Marketers’ social ICT failures and ‘anti-choice’: illustration from

cellular game applications

Ronan de Kervenoael,
Sabanci University, Faculty of Management, Istanbul, Turkey and Aston Business School,
UK. +90(216)483-9704 dekervenoael@sabanciuniv.edu
D. Selcen O. Aykac
Sabanci University, Faculty of Management, Istanbul, Turkey. +90(216)483-9675
selcenaykac@sabanciuniv.edu §

submitted to Behaviour and Information Technology journal on December 10, 2007 and
received reviewers’ comments on August 11, 2008

Abstract:

The social construction of technology in marketers’ strategy ought to have a more profound role to
play in unpacking “real” motivations and predicting engagement or anti-choice behavior with
technology. Focus groups were conducted in London (UK) to illicit perceptions of both adopters
and non-adopters of cellular games as an illustration of domesticated technology’s social
dimensions. It is confirmed that whilst ease of use and usefulness stay important; hyper-reality
aspects, time detachment and stability, global reshaping of rituals, control-testing issues and
projection mechanisms constructs are also perceived to be crucial determinants of active
technology engagement. As secondary dynamics, pure marketing aspects such as pricing model,
intellectual difficulties level and game category dimensions appear central in shaping possible
(anti) choice. The contested nature of ubiquitous technology in practice, demonstrates marketer’s
obligation to adapt strategy and to take into account environmental social relational features. We
argue for further use of social experience based differentiation, co-constructed by both users and
non-users.

Keywords: ICT, cellular game, technological consumption choice

§
Corresponding Author

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1. Introduction

As mobile phone domestification technologies advanced, an increasing number and

variety of profitable accompanying services have also emerged. Cellular game applications
are one of these recently developing services. The new remit of wireless, spaceless
consumption of cellular games have created many new values, beliefs and attitudes leading to
opportunities and challenges both for the society at large as well as users and marketers in
particular. Within this context, an important number of cellular phone users have yet to
engage with cellular games and even voluntarily prefer not to engage with these games. This
paper provides a unique qualitative analysis of ICT ‘anti-choice’ impact on self image through
the lens of social capital theory illustrated in the case of cellular games. The main objective is
to demonstrate that anti-choice, currently, has, contrary to most marketers understanding,
been associated with positive effects on selves by both user and non-users and that the main
marketers’ strategy failure, in our context, is the lack of inherited cultural capital and
experience awareness investment in the society as a whole. The current sociofugal strategies
employed are only driving users and non-users apart and away from interaction and
integration with each others. We advocate for sociopetal spaces to be created where all
stakeholders are drawn together into interacting, exchanging and building the mundane social
capital that should surround cellular games’ activities. Cellular games should not be seen as a
solitary activity but as a social experience. Therefore, marketers need to move from a strategy
based on technical determinism towards encouraging stakeholders to shape the use and
development of this type of domesticated ICT.

The aims of the research are to unpack the relationships between attitudes, behaviors
and consumers’ self for not engaging with cellular entertainment content. The focus of the
enquiry lies in the analysis of the ways mobile phone games are (not) consumed rather than
being focused on the particular objects being consumed. We used the case of the UK and
North London as an example of ‘middle England’. We explore how a given socio cultural
context shapes and influences individual voluntary non-engagement in activities and meaning
making through socialization and enculturation of the emerging cellular games market (Nasir
2005). Extending Steinkuehler and Chmiel’s (2006, p.97) work, where games are considered
as a ‘mangle of production and consumption – of human intentions (with designers and
players in conversation with one another)’, we stress the importance of non-users and
voluntary anti-choice or its extreme manifestation boycott as factors emerging from game
consumption in practice. We argue that this in turn would help to shape and develop
appropriate cellular game cultural capital over time within societies at large (i.e., social
guidelines, mobile usage etiquette) taking into account the surrounding environment of ICT.

The following section aims to present the literature on the self and anti-choice in the
context of mobile phone technology and services. The third section highlights our
methodology while the last section provides our results, interpretations and discussions.

2. Background

This research follows earlier work in the area of physical social spaces that has been
pioneered by Whyte (1971), Miller et al (1998), Gronow and Warde (2001), Shove (2003),
Gregson, Crewe, and Brooks (2002) and Gregson and Crewe (2003). The ways people attach
meanings to geographical spaces such as parks, shopping malls, and car boot sales were
included in these earlier works. Moreover, the development of new self identity, the creation
of norms, routines and the design of choice/anti-choice of consumption have been examined

2
from the perspective of social interactions (Srivastava 2005). Our research focuses in the
ubiquitous usage of cellular phones for entertainment, and draws upon the Theory of
Affordance (Gibson 1979; Norman 1990) and the Domestication of Information and
Communication Technologies (Silverstone and Haddon 1996). From a deterministic
perspective, Sheth has already developed a typology of innovation resistance, which included
what he termed ‘Habit Resistance’. This followed Mittelsteadt et al.’s (1976) symbolic
adoption or rejection model where the consumer may have symbolically accepted the
innovation but not sufficiently enough to try, which in turn do not lead to adoption. Gatignon
and Robertson (1991) suggest that non-adoption of an innovation may be explained by either
rejection or postponement. Szmigin and Foxall (1998) built upon these works and categorised
innovation resistance into three varieties: rejection, postponement and opposition. Following
these perspective the idea of context is defined as ‘the set of environmental states and settings
that either determines an application’s behavior or in which an application event occurs and
is interesting to the user’ (Chen and Kotz 2000). In other words as defined by Kim et al
(2002) ‘any personal and environmental information that may influence the person when
he/she is using Mobile Internet’. One further step is the idea of context-sensitive and
awareness system, that should aim at reducing the ‘barriers that routinely complicate
communication’, ‘reduce cognitive load’ and encourage ‘socially acceptable phone use’
(Colbert and Livingstone 2006; Kwon, Choi et al. 2007). Earlier research on technology
acceptance models including (Ajzen and Fishbein 1980; Ajzen 1985; Davis 1989; Ajzen
1991; Venkatesh and Davis 2000; Bruner Ii and Kumar 2005) created the adoption of
innovation framework that identified desirable factors for the success of a new product or
innovation including relative advantage, compatibility, complexity, communicability,
observability, triability, usability, utilitarian and hedonic aspects of technology. These models
did not consider the impact of cellular, pervasive ubiquitous technology and the wider social
contextual implications.

“It becomes obvious that one of the most important factors for the success or failure of
mobile services is the user [self] (our addition) acceptance” (Amberg, Hirschmeier et al.
2004, p.249). User engagement success stories in technological innovations appear to be quite
limited (Ahn, Kim et al. 2005), particularly in m-communication and related services. In
addition, profound changes in technology and regulations have resulted in rapid changes in
the market structure and industry composition. As a result, marketer strategies frequently
shifted and could be said to have lost focus. Many new services developed could neither
clearly demonstrate clear social benefits for consumers nor profitability. “The past has shown
many successful and non-successful mobile services. On the one hand, mobile services like
traffic navigation or videoconference services are still waiting for their economic breakeven.
On the other hand, multiple mobile services like short message service (SMS), ring tone and
logo download services can be found, which have not been predicted to have a strong
economic success. It becomes obvious that one of the most important factors for the success
or failure of mobile services is the user acceptance” (Amberg, Hirschmeier et al. 2004,
p.249). Application service providers (APS) and marketers are still finding it difficult to
assess the potential of new services especially in the B2C sector (Ziefle, Bay et al. 2006). A
common inaccuracy for many users is the differentiation between mobile services and
features of mobile phones (Ling, Hwang et al. 2007). In our case this is reflected as the pre-
installed games and entertainment vs. the voluntarily acquired or exchanged ones. The pre-
installed structured menu aspect, generally hierarchical, also has a great impact as it formats
the information presented including the depth (number of level) and breadth (number of
option per menu) (Chae and Kim 2004). The relation to task complexity that is present in
many m-games including multiple paths, multiple outcome, conflicting interdependent among

3
paths, and uncertain linkages create a de facto user (non)friendly environment. Other concerns
include lack of information and misunderstanding in areas such as spam and wireless virus.

It is clear, nonetheless, that from a personal perspective a significant shift has occurred
between, the old location based social network and the new people based geographies. Since
the later one involves physical disconnection with time and the surrounding environment, the
usual relation between activity and places has also ceased. From a social psychology
perspective, the personal meaning of public and private space has and is still constantly being
re-defined. As Plant (2000, p.50) states: “There can be something comical about the mobile
user attempting the difficult task of managing a call whose purpose and emotional registers
are at odds with those around them: the conversation with a lover on a train, or with an irate
boss in a bar. Certain conversations can induce emotional and bodily responses which may
be quite incompatible with their perceptions of their physical location. Their participants
often look as though they don’t quite know what to do with themselves, how to reconfigure the
tones of voice and postures which would normally accompany such conversations”. Other
most dramatic aspects of mobile services have been (a) its outpacing of conventional PC in
accessing the Internet, (b) the change in accepted spatial and geographical usage where the
technology is consumed, (c) the multifaceted purpose of the device moving away from a
medium solely for voice telephony towards data exchanges leading to a wider view of the role
of mobile phones and (d) the rapid penetration without the need for heavy infrastructure
investment in developing and emerging countries.

As yet, behavioral research made specifically in the context of m-commerce services

remains at its infancy. There is an emerging body of research which includes the
psychological aspects of mobile consumption by children and adolescents (Kubey, Lavin et
al. 2001; Leopoldina and Manganelli 2002; APS 2004; Doring and Gundolf 2005), the MMS
social and pragmatic aspect (Chapman, 1998), the networked society (Ling, 2004; COST 269
the MMS social and pragmatic aspect (Chapman 1998), the networked society (COST269
2003; Ling 2004) and M-technology consumption (Vrechopoulos, Constantiou et al. 2003;
Pagani 2004)**. Still, according to Vrechopoulos et al. (2003), up to 50% of consumers use
their mobile device for one of the most desired feature, particularly for the entertainment.
Consumption of mobile services are being quickly surrounded by social rules, dilemma and
problems which marketers need to integrate in planning and strategy formulation. The concept
of self and relatedness is for example being redefined by the meaning and symbolic aspects
that are being attached to the consumption of m-services (Rheingold 2000).

2.1 Theorizing and conceptualizing cellular game social capital building

It is now widely accepted that many users define and re-define the importance of their
mobile phone as a dynamic socially co-constructed technology. As emphasized in situativity
theory (Barab and Duffy 2000) and social theory of learning (Wenger 1998) it has been
demonstrated that cellular devices are being adapted to various social uses beyond work and
security and that their usage and attached meaning is linked to identity development which is
often derived from social interactions. For example, the fashion industry in general has
quickly adapted to turn mobile phones into accessories’ craze. The types of services and
products on offer, beyond the device, are becoming a catalyst for social interaction, a signifier
for identity and group affiliation, and in general for how users see themselves (Fortunati 2001;

**
http://socio.ch/mobile/index_mobile.htm

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Ling 2001). A good example has been the emergence of the ‘texting’ culture and as Ling
(2004) describe the creation of ‘micro-coordination’ of everyday life. While the symbolic
identity of fashion and style remain fluid for all user groups, the mundane usage aspect is
grounded in the emerging wireless social capital. From a badge to a decoder, cellular services
are deeply embedded within social and cultural symbols and structures. As a modern
consumption activity these services are also most of time perceived as semi-disposable,
transferable (via Bluetooth), fashionable, instant, yet integral part of the user reflexive identity
and lifestyle (Giddens 1991; Giddens 1992). From this perspective, a certain dependence or
even addiction towards the device is developed where great attention is taken, as will be with
a pet, to maintain it in a working order, to knowing at all time where the device is, to feeding
it with energy and credit as well as dressing ‘him/her’ with the latest fashion (Monk, Carroll
et al. 2004). The services used here can be compared to new skills that the device has or
acquired. They require regular control, manipulation and updating. An intimate relation could
be said to develop between the device, the service provider and the users. Even, the simple
aspect of payment models can be exploited to have a social impact. They range from the basic
pay per use, recurring flat fee, revenue sharing, time specific pricing, free content
personalized services to more symbolic pricing based on value added such as speed of
connection, novelty, pre-release or particular location creating opportunities and leverages for
social differences. Indeed, we notice that mobile phones are in the economic grasp of almost
everyone. Though, many users may still find it difficult to identify errors, correct and
disconnect from unwanted services, check for fraud, rules, compliance, rights and regulations.
These in turn project a specific view of self abilities towards technology in general and
cellular services in particular. In addition, it has to be remembered that control is a truly
continuous process in the case of wireless technology where solicitation can occur at any
moment in time and space. The only reliable way perceived to provide 100% predictability
may be not to use any services at all. This is often associated with social exclusion and in
some cases to extreme stress, anxiety and obsessive compulsive disorder. These are illustrated
in situations where coverage is not possible, lies about usage time (denial), maintaining of the
device ‘on’ at night. Indeed, there seem to be a lot of privacy issues where phone routines are
not shared as much anymore as was the case with many landlines. This individual
appropriation of the device made it often above any other technological medium on equal
term to credit cards and strongly favor over other available modern lifestyle accessories.
When lost, an emotional panic state is often described linked to physical disintegration of the
owner putting its own social survival in jeopardy. Mobile phones are truly real extension of
the owners in many cases (Wilska 2003). What become relevant is to understand the interplay
between the user, technology and the surrounding space. “The task-artifact cycle is the background
pattern in technology development: task outcomes and human experiences implicitly set the agenda
for new technological artifacts, which alter subsequent task outcomes and experiences” (Carroll
2000). Indeed, following Bourdieu (1977; Bourdieu 1984; Bourdieu 1990) another aspects of
adoption and resistance to change leading to anti-choice are linked to social pre-disposition or
lack of it.

In our context, the mode of appropriation of the device and its services is becoming
important to one self representation and its perception by others. Apprehension and
appreciation of cellular games heavily depend on the beholder’s intentions. As a radical
technological shift, cellular games’ lack inherited cultural capital and experiences. The
immediate familiarity present with voice services is lacking in the case of games. A new type
of investment is required in the sense of affective, belief and involvement in the game which
produce the game. Indifference, detachment and refusal to invest oneself can be interpreted
here as a coping mechanism by a large number of users that have never experienced at first

5
hand the emerging ‘m-game culture’. What seems to be lacking for many non-user are
abilities to select a socially acceptable ‘posture’ towards playing games that enable the right
condition for game cultural capital acquisition in a suitable and sustainable manner. In
addition, in our case the seniority of access does not exist. Games are usually portrayed to be
played by younger generations transgressing even more radically the ethical censorship of the
masses. Inverting roles are perceived as decadence often with indignation, the result of the
production of a counter culture. Non-users may fear to display naïve exhibitionism of
‘conspicuous consumption’ and crude display of ill mastered technology. Marketers have
failed to formally guaranteeing specific competences and legitimize the habits. They have
divided the public into antagonist clans where a neutral position with an open mind is
becoming difficult. This has given arbitrary power to recognize or exclude players. The
differences in the experiential or stated relationship with games need to be reduced towards
allowing self-relativising and evaluation of taste and games to decrease resistance.

Indeed, according to Baudrillard (1981) a further dimension is emerging due to the

blurring between ‘real’ and ‘virtual’ spaces and the identity making ‘the passage from a
metallurgic to a semiurgic society’ (p185). This is explained by Best and Kellner (1991) as:
“computerization, information processing, media, cybernetic control systems, and the
organization of society according to simulation codes and models replace production as the
organizing principle of society (p.118)”. A different model of cultural capital creation is
emerging and replacing more tradition processes leading for confusion from non-users and the
need for new cultural investment to understand emerging practices that could lead to social
saturation or ‘a populating of the self with the acquisition of multiple and disparate potentials
for being’ (Gergen 2000, p69 italic original). The notion of multiple self, personality or
identity is now revealed in public space but often remains very disturbing within the more
conventional context of accepted social practices within given locations (Palen, Salzmann et
al. 2001). People have specific ‘public faces’ and personas for different locations (Goffman
1959) which are also described as ‘observance of social propriety’ by Burns (1992). The
position and relation of individual with each other and the traditional social structure linking
individual do not hold anymore (Levinson 1997). The boundaries surrounding identity are
becoming more fluid and subject to interpretation and re-interpretations by (known or not)
audiences surrounding the events. In that sense image become more important than substance,
seeming rather than being is often becoming more important at least in public places. Gergen
(2000) argues that identity have become multiform and plural leading to the concept of
‘pastiche personality’ as: ‘a social chameleon, constantly borrowing bits and pieces of
identity from whatever sources are available and constructing them as useful or desirable in a
given situation’ (p150). Regaining control or partial control of such interpretations remains
crucial in the sustainability of one self image (Truch, Hulme, 2004). Screening behaviors have
been developed but can one really ignore a phone ringing/biping/vibrating interrupting the
current environment? Following Merleau-Ponty (1962) and more recently Eroglu, Machleit,
and Davis (2001), developing a sense of telepresence as a way to become embodied in
surrounding space and extending the scope of possibilities within a controlled system to
mediate emotions became crucial. Questions being raised involve: Are we becoming pro anti-
social mobile users? Have we already surrendered our life to the devices’ own deterministic
cultures and marketing strategies? What impacts cellular services have in exposing users’
inner self?

Regarding the impact of socialization, multiplayer games are providing interesting

insights. Several studies have uncovered in these many social dimensions such as effective
communication, collaboration strategies (Ducheneaut and Moore 2004), construction of

6
identity (Gee 2003), collaborative problem-solving (Nasir 2005; Squire 2005; Steinkuehler
2006), literacy practices that exceed average national standards (Steinkuehler 2005), systemic
thinking (Squire 2003) and computer literacy including consulting off and online manuals,
directories, databases, and taking part in discussion group (AAUW 2000; Squire and
Steinkuehler 2005). This social knowledge is often leverageable in other social situations.
Such expertise, extension of social network, are fostering certain types of scientific habits
such as oral, text and manual dexterity multitasking in which activities take place, hence
making the investment worthwile. These have been linked to model based reasoning and
evidence coordination theory. As described by Ducheneaut and Moore (2004), ‘individuals
learn how to share their own hypotheses about what strategies work by proposing models for
solutions, justifying their “theories” with evidence (such as tabulated mathematical results
aggregated across multiple trials), and debating the merits of conflicting hypotheses – not as
aimless contentious discussion (although there is a bit of that as well) but rather as part and
parcel of the collective intelligence (Levy 1999) amassed through patterned participatory
consumption (Jenkins 1992), the hallmark of interactive “entertainment” media such as
games.

The social nature of most recent games has important consequences for their design.
Designers want to promote interactions among the players, as they recognize that these
encounters are essential to the success of games. The game progression is now often
contingent on shared experiences, collaborative work and actions, and overall the access to a
community of expert. The co-creation of content and multiple possible outcomes are
becoming very appealing to most users and aim at developing a certain curiosity/awarness for
non-users. Some tasks require more than one player to successfully answer a required task.
The issue of player role or profession becomes important. Most of these games ground their
strategy in virtual economic systems where complex exchanges and cooperation is required to
progress. In that sense, non-user should not rely on the stereotype that game culture and
values are restricted to people ‘in the know’. Basic skills such as business management and an
array of interpersonal aspect of identity are developed (Baumeister, Tice et al. 1989). The
possibility to co-create a virtual body in some games or to choose certain personality trait,
also offers a window into participants’ salient personal dimensions including gender and
political views (Ruble & Martin, 1998). This virtual environment also offers the possibility to
practice or re-hearse social skills in safe surroundings. Social dexterity such as assertiveness,
negotiation, interaction as someone else, dealing with strangers are also tested (Turkle 1995;
Calvert 2002). The main system to encourage this type of interaction is to embed within the
game ‘downtime’ where players are congregating in a specific place (eating time, waiting for
transport, recovery time) (Ducheneaut and Moore 2004). Different mode are then made
available such as typed sentences visible to all or say mode, messages sent privately or tell
mode or message sent to a specific set of players group mode. A library of appropriate gesture
can be compiled by users on a manual or even automatic mode. Regarding game social
dynamics in particular, other factors have been recognized as important including a
multidimensional typology approach valid for all electronic games including dimensions such
as (a) Space including perspective such as omni present or vagrant; topography, geometrical
or topological; environment dynamic or static; (b) Time including real-time or turn-based,
mimetic or arbitrary passage of time; finite or infinite. (c) Play structure including single
player multiplayer or teams; (d) Control including static, power-up or experience leveling,
salvability conditional or unlimited, deterministic or non deterministic (level of prediction)
and (e) Rules mainly topological depending or not of the position of the player, time based or
objective based (IST 2001). All these factors have a clear impact on consumer self image
when playing ‘how, when, where, with who and what’.

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3. Non-choice and anti-choice

Normative decision making, forces the users to make a trade off among conflicting
attributes. A reluctance to make a choice can be interpreted as a self regulation mechanism.
We extend here the work of Banister and Hogg (2004) on symbolic consumption, self
concept, self-esteem, maintenance of the self image, image congruency, self-discrepancy
theory, and motivational effect of possible selves in the area of mobile phone services in
particular and radical technology in general (Grubb and Grathwohl 1967; Markus and Nurius
1986; Higgins, Roney et al. 1994; Gronow 1997; Sirgy, Grewal et al. 1997). Arguments are
extended to incorporate the perceptions between non-choice of wireless ubiquitous leisure
related technological products and the self in a dynamic social environment. Our
contemporary society seems to have attached particularly strong positive/negative meanings
to the process of mobile phone services consumption and when, where and how acceptable
goals can be attained using such devices. The overwhelming controlling aspect of mobile
phones and technology on one’s life is not to be underestimated. Emotion laden choices or
non-choices are routine aspects of everyday consumption practices, involving conflicting
goals and objectives. Contemporary consumers’ complex lifestyles and symbolic
consumption lead to inconstancies, resulting in decision in-accuracy that minimize negative
emotions (Fischer and Hawkins 1993). It has been argued that anti-constellations, including
non-choice and anti-choice, were the result of incompatibility with other consumption choices
over consumer lifestyle, leading to abandonment avoidance, aversion or postponement (Hogg
and Michell 1996; Hogg 1998). It is assumed that the user is aware of its current behavioral
state and how that state compares to a relevant building of one self image and development.

The non-choice debate has entered main stream consumption process and is defined as
‘the conscious action of not buying or using a service’. In the past, financial constraint was
often argued to be the main reason why a service was not accessible or used. Nowadays,
many services require a conscious choice evaluated against parameters such as the impact on
self perception, attribute match with self image, enhancement of the ideal self representation
and belonging. In that context, anti-choice has become gradually more easily identifiable and
fashionable in modern global consumer society. It is clearly visible in areas such as
consumer’s boycott (Smith, Klein et al. 2001), fear over security and privacy (identity fraud
online), health related concerns (mad cow disease, bird flue), and support for ‘abstract’ causes
(endangered species) or practices (animal testing). In this context, consumption of emotion
laden trade-off, m-technology needs to be further analyzed. Central to an understanding of
both non-choice and anti-choice, is the acceptance that either may be dependent on consumer
characteristics, and/or on situational characteristics or the two working together. One of the
main features of using cellular services will entice usage both in private and public
environment, in coordination with other activities and consumptions. Complementarities of
meaning has been analyzed in many studies, but rarely in the case of a service that is usually:
(a) always with the consumer, (b) present in all aspect of his/her life (c) 24hrs a day, (d) from
a very early age and (e) where nearly all consumers are expected to carry such a device
(Solomon 1988; Solomon and Buchanan 1991; Harlam, Aradhna Krishna et al. 1995; Harlam
and Lodish. 1995; Russell, Bel et al. 1997). The social role and aspect of the service and the
product is central to understanding consumer choice or non-choice. Today cellular services
have emerged as a charismatic technology compared to other mobile technologies (e.g. laptop,
pagers, car phone). Non-choice and anti-choice often involve the fact that alternative choice is
available. This in our case is crucial to the questions as indeed very little substitutes are

8
available. Games characteristics here, ought to embed not only to reflect individual need but
socially accepted standards that are distancing themselves from the current stereotype of
violence, waste of time, anti-social and undesired self image of most games. How we learn
not to want certain consumption has gained in our case such levels that total avoidance is now
the only acceptable reaction for many. As noticed in the past ‘research fails to distinguish
everyday realities of technology consumption from their idealization’ (Moisio 2003). The
complex and often contradictory consumption of m-games need to be integrated within the
social environment and lifestyle of users and non-users. This new environment has often been
described as dynamic where individuals live different existences within a single unit of time
with the paradoxes and ambiguities involved. The meanings of certain entertainment/games
services are by nature unstable and contestable to change within the rapidly evolving
conspicuous social political dimension of consumption.

This type of voluntary anti-choice is a defined form of consumer activism. Consumer

activism is understood as a pattern of behavior that helps to resist against over consumerism
environments, personal financial health risks, aiming to restore the common good of
individuals and human institutions. A hierarchy of what is perceived acceptable where, is
defined in relation to others and the users own practices. Interpretation of the meaning of
consumption in what appears as a similar context does not seem to hold stable anymore. The
social natures that enable the user to consume (or not) technological services, embody the pre-
condition of ‘social disposition’. This, in turn can be related to distinctions, in terms of
personal superiority and finally empowerment leading to a certain legitimization of the
dominant behavior that may vary under specific location pressures. A rebellious aspect of
consumption can be exploited where transgression to the rule bring a certain status to the
users without fundamentally altering the social disposition. Undeniably, the idea of false
choice needs to be developed in our context. Not using a mobile phone or not using certain
services because of social intolerance is often not a sustainable option. Social tyranny is not
the answer to social chaos. Leaving out significant options or not bringing to the market
sufficient selection of cellular games can also be associated as the false choice fallacy. This
debate is also different from the neutrality argument where advocators of regulation or free
markets decide to limit or segregate access to certain type of technologies in certain social
environment. One further aspect of anti-choice behavior underrated, in our context, is the
growth of imported technology and services. Many of the mobile phone services proposed
seem at odd with the local communication culture and processes. Indeed, in our case of
mobile game it seems that game creators are clustered in certain areas of the world detached
from the markets that are using the services. The presence of this malaise leads to the
proliferation of stress and certain consumer beliefs that often act as catalyst or precipitating
factors. Countervailing marketer’s strategy must be in place not to encourage even more
frustration or misunderstanding. Should m-game be seen as the solus responsible for an
emerging generic anti-choice behavior or are the deeper social functions of m-game
consumption linked with low experiential marketers’ strategy responsible?

4. Methodology

The strategy behind the study was primarily exploratory and the sample selected was
purposive. Participants, selected by a market research recruitment agency from a relatively
average suburb in north London in the UK, as an approximation of ‘middle england’, were
current users or non-user of cellular games (i.e. who did not purchase cellular games but were
aware of their existence). Three male and three female focus groups were conducted for users
and non-users, based on age group ranges 9-15; 16-22; and 23-29. This cross age section was

9
chosen based on past research from Vodafone Live and Nokia (Nokia 2001). The purpose of
the focus groups was to reveal public discourses on cellular game using two contrasting user
and non-user perspectives.. Focus groups were semi-structured in that the intention was to
provoke natural interactions and discussion among participants. It is recognised in the
literature (Gibbs 1997; Stewart and Shamdasani 1998) that one of the main advantages of the
use of focus groups is the interaction that allows participants to express naturally their
attitudes, feeling and experiences. Furthermore group discussions encourage participants to
respond to others’ comments and opinions in such a way that the kinds of issues that emerge
are more difficult to arise in individual interviews. We taped and transcribed in full all focus
groups. Cognitive maps were used as a first stage of analysis of the data (Axelrod 1976;
Sheetz and Tegarden 1994; Eden and Ackerman 1998). Firstly, we started reading the
transcripts and familiarising with the data. Secondly, we identified the key issues in the data
(our own observations) and tried to compare them with more abstract concepts in the
literature in order to construct a final thematic framework for analysis. Thirdly we started the
indexing process in which the thematic framework was systematically applied to the data. We
constructed a table for each category and classify the data. Fourthly, we built a picture of the
data as a whole, and finally did the mapping and interpretation. The interviews transcripts
were analysed using a combination of a ‘Framework Analysis’ (Ritchie and Spencer 1994)
and ‘grounded theory’ (Glaser and Strauss 1967). Our results are classified by themes
emerging from the analysis not along the divide user non-user or gender. This position was
justified in view of the analysis from the perspective that marketers’ strategy will be defined
along progress made by the overall society in integrating, and co-creating games cultural
capital accepted by all. The reasoning being that the notion of anti-choice is considered as a
positive attribute to self development engendering appropriate social cues and references
needed by all. This result in itself was not predicted before the data were collected.

5. Results and discussion: Games and anti choice as a possible building block of
self image

When respondent talks about anti-choice for a particular game it was first of all related
to the overall impact the technology, not only m-games or services, have on the respondent
life, self identity and daily routines. The conspicuous consumption impact of cellular devices,
prior to reach the game aspect, was first of all a critical factor in shaping consumer perception
of adequate, appropriate and socially authorized choice or anti-choice for further services. The
idea of context described in the literature is of particular relevance, also no specific evidences
were uncovered about user willingness or power to influence and change context perception.
As stated in the literature confusion or amalgamation between phone service and feature was
found to be present. Most respondents were happy to show and demonstrate some of the
services on their phone to the rest of the group as the device, as of that day, matched their
expectations. Owners of ‘older’ cellular devices were, however, clearly detaching themselves
from the ownership of a ‘dated’ device and often needed to justify ‘why’ as a self-esteem re-
assurance/coping mechanism. Mobile phones were clearly perceived as an extension of the
user body.

“I broke my phone the other night but this is my brother and I am buying it off him
(MU16-22); This embarrassingly is my phone (FU23-28); 3311 [nokia] does not work, phone
is cracked can’t do menu, can’t see anything (MNU9-15); It was my brother he got an
upgrade and gave me this, I am embarrassed (FNU-16-22); it’s last year model but I am due

10
for an upgrade now (FNU 16-22); 8210 [nokia] but it’s not mine, mine was stolen and bust
(MNU9-15); It’s my mum’s phone, do not know really what is on it (MNU9-15)”♣

It is clear that the physical aspect and the mobile phones’ features form the basis on
which current or ideal self-identity building will be projected to others. This confirms the idea
of telepresence where a certain visual match with users and surrounding environment is
required. It also corroborates the role of cellular as fashion accessories following trends and
seasonality. Easier interaction with the social environment is possible if the accessory fit
current fashion’s expectations allowing expected or corresponding gesture and posture. This
can also been referred as a process of second socialization in order to extend one’s sense of
presence.

“[Phones provide you with] Certain status with keeping up with the rest, fitting in with
the crowd (MNU23-28); You can tell someone’s personality from their phone (MNU 9-15);
You have to take pride about what is on your phone (MNU 9-15); People that use cellular are
up to date and popular, outgoing and close to what is going on (MNU 9-15); Helps you fit in
more if you have a decent phone and tone (MNU9-15)”♣

Choice of services is then considered. At a lower level, technology and phone’s

generation act as a barrier to choice for certain games categories. It is necessary to ensure that
one device can support the chosen application. At a higher level, the question of appropriate
message and proper usage of the device is discussed. This is in line with the literature on
consumer orientation and Bourdieu’s description of the need for a certain understanding of
game cultural capital. Interestingly, this holds across both user and non-user groups. Skills
impact, technological savvyness, appropriate access to new game information including short
cuts and tricks become a differentiator in the emerging game culture. Access to information
about games in appropriate media seems, however, to currently be creating a pre-requisite for
a game adoption divide. Media advertisements are described by respondents as poor.
Advertisement in specialist reviews are described as too specific to be accessible while lower
end press (the Sun newspaper in our case) is not always perceived as matching everybody
lifestyle. In addition, a gap was identified between what is possible to be played on the
various devices and the functions of games that are actually used for self image building on
one hand and place related function in the other hand. The set of games played was small
relative to the general offer, hence restricting greatly the possible social impact and
development of game social capital.

“I got my phone a couple of weeks ago so I am still getting used to it. With Nokia you
can get used to play in a couple of days, but phones like this are more complicated (MU 16-
22); men are the ones, my husband and son can do anything, I wouldn’t know where to start
(FNU 23-28);it was on my previous phone but then no (FNU 16-22); I don’t physically know
how to work the phone properly so I don’t know about downloading (FNU 16-22); I save it at
wrong place and never see it again (FNU 16-22); You know those Sue and Nuts Mags
(GIGGLES) – It was in the back of that, it was advertising games (MU 16-22)”♣

The utilitarian functions of games and more advance symbolic aspects are utilized to
justify choice, social positions and investment towards the game culture. Both users and non-
users have a critical role to play in shaping the meaning and understanding of the emerging
practices. This was demonstrated in generic areas such as graphics capabilities, usability of

♣
FU = female user, FNU= female non user, MU = male user, MNU= male non user; followed by age group

11
controls, sound level and clarity and the downloadable process. More advanced functions
such as definition of rules and aims of game, learning and difficulty levels, lack of tester level,
absence of real feeling of community; and obscure contractual rules relating to pricing models
were however also mentioned. We content that it is mainly related to a lack of awareness in
classification and categorization by both groups. Non-users tend to assume that the usual
categories (card, sudoku, sport and racing) do exist while on the user side awareness often
only depends of real usage frequency. These results are also highlighted in the literature in
areas such as lack of game dynamics understanding. In our study, this is however revealed for
the first time that it is concerning both user and non-user.

“There is only so much you can fit on a small screen (MNU 23-28); the graphics is
like so much smaller, It’s not really worth it.(MNU 9-15); Graphics are nothing as close
[PS2, Xbox etc]; (MNU 9-15); they don’t give you instructions, you just have to play it and
find out yourself (FU 9-15);I don’t understand how to play them (FNU 9-15); can’t be
bothered to read the stupid instructions…I just press buttons but never learn how to play
properly (FNU 16-22); do not know anybody else playing and got charged every time (FU 23-
28)”♣

In addition, more hedonic self realization aspects of m-games are emerging. Many
game services are evaluated compared to higher level priorities such self-image perception by
others, lifestyle and the meaning of playing such or such game. Games objectives (intellectual
requirement), images (offensive for some groups), sound (necessary or not) are often
perceived as ill ‘fitted’ with the respondents’ personality and identity within the context of
play location. However, it is also found that certain games are used to serve specific agendas
such as differentiation, identity building development, group association, boycott,
independence and non-conformist image.

“It does not make you individual anymore. You are more individual if you don’t have
games (FU 23-28); People who use them are just trying to get attention (FU 23-28); Tacky,
annoying, waste of money, cheap, chav (FU 23-28); Types of games …. It is a way to
differentiate yourselves from boys (FU 9-15); Standards games are boring (FU 9-15); don’t
care what people think about them (FU 9-15); They are for young kids (FNU 16-22);
Boyfriends give them to me (FNU 16-22); I have enough choice in my phone anyway (FNU
16-22); use games at special occasions birthdays/ Christmas [when bored] (FNU 16-22)”♣

Clearly games are also considered as a medium to attract attention and discussion or
being protected from it. The individual choice(s) to play or not, by both groups, remains
crucial if to be perceived as a self building positive attribute. We contend that the lack of
game categories and quality standards are hindering ‘fitting cues’ between consumers and
games. Games as an activity and a process are then benchmark to other social occupation
perceived as appropriate in revealing to other the right type of self or ideal self that users
aspire to become. As the user group seems currently to be the smallest and under constant
threat by the masses lack of game cultural capital realizing who is actually playing become
important. Marketers seem to have been weak in this strategy area. This has led to false or
counterproductive defense mechanism mainly using humor to be put in place and widely use
by players rather than users being proud of the game culture.

“as a joke sent to me! its cool because it is cheesy. He is a cheessy guy!! Yes I am.
(MU16-22); It’s annoying and aggravating. The person has to be sad and deaf, Eugene from
big brother, Geek, a really boring person, no social skills, not able to socialise (FU 9-15);

12
people who play games have no friends, they have nothing better to spend their money on
(FNU 16-22); I think they would be looser (FNU 9-15)”
As any other consumption activity, the buying aspect and the need to be a good
buyer/shopper are important to the self image composition of both groups. Participants
described the actual or perceived purchasing process and information gathering as laborious,
often expensive and unexciting, not something that fits modern lifestyle management. The
cost of playing games was also seen as potentially off putting for some participants. Wasting
money, not being in control of your spending was negatively associated with identity building
and leading to anti-choice justification. The type, provider and form of external information
strategy on pricing was deemed insufficiently understood.

“I just won’t use it because I don’t know how much they will charge(FU 23-28); It’s
not getting it the problem, it’s the stopping it (FU 23-28); Wary about the cost and hidden
cost (MNU 23-28); I bought it and they still charge me every time I wanted to play it (MU16-
22); My friend bought a game for $5 a few weeks ago and he said he completed it in half an
hour and that was that. A bit pointless spending (MNU 23-28); It’s quite expensive for what
they are, it’s about 5 pounds for a rubbish game that you are only going to play one time
(MNU9-15); Kick the ball and then it take 5 minutes to load – loading the next scene what do
you do in the middle? (MNU 9-15)”♣

M-game social awareness was considered to be poor, appropriate ‘moments’ to play

did not seem to be clearly defined and no consensus emerged on suitable playing behavior
and postures (sound, movement, concentration) related to risks faced both personally and
socially. The self worth derived from m-games was often described as being low both from a
personal and at society/group level perspectives. Few m-games only had attained social
prestige recognition and acceptance. The element of sharing with friends as a social exercise
was rapidly evolving and was perceived as enjoyable. There were experiences of users
sharing games or playing multiplayer games which were described as fun experiences,
especially when costless i.e., shared via Bluetooth. These new emerging practices were still in
the minority, not organized and encouraged sufficiently by marketing strategy making them
counter commonsense for many users. A diss-association was still in most occasions
providing non-users with more prestige.

“You finally have a moment of realisation that you are 25 and you are playing game?!
on such poor quality phones at such a high price’(FU23-28); You can spend your life on your
phone. I think they [game players] would be a really boring person (FU 9-15); boys are more
into it, gadgety stuff the younger they are as well for other mmmm (FNU16-22)”♣

Lastly, anti-choice was also demonstrated with the emergence of obsessive behaviour.
M-games were perceived as negative consumption preventing you from doing better/required
alternative task, isolating individual from their surrounding and providing anxiety rather than
the original purpose of entertainment, skill development and opportunities for social
interactions. Addiction to certain m-games, such as fruit machine, poker, and adult games,
were also perceived as socially inappropriate for most cases both in terms of identity and
location.

“You get a bit obsessive with it (FU 23-28); It’s relaxing though I get annoyed when I
can’t do it, I become obsessive (FU 23-28); I would be prepared to pay for that one because it
was quite addictive [fruit machine] (FU 23-28); well with me I was getting to the point where

13
I wouldn’t watch TV in evening because I’d be playing games. Got to do it! (FU 23-28); there
is always something better to be doing, but still does not stop you does it? (FU -23-28); once
you start you have to keep going (FNU 16-22)”♣

6. Theoretical and managerial implications

The contributions of this paper are in two folds, managerial and theoretical. In terms of
managerial implications, we first demonstrate that a social usage dimension as a predictor of
user engagement or rejections of cellular game services need to be integrated within
marketers’ strategies. Second, we reveal that game culture and the mode of appropriation of
the services by the society and its sub-communities need to be integral to successful
marketers’ strategy. Third, anti-choice as a valued position is demonstrated in our context to
be a viable option that provides positive attributes on one self image regardless of current
practices for both users and non-users. Hence, we reveal here that marketers’ strategy needs to
be directed both at users and non-users in an attempt to create a recognized debate on
emerging game culture’s acceptable characteristics. Fourth, while gender has an impact on
perception of acceptance/rejection within the type of discourse used, we contend that both
genders need to be included to form, shape and create the cellular game culture at a higher
level of abstraction. Only game types at a lower level could if required after acceptance
separate genders. Gender was not perceived to be a key differentiating variable in adoption
and engagement with m-games.

In terms of theoretical contribution, this study attempts through a qualitative approach

to refine existing theories by grounding new social variables such as definition of self and
anti-choice in well-accepted TAM and applies it in a new dynamic context. In an increasingly
over polarized society, the impact of consumption anti-constellation can now be deemed an
important attribute of the self, bringing harmony between extreme positions. Through this
initial work exploring specifically games available through cellular phones in relationship to
self building for both, users and non-users, our findings have confirmed earlier research that
non-choice of entertainment activities and ICT play a key role in contemporary identity
dynamics and consumption within surrounding specific situations. More than ever, it really
seems that one own sense of identity does not only spring from oneself but from other’s
perception and interpretation relative to the accepted cultural standing. We contend that our
social concepts directed at both users and non-users have uncovered mediating models of
social experiences that can offer a sustainable alternative to the current homogeneous; one-
size-fits-all, representation of negative symbolic consumption applied to cellular games.

Our results suggest that the hyper-reality vs. actual self as basis for new experienced
social model have been underestimated in the previous literature. While marketers have
concentrated their effort on incumbent and potential markets they have neglected non-users.
In our case the specific shaping of external space forces the inclusion of non-users within the
emerging debate and creation of cellular game cultural capital. The traditional saturation of
everyday spaces establishes orthodoxies in interpreting the new behaviors that have to be
accepted and shaped by all groups. The demystification of the divide between users and non-
user through anti-choice is demonstrated to be based on social rules rather than game
attributes per se.

Location detachment and stability from the surrounding social geographies have also
not been grounded in the general social practices by marketers leading to anti-choice by both
users and non-users. In the example of fashion, one or few outfits could be portrayed in any

14
given day to present different self images. It is fair to say that in the case of cellular games
they have the added effects of infinite/constantly renewed selves, both in terms of types of
games (possibility to play more than one game at any given type), number of players involved
and in terms of behavior to be displayed in any given time and places. The active contents of
games including pace, representation, and teleology have a direct impact on selves’
representation that varies in a dynamic fashion at a rate never experienced before. The nature
of cellular gaming encourages the development of hidden hero or uncivilized monster in an
active fashion. Back and forth switch between actual and hyper-reality selves and perceptions
of mimetic and arbitrary, finite/infinite time results in very novel hybrid meta-stable selves.

Suggestions of acceptability of anti-choice, in a local context may not be relevant as

players’ selves are now benchmarked against players ‘population’ worldwide, creating new
cultural standards of ritual acceptance in new in-between global spaceless dimensions. This
can be seen in the leveling character of many games, the self development or appearance of
the undesired self depending on game success. Marketers’ role in explaining to non-users
emerging behaviors and their rational remain crucial. This is counterbalanced by a worldwide
population of non-users that also develop a variety of coping mechanisms. We content that
marketers’ strategy should encourage, shape and develop norms of legitimacy accepted by all
groups. Cellular games should be integrated within desirable, proper or appropriate set of
social behavior where considerable latitude exist and in reinforced by the nature and possible
categories offered by cellular games. Currently, it seems that awareness is only restricted to
the more violent categories, and adult entertainment. These excess are also widely reported in
the press leading to biased views of the product line and de-legitimization of possible
advantages on self image. Reciprocity and co-influence by irregular users, service providers
and other stakeholder seem important in building a coherent marketing strategy.

This suggests a need for global reshaping of social rituals surrounding cellular games,
and support for ‘self control’, often the advocated solution in the positive imagery of
consumption. In cellular game analogy, meanings such as eternal second chance, mostly
direct physical free risk, power-up opportunity, deterministic or not level of prediction are
accessible and revocable options for self evaluation as a mean for testing oneself’ limits. For
many respondents future self esteem is the actual ‘real’ motivator for anti-constellation. Risk-
averse population runs the risk of being mis-segmented by most game providers. In addition,
there was some confirmation that ‘others’ have a great influence on the gaming moment.
Stronger voluntary engagements seemed necessary over a longer period of time as ‘game
categories’ (arcade, puzzle platform, sport, casino, driving, board, action, race, arcade, retro
strategy and multi-player games) are not defined clearly in our market, i.e., cellular games
with category leaders, quality benchmarks and recognized mainstream media, as is the case in
other product categories, such as clothing. We underline the clear difference with the
‘domestic’ game platforms, some wireless, like PS3 and Xcube.

7. Conclusion

Games have been proven to be a good context for the study of cognition as interaction
of the social and material world (Steinkuehler and Chmiel 2006). Mundane consumption of
digital entertainment services has usually been studied looking at the positive meanings
associated with consumption and choice (Levy 1959; Belk, Bahn et al. 1982; McCracken and
Roth 1989). Ubiquitous consumerism in often public places, which involve very private
‘moments’, are relatively new to the scene. We advocate that non-choice and anti-choice

15
literatures are actually a better filter to analyze consumption routine impact on consumers, as
many know better what they don’t want rather than what they ‘want’. This paper has added
unique social concepts that show the dynamic nature of the negative self including hyper-
reality aspect, time detachment and stability, global reshaping of rituals, and projection
mechanisms (coolness and expected convergence). ICTs are having an increasing impact on
possible selves that need to be re-conceptualized around the stated promises and objectives of
technology diffusion as “Paradigmatic consumption degrades the symmetry of humanity and
reality (Borgmann 2000)”. The contextual burden of technology, production, liberty,
prosperity, and idealism needs further integration with the self, particularly the negative and
undesired self. Simultaneously the function of cellular games as culture and cultural objects
need to be integrated within marketer’s strategies evolving understanding of socio-cultural
practices.

Following the analogy used in industrial cluster situations or identity cluster literature,
we contend that m-game audience have been divided along the user non-user line rather than
looking at interpretations of collective features and considering both groups as overlapping
and non-competing. Indeed, a collective identity should be constructed around a shared m-
game imagery where marketer’s strategy do not take for granted direct or indirect social
interaction. It can even be said that within the user group a great amount of heterogeneity is
present within the boundaries of that particular collective identity.

The emphasis of this paper has been only on games available through cellular phones.
The small scale study of consumers reported here represent only a preliminary attempt in a
Western developed economy. While the results are providing novel impact on the
understanding of the negative, undesired self, further work is required to comprehend better
the wider relationship between anti-constellation and ICT in general in various contexts
including less developed countries.

8. Acknowledgement

We are very thankful to Karl Alexander McCarthy, Business Development Consultant for Jessops Plc,
UK for his help in collecting the data as part of partial fulfillment for his MBA dissertation at Lancaster
University.

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