile Swahili lands, the influx
of slaves and limited numbers of the Hadimu and Tumbatu tribes
present on d1e island resulted in these latter being relegated to the
\lei')' margins of society. In addition, the arrival of Arabs, Indians and
Baluch drawn by this new and profitable market furd1er exacerbated
Bhacker, Trfllkllllll E'.lllpiR ;, AlttMIIJ fl1lll RMis f1 Btilislt p. 128.
:a Clara Semple, The Snc:ic:cy for Arabian Studies, London, a&irmcd chat, since
1763, of German Crowns minted in Auttria came from Yemen and, even
earlier, fmmjcdda; 11180)' coins were: sene on from Arabia 10 India during the XIXIh
Cenhll}t The sil\oer content of 1he lhalers was kept cons1an1 at 833.3/1000, therefore
it was very re6able, unlike 1he Spanish cloUar whieh was debased, alchoup
it had a hiper silver con1a11. Also the Maria Theresa chaler could n01 be dipped"
because icllad an elaborate edge inseriplion and this made il \"el)' popular-spreaaing
chmughoul che \VC!IIem Indian Ocean a.oen reaching Central &ian bazaars---11nd people
soon hepn to tnDC iL Semple, SiJM- UgmtJ. Till SrGr)' if 1M Mw Tllm TkDIIr.
the situation in the eyes of the English 6n 1819 chere were 214 Indians
resident on the island).
Maritime city state of the Swahili coast had always been sustained
by intimate interaction wich the non-Muslims of d1eir rural hinterlands,
and this concributed also to the consolidation of the coastal identity.:IO
During the first half of d1e XIXth Century d1e demand for ivory
came mosdy from western India. The Omani Arabs exploited che old
slave trade rouces to the interior bringing new people to d1e coast of
East Afiica with Elephant tusks. The Mrima was the major source of
ivory's export for Zanzibar economy. The imports of cloths from India
were given by the b s ' as presenu to main African cl1iefs of che inte-
rior and dlis represented a clear sign of prestige and superiority within
their tribes, alchough agriculture remained for long periods che primary
source of che Swahili coast, long before d1e booming incroduction of
commerce. Salted and smoked fish became an important item of trade:
Zanzibar and Pemba islands soon developed d1e production of fish co
provide che poners to d1e interior and for d1e \oery profitable exchange
with ivol')t Also copal resin's demand grew during this period and was
produced in Bagamoyo area and bought by the Indian traders, as weD
as mangrove poles fOr vessels to be taken co Arabia and co the Gulf.
There were three major sets of sla\oe and ivory crade routes to d1e
interior often safeguarded by Baluch corps: I) the 'southern' route from
soud1ern ports such as Kilwa to Lake Nyasa and the highlands of the
soud1 western interior where the Nyamwezi carried tusks and ocher
goods; 2) the 'central' ivory rouce from Bagamoyo in wesc and nonhwest
directions, where d1e caravan trade became progressively monopolised
by che Omani Arabs and by the Indian merchants; 3) the 'nonhern'
route, che Masai rowe &om Mombasa and Malindi toWards Kilimanjaro
where d1e Mijikenda were ivory hunters together wich the Kamba. 1be
Saadani caravan route did not de\oelop an Arab merchant community,
while the Pangani rouce led to d1e fOundation of Ujiji around 1840 and
passed through the Bondei hills and along the foot of Usambara and Pare
mouncains, weD watered and preferred by craveDers from ocher cowns
of the northern Mrima; large quantities of ivory, Jlmlht, of soft and high
quality, came from Pare and che Rift valley, and this route became d1e
second in imponance after Bagamoyo. "lbe Taveta ttading scation never
became dominaced by coastal Muslims, as it was too dangerous.
10
Glassman, IWISLf 111111 RitJt, p. 33 on.
1ne Nyamwezi caravan labour was cheaper than slave porters, and
was seen as a way to proving manhood as inidation for young men.
Caravans arriYed usually in Seprember and porters announced their
approach by blowing horns and bearing drums.
Mttttnary Groups and Power Polities in
1M Indian Outzn
Another imponant item destined to change deeply the hinterland power
balances was represented by firearms: during the first half of the XIXth
Century matchlocks began to appear in the hands of Omani merce-
nary troops, who, imported them from the Ottoman Empire and from
Europe.
31
The Shirazi, the Swahili imponant families, gradually 'lost'
their power and were pulled apan by the AI Bu Sa'id witbin the grow-
ing trade of Zanzibar, although they retained control of d1e nonhem
carawn trade but the great wealth soon passed into and 'Indian'
hands. As the central route was d1e most controUed by Arabs, Tabora,
near the hean of Unyamwezi, as we ha\oe seen above, became an
town together with Ujiji. Here Baluch soldiers settled, intermarried,
and soon became influencing figures. The impact of the AI Bu Sa'id
political power and of the Baluch mi6tary power in Zanzibar on the
African hinterland was therefore destined to influencing the 6ves of
East Afiican men and women; considerable modifications underwent in
traditional elire patrems of power relationships where c6ent patronage
perspectives never were to be the san1e, and where new actors \\'ere
destined to emerging on the new western Indian Ocean scenario in its
connections with the East African hinterland. In this regard, the ivory
trade became a means of travel, adventure and wealth offering a way
to modifYing the status within tbe coastal communities. E\oerybody
could share this ambition, but at the same time new tensions were
introduced between Swahi6 rich fami6es, struggling to presel'\oe their
precarious domination, and d1e demand of d1e 'parvenus' on whose
suppon they relied.
32
51
Nicolini, Till Trfl/k .ti111U flllli.tllfiRIIIRiiiOR.f ill 1M Grllf fl1lll ill 1M Jtatm. brJia ar-
lldwmt 1M mtl of 1M 19/I flllll 1M of 1M 20llr 0Rfa9, paper presented 10 the
lnternalional Conference 'The Global Gulf', Exeter Uni\oersil)i Exeter,July 2006.
Glassman, IW.fts fl1lll RiDts, p. 78.
Although Great Britain in 1815, represented by Lord Casdereagh
(1769-1822) had convinced the European powers to sign dte agree-
ment for abolition of the slave trade, dte Arabs felt themselves in no
way bound to respect its terms, and least of all Saiyid Sa'id bin Sultan
AI Bu Sa'id.
While Britain continued on its anti-slavery crusade, motivated by dte
more pragmatic purpose of weakening dte growing mercantile fortune
of the Omani Arabs and other oriental leaders-without foreseeing dte
enormous wealth that would result from the agricultural conversion
introduced by Saiyid Sa'id bin Sultan AI Bu Sa'id on Zanzibar-France,
showing fewer scruples, took advantage of the situation to recapture
some of its positions.
To the English, Saiyid Sa'id bin Sultan AI Bu Sa'id never allowed
a chance to slip by to indulge in double-crossing. On the one hand he
reassured the English, and on the odter he couned the French with a
view to dtem possibly supporting him against enemy Arab tribes on
the islands of Mafia and Kilwa and in Mombasa.
The combination of these ideal conditions for the slave trade, fur-
nished by the in East Africa, was exploited to the full by French
merchants. Under the Treaty of Paris in 1815, French had regained
sovereignty over the island of Bourbon.
99
The French explorer, Guil-
lain, commented that: "ropports inlimes fUi eonlimlllitnJ d'txisttr tnJw I'Araltil
tt Ia orimtolt d'A.Jii'lw, od IUniS tlllons It eommert:t tks tstlovts fllJtlit litu tk
limp immJmmiof'. sa
A synergy dtus developed between Saiyid Sa'id bin Sultan AI Bu Sa'id
and France of common interest in finding new ports and commercial
bases. However, after taking the potential purchase of Zanzibar and
Pemba into consideration, Paris instead turned its attention towards
Madagascar.
1
' Given the by now unrivalled supremaq of the Royal
Navy, backed also by the Bombay Marine in the western stretches of
the Indian Ocean, and dte defeats inflicted on dte pirates of dte Gulf,
France did not really have any other choice.
36
11
The Treat) of Paris, 20 November 1815, pm.rided for lhe rr.stilulion of the island
of Bourbon. Complete text in De Martens, .A'iuWM llwil II Tmitll 11/'EIIfO/JI. Tmill
II Ptlft a 20 N 1815 Ill.' lis C.IJIIlltJtliiJIU s,m.Jts, pp. 682
II Guillain, Dotttmntt .fliT I'Histoirr, lA d II c..nmm.- tiii'.A.ftiflll Orinttfllt,
p.

II flU IJtll'tllitJns dll ....-. iJ dlll'isoltl tltl Al6tlilgare A/tat rijla-

siolti ;, mniiD .
.. On 23 Man:h 1819the Gmremment ol Bourbon stipulated a secret Treaty with
In 1817, wrd Hastings ( 1754-1826), the Governor General of Bengal
from 1813 to 1823, proposed stnmgthening Saiyid Sa'id bin Sultan AI
Bu Sa'id and supporting his power policy in East Africa.
1be choice made by the Anglo-Indian Government was without
doubt influenced by the c68iculties caused in thai period by dte continual
raids of pirates in 'oriental' waters, by the commercial and political
instability a8icting the entire region and, lasdy, by the presence of the
French who continued to represent a threat to Great Britain.
From a study of English documents it can clearly be seen how the
fickleness and political digressions of Saiyid Sa'id bin Sultan AI Bu Sa'id
were a constant cause for alarm among the British. They were perceived
as constituting yet anodter element of insecurity in a region which was
by this time dte object of great interest and importance. Since a deter-
mined line had to be adopted, Hastings' decision represented a firm
stance in favour of AI Bu Sa'id Sultan as a political point of reference
for Britain, also in relation to those regions of East Africa in which the
Omani Arab dynasty exercised an indirect form of control.
1broughout the XIXth Century the shame and humiliation of
slavery in sub-Saharan East Africa had been imposed and exploited by
numerous social groups for many lucrative purposes mainly originated
from soudtern Arabia and western India. Amongst the many, the role
played by the Baluch mercenaries coming from the southern coast of
South-Central Asia, was identified initially within the Omani Arab
elite. The Makrani-Baluch came to East Africa as soldiers, warriors,
and body guards of the Arab leading dynasties. Later on during the
XIXth Centul); we presume, the Baluch, called bulushi in Kiswahili, took
gradually knowledge of lands and people, intermarried widt African
women, and became traders dtemselves. Tite presence of Asians in East
Africa, often identified by the available literature on the subject primar-
ily with Indians, was therefore much more fragmented and diversified,
due to the exercise of power widtin Arab societies of the time, and to
the richness of dte western shores of the Indian Ocean.
chc: Sulran of Kilwa, under chc: cerms nf \vhich French would provide: military suppon
ro the Sulran in exchange for suppon in rc:raking ~ m b a , Zanzibar and the island nf
Mafia from Saiyid Sa'id bin Sulran AI Bu Sa'id for which the French would reclOgllise
chc: authority of the Sultan nf Kilwa over chc: island of ~ m b a . This trea&y was to
remain only in French hands ro prevmc the Sultan from showing ic co che English, but
it DC\"CI; in face, came inro eh. The Minisllrr tills .U.UO. a RM fc:anxl British n&\'81
superiority and. as a result of funher political complicalions in Europe, che French
decided not to place cheir rdadons with chc: increasingly imponanc Saiyid Sa'id bin
Sultan AI Bu Sa'id at scake.
111E JIAKRANBALUCUAJI'IUCAN NE.1WORK 101
On the other side of the coasts of dte western Indian Ocean, that
is on Soudt-Central Asian shores, slavery was practiced with similar
patterns.
During the second half of the XIXth Century, more precisely in
1874, a group belonging to the tribe of the Rind from eastern Baluch-
istan bought domestic slaves a1 Gwadar;s
7
they came fi'om the coasts of
East Africa. 11tis gave rise to a conflict of interests between the Rind
and the representative "Va fb) of the Klum of Kalat in Kej (today's "fur-
bat, capital of Makran); a conflict which ended in bloodshed and saw
the death of four members of the "blue-blooded tribe" of Baluchistan.
Sir Roben G. Sandeman ( 1835-1892), the Deputy-Commissioner of
Dera Ghazi Khan, affirmed thai the dead1 of four members of dte
Rind tribe had nodung to do widt dte sla\..:o: trade at Gwadar. Sande-
man, as described by biographers of the time was very charismatic
and ambitious, understood the psychology of intertribal relations much
better than Ius Political Agents, Ius representatives, as, in his opinion,
they were not able to identifY dte real causes of tribe conflicts between
the members of the Baluchistan groups.:
18
In this regard he reminded:
"tlmntstie sltwny is a liml honound institution in &ludtisltm as in other tllSltrn
eountrits, fllld muth rf the IJJnd is cullilJtllttl s!JIIJt ltlbour ... at the some lime il
must bt rtmlltiiJtrtd that ma'9' rf tht idiJis attaching ID the wom wkidl a"
so "Jltllmlto t:WiliQd minds, tm absmt .fonn lht 111111111m rf tht &luch lribti'.
"Ims a8irmation by Sandeman could be interpreted in difterent ways:
for example as eurocentrist and fuU of contempt for local populations.
Nevertheless, the following elements suggested different interpreta-
tions of the of slavery in Asia within a wider scenario:
the strategic importance of Baluchistan within Anglo-Russian rivalry;
the second Anglo-Afghan War (1878-80); the recent construction of dte
telegraph line which connected Calcutta to London (Jndo-Europton
Telegraph liM) after the political consequences of dte Great Mutiny in
India of 1857; the growing importance of the Nonh West Frontier of
British India; the need for definition of dte borders between Persia and
the Khanate of Kalat which begun with the Commission directed by
" H.s.A. -B.A. A. G. G. OFFICE Records, Fde 292/1874 1.\olisc.., SJ.ny in &lwllisltu&.
Till &lldistJIII (Mdl:mrl), Q.ueua, 1906 (repr. 1986), pp. !MHOI.
11
Piaeendni & RalaeW (Eck.), Tmtll""ff'ikL A lltW fJ/I/IIfJIIdl
hUtorittzl, flltiiJ1Dfiml- tllr6illlrlllral slliJJia.
,. H.S.A.-AG.G. Ollice-Essenlial Ra:onls, Fmm 1M A.G.G. 1D 1M Sm-lltlry te 1/u
CGrmrmmt rf lntlia, FOreign Dcpanmen1, Q.uena, 25 March, 1884, R.cpon n. 942; Scla:-
dons &om lhe R.ec:ords ol che Gm-c:mmenl ollndia. FOreign Nn. CCXI,
Firs1 Adminiscration R.epon of 1he Baluchiscan Cidcuaa, 1886, p. 290.
102 BEATRICE NIC".OUNI
Sir Frederic Goldsmid in 1870 and ended with the sign of an Agree-
ment in leheran on 24 September in 1872.
40
In 1877 Sandeman became the Agent 10 the Governor General and
Chief Commissioner of Baluchistan. During the first of the X.Xch
Cenrury, dte British measures adopted against dte slave ttade contributed
to diminishing the number of slaves from East Mrica; 10 dlis reduction
corresponded a new slave lrade of Baluch origin, as testimonied by
the trade in Asians coming from the coast of Baluchistan directed to
Arabia to be sold in Arab matkets during dte firs1 decades of 1he X.Xch
Century.
41
As clear proof, on 20 May 1903 the responsible Agent of
Jask area sene a telegram to the Direclor of the Persian Gulf section in
Karachi saying that: "o grrot numbtr t{ limn ore lwouf)J ID these ploeu.fonn
the K1j district .. . nol on{y4frit1111s but low easte &luchis ore now being S61tl
Jltll>' hlodn1m".
12
"lbe poorest among the Baluch were sold as slaves, and
the cause was 1he foUowing: "/hi reoson 111m is sudl o tkmontlfor slovu.fonn
these pods, is thlll 1/u lmtll.from lhe 4fiietzn Coast has betn fletua/1) .stDppetl, ad
&luchislflll is the onl) ploce now open to them". u nte Baluch were coUecced
widun 1he district of Kej and sent as slaves also in Persian territory.
11
Baluch slave women had cheir heads 1otally razed, dten covered wich
quicklime, so dlal dteir hair could not grow, rendering 1hem perfecdy
unrecognizable to their own tribes, and forbidding dtem coming back
to dteir places of origin.
To conclude, the role of Baluch mercenary groups within lhe slave
trade in sub-Saharan East Mrica was represented by a specific ethnic
group who was enslaved in Souch-Cenlral Asia by ocher groups in a
111
Piacentini, Nw.s lilt lh DtjilliJitJR f1 1M Jlimr. BtmJm f1 BMr/J /RIIis iR Siltlllt flllll
IWwiJisllllt ilt lhll9tJt CtRfa9, pp. 189-203.
11
H.S.A.-A.G.G. O&ice-F.asencial Records, Cmrt/MilfiiiMt f1 SlaW!' ;,
/Wwltisllllt, /irlm ('.spt. P. Ou; Ctwrd IIIIIIIWilitlll MtuhJJ 1D lituL CoL C A. KmtiNIIJ.
.41 /WiJi(iiJ Rlsitltitt;, 1/u ltnillll Gtt!J 11tJt 1901, PoliticaJ 5-2/57.
H.S.A.-A.G.G. Ollice Confidential, Yale 23, n. 1510, Tm#;, Sllavs
jmm Ktj ID ltuitJ, fom lh .4.r.L Stt/Nrilfltllllntl }tut Slli-Diz.U.. ID 1M Pmitm Gr4f
Sliolt, Ktlmt/U, Ttllgmm dslttJ 20tJt 1903.
19
H.S.A.-A.G.G. Ollice Confidential, Yale 23, n. 1510, Tm#;, st-s
jmm Ktj ID ltuitJ, fom lh .4.r.L Stt/Nrilfltllllntl }tut Slli-Diz.U.. ID 1M Pmitm Gr4f
Sliolt, Ktlmt/U, &tnv:t fl fl IAIW n. II tltJtsl 28tJt AIIITtll, 1904.
" H.S.A.-A.G.G. Ollice Confidential, 1903-1005, Trqffit ill Slllus/irmt Kfi 1D AnV,
fom Ru.rllll, lAt4or Sm. 1D lh Coa. fl buliflt. lh A.GG Qpdid, 1903, Fife 23, n. 1510.
111E JIAKRANBALUCUAJI'IUCAN NE.1WORK I 03
much more powerful position; and this was a continuous process of
shame and humiliation of weak and desperare people in this maritime
part of the world, and a process of different perceptions held by \oarious
powers between the land and the seaboard areas.
Adrnowltdgtmmt
I am grateful to Dr. Shiha.n de Sil\oajayasuriya, King's College, Univer-
sity of London, for her comments on a previous draft of d1is article.
AG.G. : Agent to d1e Governor-General
B.A. : Baluchistan Archives, Q.uetta, Pakistan
C.O.QD.A.: Commissioner of Q,aeua Archives, Pakistan
U.S.A: Home Secretariat Archives, Q.uetta, Pakistan
H.S.A-B.A AG.G. OFHCE Records, File 292/1874 Misc., Slany
in &ladtisltm. Thl Gol:tllr '![ Boludtisltm (Mokmn), Q.uetta, 1906 (repr.
1986), pp. 98-10 I.
U.S.A -A G. G. Ollice-Essential Records, Baluchistan Archives, Com-
fJitJinJ obout exisllntt '![ Sltmny in &ladtiston, .fom' Copt. P. Cox, Consul ond
Po/ilieol Agmt, MmlrJJt to lituL Col. C. A. .Agg Polilicol ResU/ml in
1/u Pmian Guy; 17111 SeptnnbN, 1901, Political, 5-2157.
U.S.A -A. G. G. 08ice-&sential Records, From tilt A. G. G. to 1/u Stert-
lmJ' to 1/u GtmtrRmllll '![ lrulia, Foreign Department, Q.uetta, 25 March,
1884, Repon n. 942; Selections from the Records of the Government
of India. FOreign Department, No. CCXI, First Administration Repon
of the Baluchistan Agency, Calcutta, 1886, p. 290.
H.S.A.-A.G.G. 08ice Confidential, 1903-1905, F"de 23, n. 1510, Trqft
in S/avu from K!i to Pmio, fonn thl Assisltmt SuptrinJmllml Josk 8Mb-Division
to 1/u Ptrsion Gu!f Section, Kamdli, Tlltgmm t!JJIMJ 20111 1903.
H.S.A.-A.G.G. 08ice Confidential, 1903-1905, F"de 23, n. 1510, Trqft
in SltllJU from K!i to Pmio, from thl Assisltmt SuptrinJmllml Josk Sllb-Division
to lilt Persian Gulf &&lion, KmO&h4 ExiTO&t '![ o ulln" n. II tiJlJitJ
28111 Morell, 1904.
H.S.A.-AG.G. 08ice Confidential, 1903-1905, Trtdfie in Sloves.ftom K!i
to Pmio,.from Russe14 UndN Stmltlry to thl Gootmmmt '![ lntlill to lht A. G. G.
Qptto, 1903, Fde 23, n. 1510.
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CHAPTER SIX
SOMAU MIGR.KilON TO ADEN FROM THE
19TH TO THE 21ST CEN'I1JRIES
The 6nlcs between the Somali Coast and Yemen are old, particularl) the
trade in goods, and the slave trade. The importance of trade between
the Somalis and Aden under the British began because camel caravans
were plundered &om the hinterland to Aden and because of the annual
fair at Berbera on the Somali coast. The result was a substantial Somali
community building up in Aden. A Somali Autobiography is renwlcable
for its insight into the 6fe of a Soma6 immigrant and gi"a a unique point
of view of the lives of Somalis in Aden. Many reports, however, were
written by British o8icials. Trade does still exist toda)t but much more
significant is the armral of Soma6 refugees landing on Yemen's coasts.
Man)' of these refugees contribute to the menial workfon:e in Yemen but
the Yemen Government has a huge task in processing them through the
Kimmigration system".
lntroduelion
The main objective of this paper is to describe the Somali migration to
Aden and to consider irs eft"ecrs. "lbe period in question falls into several
chronological phases: firsdy, dte commercial migration in the course
of trade especially to pi'O\ride dte garrison after the British occupation
of Aden in 1839; secondly, the migration in search of employment
in Aden and on ships sailing to and &om that pore; and thirdly, dte
migration in escaping from the breakdOWil of the Somali state and dte
subsequent eruption of civil war in dte latter part of dte 20dt Century.
"lbe first part of the paper is based on travel literature and archival
Uniled Kingdom. Email: lcilajngrams@hounail.oom.
,... lnsdlulC of E1hiopian Studies, U n i ~ r s i r y of 1\clclis Ababa, E1hiopia. Email:
pankhum@clhioncl.et.
108 I..I!.ILA INGRAMS &: RJCJIARD PANICIIVRST
sources. The second pan uses oral histories including an autobiography
of a Somali-a rare historical document-and interviews widt Somalis
and Yemenis in Aden.
lbe Somali connection widt dte Yemeni pon of Aden, is old, and
owed much to trade, including the slave trade. Somalia is situated in
the Hom of Afiica. nte British signed the first treaty with a Somali
tribe in 1827. Funher treaties, tbe main purpose of which was to
provide facilities on the Somali coast for the East India Company's
ships, were concluded widt the Sultan of Tajura and the Governor of
Zeila in 1840. Aden, situated on the soudt-west comer of the Arabian
Peninsula. was long regarded as the 'Eye of the Yemen', the organ
through which the outside world was seen and through which foreign
contacts were made.
When dte British seized control of Aden in 1839, from the Abdali
Sultan of Lahej, their policy of encouraging trade with the Aden hin-
terland resulted in increasing the prosperity of Arab farmers, which
in tum, fuelled Arab rebeUion against dte British occupation. Camel
caravans laden with goods from the Aden hinterland and beyond came
to the pon under heavy guard for fear of being plundered. Roads to
Aden remained closed for a time, but pressure on Aden was removed
by dte change in the monsoon, which opened trade with MukaUa and
Shilu on dte Hadhramaut coast. This coincided with the beginning of
the important annual fair at Berbera on dte Somali coast.
Adm and Btrlma
Aden's population in the 1840s was exceedingly mixed, and shifting,
because of the pon's nature as a coaling station and garrison town.
Somalis at that time constituted a large and growing fraction of the
population. A few Somalis had regular employment at Aden, but many
others came during dte off-season at Berbera. lbe Somali population
was then constandy changing, and nearly half left when dte annual
fair at Berbera began.
In 1848, Lieutenant Cruttenden of the Indian Navy, who spent much
of his time dealing widt Somali a&airs, described Berbera's bustling
commerce:
The place from April to the earl) part of October was uuerl)' deserted,
not even a fisherman being fOund there, but no sooner did the season
SOMALI nGRATION TO ADEN 109
change than the inland tribes commenced moving down toward tlae
coast and )Hq)aring huts fur their expcc:ted \oisitors. Small crafls from the
ports or Yemen anxious 1o have the opportunity of purchasing before
tlae vessels from lhe Gulf could arrive, hastened across, foUowed aboul
a fortnight later by their larger brethnm from Muscat, Soor and Ras
al Khyma and tlae valuably freighted bugals from Bahrein, Bussorah
and Graen. Lastly the fat and wealthy Danian traders from Porebunder,
Manda\oisc and Bombay rolled across in their clumsy kolias and with a
formidable 10\V or empl) glaee jan slung over the quarten of their ves-
sels, elbowed themselves up to the front tier of dae craft in lhe harbour,
and by tlaeir superior capital and inRuenc:e soon distanced all compeli10n
(GMrin 1975: 52).
Another description of the Berbera Fair in 1he 1850s is in Burton's
Fwst Footsups in East Aftieo.
BefOre vessels have cast anchor, or indeed have rounded lhe Spit, a crowd
of Somali, eager, as hotel-touters, may be seen running along lhe strand.
Tiaey swim oO; and lhe first who arrives onboard inquires lhe name of lhe
Abban [protector); if there be none he touches the captain or one of the
crew and constitutes himself protector. &r sent funvard,
tlae man who conveys i1 becomes answerable.
The S)'Stem of dues has become complicated .. Dollars form dae prin-
cipal currency; rupees taken a1 a discount. The shopkeeper provides food
for his Abban, and presents him at the dose or the season with a Tobe,
a pair of sandals, and half a dozen doUars.
Wealthy Banyans and Mehmans give fOOd and raiment, and befOre
departure from 50 to 100 doUars. This dass, however, derive large profits:
tlaey will give a few dollars to the Badawi at the end of the Fair, on condi-
tion of receiving cent per cent, at tlae opening of the next season ... or
course Somalis lake every advantage of Europeans .. Mr. Angelo, a
merchant from Zanzibar, resided two montlas at Bulbar; his broker of
tlae Ay)'al Gadid tribe, and an Arab who accompanied him, extracted,
it is said 3000 doUan ..
Lieul. Heme calculates that the total money dues during the Fair-
season amount lo 2000 dollars, and 1hal in the present reduced slale of
Berberah, not more daat I 0,000/--\vorth of merchandize is sold (Burton
1894: 79-80).
Aden's role in relation 10 d1is commerce was d1at of the depository
for 1he surplus unsold goods that remained in the hands of Indian
merchants when the Berbera fair was closed. Anlong the exports from
Berbera and other fairs on the Somali coast was coffee which came
from far inland 81 Harrar.
By 1852, Aden merchants were buying up practically everything sold
81 d1e Berbera fair, and what was not sold d1ere was carried across 10
110 LI!.ILA INGRAMS &: RJCJIARD PANICIIVRST
Aden later by Berbera 1raders. In 1855, Richard Bunon, lhe no1ed
Orientalist, rernarlced lha1 Berbera, Tajura and Zeila were lhe only
pons for d1e expon of slaves from the Galla country. He attribned
pan of the decline of 1rade in the Berbera district 10 the increase in
slave 1raffic ''which is easier and more profi1able lhan raising cotton or
colfee". This slave trade in fact led largely to Yemen.
In Aden, an outpon grew up on d1e Ma'alla beach. Legend has it
that Noah's ark was built here. From Ma'alla, goods were shipped out
to d1e vessels in Back Bay. Here also, d1e Somatis landed d1eir livestock,
and began 10 build a shanty town for d1emsel\'eS. Some Somatis worked
as servanu, and workers on coal vessels in lhe harbour, and several of
them worked on ships sailing to England. A number of Somalis chose
to stay in England, and constituted some of lhe first Somali immigrants
to d1e United Kingdom.
UntO 1855, lhe annual Berbera fair was by one or more
British naval \'eSsels, but d1ereafter lhe Aden Government no longer
had a flotilla of Indian Navy ships permanendy a1 its disposal. It was
lherefore unable, as in 1he past, to exercise direcl and continuous control
over the politics of the Somali coast.
In 1868, the British au1horities in Aden began to press 1he Indian
Government 10 allow 1hem to station a man of lheir own al Berbera to
preserve 1he declining influence of Aden. The aulhorities neverd1eless
remained in touch wi1h wha1 was going on. Every official Mag-
isterial or Police duties in lhe Aden setdement was in all too frequent
contact wilh members of lhe Somali community down on lhe beach
of Ma'alla.
One of lhe subolulms (Indian Captains from the Urdu word SuW, a
province in 1he Moghul empire) of Police, at Aden was a Somali who
wielded great influence among his people on bolh sides of lhe Gulf,
and 1hrougl1 him d1e Aden Residency tried 10 ac1 indirecdy on Somali
politics. There was also lhe Aden Commissariat which purchased a large
quantity of Somali li\estock. The population of Aden and its British
garrison were decidedly more dependent on the Somali coas1 for food
supplies than 1hose d1a1 were on the Arabian hin1erland. The Somali
community also contributed enormously 10 the labour force in Aden
and still do. n1ey work as engineers, motor mecl1anic:s, taxi drivers as
well as porters in lhe town and harbour, domestic workers, gardeners,
nannies and prostitutes.
In 1855, lhe Fair a1 Berbera closed on lhe 151h of April and 1he
inhabilants of lhe town proceeded in1o lhe interior. Sir Richard Bunon
SOMALI .IIGRAnON TO ADEN Ill
figure A Somali from Bcrbera, where the annual fair was held.
Source: Manzoni, El Yemeni tn: anni neD' Arabie Felice, Roma 1884.
and his party, who had an expedition to the Somali coun-
try at Aden, delayed at Berbera in order to receive their letters from
England. The party had decided not to have any overland protectors.
nle)' encamped the town of Berbera. In the dark early hours
of the morning, well-armed chieft}' from the Moosa
tribe, attacked them. Ueut. Stroyan was killed, Burton was wounded
by spear-which passed through his cheeks-Ueut. Speke was taken
prisoner and escaped, Ueut Herne remained unscathed. The of
this attack, Ueut. Lambert Playfair writes:
It was mainly the hope of plunder, but partly, doubtlC$.5, suspicion of
the mothocs in remaining at Berbera after it had been desened
by the tribes. In consequence of this unpnn."Okcd outrage, a demand
was made on the elders of the Habr Owel tribe for dae surrender of
the principal instigators of the attack . . . This was enlhn:ed hy a rigid
blockade .. . which stopped the entire blockade of Berbera during the
season 1855-56, thus inRicting a severe punishment on the otfcnding
tribe, without materiall}' aflCcting the trade of Aden . . .
112 LEIU INGRAMS & RICIIARJ> PANICJIVRST
Figure 8 Somali fmm Bullaar.
Soun:e: Rcnzo Manzoni, El Yemeni tre anni ncU' Ar-.ahic Felke, Rmna 1884.
Tiae elden of the tribe shmved C\<ery disposition to mmply with the
demand made upon them, but they were reall) unable to do so, to the
fuU extent: most of the o&Cnden escaped to other tribes, and thus were
beyond their reach; one man, who bore the mark of a gunshot wound
on his hack, was sent to Aden as a prisoner. At last G("'<ernment, satisfied
that all had been done which wa.-. within tbe power of the tribe, mnscnted
to the withdrawl of the hl(M:kade, upon certain t:onditions, which were
embodied in a treaty, and in NO\tember 18.'>6 the blockading \'CSSCI was
re<:alled. (Piayfair 1859: 177).
lAter British &ports
'lestimony to d1e Somali presence in Aden at the beginning of the
20th Century is provided by the British tra\'eller Herben VIVian. He
declares: "Somalis come to Aden to acquire wealth and and
experience", after which they seek to "return to their own grey land".
He therefore likened them to "the Irish of Africa" (Vivian 190 I: 59).
Other Somalis, Aden as a funher afield, causing
Major M. Rayne a generation later to recall dtat he was acquainted
SOMALI nGRAnON TO ADEN 113
Figure C Somali from Anal Ahmed tribe.
Source: ~ n z o Manzoni, El Yemeni tre anni neD' Arabie Felice, Roma 1884.
with a Somali tobacconist in Cardi&; a Somali mechanic in New York,
and a Somali trader in Bombay (Rayne 1921: 6).
The presence of Somali immigrants, some of whom were obliged
to earn their li\4ng by dubious means, was noticed by several British
travellers to the East. One of d1em, the big-game hunter E.A. Pease,
tells d1e story of a Somali at Aden, who was punished for house-break-
ing in the 1860s by Sir Lamben Playfair. n1e o&ender subsequendy
escaped from prison, and returned to his own country, but later came
back to Aden, where he was again detected in robbery, and condemned
to a sentence of se\'eral years' penal servitude, but once more escaped.
Several years later, Sir Lamben was sent on a mission to the interior of
Somaliland where he was suddenly surrounded by armed men in full
war array. He recognised their leader as his old Somali acquaintance,
who, smiling, is said to have remarked, "Hah! Sahib Playfair, now I
wiD give you two dozen, and two years hard labour". Sir l.amben
was, howe\'ef, treated with evel')' respect, d1e chief guarding his guest's
tent, and providing him with sheep and milk, all that he had power to
bestow (Pease 1902: 232--4).
114 LE.Il.A INGRAMS &: RJCIIARD PANICJIURSI"
Till Fmt &m1t1li .Autobiogmplg
Such accounts of the Somali migration by external, and sometimes
critical, observers may be supplemented by a remarkable Aulobiog-
raphy by a )'OUng Somali, which was published by the second au1hor
of this paper (Pankhurst 1977). "l11is section is wri11en in a form of
storytelling style.
He was Ibrahim lsma'il of the Rerrhaji clan of the Warsangeli tribe
from British Somaliland, who first left his native land as a child shortly
prior to World War I. He relates that, while still an infant, he "heard
of a place called Aden, a real Eldorado, from whence dates and aU
o1her good d1ings came; there you could go into a market and help
yourself 10 aU d1ese dainties as much as you liked; there were also many
Somali children with whom you could play; and you could learn to
speak Arabic and acquire all kinds of knowledge.
"Before long young Ibrahim saw, on d1e beach, a man loading a
dhow, or traditional boat, with IWo of d1e area's principal exports: gum
and incense. Realising that 1he man was "going to that city of dreams"
Ibrahim "begged and prayed" to go with him. Describing his arrival,
the wonders he saw in Aden, and how he, like so many od1er Somalis
managed to survive there, Ibrahim continues: ~ t e r four or five days
we reached Aden. "I11ere indeed I found many Somali children of my
own age; but I was disappointed to discover 1hat food and other com-
modities were no1 free to all as I had expected.
"I saw many things di&erent from 1hose to which I had been accus-
tomed. People lived in stone and mortar houses placed in rows: most
of d1ese consisted of a single room covered with a flat roof, and a back
yard. I saw horses wid1 curious things running after 1hem, and I was a
good bit puzzled to know what i1 all meant; it was some time before I
discovered that the cans were not alive too. Caravans were cons1andy
coming to 1own, bringing a great \rariety of d1ings new to me.
~ t e r getting accustomed to aU these novelties, I came to like 1he life
in Aden. I soon discovered that almost the only way in which I could
get food at aU was by pilfering.
"Necessity had taught us a variety of litde tricks 10 get d1e few cop-
pers indispensable for our existence.
' ~ e d with a piece of broken botde, we sometimes loafed about
the quays, and ripped open a sack to take out a few onions, which
we could seD for a penny or two just enough to ward off starvation.
SOMALI .IIGRATION TO ADEN 115
Or passing a coffee shop, we might spy a farthing, which a customer
had laid on a table as paymenl for a pot of coffee. We had a special
instrument 10 pick up such coins unnoticed, when d1e cusromer had
gone, or was engaged in conversation: it consisted of a stick wid1 a
daae a1 d1e end of it.
"Knowing duu ahe religion of a Hindu forbids him to touch any por-
tion of a dead animal. One of us would lhrow a bone on d1e d1reshold
of a Banyan's shop and run away; his accomplice would fain great
indignation a1 such an act. The Hindu was ahen sure to give a small
coin to one of lhe boys for removing lhe oftending object.
"Having been asked by Hindu women to seD some dough-nuas which
they were making, I ofaen used to gamble wid1 d1e proceeds in the
hope of increasing it. In d1e evenl of a loss, I would stir ahe dust of
lhe road, and shed aears, until a passer-by asked wha1 I had losa and
had given me d1e coin I was in need o(
"1l1en, also, when ships came wid1 European passengers on board,
we children used to swim to ahem, and ahe passengers would lhrow
pennies into lhe sea-sometimes even shiUings and half-crowns. As
soon as we saw lhe coin faDing inlo ahe water, we di\red to some depd1
and watched il sinking in wide zigzags above our heads. Sometimes
lhere was a scramble. As soon as we goa it, we came up to lhe surface,
showed d1e coins to ahe deHghted passenger and saored it in our cheek.
Sometimes we would remain hours in lhe waaer.
The game was not withoul danger as lhe sea was not free from
sharks. Also d1e police would Slop us, but Ibis dilliculty could be setded
quile quickly.
~ one time we used to swim lwice a day to a Htde island half a
mUe from lhe shore, where Arab soldiers would give us rice when d1ey
were having lheir meals.
"When I had two fanhings at d1e end of ahe day I was satisfied, for
Ibis meant a breakfast for ahe foDowing morning. When I had a penny
I considered myself rich.
"One day I found a gold lenshiiHng piece at MacaUa. I ran as fast
as I could to Aden where I changed d1e coin at ajew money changer,
in lhe street. Wilh d1e change, I bought two pieces of cotton to dod1e
myself, at eight pence each, and I sent four rupees to my molher
lhrough a man who had arrived &om 'Ad'addo [his home county in
Somaliland)".
116 LEILA INGRAMS &: RJCJIARD PANICIIVRST
Funher describing his life, and activities, in Aden, Ibrahim condnues:
When night came, used to lie down on the stm:t might
happen to be. We slept perhaps a dozen children together. None of us
lilted to be tlae last in the row, for there was a belief, in Aden, that certain
men roamed about the town at night lO steal human beings. We got up
at the break of day to roam about looking for lost property or an)1hing
've could lay our hands on. (Pankhurst 1977: 170-1).
Ibrahim proceeds to relate d1at he subsequendy learnt that the Aden
police were coUecting all Somali children without identification papers.
He therefore left the pon, and made his way to the Lahadz country,
where he worked for a time as a goat-herdsman.
Recalling the other occupations he adopted-and by implication
those then a\railable to young Somali immigrants, he relates:
In Subur I helped a man lO feed his camels for a few da)os, In Dzilaadzil,
the owner of a fruit garden, which lay about one mile from the village,
employed me to look after his melons and pumpki111. In order to keep
watch I used to climb on high lrees. For this sen-ice I was given the free
run of the garden. When the fruit season was CM:r, I went to Hodda when:
I found some Somali counlr)men, but no work to do. So I had to leaw:
after a few days, and traw:Ued from plac:e lO place. In Oo'alab I stayed
three v.oeeks with a man helping him to look after his Weld and milk his
camel. At Hamra I stayed about four months with a man whose camel
it was my duty to feed on dhurra straw. During that time a daild was
born in the locality, and according to Arab custom, a barber was called
to cimamcise him. I was asked whether I would like to take advantage
of the opponunit)t I was very pleased to accept the: oJ&:r ...
Having left Hamra, I \vent to Sufian, where I stayed with a man who
was married and had a sick child. The family possessed a few sheep and
cows: it was my job to look after these animals and to prew:nt them from
straying over cultivated fields. (Pankhurst 1977: 173-4).
A year later, Ibrahim was apprehended by the Aden police, together
with a number of other Somali boys, and taken by dhow to Berbera.
There he met a relative serving as the bowswain of a small Arab
which later sailed to Aden, carrying a cargo of goats and sheep-both
typical expons of the region. Ibral1im sailed to Aden on this boat,
but, feeling Aden unsafe, went back to d1e Lahadz country. There he
at first found work looking after a camel, and later a horse, but was
subsequendy employed to carry fruit and vegetables. He was, however,
soon once again caught by d1e police, and deponed back to Somaliland
(Pankhurst 1977: 17+-6).
This did not however mean the end of his Yemeni experience, for
some while later, by d1en a youth, he sailed back to Aden, by
He took with him a goat, the sale of which enabled him to pay for his
passage, as weD as to buy two square yards of decorated cloth that he
sent as a gift for his mother. He then supponed himself "by performing
various little jobs sucl1 as carrying stones and wood etc".
Later, when the dates were ripe, he followed many of his compa-
triots to Dzool, in the \'81ley of Hadzar, where the date palms grew
abundandy. He reports that all d1e poor Somalis of d1e district went
there to coUect the fallen fruit, which they sold, or exchanged for od1er
commodities, including oolfee, fish, tea and rice.
A86cted by a bad attack of fever, Ibral1im was, howe\rer once again
reduced to destitution. He was obliged for a time to pilfer from \tisit-
ing dhows, but soon made a resolution never to steal again. Soon
afterwards he met an Indian in d1e service of the Sultan of Mukalla,
who recommended him to be employed at the chief's palace at Q.alib
Q.a'aiti. Appointed a palace gardener, he was later responsible for
cleaning d1e palace of the sultan's brothe.; and subsequently worked as
a road-builder. Soon after this, he met a feUow clansman, who advised
him to become a sailor. Ibrahim, like so many od1er Somalis, d1us left
Yemen, and sailed to four of d1e world's five continenu (Pankhurst
1977: 355-84).
In more recent, post World War II years, many Somali refugees, escaping
their war-torn country, have arrived on the shores of Yemen by smaU
craft, similar to d1ose used by the above-mentioned Ibrahim, and are
often literally dumped on the beaches and left to fend for themselves.
"l11e Yemen Government has a momentous task in dealing with these
refugees, by placing them in make-shift camps, and processing d1em
through the "immigration system".
Some Somalis find household or engineering work or any other
type of work available in Aden and d1roughout Yemen. Interestingly,
when the richer families of Hadhramaut began to own cars, they often
travelled by them on the plateaux and valleys of Hadhramaut, but
descending the I,OOOft clifiS between them made d1eir way by camel.
n1e car had d1erefore to be dismanded, and twelve camels were needed
to carry d1e various parts of the car. At the bottom of the eli&; the car
was d1en re-assembled to drive through d1e valley. This work, d1e first
aud1or of this paper recalls was "aiuJ19s done by a Somali"!
118 LEILA INGRAMS &: RJCJIARD PANICIIVRST
Condusilm
Aden, linking east and west, nonh and sou1h, was deslined to become
an imponan1 trading and market place with its nahlral barbour and at
its strategic posicion. It has, 1herefore, auracted people from all 0\rer 1he
world 10 its shores to conquer, explore, 1rade and settle. The Somalis,
from their side, exponed to Aden quanlilies of livestock (particularly
after it turned into a fortress garrison to\YD). hides and skins, wood and
charcoal, meat and meat products. Many Somalis came to Aden for
work and conlributed substantially with d1eir skiDs.
In 1he las1 years, Somalis left their war-torn counuy and sought
refuge in Aden-many wishing to conlinue their journey to Canada
and d1e U.S.A. Many Somali refugees enter Yemen iUegally and 1he
U.N.H.C.R. has expressed concern over pi'Oiests about living conditions,
resettlement and o1her issues in Yemen. According 10 the U.N.H.C.R.,
they are automalically granted refugee staiUS by the Yemen government
and can live and work 1here indefinitely. What s1arted as a voluntary
migralion has been transformed into a "forced" one resulling from 1he
rise of warlords and ou1break of civil war.
Dunon, R. F. (Ed.) I. Bunon.
1894 Fml in &ut 4frit"'- London.
Gavin, R.J.
197:; .4dm IINllrlhilifll RMII, London: C. Hunt&: Compen)t
Handbook Series
1946 111111/M IW Std. Oxford: Navallnrclligencc
lngranw, n
I 949 .4 Su""' t/ Sotilllllllll Etoumie CtlfldiJilllll iR lkt .ddm PtokttDrfiM. Asmara:
Printed by Brirish Aclministradon PmL
Ingraftll, n and lngrams, L. (Eds.)
1993 Rtt''dJ of Jilnta 119/r/960, 16 Volumes. Slough, U.K: An:hiw. Ecli-
ciont.
lngr&Rll, L
2006 rmrm &grtawl. London: Stac:qr Inrcmalional.
Unle,T.
1968 S..dt Anr.6ill, t/ OJnjliiL London: Pall Mall Prtss.
Manton, T. E.
Brilailt':s /,ma, &II in lkt IW St. An 1800-1818. Hamclen, Connecdcut:
Shoe Scring PmL
Panlchuna,R.
1963 "The: Ethiopian Trade in the Nineteenth and EaJiy T'"endcth
Cenruries: A StaaSlical lnquir)", ]tntrrllll tf SmriJi Slwlits IX (3).
Pankhunt, R.
1977 ':An Early Somali Autobiopaph)'', A.fiit XXXII {2-3).
Pease, E. A.
1902 TrfiNIIIIIII Sfxwt in 4,6im. London: Anhur L
Playfair, C.ptain R. L
1859 .tl Hisliwy of .4nr.6itr IYBx or Jimm. Bombay: Printed .Or Gmoernmenc at the
Educ:adon Society's Press.
Ra)'IIC, H.
1921 Sa, s-J flllll Sotrullitl. London: H.F. & G. \\'itherby.
Vl\oian, H.
190 I t1urJ1f1t dfllitJit.'-J ltJ llrl t01111 " "}tldtlll. London: C. Anhur
Pearson.
CHAPTER SEVEN
NINETEENTH CENTURY EUROPEAN REFERENCES
TO THE AFRICAN DIASPORA IN THE
ARABIAN PENINSULA
nae geographic proximity of the Arabian Peninsula to Africa has raulted
in movements of populations in both dim:tions across the Sea for
much of recorded history. An Abyssinian Dynast}' naled Yemen until
around AD 5 70, around the time or dae birth or the prophet. This paper
examines aridenc:e ror people or African desc:ent in the Arabian Penin-
sula within dae nineteenth century manuscript and jounml collections or
the Royal geographical Society (Uadon), most or whida are written by
European traveUen. The rererences primaril) cover the mutes or origin,
dispersion and setdement or Africans, and their occupations, customs and
traditions. The or African ethnicit) within dae world or Islam,
and dae process whereby Africans become Arabs, is discussed. This paper
draws 011 geographical sources to prcMde historical evidence ror the study
or present da) communities or African origin in the Arabian Peninsula,
the wider Middle East and areas or the Indian sub-continent that came
under the influence or Islam.
Jntroduelion
TI1is study is based on d1e records of European travellers to the Arabian
Peninsula in manuscripts, journals and books a1 the Royal Geographical
Society. The collection and subject area had been largely ignored by
British historians of the Middle East.
Several Europeans traveUed around the coasts and into the interior
of d1e Arabian Peninsula in the Nineteenth Century. Many of d1em
recorded their journeys and the people they encountered. These
FRGS Royal Geographical Society, London England. E-mail: cliljpcrcira@
honnail.cnm
0 2008 KaninHij.., BriO Nv, Leiclal
122 C".LIFFORD PEREIRA
accounts provide a valuable historical geography source on the exis-
aence of an African Diaspora in the Arabian Peninsula. They provide
a strong historical background to recent saudies on the African Dias-
pora in Asia. In the absence of any agreed aerm in usage today by
people of African descena in Asia, in this paper, the aerm Afro-Asian
has been used as a generic aerm to cover people of African origin in
Asia, as opposed to African-Asians. The latter is used as a term by
which Asians in Africa describe themselves (i.e. South African Asian,
East African Asian, eac.).
The geographical proximity of the Arabian Peninsula to Africa has
resulaed in movements of populations in bod1 directions for some con-
siderable time. n1us, the African Diaspora that exisaed in the Arabian
Peninsula, which daaes back to antiquity, was not exclusively a Diaspora
of slaw: origin. In fact, an Abyssinian Dynasty ruled Yemen until around
AD 570. The growth of lslanl into North Africa and along d1e coast
of Easaem Africa increased the contacts between the Middle East and
Africa, based on trade and the obHgatory Hqjj pilgrimage to Mecca.
Additionally, Islam's growd1 in Asia and Europe also serw:d to diffuse
the African Diaspora in those areas.
The nineteenth century European traw:Uers in the Arabian Peninsula
have provided much in the way of references to the African Diaspora.
This was a period of slavery and more importandy, its abolition. Afri-
cans were not the only peoples to be enslaw:d in d1e Islamic World,
although in this period, by far the largest numbers of slaves were of
African origin. As a result many references to the African Diaspora refer
to Africans as slaw:s; howew:r it is certain that European travellers (and
some Arabs) may haw: not considered Arabs of African origin in free
and high social positions as part of the African Diaspora. None-the-
less European travellers do provide references to the Afro-Arabs and
Africans in many disciplines.
The Evidence
Perhaps the most important contribution of nineteenth century Euro-
pean traveUers is in d1e references that d1ey provide for the geographical
distribution of Africans and their routes of entry, and diffusion within
the Arabian Peninsula. n1ere are references to specific African ethnic
groups.
NINE'I"EEN''ll CENTURY EUROPEAN REFitRI.NCES 123
Several ttade routes can be clearly mapped, and some of these are
pan of a larger 'Slave Route' network and pan of the Hqjj pilgrimage
routes. Perhaps the Nonhernmost route is the one that starts in Egypt
and enters the Arabian Peninsula by way of Suez' and the Gulf of
Aqaba, making its way up d1e Jordan Valley.
2
n1is route undoubt-
edly led nonhwards into Ottoman Turkey. Then d1ere were the Red
Sea routes. On the Mrican side, this was from the Red Sea Hills of
Egypt and the Nubian Desen, at ports such as Suakin. nese routes
extended southwards by way of d1e Nile and westwards through various
Trans-Sahara routes to the land of the Nubi (Sudan), &mbasa (Mali),
and Tokruri (Senegal). Crossing the Red Sea, these routes entered d1e
Arabian Peninsula along the Hejaz Coast of Arabia at Umm Laj,S
Yanbu and Jeddah. This region was nominally pan of the Ottoman
Empire in the nineteenth century. The Nonhemmost of these routes
led inland across the An Nafud to AI Jawf
1
and Kaf and perhaps into
modern day Syria and Iraq. Two other Hqjj routes led inland, one
from Yanbu to Medina) and another fromjeddal1 to Mecca.
6
The last
Red Sea route was from Eritrea to the Yemen at AI-Mukha (Mocha)
and AI-Hudaydal1.
7
The coast of the Yemen was a major receiving area for Mricans.
n1ese Mricans were mainly Hobeshis from d1e Horn of Mrica trans-
ported by dhow across the Gulf of Aden to Aden, Ahwar,
11
Keshin and
mosdy to the pon of Mukallah from the slaving ports of Zeilah and
Berbera. n1e slave markets of Salalah
9
and Muscat
11
) in present day
Oman were fed by the annual flotilla of dhows from Eastern Mrica
(Mogadishu, Lamu, Mombasa, Zanzibar, Kilwa and Mozambique
Island). The Hobeshi and Mricans arri\ring on the coasts of
Bunon, PiftliRIIJlttB AIMaslt tiiUl AINcDII. Vol. II, 1855/56, pp. 2-13.
' Molyneux, Sotit!J No. 18. 1842, p. 120.
' WeUsaacl, RlrJtd Sii!J }o111111JI No. 6. 18.16, p. 67.
' Wallin, RlrJtd CtqviiJWtlll.sitpo }ltlriUII No. 24. 1854, pp. loiG-143.
Dunon, Pi/gtiRIIJlt 111 AIMaslt tiiUl AINtDII. Vol. II. 1855/56, pp. 2-13.
Dunon, Pi/gtiRIIJlt 111 AIMaslt & Mmfllt. Vol. II. 1855/56, p. 232.
' Dunon, PiftliRIIJlt 111 AIMaslt tiiUl AINtti!L Vol. D. 1855/56, pp. 2-13.
Miles, .Z..,nlfll No. 41. 1871, p. 226.
Saunders, SV{J}wnlal No. 16. 18'16, p. 174.
o Pelgra\oe, &p J-11Uil No. 34. 1862/3, pp. 151-152.
the Hadhramaut and Dhofar were probably destined for domestic
slavery.
11
Many of d1ose arri\ring at Muscat were resold and passed on
to the markets of Persia, such as Bushire, Baluchistan
12
and Sind
13
in
Pakistan. Some of these Africans were also taken to the Arabian coast
of d1e Persian Gulf where they were resold and ended up inland, even
in d1e inhospitable oasis of the Rub AI-K.hali.
11
Oet:uJHltions
Free Moslem Africans had always served as crew on board \'t':ssels in
the Red Sea, the Indian Ocean and d1e Persian Gul There were also
bonded and enslaved African crewmen on these vessels. The Cox Col-
lection at the Royal Geographical Society contains a number of journals
relating to Somalia, Oman and d1e Persian Gul One of d1ese contains
the touching story of Mubarak, who "was captured in a raid by a large
force and taken to Zanzibar". Mubarak was aged twenty-four at the time
of d1e interview when he was brought overland to Abu Dhabi. Ha\ring
explained the dead1 of enslaved members of his tribe en-route, Mubarak
goes on to explain that Salama, one of tbe enslaved survivors of this
passage was being coerced into di\ring by his master.
1
!1 Photographic
evidence &om d1e 1920's and d1e existence of a visible African among
the retired pearl divers of the United Arab Emirates supports d1e theory
that pearl divers were usually sla\'t':s or their descendants. Thousands of
people of African descent were domestic slaves throughout the towns
of d1e Hejaz and the viUages of the Tihamah (Yemen), Hadhramaut
(Yemen) and Dhofar (Oman). Africans formed the agricultural labour
force of d1e date groves of Hofuf and Tarut Island (Saudi Arabia) and
possibly in present-day Iranian Baluchistan.
16
Free A&icans who had arrived as pilgrims from as far away as West
Africa, often stayed on atjeddah and at Mecca and they were noticed
by Sir Richard Burton and Lt.J. R. Wellsted.l
7
The Takruti mentioned
11
Bunon, Silulh till/1M rdn'.f dult iWIJil lilt , .. lkJ filM lltlbu. 2006. p. 253.
2 PeUy, RlrJtd ]muul Nn. 24. 1864, p. 252.
13
BaiUie, K'llrrtldlllt: PtBt; Pwstt11; dRil F1111t1r. 1890, pp. 21-35.
Pelgra\-e, }tntnltll No. 34. 1862/6.1, p. 122.
(Manuscript) The Cox Collcclion. Oman Coasts and Inland Roures (PZC 4).
c. 1904, p. 14.
ld Goldsmith, RlrJtd GtogmflliDl Nn.. 37. 1867, p. 240.
11
Wdlslc:d, iR 1lmbi& Vol. 0. 1842, p. 270.
by Burton could have been a Moslem Mrican from the lslamicised
state of Takrur ffukolor) in Senegal or an enslaved non-Moslem from
the region.
18
There is evidence from Captain S. B. Miles for free African migra-
tion from Somalia to MukaUah and the Himyari Hills of Yemen, for
the gad1ering of Frankincense
19
and Myrrh.
10
Miles also explains that
the Somalis paid the Arabs for d1e privilege of collecting the incense
and oflen settled down at Mukallah and Shirr where they were incense
sellers. Africans could hold high positions, as Charles Beke noted, on
encountering d1e Black anendant of Sheikh Diab Ibn Freikh in d1e
Jordan Valley..
21
It is possible d1at many fioee-Africans in the Arabian Peninsula had
domestic slaves of their own.J. R. WeUsted mentions that the Somalis of
Berbera had domestic slaves, and he also mentions d1at there were free
Somalis in Arabia. Considering that d1ese free Somalis were engaged
in d1e incense trade, it is likely that at least some of the incense col-
lectors were slaves. 2".1
Cuslllms muJ troditions
It is d1e geographer Richard Burton who provides the most interesting
account of traditions among the African Diaspora in d1e Hejaz; "Late
in the evening I saw a negro in a state called Malbus-a religious frenzy.
To all appearance a Tokmri, .... The Africans appear unusually subject
to this nervous state which, seen by the ignorant and unimaginative,
would at once suggest demonic possession". It appears that Burton
was describing a ceremony similar to d1e <flr ceremonies of the UAE,
Kuwait Oman and the Makran coast of Pakistan.
21
Burton does not
make any mention of music, ritual slaughter or musical instruments
Bilkhair, Spiril Pos.1e!Binn and ics Practices in Dubai.
of Elhnomusicologiad Swdies. No. 2. Sounds of ldencil)t Ed. S. de Silva Jayasuriya
2006, pp. 56-57.
Miles, Rf!Jfll Gtogrfl/1/titlll ]M'IItlll No. 42. 1872, p. 65.
:10 Miles, Rf!Jfll Gtogrfl/1/titlll ]M'IItlll No. 41. 1871, p. 226.
1a &eke, ili!JYJI CNJgmfJiritlll ]aa'lltlll No. 32. 1862, p. 97.
11
Trtllvls ;, ..4 .. UI. Val. D. 1842, p. 362.
n Bilkhair, Spiri1 Passcssinn and ics Practices in Dubai.
of E!hnomusicoJnsical Studies. No. 2. Sounds of ldencil); Ed. S. de Silo."Bjayasuriya.
2006, pp. 43-64.
such as the tsnbumll (lyre) and unusually for a person versed in the
Arabic language, Islam and Arab culture, there is no mention here
of finn spirits. Bunon commented that wid1 regard to the Mandai or
palm-divination "a Black-slave is considered the best subject''.
Etlmiei!Y
Mricans arriving as slaves were identifiable by their places of origin.
Writing in the early 1840's,J. R. WeUsted describes "Suahi6" (Swal1ili)
slaves in AI-Mukallah.
21
He also mentions slaves in Muscat from Don-
gola and Darfur in d1e Sudan, and from Abyssinia and Zanzibar.:n The
Nineteench century European traveUers also provide information on
distinct communities, such as the Mricans that composed the "Messalliel
Arab tribe" b) the River Jordan. This community was mentioned by
Lt. Molyneaux in 1848, when he noted d1at two-dlirds of the tribesmen
he encountered were "Blacks".
26
Dr. Wallin mentioned d1e MulllWtllllldin
at AI Jawf in Saudi Arabia in 1854.
27
Sir Richard Bunon mentions
a Tolcruti in the Hejaz. While the Mricans of the Hejaz, Tihamal1,
Hadhramaut, AI-Maluah and Dhofar are mentioned by several travel-
lers, no distinct name is used to describe these Mricans.
Burton mentions enslaved "Golla girts" at Medina and Lt. john Parlcer
mentions class of slaves were the Hsbsllm or AIJ.1ssinisns"
when describing the Mricans of Karachi.
29
One assumes that since the
Galla (or Oromo) were procured in Edliopia and were generally of a
paler colour than the Bantu from East Mrica, d1ey were considered
Hsbslws.
In his History of Sindh, Burton mentions d1e S/gJitls among the
"stranger tribes setded in Sind". Burton explains that the SsJJids are
of d1e family of Husain and Hassan. He also makes the statement d1at
"Another peculiarity in Sindh is, that if eid1er parents be a Ss.id, aU
the children must be called It is, therefore not uncommon to
see African features among them, and thus their great number is eas-
" Wcllsced, iR Ar8ill. Vol. II. 184-2, p. 434.
Wdlsced, to tilt Ci!Jo tf tilt Ctdiplls. \bl. I. IS.W, p. 58.
Molyneux, RopJ .s.dtg ]H11Uil No. 18. 1842, p. 120
.n WalGn, SotilfJ}i>irllll No. 24. 18S4, pp. 14(H43.
,. Bunon, to.41-AIIIIIintJJl 61 Mttttlk. Vol. D. 1855/6, p. 175.
:a BaiUic; liM1frlllltJt: Ptul; Prtstlll; fllllljlllllrt. 1890, pp. 21-35.
ily accounted for".
90
Bunon mentions ocher Stgyid families such as the
1Wrqysh4 .AIIlWi and .Abbasi and is clearly describing d1e descendants of
the Arab tribes who arrived in Sindh following d1e Islamic invasion.
Diseussion
n1e growing recognition of the existence of an African Diaspora in
the Americas, as weD as Europe has tended to atuibute d1is Diaspora
throughout d1e world as entirely being the product of the institutions
of slavery. In the Islamic-influenced world of d1e Indian Ocean and its
adjoining land-masses and particularly in the Arabian Peninsula, slavery
had undoubtedly played a pan in the development of an African Dias-
pora as is e \ ~ d e n c e d by the accounts of nineteendl century European
traveUers in d1e region. However, this evidence clearly demonstrates that
while slavery was cenainly prominent, it was not the only mechanism
for the existence of d1is Diaspora Trade, religious pilgrimage and free
labour migration, also played their pans. The existence of African
elements among d1e &!vids (111 Squidi) suggest that an African-Arab
synthesis had occurred prior to d1e arrival of these groups in Sindh. n1e
evidence suggests d1at this could be d1e origin of the ethnonym of Sitli
for people of African origin in Islamic India. Bunon makes it known
that Sitli was a name applied by the Sindhi majority (i.e. an exonym).
n1e Africans who were non-SaJJidi (i.e. recent arrivals) had their tribal
names (Makonde, Makua, Mrima, Nyamwezi, Nyasa, Zarama, etc.).
31
This would also substantiate the proximil)' of Afro-Asian settlements and
the close association between Afro-Asians in d1e Indian sub-continent
wid1 some Islamic shrines. The use of terms such as Hobeslli, ?,ingi/Jori,
&mbosi and Tolauri suggest that aliiation to a specific region, political
domain or ed1no-linguistic group, was more prevalent d1an the concept
of belonging to a continent (i.e. Africa) among Africans in the Arabian
Peninsula in the nineteendl century.
The Arabs are a people and not a race, whereby identity is based pri-
marily on language (Arabic), religion (Islam) and tribal affiliation. Setded
and pastoral (i.e. Btdu) communities in the Arabian Peninsula appear
to have held free and enslaved members of the A&ican Diaspora who
10
Bunon, Sillll/r flllll tlu rw1s 111111 inNIMl 1M Nllly t{ dtt llllllu. 2006, p. 233.
11
Bunon, Sillll/r flllll tlu rw1s 111111 inNIMl 1M Nllly t{ dtt llllllu. 2006, pp. 253-254.
were of diverse origin, and who took on the Arabic language as a
necessity for communication, thereby taking the first step in the pro-
cess of "Arabisation". The Islamic concept of Ummola Wolaida (the one
community) was inclusive of Jews and pagans and enshrined in the
Constitution of Medina (AD 622) by the Prophet. TI1is would have
appealed to enslaved non-Islamic Mricans and led to conversions.
"lbe social mobility made accessible by Islanlic slavery combined with
the process of eroded the consciousness of a separate
identity among the enslaved, and particularly among the free-born
Mro-Asians of the Arabian Peninsula. A valid argument can be made
that the notes made by European travellers in d1e Arabian Peninsula
in the nineteenth century also describe a reverse trend-the gradual
absorption of Mrican racial and cultural aspects into mainstream
Arab-Islamic cultures.
Condusitm
lbe most enduring of the cultural attributes are d1ose shared in large
areas of Mrica, and thereby likely to be shared among a wider portion
of the diaspora. lbe presence today of elements of Mrican culture,
especially in music
92
dance and ritual, remain part of the historic con-
sciousness of the Moslem Afro-Asians in the Arabian Peninsula, within
which the experience of slavery is a major component.
Baillie, A. F.
1890 Kurradlec: Past; Present; and fuwre. London.
Bckc,C.T.
1862 Ro)'lll Geographical Sociery.Journal No. 32. London.
Bilkhair, A.
2006 Spirit Possrssion and its Practices in Dubai. Musike-lnternational.Jnumal
of Edmomusicolqpcal Studies. No. 2. Sounds of ldenliry. The Hague.
Burton, R. F.
1855/56 Pilgrimage to AI-Maclinah and Meccah. \bl. II. London.
2006 Sindh and the races that inhabit the valley of the Indus. Nc:\\ Delhi: Asian
Educational Services.
S1 Ingrams, L. Mrican Conncc1ions in Yemeni Music. MMiiU-IntenwionaJ.Journal
of Ethnomusicological Studies. No.2. Sounds of Ed. S. de Silvaja)'llliUriya.
2006, pp. 65-70.
Cox Collcccion
C. 1904 Oman Coasts and Inland Routes (PZC 4). London.
lngrams, L
2006 African Connecdons in Yemeni Music. Musike-lncemalionai.Journal of
Ethnomusioolngical Srudics. No.2. Sounck of Identity. The Hague:.
Goldsmith, F.J.
1867 Royal Geographical Society. .Journal No. 37. London.
Miles, S. B.
1871 Royal Geographical Society. Journal No. 41. London.
Molreux
184 Royal Geographical Society. .Journal No. 18. London.
Pelgrave, \V. G.
1862/3 Royal Geographical Societ)' Journal No. 34. London.
PeUy, L.
1864 Royal Geographical Society Journal No. 24. London.
Saunders,J.P.
l&lfi Royal Geographical Society Journal No. 16. London.
Wallin, G. A.
1854 Royal Geographical Society Journal No. 24. London.
Welllled,J. R.
1842 TrtiNI.J ilt Arubill. Vol. D. London: john Murray.
1844l Travels In the City or the Caliphs. \bl. I. London.
CHAPTER EIGHT
MIGRANI"S AND THE MALDIVES:
AFRICAN CONNEC110NS
SunL\N DE SILVAjAYASURJYA*
Asian migraniS have lefl an indelible imprint on Divehi, the language of
the :Maldives. TI1e Islamic wave that swept in with the rising Arab trade,
washed over the :Maldives. Fonns or music and dance reveal cultural
contaCt with other Indian Oceanic peoples. A&ican migraniS have intro-
duced a rorm of music which has become popular in the By
considering historical ac:c:ouniS and oral traditions, this paper demonstrates
how Mrican culture spilt into the Maldives.
lntroduelion
111e Maldives is a part of an Indian Ocean maritime economy and
migration is an essential pan of the overall activities that take place. This
is the consequence of ias geographic location, but it is also reflected in
the economy. Diversity makes the Maldives a special case in the Indian
Ocean, but it also complicates the analysis of Maldi\rian culture.
Consisting of I, 190 islands in total, d1e Maldives are situated in d1e
Indian Ocean, southwest of Sri Lanka. lnese islands are in an area
470 miles long and 70 miles wide. There are 300,000 Maldivians today
who call d1eir country Divi1ti &jje which means 'Island Kingdom in
their language Divebi. These coral islands are geological formations
and each bas a distinct nan1e. ror administrative purposes, d1ese are
grouped into 20 AtoUs.
Today, the main income generator for d1e Maldives is tourism. 111e
Maldivians have ensured that the tourists do not upset d1eir way of
Department of Ponugucse &: Brazilian Smdics, King's College London,
of London, London WC2R 21A England. E-mail: cbib.shihan@kd.ac.uk
132 SIIDIAN DE SILVAJAYASURIYA
life. Some islands have been designated "tourist islands". Non-Maldiv-
ians cannot go to the other islands unless they are accompanied by a
Maldivian. Roland Sil\oa ( 1983) made some recommendations on pre-
serving the heritage of the Maldives whilst, at the same time, making
them attractive to the tourists.
lbe Maldives are believed to have been populated for about 2,000
years. Therefore an analysis of the migrant groups to these islands
becomes complex. Each island could have been populated at a dillerent
time. Ibis is complicated further by there being no recorded history
of the Maldives until 1153, when com't!rsion to Islam took place. Its
recorded history begins wid1 d1e TaNh (State Chronicle). 1bday, all
Maldivians are Muslims of the Sunni sect.
According to oral history, a Sri Lankan Prince, "Koimala Kalo" and
his princess sailed to Rasgetimu, in the Nord1 Malosmadulu AtoU, in
the 12th century. They were invited to live there. lbeir son, Kalaminja
was crowned as King of the Maldives. Kalaminja ruled for 12 years as
a Buddhist King and for a further 13 years as a Muslim after conversion
to Islam. It is undisputed that the Maldivians were Buddhists before
conversion to Islam (Reynolds 1978: 155). H C P BeD's expedition to
the Maldives, in 1922, and his monograph ( 1940) confirms this.
Ancient historical chronicles make references to the Maldives. For
example, in 300 BC, a Buddhist inscription, and in 200 BC, the
MolumonstJ, d1e ancient chronicle of Sri Lanka, refer to these islands.
As d1e Maldives has been a stO}>O\'t!r point for explorers and sailors,
several traveUers have mentioned these islands. They are referred to
by Greeks, Romans, Chinese, Persians, Arabs, Portuguese and French.
I have listed d1e dates of some recordings and also the names of the
travellers (see below).
150AD
362AD
412AD
6th century
629-645AD
851 AD
916AD
lith century
12th century
1349 AD
Ptolelll% Gm:k Astronomer, :Mathematician and
Geographer
Ammia11us Marcellinus, Roman
Fa-Hsien, Chinese Buddhist Monk
Cosmas lndicopleustus, GII'C!ek
Hsua11 Tsang, Chinese Buddhist Monk
Sulaiman the Penia11 Meldwn of Siraf
AI-AIasudi, Arab
AI-Biruni, Arab
AI-Idrisi, Arab
Wang Ta-Yuan, Chinese writer
1414AD
1512-1515
1602-1607
MIGRANI'S AND niE MALDIVES 133
Ma Huan, a Chinese, who the Cheng Ho 'lt'O)'DF
Tome Pires, Portuguese chronicler
P)'l'llrd, a Frendaman
In terms of natural resources and commodities, the Maldives has coir,
cowry shells, ambergris and dry fish. 111e Malc6ves has bad trading
relationships with Persians, Arabs, Malays. Indonesians, Indians and
Sri Lankans. Maldives was not the immediate focus of western traders
and colonizers as it c6d not have much commercial potential in com-
parison to some of its neighbours. 111e Portuguese got entangled in the
Maldives because of their struggle with Mamale of Kannanur, South
India (Robinson 1989: 165). The Portuguese bad a brief presence
{ 1558-15 73) in the Maldives.
The early 16th century Ponuguese chronicler, Tome Pires ( 1944: 170)
noted that Bantam, in the kingdom of Sunda, traded with the Maldives.
In addition, Parsees, Turtcs, 1urkomans and Armenians sailed with trade
goods from Gujarat to Malacca and on d1eir return journey stopped at
the Maldives {Pires 1944: 269). Coir rope made from coconut fibre was
sought after all over Asia. 1ne early l6d1 century Portuguese chronicler,
Joio de Barros ( 1638), wrote dw "1ne commonest and most important
merchandise at these islands, indeed, the cause of their being \risited,
is the coir; without it, those seas cannot be na\'igated".
The Maldives, however, became established as a place for repair-
ing ships, as the coir in d1e Maldives was of good quality. The fibres
of the many coconut trees that abound in these islands are convened
into coir rope.
In d1e 14th century, Ibn Batuta, mentioned that ships from Yemen
and India came to the Maldives due to its hemp.
Maldivian cowrie shells were considered the best in the world due to
their whiteness. Cowrie shells were taken from the Maldives to Afioica,
the Middle East, Southeast Asia and ancient China. n1ey were more
than just a commodity. Cowrie shells were monetary units, and the
Portuguese, for instance, exchanged cowrie shells for eaNfas de pessoas
{heads of people) (i.e. African slaves). Maloney (1980: 126) describes d1e
cowries paid to d1e Dutcl1 by d1e Maldivians. He remarlcs that 12,000
pounds of cowries bought 500 to 600 slaves for the Dutch from d1e
Guinea Coast, through Arab mediation. Malone)' (1976: 658) states
that Maldivian cowries paid for several slaves who were bought from
West Africa and sent to d1e Americas. 111e Arab middlemen bad paid
cowries to d1e African slave-raiders.
After the change in ideology, the orientation of the Maldives turned
towards Persians and Arabs. This wa<1 understandable given their trad-
ing links. Historically, the Muslim communities in the Soud1 Asian
littorai--Gujarat, Konkan, Malabar, Coromandel coast, Sri Lanka,
the Lakshadweep islands and the Republic of Maldives-served as
important entrep(>ts in the flow of goods, ideas, and religious personnel
around d1e Indian Ocean {Didier & Simpson 2005).
The Maldives was not colonized by the Dutch or the British. An
annual embassy wa<1 sent to the Dutch Governor of Ceylon after 1645
and to d1e British Governor of Ceylon who succeeded him, until the
European presence in d1e region ended.
4frit1111 Connections
The Maldivians are ethnically heterogeneous and are the result of
several historical and social processes. Yet, today there is only a single
Maldivan identity. 1'bis has been no doubt helped by there being a single
indigenous language-Divehi-and all Maldivians being adherents of
one faith-Islam. It is indeed admirable that Divehi has remained the
national language to-date despite influences from its neigllbours-lndia
and Sri Lanka. Although migrants from India and Sri Lanka would
ha\re initially been speakers of other lndic and Dravidian languages,
they have all learnt Divehi on setding down in Divilti &gje. Moeover,
even after conversion, Di\rehi did not give \\'3Y to Arabic.
It is in music and dance that cultural and ethnic diversity is expressed.
There are many forms of folk music and dance. For instance, ThtliiTa
is of Arab origin and Batulj)Vl Jthun is of Indian origin. n1e rhythms
of the !Jodu btru (big drum), inilially limited to Africans, ha\re spilt into
the Maldives at large. Traditionally !Jodu btru wa<1 played in the islands
where Africans lived. lbday it has become a popular form of music.
It is played to the tourists by bodu INru groups who earn a handsome
sum for d1eir performances.
There seems to have been two mechanisms by which Africans came
to the Maldives. Africans were brought as slaves on Arab dhows. In 1834,
two British lla\'3llieutenants who visited Male, reponed that "From the
information we were able to collect-it appears that Muscat vessels do
not often \risit this place: when they do, they generally bring a cargo
of slaves. five years ago, one came and sold about twenty-five lads,
at an average price of about 80 rupees each" (Forbes & Ali 1980: 19).
Sultans returning from the Ht9j brought back slaves who were freed on
conversion. n1ese freed slaves were absorbed into d1e Maldivian popu-
lation which was IUstoricaUy accustomed to migrant sewers. Mricans
intermarried with the indigenous Maldivians. Most Mricans worked
as 1tllltris or coconut plantation-keepers, which suggests that there may
have been a shortage of labour supply.
According to oral tradition, a Maldi\rian Sultan who went to Mecca
for the Ht9j (pilmgrimage to the Holy sites), brought back fi\'e slaves:
Sangoaru, Laalu, Marjan, Masud and Muizz. Today Sangoaru's descen-
dants are well integrated in d1e Maldi\rian socio-political structure. They
are making a significant contribution to d1e economy and welfare of
the Maldives. Sangoaru worked in the Sultanate in Male but he had
misbehaved. 'l11erefore, he was banished to d1e island of Feridu where
he lived for a while. Then he moved to another island-Felidhoo-in
anod1er AtoU. In both islands, he left ofiSpring. His descendants are
proud of him and he is a local hero.
In the Maldives, Mricans have been caUed Hdshi and &buru. n1ey
have not been called Ktdftr which is edmonym used in Sri Lanka and
India for Mricans. The word Habski, from the Arabic word al-Habosk,
at that time, referred to an Abyssinian (or Ed1iopian). It may have
been a generic term for aU Mricans who could have been perceived
to have come from a single geographical entity. In d1e 14th century,
Ibn Batura, d1e Moroccan traveller, visited the Hdskigeftuta (shrine of
an Mrican apostle Shaikh Najib). This implies d1a1 Africans were kq
religious figures wid1in Islam at that time. In 1922, four main saints
were commemorated annuall'% in the Maldives, during hili ceremonies at
Ramzan. Hdsltig4"1111u \\'3S one of these saints, the others being Ali V (the
martyr king who was killed by the Portuguese in 1558), Tabrizgefanu
and Maulana al faqih Sulaiman of Medina (circa 1450).
There is now some awareness of Mrican Saints in the region through
the shrines of Baw Gor in western India. An Abyssinian, Bava Habash,
came to Gujarat around the 13th century, and developed the agate bead
industcy. He becan1e known as Ba\ra Gor and his shrines are frequented
by Hindus, Christians and Zoroastrians in India. n1e music and dance
played during their celebrations and spirit possession ceremonies is called
goma (from ngoma meaning drum and dance in Swahili). A comparati\'e
study of goma and botlu beru needs to be undertaken.
Janet lopp-Fargion (2007), Curator of the Sound Archives, Brit-
ish Libnuy, London, commented that the bodu 6tru recording which I
played to her, was similar to Zanzibari and Omani music in rhythmic
suucture. This is significant, as Zanzibar and Oman were important
ports of call for Indian Ocean trade. Further research should reveal
the musical links between Zanzibar, Oman and the Maldi\es. They
would, in tum, point us towards slave routes which would have traced
commercial routes. By 1840, Zanzibar was the centre of Omani opera-
tions and these political reinforcements would have helped to estab6sh
the musical connections.
According to Naseema Mohammed (2006:40), fioeed African slaves
introduced the sound of the African drums to the Maldives. Bodu &ru
is believed to have origina1ed from East Amca. The drums are two and
a half feet long and made out of breadfruit or coconut wood with a
goatskin membrane on each end. Traditional Botlu &ru is played by
the descendants of Africans who mosdy live in Feridu, an island in
Ari AtoU. It is also played in other islands in the same AtoU and also
in Felidhoo island, in Vaa\ru AtoU. TraditionaUy, this was an aU male
performance and the troupe included three drummers, a lead singer
and a chorus of ten to fifteen men. Authentic &du Btru was accompa
nied by &bUill l.mJo ( ~ r i c a n Song1 and Boblllll.JtfiSUII ( ~ r i c a n Dance');
Africa is caUed Bolmru Kma. Most Maldivians do not understand the
meaning of the aud1entic songs. The themes of Boburu /..avo could be
love, religion, enjoyment, courage or praise of the Sultan. Bodu &ru
provides entertainment for aU Maldivians-females and males, young
and old. Understandably, &du &ru has become commercialised today
and is a tourist attraction.
Discussion
Ethnic and cultural diversity of d1e Maldives is expressed through folk
music and dance. It reveals the African connection of the Maldives.
Considering that there has been inter-Indian Ocean trade between
Africans and Asians for many centuries, it is not surprising that human
capital has also moved from Africa to Asia. What is significant is that
this movement has been hidden. AssimUation of migrants is a main
contributor to obscuring the African presence in Asia.
The Maldives, because of its many islands, has preserved micro
subcultures which reveal some of this history. Botlu blru has been com-
mercialized and has changed from its original form. The lyrics of the
authentic IHJtJu bnu are not in Divehi. The Maldi\rians cannot under-
sWld the meaning of these songs. 1be words could provide dues about
the roots of the Africans who settled down in the Malc6ves, although
being an oral tradition, the words may have lost their original form.
A few words were identified as Swahili, and as it was a lingua .frlliiUJ
in East Africa, it may have been a common language among African
slaves who had various ethnic origins. "l11e Etymological Vocabulary of
Divehi Language (Maniku 2000) does not give any African languages
as possible etymon for Divehi words, but an analysis of the lexicon is
an area for future research.
While language has been the most imponant element in national
identity, having a common ideology has reinforced Maldivian identity.
"lwo important cultural elements-language and religion-contribute
to the homogeneity. Ed1nic heterogeneity is obscured by these
political realities.
Contbuion
Movement of Africans eastwards has been concealed. It is du"Ough
music and dance that their presence springs to life. Music and dance
are the only things that could not be taken away from the involuntary
African migrants. Malc6\ljan folk music and dance teD us that there is
an African presence.
Admowltdgtmmls
I should like to thank Dr Hemal Jayasuriya, Schiller International
University, for helpful comments on an earlier draft of d1is paper.
Bdl, H. C. P.
1940 1711MflllliM blmt/s.: MDIIIf"lllh 1111111 f/11/ Cnlombn:
Gm.1m1n'lellt of Ceylon.
DeBarms,J.
1638 Dtai!Jas dtJ .Asia. Lisboa.
Didier, BJ. & Simpson, E.
2005 Islam along the South 1\sian Littoral. ISIM Re\oiew 16, Aurumn.
Forbes, A. & Ali, F.
1980 '"The Maldi\oe Islands and their Historical Unks \with the Coast of Easaem
Africa'' Kft}tl PtiSltlllll l'trsm12.
138 SilD-lAN DE SILVAJAYASURIYA

2003 A Glimpse into the Bucldhislie Puc of rhe Maldi\ors, 1: An Early Prakrit
lnserip110n (Unpublished essay).
:Maloney, C.
1980 Ptop/1 of 1M MsJaoes. Bombay: Orient Longman.
C.
1976 The Maklr.a: New Sll'all'S in an Old Nation . .4Atm 16
:Maniku, H. A.
2000 A CorttiN E!J.,...I tf DlriMi Colombo: Royal Asiatic:
Society.
:Mohamed, N.
2006 Euf!P oa .WIIMiNs. NIUional Centre for Linguiscie and Historical
Rtsc:arch, Male.
Pircs,T.
1944 17w s.r... oMtld/ tf TOIIII Pfns: .4lt tf 1111 &.rt, firtm 1M IW &vi to
}tl/lflR, wriJtm iR ,\-llllstJ lllllllttiitJ ill 1512-1515. The Book of Francisco
Rodrigues, rutter of a \IO)'&F in che IUd Sea, nautical rules, almanaek
and maps, written and drawn in the East before 1515. Translated fmm the
Ponuguese :Manuscript in rhe Bibliotheque de Ia Chambre des Deputes,
Paris, and edited by Annando Conesio.
Rqrnolds, c.
1974 Buddhism and the 1\ofaldivian Language. In 1... Co.U.s (eel.) IWtJkisl Slwlits
ill Htmwr tf l B. HtmW.
Rqrnolds, c.
1978 Linguistic Stranch in the :.rfaldi\a. OmltilltltitJJu t.oAtia Stwlits XI: 155-166.
Robinsnn, F. (Ed.)
1989 17w Ormbriftst of /IIIIis, IWi.rttJR, Sri Lalat, .'A't/111'
BltMitlll 111111 IN MtiJJJiws.. Cainbridge: Cambridge Unnoersity Prc!s..
Silva, R.
1983 o.um..,-. of 1111 AlllllliloiJm 'Wosfw.f flllllllll EwtiVfllitltl of 1111
Paris: UNESCO.
Topp-l'argion, J.
2007 Persnnal Communicalion.

THE AFRICAN IN INDIASPORA
SlaW!I")' as an institution was not new and it prevailed in Ancient India.
This article however aims to highlight the existence of 'Black slavery' in
India. It tells that the negro a natnoe of Africa was uprooted from his
homeland and transplanted in India, a sub-continent of Asia. The Portu-
guese "'O)'agers and Arab merchants were the chief shippers of Africans
who they called slaves. The Diaspora of the African native took place and
slaves were located in di8Crent parts of India. Goa e'll'l!n had a slave rnarlret
in one or its streets caUed 'RUII Dimla'. The Siddis also were of African
origin, but aU of them were not slaves; they held various positions as per
their masters' liking and needs, and can be found in di&rent places. As a
result one notices the presence of the African native aU over India.
lnltodU1ion
India is a large country, and a subcontinent in South Asia. It is a land
wid1 an ancient ci\.uization, a country that was invaded in medieval
times and a colony of foreign powers in modem times. The country
freed itself from foreign domination in d1e mid 20th century and is
today one of the largest democracies of d1e world.
Ancient Indian slavery existed as an imponant social institution but
in a milder form compared to d1e slavery of 'Black Mrica'. In India
as elsewhere, the origin of slavery is to be traced to the early laws and
tribal wars. The vanquished became d1e slaves of the victors. Also a
large family of cultivators was of great value to the landlords. When
the family faced difficult times by becoming insolvent members
of d1e family were sold into slavery and, so they became field slaves.
c/o The Heras lllttitutc, St X8\oier's College Campus. Mahapalib Marg. Mumbai
400 001, India. E-mail: jcanpinto@rcdiffmailcom.
140 JEANE.TI'E PINTO
Those who were unable to work outdoors due to age or ill-health
became household slaves.
Slavery is an age-old institution and existed as a constant factor in
the social and economic 6fe of the ancient world. Ancient India both
the Epic and Vedic periods also bad slaves, so did the Mus6ms and
Buddhists of those times. Slaves in India were generally weD cared
for like domestic animals and served their masters weD. But the caste
hierarchy and the feudal structure of the Middle Ages gave rise to the
ug6est forms of human exploitation and bondage. Also anodter evil
feature of slavery in India was the use of female slaves as prostitutes
and concubines.
'Ibis paper, howe\'er, focuses on the presence of the African native
in difl'erent parts of India. The Arab traders brought most Africans
from Africa in the early centuries on their \'0)'3ges of 'discovery' to
the eastern lands. African slavery in India assumed a difterent picture
when compared to slavery in ancient India. The Africans were called
Negroes and were thus distinguished from the local or native slaves.
Aftieon Presmu in IRJiill
Hindu and Mohammedan law from very early times recognized the
institution of slavery in India. A great number of slaves in India con-
sisted of dte natives of the country itsel A large number were imported
from the Eastern coast of Africa, the Persian Gulf and Madagascar.
In certain coastal places, dte number of imponed foreign slaves was
greater than that of Indian born slaves.
1
'lrading in slaves from East Africa to Egypt, Arabia and India is said
to have been going on from the beginning of the Christian era. Dur-
ing the time of Silbara kings of the Konkan (AD 81 o-1260), there are
instances of slaves being sent from Sofala in East Africa to dte Thana
ports
2
in western India. Before the arrival of Albuquerque and the
Lusitanian adventurers, lslamized African communities caUed Habsbi
(people of Habash i.e. Abyssinia) existed in India. 1bey were brought
by the Arabs from the African Horn or Abyssinia. The Arabs were
masters of the Indian Ocean from the 6th century tiD tlte advent of
I Banaji, S/a.y iR BtiJisk /lllliD, p. :JG.
~ Bombay Gazcctcer, Vol. XI, p. 433.
'111E APIUCAN NATIVE IN INDIASPORA 141
the Ponuguese in the 16th century. During this period, they were d1e
chief promoters of the African slave trade in India. s 111e Arab ships
continued to bring African slaves in succeeding periods to Bengal and
the Western coast of India.
The African slaves sold by the Arabs were usually from Abyssinia
as their country was not far from India.
1
These slaves were brought
by others too. 'l11e Asiatic Journal of June 1831 records d1at a Mogul
merchant supplied to the king of Oudh three Abyssinian women, seven
Abyssinian men and two native girls for which he was paid Rs.20,000.l
'l11ere are many other references also of Abyssinian slaves sold to od1er
parts of d1e country. 'l11us we see that the sla\'e uade was responsible
for the presence of the African nati\'e in various pans of India.
Portuguese India
Slave trading went hand in hand wid1 the great Ponuguese discoveries
of the fifteenth century. Once d1e Ponuguese realized d1at they could
acquire sla\'eS by a peaceful exchange of goods with the African chiefs,
a regular trade began. 'l11ey took the slaves to their newly discovered
territories. The Ponuguese in India began an active slave trade right
from d1e beginning of the l6d1 century. 'l11ey would kidnap men and
women &om African Coast lands and sell them bod1 inside and out-
side the country for a huge profit. This explains the presence of d1e
African native in the Ponuguese occupied areas. Early travel records
and foreign traveUers' accounts teD of the African slaves accompanying
their Ponuguese masters.
MoiiJbar
'l11e history of the Ponuguese in India begins when Vasco Da Gama
arrived at Kappat or Capucad a few miles nord1 of Calicut. The
Zamorin received the party in a special darbar, exchanged compliments
and received presents sent by the king of Ponugal. After a friendly
1 Danaji, ~ flllll 1M Sidllis, p. 20.
~ Ibid., p. 20.
J Banaji, Slmotv' ;, BriiUA btdbl, p. 73.
intercourse trade relations were staned. Malabar is that geographical
unit that extends from 12. 2 Nonh latitude to Cape Comorin.
6
\Yid1 trade, came in more European people, a variety of commodities,
rivalries and unfavorable encounters. The Malabar Coast was made
up of a number of petty principalities and this led dte more internal
rivalries. The Portuguese possessed Cochin for about 70 years but dteir
ambition for political power did not materialize. They held a precarious
foodtold at Cannanore, Cochin, Craganore, Procaud and Qpilon.
7
The Portuguese impact in Malabar is seen in the stately buildings,
churches, fortresses and structures. There is scarcely any mention of
d1e African native presence-perhaps because dte lower castes in
Malabar provided all dte service labour. But dtere are many references
to 'galley slaves, indicating that as the Portuguese moved from port
and also around Cape Comorin to d1e fishery Coast they had dteir
Negro slaves to man the ships. The Negro slaves would also perhaps
ha\'e accompanied their officers to do d1e menial tasks or hea\ry jobs,
required by the Portuguese.
Bocarro wrote in { 1653) that the Portuguese city of Nagapatam had
500 homes, 140 of white Portuguese, the rest of mulattos {desetndmt '!!
.Ntgm and Portugwst) and nati\e Christians with dteir own nati\'e Indian
slaves.
8
As the Portuguese sailed to the difterent pons, a litde interior
are the Nonh Kanara pons of Bhatkal and HonO\ran, South Kanara
harbours of Barcelor, Bacanor 8t Mangalore. This complete region
would ha\'e bad setdements consisting of houses and small trading
posts. These small setdements may not have been possible were it not
for the Negro slave labour. Surely they would ha\'e had to assist dteir
Ponuguese masters in setting up dteir trading establishments and settle-
ments. It is not unlikely dw some of them were either left behind or
ran away to freedom &om dteir Portuguese masters making dteir new
homes here.
The foundations of dte Portuguese Eastern empire was laid by AftOnso
de Albuquerque who wrested the land locked island of Goa from the
h Panilclcar, MfllslxtJ- flll4 1M ~ S i t , p. I.
' Ibid., p. 135.
H Schurhammcr, IWmtis x - ~ His Lift, His T lllltJ Jfal. II, p. 549.
MusUm Sultan of Bijapur in 1510.
9
Ponugal's historical presence in
India is also marked by Diu being ceded to Portugal in 1535, Daman
was acquired by them in 1559 and Nagar Aveli ceded to Ponugal in
1789.
18
Bassein, north of Bombay was the chief dey of tbe Nonh.
111e Ponuguese thrived on d1eir trade and it was not long before Ponu-
guese India became increasingly self-supporting from her monopolistic
voyages.
The Ponuguese territory in India was officially known as d1e EstfliiD
Portupts da India or the Esllldo da India viz. the Ponuguese State of
India. It really consisted of three small enclosures on the Western coast
of India, namely Goa, D81llaD, Nagar Aveli and Diu. Another small
enclave 32 miles north of Bombay was Bassein, an important Ponu-
guese possession for a litde over two hundred years. 1be total area of
Ponuguese India was 1460 square miles. Howe\'er, they established d1e
Esllldo da lndiJJ at Goa to supervise their discO\'eries, conquests and mar-
kets from the Cape of Good Hope in Mrica to Japan in d1e Far East.
Careri in his description of Goa refers to d1e presence of Ktgiis. n1e
synonymous usage of d1e term 'Ctyir for slave indicates the widespread
utilization of Mricans as bondsmen in western India. A French observer
tells of how "d1e Rua Direita is a perpetual market of all kinds of
merchandise .... including slaves" .
11
Antonio Bocarro estimated around
I 0 slaves per household owned by d1e Ponuguese setders in Goa in
1635.
12
n1e Dutcll traveUer Linschoten observed that in the markets
''were many sorts of captives and slaves, bod1 men and women ... ".s
111e Italian doctor, Gemelli-Careri, who visited Goa in 1695, found d1e
ciey of Goa teeming with multJIJo.s (dlstlllllenls '![Negro and Portuguae). He
also records that there were "an abundance of Cafres and Blaclcs".
11
Duarte Barbosa visited the dey of Goa in the beginning of the
l6d1 century. He remarked d1at d1e city was inhabited by many Moors,
respectable and ricl1 merchants. Pyram de Laval in his descriptions of
Goa noted about one of the central squares, "in this plaza are sold all
sons of merchandise and among other things, quantities of sla\'es." It
was also customary for convents and monasteries to have slaves perform
Boxer,/Wr Cmlrltils AwttttJtt.rt p. 14.
10
Nalional Secretariat for lnformalion (eel.), 1lt illllwuio t11111 trlfltllio of Cotr ill
IKril Puss, p. 119.
11
Silva Correia, Lll JV/It Goo, p. 70.
" (eel.), Artpt#v Orim. T- n: Jfal. /l
IJ Linscho1en, 1lt Hll'l/!llm Ia Liltslt/Jotm, JiLl, pp. 7o-71.
11
Sen,/llllimt TrtiNIJ 9F1 Ji"JJmi, p. 188.
144 JEANE.TI'E. PINTO
varied jobs. Almost nery household and institution had slaves to do the
menial tasks. Negro slaves were freely available and sold in the marltet
place like any commodity."
The E.siiJJio dJJ ltulill's military establishment also depended on Mri-
can slaves as soldiers in all its territories. Boxer notes dw the first lnp
was organized in Goa, in 1671, and it was made up of "slaves
and coloured soldiers who formed a proportion of rank and file".
16
DtliiUIII 111111 Diu
Bod1 these port setdements lie wedged between Bombay and Gujarat.
Although small in size thq were important trading centres for the
Portuguese. On a visit to Daman, in the late eighteenth century the
Frenchman Thevenot commented that "the Portuguese have slaves
there of bod1 sexes ... ".
17
Another traveller, Careri, told the story of a
son of a neighbouring king who came to visit and had two sla\es to
accompany him. At the place of the visit there were no chains avail-
able so that prince6ng "caus'd his two Slaves to squat down and sate
upon them".l
8
As late as 1828, we find that Mrican slaves were imported to the
port of Daman, as per d1e entry made on 27th September to the 4th
of October. A number of records caUed Mfl/Hl dos HIJbiJJJnUs, (Maps or
charts of Inhabitants) contain details of population viz. men, women
and children in the Daman, Diu and the Nolltl CtniiJUisllls of Goa
19
showing there were many slaves in d1is territory.
In Daman, the monks of difterent monasteries, as well as the nobility
had many of the Negro slaves in d1eir service. It is presumed that there
were no less than 600 Negroes in Daman in 1660. The Captain
Governor alone had, in addition to his servants who were paid by the
Government 30 or 40 Negroes.
20
Below is a table (Table 1) of the Port
of Diu showing d1e number of slaves in each parish in 1792:
Pinlo, st..wy iR P'ottllgruslltttlifl, J5J(H842, Ch. 2.

Ill Boxer, 1711 Ptwlllgwst Strlbtnt l?.lflliR 1415-1825, p. 301.
n Sen, op. ciL, p. 116.
18
Ibid., p. 189.
ag Alfanclcgo de Damio, p. 21.
111
Mooiz, .NotiLUu t DrxfllfftiiiAf fNlm 11 Histitt til Dtmtso /, p. 156.
Table I FORTALEZA DE DIO 22 de de 1792
I'REGUEZIAS PriM de llmefitoiado<. Dinao de Mulholn Diuo de...- F..aa ... Soma
(IMRISIIU)
c-.-..
lol .... de 12a,_ l'lua baim
De .lie parallaim ...... lima
R.R. Niprino
.lie ll.luriK 2 6t 27 114 16 27 43 29t
S.l'b-.. lOS 23 67 17 IS 12 2311
51. Andre
F.xmun...,. I IS 12 25 6 3 .. 66
s..m.c-....... 2 2 182 fi2 206 S9 4S 59 59R
Soun:e: llolanp.s ... Rrino. Mo. 173 No. 262, p. 240, tlilll<llir ..... Amli.s of a ....
Of all the Ponuguese settlements viz. Daman, Diu, Bassein, Chaul,
Mangalore, Cochin, Cannanore, Cranganore and Q.uilon, the Por-
tuguese selected Bassein as dteir Nordtern capital and pon. It was a
busy pon of internalional trade in dte 16th and I 7th centuries.
21
'11te
indigenous name of Bassein was Vasai; the Ponuguese changed it to
Ba9lim. The jurisdiction of Bassein included Tana, Salcete,
Caranja, Sambayo, Manora, Asserim and Bombaim.
22
Duane Barbosa, Pyrard de Laval, Careri, deUa Valle, Linschoten
and other travellers have recorded dte presence of innumerable Afri-
can slaves not only in Goa, Daman 8t Diu but also in Bassein and its
associated territories. '11te fidalgos (Ponuguese noblemen) were numer-
ous in the city of Bassein.
23
1bey led a life of opulence and pleasure.
Linschoten has recorded dtat the Dons of Bassein dressed in silks and
along widt dteir ladies were transported in palanquins or litters by
African slaves.
The African slaves also helped in the construction of the impos-
ing edifices of Bassein, dte palatial residence of the GovernadDr and
the Cspililo, as weD as other buildings and residences. t A number of
churches too were built in dtose days. 'lbe ruins of those monumental
structures are seen even today among the ruins of the precincts of
the Bassein fon. The fon of Bassein, in 1634, was visited by Antonio
Bocarro. He has recorded that there were 400 Europeans, 200 Native
1661-1108, pp. H.
u David, "'Histone Bassc:in", /ttdit4, p. 91.
n Da Cunha, Hislm) flllll Alilplilit.s of CJwJ ad Btusn11.
Ibid., p. 245.
Christians, every one of whom was supposed to have under him 3
slaves. n This number would amount to a total of 1800 slaves.
26
Thus
it is very clear from d1e many accounts and records that the multitude
of African slaves formed an integral segment of the Portuguese popu-
lation in Bassein.
Bmgal
The history of the Portuguese was not one of expeditions but of d1eir
trade and settlements in Bengal. The Portuguese had their earliest
settlement in d1e gulf of Bengal at a place called Pipli in Orissa in
1514. Pipli proved to be an important harbour on d1e coast of Orissa
and grew into a great centre of Portuguese trade. Here d1eir fleets
commanded d1e whole sea board from Cbittagong to Orissa. It was
also a great slave marlret where d1e Portuguese brought their slaves
for sale. Pipli survived for long as a trading centre of the Portuguese.
They also bad a small setdement in Balasor in Orissa, of which no
trace remains now.
27
Hoogg
It is believed that d1e Portuguese were founders of the town of Hoogly
as they first got Bandel in 1538 and built a fort there in 1599.
211
They
developed slowly the setdement in Hoogly which rose to be "d1e richest
the most flourishing and the most populous" of all the Ba11dels (small
setdements) that the Portuguese possessed.
From earliest times Chittagong in East Bengal was the greatest bar-
bour of Bengal. It came into the possession of the Portuguese in 1602.
29
Minor setdements were in Dacca, Sripur, Chandecan, Bakla, Catrabo,
Loricul and Hijili. Bhulua was an independent principality; it was a
colony of d1e Portuguese. 111e Princes guard consisted of Christians
in name being Negroes born.
90
~ Eclwardes (cd.) The Gazcaccr of Bomba) Cit)' and Island, p. 256.
: : t ~ Gazcaccr of the Bombay Prrsidcncy, XID, \W. 2, p. 258.
21
C.mpos, History rf 1M /\,.,_ ;. t:1. Xll.fl'l.
::ti Ibid., p. 45.
~ Ibid., p. 67.
so Ibid., p. 3.
There are various Ponuguese churches in Bengal. As works of archi-
tecture they compare unfavourably with the majestic structures existing
in Goa. nte vast number of Roman Catho6cs who existed in Bengal
bears to the missionaey zeal of the Ponuguese. All over Bengal,
in Calcutta, Dacca, Hoogly, Chitcagon& Noakhi and other places dte
communities have Portuguese names and also speak a Luso-Indian
language widt Feringhi words.
British JIUiill
llomiJsy PresiJJmey
nte British 6ke the Portuguese were enterprising Europeans who came
the intentions to trade with India, but who succeeded in acquiring
political control and colonizing the land. In time they controlled dte
entire sub-continent of India. 11te British Government for the purpose
of administralion had divided India into 3 Presidencies, Bombay, Cal-
cutta and Madras.
The British observed that slaves formed a marlretable article both in
the home arade and in foreign trade. It may be said that the whole of the
Western coast of India, owing to its proximity to Mrica, Arabia and dte
Red Sea Littoral aftOrded ample facility for the importation of Mrican
slaves. Arab vessels brought a large number of these slaves into the native
states of Cutclt, Kaahiawar, Porbandar and Sind and to a large extent
into Bombay. JP WiUoughby was dte Political Agent at Kaahiawar and
in his Memorandum dated 23 December 1835, recorded that Mrican
bo)s attended on Native chiefs who visited Rajkot.
91
A study of dte
Custom House Books at the Port of Porbandar revealed long lists of
slaves whiclt are unquestionable proof of slave trading taking place.
nte entry point was at Porbandar dte chief seaport of Kadtiawar, and
the slaves were sent to odter parts of dte Ranas of Porbandar territory,
and many found their way into Bombay.:
12
Banaji in reporting on slave trade in India between 1772 and 1843
states that "the official documents of the Presidency of Bombay show
that slaves were imported in Arab vessels into the native states of Cutch,
Kathiawar, Porbandar, Sind, even into Bombay and into dte Portuguese
II Banaji, ;, Britislt r.-. p. 3.
IJ Ibid., PP. 147-148.
pons of Goa, Daman and Diu, where d1ey were distributed all over lhe
Bombay Presidency''.
11
James Forbes records that child slaves were cheap
at lhe end of lhe rainy season. He purchased a boy and girl about 8
or 9 years of age as a present for a lady at Bombay.:w Mention is made
of places like Bhuj, Surat and Dwarlca so we learn of lhe presence of
lhe African native in all of Cutch and Kaahiawar.
From narratives and records one learns that the British in India car-
ried on an active tra8ic of slaves e.g. from Bantam, Malabar, MohiUa,
Masulipatanl. Bombay, Surat etc. In the year 1780, there were 431
slaves in Bombay according to a census carried out; 189 of these were
resident in Bombay and 242 in Mahim.
95
1be British, like the Portu-
guese, considered d1e slave an economic item, a commodity d1at could
affOrd ahem an easy and comfortable life.
Csleutta Pruitlmey
The slave trade was also extensively practised. In fact, it flourisl1ed in
Calcutta, chiefly carried on by Arab dealers. Hickey's Gazette of 1780
contained a number of interesting advertisements lhat constitute an
irrefutable proof of the widespread existence of slavery. These slaves
were of African origin as the advertisements referred to "Co.Jfts" or
ladies".:J6
Some of the advertisements were so flagrandy indecent in parts
lhat only a portion of it can be quoted. A correspondent of d1e Ben-
gal Chronicle of 1831 also vouched for the prevalence of slavery in
Calcutta indicating that it was too notorious to be denied. s' The t:raf6c
was not only by the Catholics but also by a few who even professed the
Protestant faim. Slaves of bolh sexes were purchased.
Matlms Presitlmfy
Madras is known for its praedial slavery i.e. native/bonded slaves
attached to the soil. Indigenous slavery was of a difl'erent nature and it
Edwanles (c:d.), op. cit., p. 257.
,. Kaul (c:d.), Tltllvlltr'llfliill, A p. 18.
S\ Public Diary 77, pp. 30-31.
lll StaR, ('.lli1111G ill 5f11m7 DtJ:p, p. 3.
" The: Bc:npl Chmnick; Feb. 15, 1831.
lll StaR, Ibid., p. 8.
had its own characteristics linked with d1e caste system. Besides it was
rampant as well as an accepted form of slavery in the social structure.
111is was perhaps d1e reason which prevented the inflow of the Afri-
can natives as slaves. However, there would have been a sprinlcling of
Negro slaves brought by d1e Ponuguese to the F"IShery coast. It could
be a very insignificant number.
Tlu Sitlilis
n1ere are several legends about d1e origins of the SidJJi setdements and
few written records or references. It appears dlal a large number of
Siddis came or were brought to India from the difterent pans of Africa
as soldiers to serve in the Mustim armies of dle .Nowalls and Sultanates.
According to some recent studies pubtished in India and USA there are
about 36,000 identifiable Afro-Indians i.e. Indians of A&ican origin in
India, setded in dle state of Gujarat, Andhra Pradesh, Maharashtra,
Kerala and Kamataka, as also in many other districts.
These Afro-Indians are generally known as SiiJi/Sit/Jii/Sidhi or Ho/Jshi/
Ho/Jsi. 111ese ethnonyms panly teD us dlal they were in the employ of
Stgyotls, the Muslim rulers of India and partly that they came from
Ed1iopia. The diaspora of the Sidllis has been wide as they appear in so
many small districts and setdements in various parts of the country.
Tht Siddis tf Kamotoka
n1e Sidtlis in Karnataka are found in North Kanara, Dharwad and
Belgaum districts. 1neir main concentralion is in dle Uttara K.annada
district, where they are found in Ankola, .Mundgod, Sirsi, Supa Hatiyal
and YeUaur talukas. 1ney are also present in d1e district of Dharwad
at Kalghatgi and district of Belgaum in Khanapur. GeographicaUy all
these tollllw (smaU potitical units of administration) are on the Western
Ghats. Most of dle SUit/is in Karnataka five in the forests and clearings
in setdements.
As a rule, dle SidJJis are weD built and robust in appearance. "fl1ey
belong to the Negroid stock of East Africa.
39
"11leir skin colour varies
from various shades of black to wheat brown. Records of d1e hair type
1
Boxer, S.6.VIII II Sa fBIIl 11M slr9}w BmV/fllli _...,., 1602-1686, Jill. 23o-2.'11.
150 JEANE.TI'E. PINI'O
are wooDy, fizzy, pepper com, curly and wavy. Strangely these Sit/dis as
a people have not retained any trace of their original culture and so lan-
guage too has sulered. The original mother tongue Swahili is not found
among any Siddi group in India-this was spoken in the eastern coast
of Mrica.
40
Now the Sidtlis speak the local dialects. Most of the Muslim
SiiJJis have picked up Urdu all over the Western Coast. n1e mother
tongue of d1e Siddis of Karnataka excluding d1e Muslim Sit/dis is Kook-
ani, though the Muslim Sidtlis are also conversant with Konkani.
It was a practice of the Portuguese to baptize the slaves brought by
them from Mrica to their colonies in the east.
41
The language of the
people of Goa is Konkani. The Mrican slaves in Goa must have picked
up the Konkani language fiom d1eir local masters. As domestic servants
the Negro slaves bad to live in the houses of their masters and thus
had to speak Konkani over a period of generations. Mter d1ey were
emancipated many of them fled to d1e backwoods of d1e forests of
Goa which border Karnataka, so they spoke the language they learnt. ~
lne Muslim Sit/dis must ha\re picked up Urdu as they perhaps originally
practiced lslanl. Besides Konkani, d1e Sidtlis were very familiar with
Kannada the regional language.
The ancestl')' of the Siddis may be traced to the fugitives or the
liberated slaves of Goa, who took refuge in d1e jungles, backwoods
and forests, out of fear or to keep out of public attention. They are a
friendly and hardworking people, most sought after for strenuous work.
The) know nothing about d1eir roots or genealogy. 1nere are Christians,
Hindu and Muslim Siddis, bearing Portuguese names.
19
lne Siddis of Karnataka live in about 80 pocket setdements in
nord1ern Karnataka as d1is study indicates
44
and records "they are just
around 6000". A repon making out a case that the Siddis in Karnataka
be included in the list of scheduled Tribes made by Cyprian Henry Lobo
SJ presents other aspects of these Sidtlis viz. d1eir occupation political
organizalion, family and kinship, religion, rituals, ceremonies, festivals
and recreation. It may require a deeper study through oral history and
interaction with these people to learn more about them.
IU Ibid., p. I 0.
II Jbid., pp. 23o-23J.
IZ PiniO, op. ciL, pp. J30-J3J.
19
Ibid., p. 143.
.. Lobo, SitiJU in .A4rllllltl.t&
Siddis t( Jttiira
The SidJJis of Janjira originally came from Abyssinia. They were people
of nonh-east Afiica known as Hobshis or more often as Sidtlis which was
originally a term of respect, a corrupt form of &g,wd. Though most
of the Hobshis came as sla\oes, their faid1fulness, courage and energy
often raised them to a position of high trust in dle Bahamani court.
n1ey intermingled wid1 the natives in India, roamed and soon they
formed themselves into an aristocratic republic. Many of them were
most skillful and daring sailors and soldiers in Western India.
Towards the end of d1e 15th century Siddi Yakut is mentioned as
admiral of Bahadur Gilani, the son of the Bahamani governor of Goa.
According to the history of Ahmadnagar Malik Ambar ( 1490-1508)
the founder of the Ahmadnagar dynasty established Abyssinians as d1e
captains of d1e island fort of Janjira. n1ere was much power struggle
in the years to foUow. However, it is recorded d1at in 1600 Ahmadnagar
was taken by the Moghals but in 1618 an Abyssinian by the name of
Siddi Surul Khan was appointed governor.
The Sidllis of Janjira however remained in power to contend wid1
struggling for power in sea fights wid1 the Maraahas and d1e Moghals.
They even attacked Bombay several times crossing in boats for supplies
to the Kolaba fort. They were a constant source of trouble along d1e
Kolaba coast especially for the English. "fl1eir attack on Bombay in
1689 made them masters of nearly the whole island but according to
a charter certain conditions were fulfilled by the English and the SidJJis
were ordered to lea\re Bombay-in 1690.u
Siddis in 01/ur Parts t( JndiJJ
Besides Karnataka, d1e Sidtlis are also found in the Saurashtra region
of Gujaraa and in Hyderabad. In 1881, out of a total population of
76,300 in d1ejanjira state, 13912 \\rere Muslims and 258 were SidJJis.
46
They seemed to be a watered down generation of Mrican descent. As
recorded and described in the Bombay Gazetteer their complexion was
wheat coloured with straight noses and thin lips. The beard is scanty.
They are generally large boned and more robust than the Konkani
Musalmans. Most of the Siddis of Janjira were relations of the JftiWtlb
n Gur.ueer of India, pp. 79-94 .
Ibid., p. 3.
or Head of the State of Janjira and inherited state grants and allow-
ances. Except for a few who were poor all of them were land owners
or state
These Sidtlis were perhaps originally brought 10 Janjira as slaves in
the 15th century by the Arab traders
17
or themselves were traders who
landed injargira to better their prospects by the end of the 15th century.
They sprang forth as a polibc:al power on the west coast of India, under
the KIQllfiSiuJh dynasty of Admadnagar. Despite various attempts made
by rulers, especially the Marathas, the Sit/dis dung to the seacoast with
tenacity until Sardar Vallabhai Patel engulfed them into oblivion.
In the Rajkot division of Gujarat, Siddis are called and referred to
by other names as Sidtli Badshal1, to indicate d1eir carefree disposition.
In some areas they seem to be called by the name of Bilal which is the
name of a Negro disciple of d1e prophet Mohammad, Hazrat Bilai.
18
Condusitm
The Mrican slave trade began like a small, dark cloud on the horizon,
but soon the large continent became an inexhaustible reservoir of slaves.
Whole tribes of Negroes were stolen or shipped to various lands to
form the labour force there. There is a substantial body of literature
found on slavery in the West, but relatively litde on slavery in the Ori-
ent. 111is paper throws light on how African slavery came to India, the
land of spices in the Orient, and also helps one understand the Mrican
diaspora in India. Again the slave trade in d1e Adanlic has received
more emphasis d1an slavery in the Indian Ocean.
Bonded labour and domestic slavery existed in India from very early
limes, but this paper points out d1at the Mrican slave in Indian society
was different. For example in Portuguese India, on the one hand the
Negro slave had no choice of a master, yet on d1e other hand he enjoyed
an unusual position as he was highly valued as an item of trade. Also
there was a lime when d1e Negro slave was looked upon as a prestige
servant, or even suited for amorous pursuits in the case of females.
The Portuguese in India would proudly flaunt the number of slaves
they had in their household. Among the Sitklis of Janjira, the Mrican
u Bomba) Gazetteer, op. ci1., pp. 432-433.
111
Knlaba p. 128.
native held varying positions of power, in a sense, as captains of the
island fort of Janjira. In fact, the African slave was in the position of
sailor, soldier, sel'\oant et al.
It is of particular interest that the Ponuguese took the African slave
wherever they went. Their territory in India or rightly known as tl1e
EsloiJD da /tulia' though at its zenitl1 stretched from South East Africa to
South East Asia really consisted of three small enclosures on the west
coast of India. n1e British who also came to India as traders imported
African slaves and thus we see the African native dispersed in the tl1ree
presidencies that they controlled.
The SidJJis were people of African origin who reached tl1e shores of
India, being either brought b) tl1e Arab traders or other seafarers. In
the case of the Siddis of Karnataka, they were perhaps tl1e lost genera-
tions of liberated slaves of the Ponuguese. They had sought refuge in
the backwoods of Karnataka on tl1e outskirts of Goa. n1e Sidtlis also
li\'ed in pocket settlements in the Indian states of Karnataka, Gujarat
and Maharashtra. So we notice a wider diaspora of tl1e African native
throughout India. As the above study indicates we could conclude that
the African native reached di&erent parts of India in difterent \\oays
resulting in an lndiaspora.
II Da!4o No. 6
18.18 His&orical Archiv.:s ol Goa: Goa.
D. R..
1932 tlllll 11M Siidit Bon1bay: Gm.wnment Central Pres&.
1933 Slm.wy in Brilisk 1Rtli4. Bon1bay: B. G. Sons & Compan)t
G&rlllm 1883. Bombay: Campbelljan'ltS.
Boxer, c. R..
1960 mr Cnwrils tf l'tllt1ttJt- Eltptm.fitm 1415-1825. Johannesburg: Wilwa-
tenrand Uni\oenity Press.
1952 S.6.VIIlor II S. tlllll 11M Jlnlgfjlfor Br&d/ tJIId 1602-1686. London:
Achlone.
1969 1415-1825. London: Hulehinson &Company
Led.
(c:d.)
1938 Arpil.oo Po.,_ OritRIIII. Bastora: T"IJMIII'aphia R.angelltxlia Poi'UJFsa.
Campos,J.J. A.
1979 Hiftor.J 'If iR Jlnlgtd Patna:Janaki Pralwhan DA.
Cunha,J. G.
1876 HifkiiJ' fllfll .411li1JIIilit.f of Clull ad Btustia. Bombay: Education Society
Pres&.
David, M. n
1973 HisliiiJ 1661-1708. Bombay: of Bombay.
20().1. "Histone DasSCin",l-24(2).
Edwardes (eel.)
1977 TM Ga1Nr 'If llomJJtg Cig tmdlslllwl. Pune: The Gm.'t!mment PhiiOZinco
...
GauiJNr of ln/ia, Maharashtra Scatc, KGlaba district.
GauiJNr of 1M Bomlltg Ptr.riiiNJ XIII {2).
Kaul, H. K. (eel.)
1979 TTIII,Y./kn IRIIiJJ, Air Anlllo"&J: New Delhi: Oxford Uni\oenity
Kolaha Gazeneer. Maharashcra: Bombay Direetorale or Printing and
Stationary.
Unschoten, Van
1885 TM 'If ]o/tlt H19P. lfm l.i!udl4llrl London: Halcluyt
Lobo. C. H. SJ
19M SiitJis ilt .A:lrmtzltlktl. Banplore: Jesuits of Banplore.
Moniz, A. F. Jn
1923 lt'otidaf t DotumntJtJs JNlm 11 HistDtia dt Dt1m4o I, Bascora.
Jt'olitiul StmliititJJ.for l'!fomllllitJ (ttl.) "The: invasion and oc:cupalion of Goa
in world
Panikbr, K. M.
1929 MtdtliNu tmd tltl Bombay: D. B. Tarapore\'llla Soru..
Pinco,J.
1992 Sle"J ;, Po""l'l'11 lruli4 (/.5/D-1842). Bombay: Himala)'B Publishi1J8
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Public Diary 77 of 178. Maharashtra archi\oa:
Schurhammc:r, G.
1977 Fttmd.f Hif l.j1, His r,_. Rome: The.Jesuit Hiscoricallnscilute.
Sc:n, S.
1949 lwlitm Trtwls of 17ltr,'IIIDifllli Otmi. Nc\\' Delhi: The: Naaional Archi\oes of
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Silva Correia, G., A. C. DA
1931 !Jl JVo, Gill. Baston Rangel: Goa.
Stark, H.
1916
CHAPTER. TEN
MIGRANTS AND MERCENARIES:
SRI LANKNS HIDDEN AFRICANS
SimiAN DE SJLVAjAYSURJYA*
This case history explon:s the mistm tl'llrr for African migration across
the Indian Ocean highlighting the military contributions of Africans in
Sri Lanka, who served both the European colonial powers and the Sri
Lankan Icings. Historically, the spatial distribution of Afio..Sri Lankans
has not been concentrated in a single Province. Being part of the British
army, they wen: mCM:d to guard Their concentration in the
Nonh-Wesaen1 Pa-olrince today stems from daeir participation in British
military activities.
lntroduelion
n1ere is no adequate history of the Mrican presence in Sri Lanka.
Whilst the picture of the past is fragmented, nonetheless, there are a
number of questions that can be raised. This paper combines histori-
cal accounts and interviews together with population census statistics
in order to reveal the African presence in Sri Lanka. It draws attention
to the role played by African mercenary soldiers during the colonial
era, explaining the concentration of Mro-Sri Lankans in the Nonh-
Western PfO\Ijnce today.
Although we may never be able to construct a complete picture of
Mrican migration to Sri Lanka, we are nevenheless aware that it is
longstanding and has deep roots. Abyssinians were trading in Mannar,
on the nonh-west coast of Sri Lanka, in the 5th century, \\'hen Sri Lanka
was an important emporium in the Indian Ocean. In the 14dl century,
Department ol Ponugucse &: Brazilian Studies, King's College London, Unh."enil)"
of London, London WC2R. 2I.S, England. Email:deo.oilra.shihan@Jccl.ac.uk
156 SIDIIAN DE SILVAJAYSURIYA
the Moroccan traveUer, Ibn Batuta, noted that 500 Abyssinians served
in the garrison of the ruler of Colombo, Jalasti (Gibb 1929).
In Portugal, Africans were caUed ntgros and pwtos (blacks). When the
Portuguese came across non-Muslim East Africans during their expan-
sion in the Indian Ocean, they borrowed the Arabic term cl!ftr to refer
to d1em. Non-Mustims were called IJI!fr by the Arabs, regardless of race
or ethnicity. It simply means 'non-believer'. This term did not have
any negative connotations attached to it. The Dutch and d1e British
borrowed the Ponuguese word, adapting it to their phonological sys-
tems and recording it with their own onhographies-Kqtin and Kqfftrs
respectively. This term was, in tum, borrowed by d1e two indigenous
languages of Sri Lanka, Sinhala and Tamil as np;ri and K"apili. The
Census of Ceylon 1911 (Denham 1912: 243) states d1at the Sinhalese
and Tamils use the terms np;ri and KOpili for all "Negroes" or East
Africans. lbday they have become ethnonyms for all people of Afri-
can descent in the Island. It also states d1at Kil.Jirs were recruited from
the neighbourhood of Mozambique in the East Coast of Africa and
\\'ere employed by the three colonisers of Sri Lanka. The terms and
ethnonyms used for Africans in Sri Lanka and in other parts of Asia,
varied across time and space (de Sil\rajayasuriya 2006) .
.Aftieons atul Eumptans
Eastwards African migration is an old phenomenon but it has received
titde scholarly attention. Portuguese foray into the waters of the Indian
Ocean, charting a maritime trade route to India, led to the establish-
ment of trading posts and fonresses. Their base in India enabled them
to break into trading opportunities in South Asia and Southeast Asia.
The Portuguese transported Africans from Mozambique on the Car-
rtira da lndiJJ (d1e ships that sailed between Usbon and India) to Goa,
and even funher afield to Sri Lanka, Macau, Hirado and even Mexico.
This emphasizes the role of Mozambique as a central location for
collecting slaves from diflerent parts of the southern and eastern coast
of Africa. The voyage to India around the Cape of Good Hope had
resulted in many casualties, losing the Portuguese valuable manpower,
even before they reached Africas east coast.
In the case of Sri Lanka, we know d1ere was no shonage of local
manpower on the Island itself. 111is implies that Africans occupied a
special niche in the labour market. Portuguese contact with Sri Lanka
began when a commercial expedition from Goa to the neighbour-
MIGRANI'S AND MERCENARIES 157
ing Maldive Islands was blown oft" course and anchored at Galle, in
the Southern Province of the Island, in 1505. The Ponuguese era
(1505-1658) was characterised by fighting, and Mrican soldiers were a
valuable addition to the Ponuguese militia. l'be account or
Captain Joio Ribeiro, in 1586, states that the army or the king of d1e
kingdom of Sitawaka, Rajasinghe I (1581-93), who fought to get rid
of the Ponuguese, included many Kidfirs, most of whom had defected
from the Ponuguese anny across the border &om the kingdom of Kotte
(Pieris 1909). The Ponuguese fought off defeat in Sri Lanka, in 1630,
the help or Mrican soldiers shipped over &om Goa. By 1634, there
were 284 Kf!lirs in the Ponuguese army. They imponed large numbers
of Mrican slaves and distributed them in the areas under Ponuguese
control 1974: 18).
Sinhala literary works of the Ponuguese era, nan1ely the Holonll (War)
poems-Ptlrangi Halllnll (War of the Ponuguese) and Rqjasiha Halllnll
(War of Rajasinghe) refer to rap;,; (Mricans) in the Ponuguese army.
The annual accounts of Kotte during the period 1617 to 1638, con-
firm that the Ponuguese employed K'!ffir soldiers (de Silva 1972). n1e
Ponuguese considered that men of mixed descent (called mtslips or
IDpoQS), Indians or East Mrican Xidftts from d1e tropics, as satisfactol')'
substitutes for Sinhalese soldiers who were called losearins (from the
Persian word lsshlrmi as lsshkar meaning 'an army' in Persian). Although
at least 5,000 lasearins served the Ponuguese during d1eir inroads into
the Kandyan kingdom, the loyalty of the Sinhalese lascarins was
always a problem for the Ponuguese (Abeya:singhe 1986: 22). roreign
soldiers, on the od1er hand, could be trusted. Recruits from all d1ree
groups, numbering about 300 in each, supplemented the Ponuguese
troops. During the Ponuguese attack on the Kandyan kingdom, on
27th March 1638, 300 Ka..lftn served in the army. In 1640, when the
Ponuguese fought off the Dutch, I 00 K'!ffir archers fought alongside
them. While some Mricans opted to work for the Dutch, others went
to the central Kandyan kingdom which was under d1e control or d1e
Sinhalese King, Rajasinghe II (1635-87). Three events coincide at this
point. Firstly, the Ponuguese were expeUed from the Island 0\oer two
decades, as the Sinhalese King in\rited the Dutch in, to get rid of d1e
Ponuguese. Secondly, the Dutch control never extended beyond d1e
coastal areas. Finally, throughout these events, Sri Lankan control or
the Kandyan kingdom remained intact.
The Dutcll Governor Van Goensjunior (1675-80) remarlced that
4,000 Kf!ffin were working for the Dutch in Sri Lanka. During the early
l8d1 century, the Dutch began to purchase slaves from Madagascar
(Pieters 1911: 21 ). Slaves were required to work in the maritime for-
tresses thai d1e Dutch took 0\oer from the Portuguese. An important
feature of Dutch Indian Ocean slavery was to integrate the Indian
Ocean Basin drawing slaves from Mrica (East Mrica, Madagascar,
Mascarene Islands), South &ia (Malabar, Coromandel and the Bengal/
Arakan Coasts) and Soud1east &ia (Malaysia, Indonesia, New Guinea
and d1e Phitippines).
Anod1er imponant source of manpower during d1e Dutch era was
Malay and Indonesian forced migrants. In this multiethnic labour pool
of forced migrants, Mricans had specialised functions. Mrican men
were put to hard labour and physically demanding jobs, while Mrican
women worked as nannies, housemaids and seamstresses. A Dukh Bur-
p, reminiscing on d1e Dutch era in Sri Lanka, when delivering a public
lecture in the early pan of d1e 20th century, remarks that "a swanhing,
wooDy-haired, and thick-lipped race of men and women were engaged
in several household duties" (Anthonisz 1935: 64). According to this
account, some of them wore pantaloons and jackets while others wore
\\oaist-cloths. n1e women wore skins and shon coloured tunics. These
'sla\oes' were not, according to his account, aU of 'pure African' descent.
Some would have been the descendants of II# ouonarriages which
would have diluted their phenotype. In d1e late eighteenth century, the
Dutch who li\oed in Colombo attended mass a1 Wolvendaal Church on
Sundays. 1be Dutch uppercrust were taken to and from the church in
likkll (three-wheeled) carriages or on palanquins pushed or drawn by
Kqffir men or women (Roberts et al. 1989).
The employees of the Jirttnigde Oostindisdtl Compagnie (VOC) con-
sidered Mricans more suited for hard physical labour than their other
slaves, labouring in the fields, growing rice, tUidleti (fine grain), cotton,
tobacco, potatoes and other crops. In contrast to the Portuguese, the
Dutch segregated d1e KJdjin in an area which they caUed Ka.Jfos' Jildt
(F'reld) in Colombo. In the British era ( 1796-1948) the area became
known as Slave Island and even today it is associated with slaves. Anto-
nio Benolacci ( 1817), who worked in Sri Lanka for Frederick North, the
first British Governor in Ceylon, remarked that the descendants of the
9,000 Kidfirs who were recruited by d1e Dutch, were not distinguishable
from the lstands od1er inhabitants. Outmarriage must have diluted the
Mrican phenotype.
The British gained control of the Dutch possessions in the coastal
areas in 1796. British Governors in Sri Lanka continued to participate
in the Indian Ocean slave 1rade despite legislation oudawing the Atlantic
slave 1rade and 1he heightened awareness in Britain surrounding the
campaign for Abolition. According to PoweU (1973), the British bought
the firsl batch of Mricans-176 men-from Goa and 1ransported them
to neighbouring Sri Lanka. These slaves had been captured b) the Brit-
ish while being 1ransported from Mozambique to the French Indian
Ocean islands. These African slaves had cosl 37 pounds sterling each.
Another batch of Africans (young men and women aged between 15
and 25) were boughl direct from Mozambique.
Allhough the British look over the maritime provinces previously held
b) lhe Dutch, 1hey were not con1en1 until they gained the Kandyan
kingdom also. "They had already made an attempt at gaining lhe central
areas of the counlry-the Kandyan kingdom, which had remained
independenl and under Sri Lankan rule throughout bo1h the Portu-
guese and Du1ch eras. Able soldiers were in demand and Africans fitted
into this slot. Governor, Sir Thomas Maidand ( 1805-1811) had little
confidence in the other Asian regimenu who were in Sri Lanka-the
Malays and the StpuJos (Indian soldiers 1rained by the British). He there-
fore raised another battalion of KiJ.ffirs. In 1805, the new Ca.JIR Corps
was renamed the "lbird Ceylon Regiment by the British. There were
altogelher 874 Africans in 1he Third and fOurth Ceylon Regimenls in
the earl) 19th century. Cordiner (1807: 65) mentioned a regiment of
700 Kqffrs in Colombo. He remarked that many of them were slaves
a1 the Portuguese setdemem of Goa on the Coast of Malabar, where
they were purchased by the British Government. The freed slaves had
rejoiced a1 the change in their Slatus and had promised to become
brave and hardy soldiers. 1bey were nominally Roman Caaholics, and
had not known any other religions.
The military capabilities of Sri Lanka s Africans is epitomised in the
case of Joseph Fernando, who repulsed one of two unsuccessful inva-
sions of the Island by the British. Fernando who had been brought 10
Sri Lanka &om Mauritius by a French seaman/1rader was in1erviewed
on 81h April 1848 when he was in his 80s. At this time, Fernando was
a pensioner. "The interview moves between Indo-Portuguese of Ceylon
{Sri Lanka Portuguese Creole) and Sinhala, wi1h Fernando slipping back
into Sinhala when confronting the ruthless massacre of Major Davie,
leader of 1he British 1roops. This event took place in 1803, and the Sri
Lankans were able to re1ain conlrol of the Kandyan kingdom which
remained independent throughout bolh Portuguese and Du1ch rule. In
a possible anemplto legitimise this event,Joseph Fernando imp6es that
it was carried oul under orders of 1he Kandyan king. AI this war, 80
Jr'!/ftn serving the Sri Lankan Icing, defended 1he Kandyan kingdom and
arresled ils 1akeover until 1815 (Powell 1973). Spencer Hardy (1864)
mentioned 6,000 Jrqffr soldiers. Given d1e number of African soldiers
who served in Sri Lanka, it is not surprising 1ha1 they should have
inll'oduced an African weapon-Ha.s:og"9' (de Silva 1972: 188).
Oral histories combine elements of myth and 1ru1h. Given 1hat
recorded histories of African migration to Sri Lanka are scarce and
the imponance of oral traditions in African cultures, it is necessary
to combine d1e two sources. Today's Afro-Sri Lankans confirm their
association with 1he colonial regime. A few speak of the colonial era
with nostalgia. There are several versions of oral hislories abou1 their
arrival in Sri Lanka and a few are given in whal follows. According to
B. M. Raphael who is now dead, his ancestors were brought to Sri Lanka
during 1he Boer War, from Madagascar. He had served as a soldier
during World War U in Kandy (Cen1ral Province) and had come across
another 'black' communiiy who had accused him of pretending to be
of their Slock. Raphael was much ligh1er in skin colour.
According to Daniel Bruno, another Afro-Sri Lankan who was
knowledgeable about their family history, his ancestors had been part of
a regimen1 in Madagascar during d1e Boer War (Heniarachchi 1969).
"I"he Boer War features in their oral his1ory. nle)' be6eve 1ha1 their
ancestors had come to Sri Lanka as a Portuguese-speaking baualion
of Eas1 African soldiers who served in Q!leen Victoria's regimenl and
thereafter sailed to Sri Lanka following their victory in 1he Boer War.
My enquiries at the National Army Museum, l.nndon, revealed d1a1
Q.ueen VICtoria's Riftes did not serve in South Africa during the Boer
War. The only olher British Unit wi1h Victoria in the tide was "I"he
Royal Irish Fusiliers (Princess Victoria). There were two Indian Units
wi1h Vic1oria in d1eir tide and 1hey were the Guides Cavalry, Q.ueen
Victoria's Own Frontier Force, the Poona Horse and Q.ueen Vic1oria's
Own Cavalry but none of them served in South Africa. In addition,
several Units from the Stale of VICtoria in Austra6a had permutations
of VICtoria in d1eir tide-the Royal VICtorian Regiment, the VICtorian
Mounted Rifles and Victorian Scottish Regiment and only some of
I Greeving's Diary. 00 54/12 Ill. II m :May 1894 . .)11171dl of M ~ AsitJJi ~
tr.qltmJ x.n'l, p. 166.
the latcer served during the South African War. The National Arnl)
Museum could find no evidence of negroid South Africans serving in
these wars, but remarked that 1hey may have been auxiliaries. An eye
account by a British education consultant, Elsie Cook, in the
early 20th however; implies thai the KJdftrs in the Puttalama
dislrict were from South Africa (Cook 1953).
Martin Marcus, a vice-president on che village council, had held
several jobs in the government service. He worked in the Kaechtrf1a
(district secretariat) from 1929-1937, where he had performed several
jobs. lnitiaUy he was a binder in the record room. Then he worked
in the Land Depanmen1, for five )'ears. After that, he worked in the
F"JScal section and delivered summons, and during World War II, he
worked in che concrol division. He resigned, in 1944, from government
service and was given an acre of land in Puttalama. He believes that
the British brought his ancestors to Sri Lanka in 1815, when they were
a1 war che Kandyan kingdom. He believes that more soldiers were
brought from Africa in 1817. Once the entire Island was under Britisl1
control, he believes thai some Africans had returned to Africa. Those
who wanced 10 stay in Sri Lanka had been given land to setde down
and according 10 Marcus, had subsequendy imported wharever they
wanted, including their women. "I"hey had setded down in the viUages
of Sirambiyadiya, Sena Kudirippuwa and Ambalama, which are aU in
the Puccalama distric1. He had been in che viUage council from 1946
to 1957 and was proud of his achievements during his term of office.
He had initiated the building of bridges, culverts, roads and wells in
his village (Gamage & Fernando 1980).
Marcus's P. M. Ana Miseliya, worked in lhe Puttalama Hospical
as a nurse. During a Sri Lankan television broadcast by Rupavahini
Corporation, in d1e 1970s, she discussed her ancestry. She told the
nation that her ancescors had been brought to Sri Lanka 10 help d1e
Europeans in a war. She recaUs d1at lhe Africans had won the war for
the Europeans in Trincomalee on 241h December (no )'ear was given).
After lhe War ended, lhey had travelled along lhe Anuradhapura Road
to Puttalama from where they were to set sail. At Puttalama, d1e Afri-
cans had decided to Slay on in Sri Lanka and they had been given
jobs and land.
According to M.J. Elias, Miseliyas son, who scudied at St Anthony's
College in Puttalama, and then worked in a gas station until he was
appointed as the Gam Vidtmo (Village Headman), in 1963, lheir ances-
tors were brought to Sri Lanka by d1e Portuguese. He does not d1ink
that his ancestors were brought from Goa. As far as he knows the
Portuguese brought them direct to Sri Lanka.
I intenriewed, Mr Charles Emanuel Henry Ameresekere, who was a
former Permanent Secrewy to the Minisb)' of l.ncal Government. He
was a Civil Senrice cadet aatached to the Kilt:ht:""9VJ (district secretarial)
in Puttalama during the late 1940s. He recalls d1e two Jrqffir peons (office
helpers) in the Puttalama KilcAthnj)VJ-Anthony and Charles (Amere-
sekere 2006: personal communication). Charles was Mr Ameresekere's
personal peon and And1ony was the Chief Peon of the Kilt:ht:hn!>VJ.
Africans performed a varlet) of tasks in Sri Lanka. "l11ey were sol-
diers, musicians, constructions workers in fonresses, roads and railway,
and waaer carriers, for example. Today several Afro-Sri Lankans work
as small cultivators, government office workers, hospital nurses and
attendants. A few work in the Middle East but return to Sri Lanka
after d1eir fixed-term contracts are over. l"his is not a pattern d1at is
unique to them; it is the same for all ethnic groups who are able to
market their skills internationally and enhance their economic status
on return to Sri Lanka.
Spatial Distribulion rf Ajiicans in Sri LAnlaJ
'I"he concentration of lrldJits in the Puttalama District, should not blind
us to their presence elsewhere. An examination of the population cen-
sus statistics, however, indicates d1at Kidfos 6ved in several provinces.
While tbere are a large number of Jr#s in d1e Puttalama district,
employment and marriage haw dispersed some to other towns such as
Kalpitiya, Mannar, Anuradhapura and Colombo. They are also aware
that they have relatives in Trincomalee and Batticaloa which are both
in the Eastern Province.
There are no adequate population records for the Portuguese and
Dutch eras, and d1e early British administration. From 1871, the records
demonstrate that che Jrqffirs (as they were called in the census) lived
in various parts of Sri Lanka. l1le first census of Sri Lanka, based
on modem ideas was taken in 1871. Previously, in 1814, Sir Roben
Brownrigg, the British Governor, a11empted to prepare a population
census. 'I"hen in 1824, Sir Edward Barnes initialed a population record
which was pub6shed in 1827.
1nere are no laws prohibiting inter-echoic marriages in Sri Lanka.
Exogamy has made che descendants of Afro-Sri Lankans less con-
Table 1 Distribution of Ks.Jin in the Puttalama District from 1871 to 1921
(excluding military It shipping perso1mel).
Date of Census Number of K#J Number of Ks.Jin
1871
1881
1891
1901
1911
1921
in Sri Lanka in Puttalama
245
408
405
318
253
255
District
70
101
115
93
105
135
Percentage
of Ktif/its
in Puualama
2SO/o
24%
2SO/o
2SO/o
41/o
50%
spicuous. Children assume the father's echnicity for official purposes
in Sri Lanka, regardless of their physiognomy. For official purposes
their ethnicity is not significant as their numbers have dwindled due
to out-marriage.
The presence of a community of Jrf!/fin in the Puttalama District
today, might give d1e impression d1at Kt!Jftn have lived in this area only.
An examination of the population census statistics, however, indicates
that Kt!Jftn did live in several provinces. I have summarised above, d1e
number of IVdfos in the Puttalam district and the percentage of Kt!Jftn
living d1ere over the period that the census data are a\oailable.
Limitations on the figures are as follows. Firstly, they excluded milital')'
and shipping personnel. Secondly, there may have been irregularities
in the collection of figures during the period. Noned1eless, the figures
confirm d1at by 1871, d1e largest number of KJdlin were in Puttalama.
"l11e population statistics of Sri Lanka &om 1871 to 1921 are interesting
because some gender figures are also available. However, the figures do
not include people in the military and shipping. 111erefore, the figures
do not reveal the real total of Kt!Jftn in Sri Lanka at that time.
1871 Cmsus Number rf Kaffirs in Sri lAnlrJJ
(aduding military and shipfnng}
In d1e 1871 Population Census repon, on 1able IX-"Nationality of
the Inhabitants of Ceylon (exclusive of military and shipping)" recorded
245 Kt!jftn--132 males and 113 females-in total (Williams 1873: 100).
On 1able XI-"Proportion per cent of the Principal Races to the Total
IM SIDIIAN DE SILVAJAYSURIYA
Population", under the column titled 'race', a misceUany of nationalities
and ethnonyms such as Jrtdfir are recorded.
For adminis1radve convenience, 1he British divided Sri Lanka into
provinces. Each province was funher sub-divided inlo districu. There
were Ktdfos in several provinces as shown below.
Westen1
North-Western
Central
Southern
Northern
Eastern
Colombo
Kegalle
Sabaragamuwa
Kunmegala
Puttalama
Kand)

Badulla
Nuwera Eliya
Hambantota
Galle

JaODa

Vanni
Nuwarakalawiya
Batticaloa
Trincomalee
1881 Census Numbtr of Kaffirs in Sri Lanka
(txt:ltuling mililtlly and shipping)
40
I
0
20
70
43
0
17
6
6
7
0
0
0
0
5
0
30
The 1881 census repons 408 Kidftrs; 1here were an equal number of
males and females (204 males and 204 females) (Lee 1882).
Pnviace DUtrict Namber ot K4/frn
Westen1 Colombo Municipality 73 (35 males 38 females)
Colombo (excluding 16 (II males 5 females)
Municipality)
Negombo 18 (II males 7 females)
Ratnapura I (I male 0 females)
Kalutara 10 (9 males I female)
North-Western Kurunepla II (7 males 4 females)
Table (ami.)
Puualama
Central Kandy
Badulla
Nuwera Eliya
North-Central Nuwarakelawiya including
Tamakkaduwa
Northen1 Ja8ila
Basten Batticaloa
Trinoomalee
Southern Galle
101 (42 males 59 females)
19 (8 males II females}
4 (3 males I females)
I (I male 0 female)
31 ( 14 males 17 females)
I 0 (7 males 3 females)
1891 Cmsus Num!Jtr rf Ka8irs in Sri llmlrJJ
(txdutling military 111111 sllipping)
AI the 1891 census, 405 Kqfn (214 males and 191 females) were recorded
(Lee 1892: 42-43). Table V which is a "Statement of the Relative
Proportion of the Principal Nationalities of the Population (exclusive
of the Military and the Shipping)" gives a breakdown by district.
Western
Sabaragamuwa
North-Western
Central
Uva
Nonh-Central
Northen1
Colombo Municipality
Colombo exclusive of
Municipalit)
Negombo
Kalutara
Ratnapura
Kegalla
Kurunegala
Puualama
Chi law
Kandy
Alatale
Nuwera Eliya
Badulla
Nuwarakelawiya
JaSila
Aolannar
Mulativu
Namberof Klfllin
4 (3 males I female)
I (I male 0 female)
0 (0 male 0 female)
20 (9 males II females}
I (0 male I female)
24 (7 males 17 females}
0 (0 male 0 female)
0 (0 male 0 female)
0 (0 male 0 female)
166
Table (conl.}
Eastern
Southern
SIDIIAN DE SILVAJAYSURIYA
Vavuni)'3
Batticaloa
Trincomalee
GaUe
Matara
Hambantota
Namher of K.,_
I (I male 0 female)
3 (3 males 0 female)
I (I male 0 female)
0 (0 male 0 female)
3 (3 males 0 female)
/901 Cmsu.s .Nu111lm '![ Kaffirs in Sri LanlrtJ
(txtltuling mililtlly and shipping)
At the 1901 census, there were 318 KiJ.ffirs (166 males and 152 females)
(Arunachalam 1902: 84). Table X entitled "Population-AU Races
(exclusive of Military, the Shipping and Prisoners of War)" gives a
breakdown of the IVdJirs who lived in d1e various dislricts (Arunachalam
1902: 158-160).
PNviace Dilltrict Nlllllher of Klfl/in
Westen Colombo Municipality 60 (33 males 27 females)
Colombo District 13 (10 males 3 females}
excluding Municipality
Negombo 0 (0 male 0 female)
Kalutara 0 (0 male 0 female)
Cenual Kandy 49 (30 males 19 females)
Alatale 6 (4 males 2 females)
Nuwara Eliya 8 (3 males 5 females)
Northern ja8i1a I (0 male I female)
Mammr 0 (0 male 0 female)
Mullaitivu 0 (0 male 0 female)
Southern Galle 14 (8 males 6 females)
Matara 0 (0 male 0 female)
H a n ~ b a n t o t a 2 (I male I female)
Eastern Batticaloa 2 (I male I female)
Trincomalee 4 (2 males 2 females)
North-Western Kurunegala 21 (12 males 9 females}
Puualama 93 (34 males 59 females)
Chilaw 13 (6 males 7 females)
North Central Anuradhapura 25 (19 males 6 females}
Uva Badulla 5 (2 males 3 females)
Sabaragamuwa Ratnapura 2 (I male I female)
KegaUa 0 (0 male 0 female)
In 1911, chere were 253 lrl!frs (132 males and 121 females) in Sri Lanka
(Denham 1912: 24-3). Denham (1912) adds that 105 Jrqfrn were in the
Punalama district. The breakdown of ethnic groups by district and
province are unavailable at this census.
According to che 1921 census, chere were 255 Jrqfrn altoged1er, in
Sri Lanka (fumer 1923), but the number in Puttalama was 135. A
breakdown of Kt!ffn in each district is given below as listed in Table
VII "Population of Ceylon, 1921, by Individual Races (exclusive of
Mi6wy and Shipping'').
Western
Cenbal
Southern
Nonhen1
Eastern
Nonh-Western
Nonh Central
Uva
Sabaragamuwa
Dimict
Colombo Municipality
Colombo
Kalutara
Kandy Municipality
Kandy
Matale
Nuwara Eliya
GaUe Municipa6ty
GaUe
Matara
Hamban101a
jatna
Mannar
Mullaitti\ru
Bauicaloa
Trincomalee
Kurunegala
Puttalama
Chilaw
Anuradhapura
BaduUa
Ratnapura
Kegalla
Diseussion
Namberol Klfllin
25 ( 15 males I 0 females)
0
II (6 males 5 females)
0
I (I male)
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
I (I female)
3 (I male 2 females)
0
0
I (I female)
0
We do not know if Sri Lankas 6th century Abyssinians settled down and
intermarried with the od1er edmic groups. Similarly, we do not know
if che Abyssinian mercenaries serving in 14th century Sri Lanka, left
any ofiSpring. Africans performed a variety of tasks for the Portuguese,
Dutch and British in Sri Lanka, exceUing as mercenaries. Even if chese
Africans were mainly involun1ary migrants, their mili1ary capabilities
were valued not only by 1he Europeans but also by the Sri Lankans.
There have been several waves of African migrations to Sri Lanka.
The Portuguese breakthrough into previously eslablished intra-Asian
commercial networks, set 1he scage for a maritime trading empire in the
Indian Ocean. This enterprise was not manned by Europeans alone.
Saving the Ponuguese from miliwy defea1, Africans earned a reputa
tion for being good soldiers.
The Portuguese who came as traders in 1505, were dragged into
local politics and dominated parts of the country. "fl1e Dutch, who
defeated the Portuguese, occupied a much smaller area of the Island,
than had the Portuguese previously. The British took over d1ese areas
from the Dutch, in 1796. The second altempt by d1e British to gain
conlrol of 1he Kandyan kingdom was prevenled by d1e mili1ary might
of an African who massacred the British Major. At the 1hird attempt,
in 1815, the British succeeded in gaining conlrol of the central areas
of Sri Lanka which had been under Sinhalese rule, throughoul bolh
Portuguese and Dutch presence. Having gained the Kandyan kingdom,
the British dominated d1e entire Island until independence in 1948.
Africans also carried out other tasks, many of which required physical
strength-building fortresses, roads and railways, carrying people on
palanquins, water carriers, milemen, working in the fields and planta
tions, and as cross-country runners delivering the post. "There were also
African musicians, nannies and domestic serwnls.
The population stalistics in d1e late 19th and early 20th centuries that
give the numbers of Kqfrs, exclude soldiers and sailors. Therefore, the
thousands of African mercenaries mentioned during 1he colonial era
in the hislorical accounts, are not included in the statistics. A Dutch
Governor in Sri Lanka, speaks of 4,000 KJdfin within his jurisdiction. A
later British Administrator, mentions a figure of 9,000, bul was unable
to identify that m a n ~ as their African physiognomy had been diluled
by thai time. Ano1her British observer, in 1he 19th centuey, mentions
6,000 K'!ffir soldiers. This emphasizes d1e imponance of eye \ ~ m e s s
accounts.
Africans were dispersed in several provinces. The population census
statistics show that the percentage of KJdfin in the Puttalama district
was 200/o in 1871, but reached 50% in 1921. n1ese figures, however,
exclude those in mililary and shipping, and are not the tolal number
of Kt!Jftn that lived in Sri Lanka during the census period examined.
However, d1e move by 1he British, of a Ktdfir regiment to 1he Nonh
Western Province-Puttalama fonress-from where the regiment was
disbanded and che soldiers retired, has concentrated d1em in d1e Putta-
lama district. The rural lifestyle has contributed to me largest CODlmunity
of Irf!lirs being in Puttalama today. While mere are a small number of
Irtdfin scattered in od1er pans of me country, mos1 of mem now live in
me Puccalama districc. It was uneconomical for me British to mainlain
several regiments on me Island, once mey had secured the Kandyan
kingdom, and were not threatened by other European powers.
Conclusion
Africans were broughc to Sri Lanka due to commercial and military
activities in d1e Indian Ocean. European traders and colonisers sought
African militia and manpower. African mercenaries also served Sri
Lankan kings and defended che Sinhalese kingdoms. Africans delayed
the British conquering d1e Kanclyan kingdom, which had remained
independent under Portuguese and Ducch rule. The demand for African
soldiers diminished during d1e British era but their descendants con-
tinue to live in post-independent Sri Lanka as a small ethnic minority.
Africans were dispersed originally in several provinces but now they are
concencrated in the Pucalama district of the Norm-Western Province.
I would like to thank tbe Calousce Gulbenkian Foundation and tbe
Oriente for supporting my field trip to Puttalama. Thanks are
also extended to Dr Hemaljayasuriya, Schiller lncernalional University,
London for comments on an earlier version of dlis paper.
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NOrES ON CON"fRIBtrrORS
jiWI-Pwuut ANot:Nor, Belgian nawralized Bnzilian, born in 1941. Ful Professor of
Ethnolinguislia, Federal Uni\<ersity of RondOnia, Bnzil. PhD in African IJnguiscics
(Lciden, 1971) and in Romance Philology (Bruaels, 1975}. Pose-doctor in Acoustic
Phonetics (Mons, 1982) and in Physiological Phonetic:s (Aix-en-Prcr.'CRCe, 1998). In
2003. co-founcle.; wim Dr Shihan de Sikoa.Jayasuriya, of TADIA (71t 4{tita lJUupora
;, Arifl), an international academic programme wim the UNESCO Sla\<e
Roure ProjeeL From 2007 Coordina&or of an inremadonal pJ'Illl"llmme sponsored
by the "Ageneia Espanola de Cooperaei6n lnrernacional,. named of 1111
/llklltfil* Hmu,t: llalttisms in .4mnita .S)aislr dllll Awtrpost. Author
of 154- publicaaons.
GWYN c.u..&l!u., Canada Rcsean:h Chair in Indian Ocean World History and Direc-
tor of the Indian Ocean Wodd Cen1re at McGW Uni\-enicy, initiared
series of sl8\'a')' conferences. He: has published widely on aspects of me economic
history of the: Indian Ocean World. Recent publications include .tbt &tJIIIDmit Hiswry
of lmptritll 11SD-1895 (Cambridge, 2005}, {editor) JIWiiml flllll ill4ftmtrsJh
;,. /Nlilm Oaa Ajrita fJifll ..fsia (Routledge, 2005), and (editor), 1M Slt1td1tw tf in
lllllia 0tldlt flll4 Arifl
RoBERT 0. CoUJIIII is Profeaor of Emeritus, at me Uoi\rersity of California
San1a Barbara (UCSB). Educatc:d 8l Dartmouth Collc:ge, Balliol Cnllqe, OxfOrd, and
Yale Univc:r.sicy, he has taught at W'dliams Columbia Uni\-eni&y, and UCSB
for IOny-t"'o years where he as Dean of the Graduare Sc:hool (197D-1980) and
Director of the: UCSB Cc:ntc:r in Washington D.C. (1992-1994}.
In 1980 he was awarded Tilt OrtJtr tf flll4 .41'1: GoltJ C/Jw by President
Numa)rri for his contributions to Sudanese smdic::s. His n10111 rc:nt bonks are llltpDnn
.for 1M .s..da: W (wim 1.\olillard Burr), DnMt/11. dllll Disafw &liiJ 1983-1993 (lfMM);
Afiicai rttm War. lifl.ya, 111111 drt S6vla, 1963-1993 (1999); T1tt Nlll (2002);
RlnllllitJtuzry SrtdtJR: HtlSIIII at-Tllfllbi 111111 drt lslmniJI St-. 19.2000 CiriJ ltflu t111d
RlnllllitJtt i111M SUa: utus drt s.Ja, &dtm SrtltJR, fJifll Dtlrfor, 1962-2004 (Tsehai
Publishers, 2005}, Jy;im: A 51tnt HistOI) Wiener, 2005), Dtlrfor. T1tt I.t.g Rllfl4t.o
Di.stum (Markus 2006}, A HUIOIJ of ..f}iittl (Cambridge, 2007), and
Jl HuiOIJ of 11ft Modml .W.. (Cambridge Press, 2007).
GI!RAI.DA DE I.DIA DE ANaiNOT, Brazilian, born in 1969. A&.ociatc: Professor of Eth-
nolinguisdcs, Federal Uni\-c:nity of Rnncl6nia, Bnzil. PhD in Indigenous IJnguistia
(Lciclc:n, 2002} and Pose-doctor in Afro-Diasporic Emnolinguisdcs (Thomas Srephens
Konkani Kcndr, Goa, 2006). Raean:her of CNPq (''Conselbo Nacional clc: Pc:squisa c:
Desenvolvimc:nto do Ciendfico e TecnoiOgico"). 1\ulhor of 72 publications.
SHIHoUI DE SIL\AjAYAIIIIIIYA is a Senior ftllow at the Institute: of Common\,aJth Stud-
ies (Uni\-ersity of London). She was eleetc:d a Fellow of the Royal Asiatic Society (Great
Britain & Ireland) and she is also associared with King's College: (Uni\'t!rsity of Lon-
don). She a PhD in Linpisdcs (Uni\-c:nity of WeSiminster), and two clqpees from
the of London: a MSc in Finance: and a BSc Honours in Economics.
H8\oing l\oal in both Africa and Asia, she has first-hand c:xpc:ric:nee of African and
Asian societies. She has published widely on Indian Ocean migradon. with
C 2008 BriO Nv, Leiclen
190 NO'IU ON CONTRJBtTI'ORS
Richard Pankhurst, she co-ecliccd TN DUJSt-t in 1M /nJUm Oaa (Africa World
Press, New 2003). She serves on the Ad\isory Board of .4/Ntm Dia.fp.ms 81
Tl'1l1UIIIllitMtlllsm {a journal producccl by BriO Academic Publishers,
She was imited to read a paper on the Africm diaspora in Asia at the: lnternaainnal
Conference on "lssur:s of Mc:mlll)': Coming to Terms with the Sla"-e Trade and Slavery"
(UNESCO, Paris, December Her paper "Trading on a Thalassic: Networlc A&i-
can Migration across lhe Indian Ocean" published in the llllmuJii.d StriiJ &ialcts
}oltnllll (UNESCO Paris 2006). She was also imited to pracnt a paper at the: UNESCO
International S)mpnsium on "'The Culturallnterac:cions resulting inm the Slaw! Trade
and in the Arab-Islamic Wodd" (Rabat & Marrakech, Morocco, 2007). Her
paper "Afncan Migrants as Cultural Broken in South Asia" is in press (UNESCO,
Pari. 2008).
She has published eight) aniclcs in peer-reviewed woddwidc. She is
also the author of four books: T9fS IAI Tfi/11DNrll (fisara Colombo, 200 I),
An AINJGv tf Jhst (Edwin Mellen Pr-ess, Wales, 2001), lllllo-l'twlllgrusl
tf Ct)lma {Alhena Publications, London, 2001) and Pbrtttpst in drt &ft: Otltrtml HiJIDiy
tf a Mlllilitru Tmiiflt Elnpin {I D Tauris, London, 2009).
UD.A lxoRAMS is the author or rocus on Yemen, a touring exhibition or universi-
ties in the UK. Leila established the imponant link hcnm:n Zanzibar and Yemen
through Yemeni musicians performing at the annual Zanzibar Festival of the Dhow
Countries.
She has written for a number of J.\.6ddle Ease periodicals, and contributed to Musil:l,
an international journal or ethnomuticology (fhe Hague), an aniclc cnlidcd African
Coni1CICiions in Yemeni She is co-editor of the 16-volumc work, RKrwds of Jmw.
1198-1960 and author orr- &grfJMJ. a companion volume &gmmJ.
which she co-authored "ith Ridlarcl Pankhurst.
Du:nuca Ntc:oLDn, PhD, Chair of History and lnslitutiom of A&oasian Countrits,
Facolra di Scicnze ftililiche, Cauolica del Sacm Cuore, Milan, Italy,
her researcll on the history of the Western Indian Ocean, Sub-Saharan East
Africa and the Gut 1\mong her publication. are: .Wakru, tlona dllll TllrtJI.
TtnJtiMJJ Cllllllml Coniillr in 1M ffistmRIRJillll Ouu (1199-1856), series:
"Islam in Africa" edited by J. Hunwick & K. Vdcor, \01. 3, BriO Academic Publish-
ers, Leiden (2004-), winner of the Grant of the Society for Arabian Studies; Sbulils ill
\ltlgit, Jlfrr dllll Ptt ill .dfiita: I 9tll tm/ 20tll ttlllll"fils, Ecl\,in Mellen Press,
Lewiston (2006).
RlciWtD PANKHURST undenook his undergraduate and postgraduate studies at the
London School of Economics of London}. He obtained a BSc (Econ)
in Economic History and a PhD in ftllilical Science. He was the: founder and first
Director of the Institute of Ethiopian Studies at Addis Ababa University, and co-
edited two journals (711t J-tull r{ Edhpillll Slwlits and F.JIIiiJpia 06smwr).
He is currently Professor of Ethiopian StudiC:s at the Institute. He rea:n'Cd the Haifc
Sellassic I Prize for Ethiopian Studies {1973), an Honorary Doctorate from the Addis
Ababa University (2005), and an ODE for Echiopian Studies (2005). He is a founder
comminee member of the Society of Friencl. at the Institute of Ethiopian Studies,
the: Return the #\bum Ohclsk Committee, and the: 1\ssocialion for the Return of
Magdala Ethiopian
He has written numerous books and articles on Ethiopian history. His monCJRFIIPhs
include A tlllfrHiwtitm ,, u.-;c Hilltwz tf F.JIIiopitl c 19611. ;. F.tllitJjHII < 1965),
TN F.JIIiDflimt Rt[JVII Clnttidls (1967), A11 llrrltlwtitm Ill 1M Hilkn) of 1M F.JIIillfMm .4r"!)'
(1967), HuiOf) tf F.IAiDpill/8()(}-/935 (1968}, SIII/I flllll U.tl iR F.lhitiJtillll HislfJiy
(1969), Tar &rtwds of Emptrrir TtlAJIJibrJs of Edliii/Jill (1855-1868) (with Germa Scta.ie
NOTES ON CONTRIBtrrORS 191
Asfaw, 1878), Till Hisloly fj FtmriM tlllll ;, FJIIa J1lisr 18 1M Tu'lllliltk
(1985), All llllfrlflwtimt 1D 1M MtdittJI HisiDI) '![ FJhitJfM (1990}, .4 Hirto? fl_ Elllifi/NM TouWI
(holumes, 1985, 1987), .4 &rid er EtAioJU (1900), 11w BhiGJiia .BtwrlnliMr (1997)
and 7111 (2007). He has alto co-aulhoml E'JIIiopia Leila Ingram.,
1988) and F.1kitJpia {\\oith DmiA Gerard, 1996}. He alto co-edited with Dr
Shihan de: Silw IJUu/lf1trz ilt 1M lllllitm Oua (2003).
CJ.mom hiwRA a Fellow of the Ra)oal Geographical Society. He is a consultant ro,
and resean:hed ethnic communides in London and Kent fm; the Nadonal Marilime
Museum, the Chadlam Historic Dockyanl Trusc, Bexley HeriuF ancl Bexley Local
Studia. HiA Biography of Thonw Stephens, the fin1 recorded Ensfishman in India,
was published by the Thonw Stephens Konbni Goa His wodt on
the Bombay Africans was published in the Cllllim tla ...._ dl 14 Jll'-in, Nantes,
France He was a panicipanl at the UNESCO lntenwional Symposium on The
Culmrallnteracdons Rmddng from the Sla\oe Trade and Sla\oeay in the Arab-Islamic
World, Rahal and Marrakech, Momc:co (2007), \\here he ddi\<ercd a paper on the
"Employment of Moslems and 1\fricans by the Royal N8\')' in the nineteenth cenwry"
\Vhich is to he published h) UNESCO (2008). His exhibilion on the Bombay Africaaw
in the European exploration of Easc-Cc:nlral Africa was launchc:d, in October 2007,
by the Royal Geographical Society and the Nadonal of KenyL
jiWIETI'E PINI'O obtained a PhD in HistOay (Bombay Uni\<enily, India). She has been a
faculty member and Head of the Depanment of Histoay at St. X8\oier Bnmba)t
She was also Vac:e-Principal of the CoUCF, and rc:dml as Principal of Sophia College
for Women. She has a11ended SC\oerallnternationallndo-Ponuguese Conferences, and
All India Conferences in Hiscor)t She has hc:en the recipient of St.\1\!ral grants: a sehnlaJ'o
ship from the CaiOU!Ite Gulhenldan Foundalion, a Kilachand Mowship. and a Heras
Fellowship. She has published thrc:e books: Slal!tQ' ill Ptwtllf,-dllflis ISHi-1842 (lltlmiJ:
Himtdtgtt H_,, 1992), 7111 lllllitm Willow-&. Jl"rclim 1D ritt (B-INg: Btl/ll
1Wm(f Books, 200J), IW JW 011 LfA IAN t111d Stx (Bomlla.J: &t/6 !ulll/f 2001)
and alto ,,..;uen SC\oeral research articles in HiArory and on other subjects. Presently
Dr Pinto is the Dircc:ror of the Diocesan Human Ufc: Comminee of the 1\rc:hdioccse
of Bombay. She is on the :Managing Commi11ee of the of Indian His-
tory and Cuhurc:, Bombay.
INDEX
A commodity 133, 148
Abr llabah, ACI ibn 42
AhoUdon 3,31,40,
122, 159
Aden 3, 9-10, 23, 107-118, 123
Africa I, 3, 8-11, 13, 15, 21-24, 26,
29, 32,37 n. I, 38-39,42-43, 47,
49, 5713, 67-68, 71, 73, 75, 77-79,
81, 84, 86-88, 91, 93 n. 24, 108,
118-119, 121-124, 127-128, 133,
136, 139-140, 143, 147, 14!H51,
156, 158, 161, 189, 191
Afro-Anbians 122
Afro-Sri Lankans 4, 22, 45, 47, 49,
155, 160-162
AI bu Sa'id 85,87-89, 91-92,95-96,
98-100, 100 n. 36
AI-Djlhiz, Abo 42
An economic endty 84, 148
Ancestor 12,21-22, 46, 160-162
Arab 4, 9-14, 21, 23-24, 27, 29, 32,
40,43,45,46-48,58,60,69-70,
72-73, 7$--78, 81, 81 n. 2, 82, 84,
86, 88-89,91, 93-95,97-100, 102,
108-109, 11$--116, 122, 12$--127,
131-134, 139-141, 147-148,
152-153, 156
Arabisadon 128
Asia 1-3, 5, 7-8, II, 14, 19, 21, 25,
32-39,41-43,49-50,57-59,62,
69-70, 72, 75-77, 81, 101, 122, 133,
136, 139, 156, 158, 189-190
Assimiladon 33, 44, 47,49-51, 60,
136
Atlantic Ocean 62
Baburu 13, 135-136
Bahrein 48, 109
Baluch 81, 84, 87-88, 93, 95-98,
IOQ-102
Baluchistan 21, 47, 92,92 n. 20,
101-103, 124
Banaji, U R. 140 n. I, 141 nn. 3, 5,
147, 147 n. 31
Bambui 127
Bawta, Ibn 9, 12, 14, 133, 135, 156
Bava Gor 43, 46-47, 135
08\'8 Habash 4 7, 135
Berbera 69, 107-111, 116, 123, 125
Berbera Fair 109-110
&iM Bmt 13, 134-136
Bombay 4, 20, 20 n. 4, 23-24, 48, 99,
109, 113, 119, 140 n. 2, 143-144,
147-148, 151, 152 n. 47, 191
Bridsh 12, 14-26, 28-31, 40, 48, 67,
71, 87-89,91-93, 100, 100 n. 36,
101-102, 107-108, 110, 112-114,
118, 121, 134, 147-148, 153,
155-156, 158-162, 164, 167-169
Burton, Richard Sir 88, 109-111,
118, 123 nn. I, 5-7, 124, 124 n. II,
125-126, 126 n. 28, 127, 127 nn.
3Q-31
Casce II, 26, 43, 49, 90, 102, 140,
142, 149
Caucasus 41, 82
Cencral Asia 41, 82, 91, 96 n. 29
China 1-2, 27, 38,40-41, 44-45,69,
92, 94, 133
10,27-28,46,60
Church 16, 20, 35, 46, 48, 68, 142,
145, 147, 158
1.\lissionary Sc:nric:e
(CMS) 39
Concubine 29, 46-48, 59-), 62, 65,
70, 85, 90, 140
Conft 44-45
Creok 40,42,45,53,56
Cruetenden, Clwles Ll 108
Culwre 4, 38, 45,85 n. 3, 89-90, 126,
128, 131, 150
Dance 2, 13, 47, 128, 131, 134-137
Dale Groves 124
Debt 29
De Silt.'8Jayasuriya, Shihan 1-2, 4, 8,
15, 29, 32, 103, 125 nn. 18, 23, 128
n. 32, 189, 191
Dhofar 13, 83, 124, 126
Dutch 15-17, 19-20, 26,29-32, 34,
36, 40, 48, 94, 133-134, 143,
156-159, 162, 167-169
Dutch hformed Church 48
194 INDEX
Ease Africa 3, 9-11, 13, 32, 39, 57,
69-70,72-73,75,81-82,84,87,89,
92, 97, 99-102, 109, 126, 136-137,
14(), 149, 151, 153, 1.58, 190
Empire of Mali 63
Estado cia India II, 32, 143-144, 153
Echiopia 3, 8-12, 22, 27, 68-69, 126,
149
Echnic:ity 4, 16, 28-29, 42, 49-50,
121, 126, 156, 163
French 19-20, 24-26, 70, 86, 94,
99-100, 100 n. 36, 132, 143, 159
Fugidow: slaow:s 42
Funj Kingdom 66, 68
Ghana 10, 6.1
Ghat, Wcscem 4()
Gujaru 24-25, 4(), 49, 133-135, 144,
149, 151-153
Habcshi/Habehc:cs/Habshi 11-12,
24--25, 34, 36, 38, 123, 126-127,
135, 140, 149, 151
Hadhramaut 72, 108, 117, 124, 126
Hajj 122-123, 135
Harris.Jnscph 37, 50
Healing 47,51
Hcjaz 123-126
Hindu 87, 115, 140, 150
Homeland 22,37-39, 139
Hydcrabad 26, 39-40, 48, 151
Ibrahim lsma'il 114
Identity 25, 35, 43, 47, 49, 51, 97,
127-128, 134, 137
Ideology 46, 59, 134, 137
Incense 114, 125
India Sports Authority 50
Indian Ocean 1-3, 9, II, 15, 19, 32,
34--35, 37, 44, 47, 50-62,69, 71-72,
75-78,81-82,87-89,92,94-95,96
n. 29,98-101, 124, 127, 131, 134, 136,
14(), 152, 155-156, 158-159, 168-169
Indian Ocean World (lOW) 38-39, 44,
51
lndiaspora 153
Indonesia 26, 32, 36, 41, 82, 133, 1.58
Iran II, 23, 43 n. 42, 47
Iraq 9-10, 13, 36, 42, 123
Islam 8-9, 11-12, 14, 22, 46, 59-60,
62, 65-66, 69, 77, 81 n. I, 82,
84, 85 n. 3, 86, 90-91, 121-122,
126-127, 132, 134--135, 150
lsmaili Tyabji 49
Ka& 14-19, 21-22, 24-25,28-29,
49, 135, 156-169
Kafris 143
Kancm-Bomu 64
Kamataka 25, 39, 49, 149-151, 153
Korea 2, 44
K'unlun/Kunlun 27, 38
Uhadz COUntl')' (sec l.ahej) 116
l.anguBF II, 22, 27, 34, 36, 45-16,
126-128, 131, 134, 137, 147, 150,
156
38,41-42,72
Lost gencradon 153
Ma'aUa 110
Madagascar 17, 26, 46-43, 45-46,
48-49,99, 14(), 157-158, 160
Mai Goma 47
Mai J.\.6shra 4 7
Malchuwa 45
Makr.an 23,25,49,87, 101,125
Malrua 42, 127
Maldi\..: lslanck 12, 35, 157
39, 44, 59
Mauriaus 38, 4()-41, 159
Mecca 10, 13-14, 42, 66, 91,
122-124, 135
Melanesia 32, 38
Mcrcc1181')1ics) 10, 29, 66, 100, 102,
155, 167-168
Mcrccn&l')' troops 81, 84, 98
Mcrina 48
Middle East I, 8, 13-14, 21, 36, 41,
43, 46-47, 58-60, 121-122, 133,
162
Migranc(s) 3-5, 22, 25-26, 33, 35,
f31-137, 1.58, 168
Migration 2-3, 5, 7, 33, 107, 114, 118,
125, 127, 131, 155-156, 160, 168
Miaionarics 22, 39
Mombasa 39, 72, 97, 99, 123
Mosque 46
Mozambique II, 14, 17-21,23, 26,
36, 38, 47, 49, 70, 76, 92-93, 123,
156, 159
Mukalla/Mukallah 108, 117, 123,
125
Music 2, 4, 43, 47, 125, 128, 131,
134-137
Muslim 9-14, 22, 24-25, 41-43,
46-47, 47 n. 79,48-49, 59-60, 62,
65-19, 79, 84--87, 90-91, 97, 132,
134, 14(), 143, 149-151
Mutawalladin 126
INDEX 195
Nilodc Sla\-e Trade 64, 66
.ND64R 47
.Ndi 123
Nubia 9, 58, 64, 67
Oman 13, 23, 72, 81,83-84, R6-R8,
92,93 n. 24, 123-124, 124- n. 15,
125, 136
Pakidan 21-23,25,4-1,47,103,
12t-125
PankhurSI, Richanl 3, II, 22, 35-36,
114, 116-117
Papua New Guinea 38
Pearl di\-en 48, 124
Pcmba 38, 41, 59, 72, 81, 84, 88. 90,
94,95 n. 27, 97, 99, 100 n. 36
Plantation(s) 10, 12, 23, 41, 43-44-,
5!Hi0, 62, 7G-72, 86-87, 9()-91,
95-96, 135, 168
Playfair, Lambert Lt (later Sir} 111-113
Ponuguese I, 4, 7, II, 14--17, 19-21,
24,28-29,31-36,4-5,59,68,72,
92, 132, 133, 135, 139, 141-150,
152-153, 156-162, 167-169
Q.a1ar 13, 43
Red Sea 8-10, 57-58, 60-64, 67-71,
75, 77-78,81, 121, 123-124, 14-7
Red Sea Sla\-e Trade 67
Refugees 4, 107, 117-118
Religion 10, 45-46, 59-60, 62, 115,
127, 136-137, ISO, 159
Reproduction 30, 4-4
Reunion 41
Sailor 32, 87, 132, 117, 151, 153, 168
Sabla\ra 48
40, 42,124,126
Say)oids 126-127
Seaboanl Communities 92
Shadclid, '1\ntara 'ibn 47
Sharia 47
Shihr 108
Sicli 22-25, 38-39, 40, 43, 46-47,
4-9-SO, 127, 135, 14-9
Sicli Mubamk Nobi 47
Sinclh 126-127
Sin"k 4()
Sla\'e
chUdren 31,4-5-48,60,62,85,93,
114
diaspon 3, 10, 37-39, 41, 127, 139,
152
fugiti\'eS 150
market I, 10, 21, 40-H, 58, 60, 63,
72, 123-124, 139, 143, 146
marriage 85
mc:dium 46
mode of production 43
monalily 39,84
I'C\'Oit 9-10, 4-2, 44
soldiers 11-12, 48, 60, 62, 65-66,
82
1rade and the Islamic Wodd 1-3,
II, 19, 21, 33, 51, 57-59, 62-64,
66-70, 72-73, 75, 82, 89-91, 110,
122, 152
\\'omen (female) 29-30, 47-48, 60,
62, 102, 140
Sla\'Cry 3. 4, 9, II, 21, 29-31, 3+-36,
38-44-,48-49,59-62,68,73,75,
81-82, 84--85, 85 n. 3, 86, R6 n. 7,
87, 89-91, IOG-101, 122, 124,
127-128, 139-140, 148-149, 152,
1.58
Soldicr(s) 11-12, 15, 17-20.25-26,
32, 48-49,59-50,62, 87, 93,
98, 100, 115, 144, 14-9, 151, 153,
155, 157, 159-162, 168-169
67, 108, 124-125
Somali/Somalis 3-4, 8, 10, 68-69,
107-114, 116-118, 125
Song 13, 4-7, 136
Songhai Empin: 63
South Africa 19, 21, 24, 50, 122,
160-161
SouthcaB11\sia I, 4-9, 133, 156, 158
Spckc,John Hanning Lt Ill
Spirit po.acssion 47, 125 nn. 18, 23, 135
Sri Lanka 4, II, lt-18, 21, 24, 29-32,
3+-36, 40, 43. 45-46, 48-49,
131-132, 134-135, 155-165,
167-169
State 4, 8, 10, 12, 18, 21, 31, 4-4,
62-63, 76, 78, 82, 84, 97,
107, 109, 125, 132, 143, 14-9,
151-152, 160
Status 4-, 28, 30, 40, 42, 4-4-47, 50,
59, 62, 84-85, 98, 118, 159, 162
Stigma 44-
Suicide 39, 44-
S\\'ahili 9-10, 21, 23, 38, 46, 72-73, 82,
86-88, go, 95-98, 126, 135, 137, 150
Takruri 123-127
Tanbunh 126
Tanzania 25
Tattoo 42
196 INDEX
1ihamah 124, 126
Trade I-ll, 19, 21, 23, 30, 33-38, 51,
57-59, 62-73, 75-76, 79, 82, 87,
89-93, 96-102, 107-108, llo-111,
118, 122-123, 125, 127, 131, 133,
136, 141-143, 145-148, 152, 156, 159
TraiU-Adanric Sla\oe Trade 57, 72, 75
TraM-Saharan 818\re Trade 62
Tribe I, 3, 8, II, 21-22, 26, 43, 81,
84, 87, 89, 93,96-97, 99, 101-102,
108-114, 124, 126-127, 150, 152
U.N.H.C.R. (United Nations High
Cornmiaion for Refugees) 118
Uprooted and crantplantcd 139
Violence I 6, 44
Vl\oian, Herben Sir 112
Yemen 3, 4, 10, 23, 68, 83, 96 n. 29,
107-110, 117-119, 121-125, 133
Zanj 9-10, 38, 42, 69
Zanzibar 3, 9, 13, 21, 23-25, 36, 41,
59,71-72,76-78,81,84,86,88-90,
92-99, 100 n. 36, 109, 123-124, 126,
136
Z"' 47, 51, 125

Uncovering The History of Africans in Asia

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Uncovering the History of

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Pinlo, st..wy iR P'ottllgruslltttlifl, J5J(H842, Ch. 2.

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