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2009 Presidential Address: Repositioning Politics in Education's Circle of Knowledge Author(s): Lorraine M. McDonnell Source: Educational Researcher, Vol.

38, No. 6 (Aug. - Sep., 2009), pp. 417-427 Published by: American Educational Research Association Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/25592131 . Accessed: 13/09/2013 10:32
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Features U 2009 Presidential Address in Education's

[_[

Politics Repositioning Circle of Knowledge


Lorraine M. McDonnell
The model that in most factors research such as on the of implicit political policy. politics group

education and yields

terms what eters create

gets

taught,

how, and

assumes opposition incomplete ers should

interest this

support

opportunities practices, In this and

broad param and by whom. These constraints that influence school and practices, framework, in turn, politics shape learning to is assumed

shape

However, about the

because educational of policies what this

classroom perspective outcomes. research but also result of

these

information not the

enterprise, politics kinds creates of

analytical

just ask what arrow to

kinds

have an indirect and diffuse effect on learning, with a variety of


other direct ences social, effect the cultural, on context student and organizational outcomes. But learning factors having a more influ nonetheless, policy, occurs. This of conception

reverse from policy tures

causal

examine

politics the

different feedback and rules policies,

policies. focuses policies the

In addressing analytical establish, interests future

question, on the

concept

in which

attention the elite

institutional

struc

and public

interpretations these fac

of those tors

that are mobilized, policies.

and how

the role of politics should continue to be central to the study of education policy because its endpoint is student learning, which should be the primary goal of policy.
However, the perspective represented in the traditional model

interact

to shape

Keywords:

policy;

politics

is incomplete because it provides only partial information about key aspects of the educational enterprise, including why major policy changes are so difficult, why some policies persist past their useful lives, and how different policies shape who participates
and who does not decides offer much how educational insight into one resources are allocated. important It also ques of the most

The

theme of the 2009 annual meeting of the American Educational Research Association, "Disciplined Inquiry: Education Research in the Circle of Knowledge," was intended to show that academic disciplines have contributed a
diverse study major theories topic for of array of theoretical At testing the education. for and research insights same time, education theory and methods has to the a ana provided

tions that those who study the politics of education can address: how well schools function as democratic political institutions, including their ability to foster political equality. Consequendy, I argue that in addition to asking what kinds of
suggest politics policies we abandon in the traditional the perspective ing that represented to add an additional model of education Rather, we need politics. one to our on a that draws analytical repertoire body of theoretical policies politics ine what kinds creates, of we need education to reverse the causal create. arrow I am not to exam

venue

disciplinary In

developing

lytical methods,
in

with

its studies refining and expanding


ways. that But keeping I believe deserves it is also with the theme, greater attention

those
a

significant this address researchers. to

I chose

education

one where

education this case,

by research own

and empirical research in political science calledpolicyfeedback. Why The Reverse the Causal Arrow?

can contribute

disciplinary

knowledge?in

to my

discipline of political science. A research agenda focused on this topic requires thinking about politics in a different way. The Traditional Model of Politics and Policy

theory of policy feedback posits that policies enacted and


at one point in time shape subsequent political

implemented

Before discussing the "repositioned politics of education," I briefly review politics' usual place in the study of education and
education politics The policy. of education model policy implicit assumes that in most political research factors?of on the the

dynamics so that politics is both an input into the policy process and an output. A brief history of how the concept has developed in political science provides context for how itmight be applied in education research and also highlights the kinds of causal
mechanisms that are assumed to produce the relationship

type listed in Figure


resources are expended

1?shape
on which

policies
students

that determine what


and define in general

between policy and politics. "New policies create a new politics." Although Schattschneider (1935, p. 288) made this oft-cited argument more than 70 years

Educational

Researcher,Vol.

38, No. 6, pp. 417?427

DOI: 10.3102/0013189X09342584
? 2009 AERA, http://er.aera.net

AUGUST/SEPTEMBER2009 \\A?7

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Political (e.g.,

factors

framing of policy and solution, problem decision-making interest venue, mobilization) Education group

Policy

Learning Outcomes

FIGURE

1.

The traditional view of the relationship between politics and education policy.

ago, ago

it was by

not

scholars

until systematically investigated a historical institutional using

about approach

20

years (e.g.,

can

inform

the

design

Hacker, 2002; Pierson, 1993; Skocpol, 1992). For example, in her book on the political origins of social welfare policy in the
United two ways: how they States, Skocpol in how they the argues transform and that or policies expand resources create state new capacity, politics and pursuing in in

that pay policies are institutions pressing ing need

of of education generations subsequent to institutional attention effects because greater so central to this theoretical framework. The the of education's shortcomings is the rationale. practical govern

to address then,

institutions,

affect

identities

of groups

My deeply felt reason for advocating a different take on poli tics stems from why I study education: my strong belief that
schools erned, benefits are who critical democratic institutions. resources have are How they are gov how participates, resources from those allocated, and who far

their interests through politics. A second strand of policy feed


back torical research takes a institutionalists. perspective In the different second from that scholars of the his focus on strand,

long-term

consequences

mass

how individual political political behavior?including identities are formed?and argue that policy feedback research is a way to link behavioral research examining individual political
attitudes and actions with research on public policy (e.g.,

beyond Overview

individual school systems because they shape the future


citizenship.

of democratic

Campbell, 2003; Mettler, 2005; Mettler & Soss, 2004; Soss & Schr?m, 2007). The historical institutionalists and the political
behavioralists others' each scholarship, acknowledge but attempts the to role of factors integrate create that actions the two central to the perspectives

In arguing that politics


circle of knowledge,

should be repositioned
three topics:

in education's

I cover

A conceptual model of policy feedback.


Three examples from education policy to illustrate what

theoretically have been limited. Nevertheless,


assume interests, times, that and the mass policies public public more once enacted perceptions to take

both perspectives
institutions, elites future and, policies. at

political

can mobilize that shape

might be learned from reversing the causal arrow: (a) the standards-based accountability (SBA) policies begun in
states some 20 years ago and now reflected in the federal

Arguments
research include

for importing
than just

policy

feedback

into education
to test the theo

No Child
finance marketizing ing-out ered by A ate

Left Behind

(NCLB)

legislation;
(c)

(b) school
or

the opportunity

equalization

ry's applicability
more practical ity. Nevertheless, arguing for the

in another policy domain. The rationale is both


and more there felt than just intellectual curios deeply is some element in of intellectual curiosity of this topic. I believe that education

importance

policies to the sector for services deliv private traditionally sector. the public cre to understand research how education agenda policies politics. a few are

and policies; such as charter

entrepreneurial schools and contract

is a good domain for advancing the study of policy feedback?


in the institutional, among especially understanding linkages it offers var effects of policies?because elite, and mass political a wide arenas. ied cases across and political range of policy goals stems concern The rationale from my that practical growing a is crisis in its education institutions, major facing governing at the local level. Recent reform have focused especially policies largely training recently, which That a major on mechanisms and career such as standards and has and school been assessments, teacher

It should

be

noted

that

only

studies

in education

grounded
describing

in a policy
the illustrative

feedback perspective.
cases, I rely on extant

Consequently,
research, much

in
of

which was not conducted with the explicit purpose of discerning what kind of politics each policy has produced. So at this point, we basically have guiding hypotheses. I also realize that illustrative
examples are not the same as testable propositions. Nevertheless, I

however, education

opportunities, scant attention is governed as the and policies from

services

Until organization. to the system by paid to students. delivered through feedback it, requires perspective

believe there is sufficient evidence to suggest that a policy feedback


perspective that its use the theory can can than generate valid a more provide has occurred knowledge extensive in other in education and valid domains. research exploration and of

system,

as much

that pass a policy

overhaul.

Research

policy

418

EDUCATIONAL RESEARCHER

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Interpretive Effects
Institutional Structures Rules and Political Political Political and Future and Differential rules Mobilization Interests Incentives resources Targets strategies and and of identity learning trust

Policy
Characteristics ? Origins ? Incremental

? Governance structures capacities or Participation decision-making rules Allocational for financial, political, and informational resources

Policies

major change Nature of policy

target(s) Type of policy


instrument(s)

FIGURE 2.

A conceptual model ofpolicy feedback.

A Conceptual

Model

of Policy

Feedback

Institutional

structures

and

rules.

In this model,

I assume

that

the

The model displayed in Figure 2 integrates the institutionalist and individual-level perspectives. The three middle boxes depict
that the political dynamics future shapes policies?either instances, Policies. Origins originated a reinforcing policy includes such in the Four and policies create. changing continuing the This politics, them or, policy in turn, in many regime.

first kind of politics created by a given policy


institutional institutions, how does a structures alter policy's existing and ones, rules. or Policies reinforce rules loses, who affect pays? may

ismanifested
establish For

in
new

them. how

allocational wins, who

example, are benefits these

distributed?who

Answering

existing the the

questions
it Similarly, the level

helps
rules at which

identify who
about who can decisions

has an incentive
how

to mobilize.
making, are

characteristics factors as who judicial, or

shape advanced or

resulting policy;

politics. whether and

participate are made, and

in decision

grievances

legislative,

executive

branches;

handled all help explain?and


tions tional lack and rules the actions can

even predict?the

political coali

the governmental
policy represents

level(s) enacting and implementing


incremental major change

it. Whether
is important

because
arrangements

it signals whether
are likely to be

existing
disrupted.

institutions

and political

political

to result. The of institu likely configuration to which also point and individuals may groups to resources their and opportunities express

interests.

The nature of policy target(s) draws on Schneider and Ingram's


conceptualization dimensions: (a) their by policy makers and (1997) that social their classifies construction, constituents policy or how (deserving targets on two

Interpretive effects.This model draws on Pierson's (1993) concept


of interpretive effects and assumes that how individuals ascribe

they or undeserv

are viewed

meaning
menting policies

to a policy ismediated
those on policies. Interpretive identity, political

through the institutions


effects and

imple

ing); and (b) the political


Schneider interact senior and to create citizens they Ingram different Social as

power
types of

resources of target groups.


that these two dimensions For as example,

hypothesize

learning,

the impact of capture trust. It is this aspect

advantaged In con and strong. deserving politically are as low-income from families classified trast, children depen as are because dents perceived they although deserving, politically in weak. take these dimensions into consideration Policy makers on whom or to confer benefits burdens. impose deciding a focus on instruments Research with has not always policy how considered but such have they shape politics, assumptions or those that use For instruments been implicit. example, hortatory or information to assume values behaviors change people targets' because

receiving are viewed

target groups. are classified Security

of policy feedback that scholars see as the link to mass attitudes and behavior. Mettler and Soss (2004) suggest a number of ways that policies signal targets about their political status: by influ encing how individuals understand their rights and responsibili
ties as members about group of a political characteristics directly messages community, by conveying to members of a target group

and to broader public audiences, by playing a role in building and distributing civic skills among the public, by defining policy
and their solutions problems arenas for citizen demands. Over the past decade, several in particular ways, and by creating

studies

have

examined

the nature

will act?including politically through actions such as grassroots organizing and lobbying?when presented with certain kinds of information (Fung, Graham, & Weil, 2007; McDonnell, 2004; Schneider & Ingram, 1997; Stone, 2002). As another example,
inducements or grants-in-aid are likely to engender a different kind

of policy feedback as it relates tomass political attitudes and par


ticipation. strong Three messages examples about how from the research larger polity on that policies views program send tar

of politics than rights-based policies that confer a legal entitlement, with the politics surrounding inducements focusing on legislative
and based bureaucratic policies allocational often seeking rules redress and those responding to rights in courts.

gets illustrate how policies can shape individual attitudes and political behavior. The first comes from a study of Social Security. The universalism and social insurance framing of Social Security has led to positive interpretations of the policy and engendered broad-based capacity for political mobilization
ciaries. In contrast to a strong bias in

among its benefi


participation

political

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generally toward themore affluent and better educated, Campbell (2003) found that mobilization supporting Social Security is
strongest among to be dependent a low-income on beneficiaries, the group most likely the program.

broad swath of senior citizens. The word differential


create that policies ical inequalities, points (e.g., who to different groups. opportunity depending has standing on structures the to sue) type and that may and the number resources lead

indicates
to of polit access

available

In a second study,Mettler
strong message to beneficiaries Americans?"people about erans ordinary from

(2005) found that the G.I. Bill sent


that government them." with It was for and vet bene like provided educational

All these factors, resulting from a given policy and the politics
it creates, then shape and constrain the direction and scope of

less-advantaged

backgrounds

fits, but it also conveyed a powerful message that they were included as esteemed members of the polity. They responded by becoming more civically involved than would have otherwise
been expected. In contrast, the means-testing and tight regula

future policies. In the following sections I illustrate the policy feed back perspective with three examples. The first, standards-based accountability (SBA), ismore fully developed than the other two
cases because the extant politics. The research second is more example informative focuses on about just one SBA's aspect subsequent

tions associated with theTemporary Assistance toNeedy Families program sends a very different message. Soss (1999) found that
welfare their recipients' stigmatizing perceptions experience treatment of with welfare bureaucracies and by these agencies their status as citizens. over into spills So, for example,

of school finance policy but shows how the policy feedback lens
helps often in understanding significantly at resource are attempts why equalization state courts in their movement altered between

and legislatures. The final example is the leastwell developed and


the most speculative because research on the political effects of

recipients'

results from the 1992 National Election Study show that even after controlling for demographic variables, being awelfare recip ient reduced a person s likelihood of voting to slightly less than half. In contrast, being a Social Security Disability Insurance recipient did not have that effect, and in his qualitative interviews Soss found limited evidence that welfare recipients with children
enrolled in Head Start act more efficaciously as citizens because

marketizing policies in education is limited. Nevertheless, because this group of policies, along with SBA, currently dominates the
national education policy agenda, itwarrants attention.

A Policy Feedback Accountability


Based tice, on existing

Perspective

on Standards-Based

research

and what of

we

know

about

SBA

in prac

of the participatory opportunities embedded in that program. Although the interpretative effects of these policies aremajor
factors tions of in shaping themselves and their attitudes targets' political as are buttressed actors, they political concep by the

Figure

3 depicts

some

its most

salient

characteristics.

However, it is important to keep inmind thatwhat is represented here is SBA policy through the lens of the politics it has created.
It does tional not indicate anything strategy. about its effectiveness as an educa improvement

level and type of material


the cies institutional interact with arrangements program

resources the policies allocate and by


through recipients. which government agen

a Policy characteristics. SBA has largely been top-down policy, pro moted by political and business elites and education reform
in terms of economic the rationale that have framed prog groups ress and more This rationale educational opportunities. equitable in for reflected "state of the state" speeches has been governors' in U.S. Obama's President several decades, and recently Barack

Differential mobilization of interests. In this model, the mobiliza tion of interests is shaped by the incentives created by a policy's institutional structures and rules and by how individuals inter
pret in the policy and their its effect use, and on them. create their In regulating to preserve organize notion of policies expand of costs that organize concentrate for the allocating incentives or resources for targets or to

speech to the Hispanic


argued, achievement "We know that

Chamber
economic

of Commerce,
progress and

in which
educational

he
and a

benefits

to minimize

their costs. This assumption


the concentration Policies to mobilization. create incentives

is consistent with Wilson's


and benefits either individuals as

(1989)
of

predictors or benefits costs and groups who

"It's the most child barriers He to of any stand

in hand have hand gone always the American of ideas, that with race, any faith, any and station, fulfill his can

in America,"

right education, overcome whatever potential." commitment 2009).

in their way on

pay or who benefit. When


cated across a large

costs and benefits are diffusely allo


people have less incentive to

then went "higher

to talk about and

their God-given administration's to results"

population,

standards"

"money

tied

(Obama,

mobilize in support of or opposition to a policy. The results of mobilization can be either what institutional theorists csll positive policy feedback, in instances where the persistent support of policy
beneficiaries tures, nents or are reinforces negative policy successful and expands feedback, in scaling institutional existing in cases where political back or terminating struc oppo those

extent to which NCLB Although analysts disagree about the a in direction and in the federal represents major change policy
government's relationship with states and local school districts,

institutions (Hacker, 2004; Pierson, 2000). Not all policies directly influence mass political action, but
many, in advantaging some interests and disadvantaging others,

they acknowledge that the politics that produced it and its ground over several decades developed ing in SBA assumptions 2006; Wong & Sunderman, (McDonnell, 2005; McGuinn, recent 2007). The history of the federal-state relationship strongly suggests that NCLB was possible only because of profound
changes in the state policy role over the past 20 years. In his anal

can lead to forms of mobilization. So policy feedback may occur at just the elite level or at both the elite and mass levels. For
example, likely policies to mobilize giving support tax industries specific advantages to groups limited coalitions represent to are

ysis of the origins of NCLB, Manna


of one strength borrowing level of government that "occurs to attempt and capabilities possess"

(2006) develops the concept


when entrepreneurs policy their agendas by leverag push else that other governments (p. 5). He argues that at

ing those industries, whereas


420 EDUCATIONAL RESEARCHER

Social Security has mobilized

ing the justification in the federal where

system

the

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Institutional Structures Paradox and of with Rules

Interpretive Public opinion inconsistent

Effects

Unknown policy

effects

of on

centralization

language perceptions groups SBA

Policy

Characteristics coalitions progress rationale

Elite-driven Economic and equity

fragmentation Diverse delivery but little systems, change governance structures in and of

public Some s perceive

as a see Next generation

threat; others benefits

but Major change, over 20 evolved years Multiple policy targets and instruments

capacities Altered division authority between

Differential Mobilization Interests ? More diverse interest of

of SBA policies

professionals Greater about

and

political bodies
transparency school

performance required; test-driven rewards and sanctions

group terrain Grassroots mobilization and class limited largely middle

FIGURE 3.

A policy feedback perspective on

idards-based accountability (SBA).

passage

of NCLB

was

possible organized characteristic

because around

state

governments and

had assessments.

ear

The
created

institutional structures resulting from SBA policies have


several political paradoxes and tensions. One is an updated

lier enacted Another tiple targets

reforms central and of

standards is that

of SBA

it assumes

mul Because

relies

on

publication include more parents and

information than

multiple policy is at the core of and who in

instruments. this policy, They

version of what Meyer (1979) called "fragmented centralization." SBA has led to more centralized direction and control from the
federal and state governments than was remains of education, localities from the case 30 years ago. Yet considerable evident disparities standards in in the federalist from to content state It is system. resource

the also

targets include on that

just educators public criterion

students. are

fragmentation multiple among that vary aspects states and

the

information. is the extent formance

general So a critical

assessing

expected the politics school and

to act

of SBA per

significant and performance to state (Liu,

to which prompts structures

information public and mobilization.

about

student

substantially

2008;

National Center for Education Statistics, 2007; Porter, Polikoff, &


Smithson, 2008). tug between The institutional structures resulting aca that establish political interests effects are most evident in a con in and for greater centralized centralization. delivery organizational system has become arrangements technical implement by any espe

Institutional from demic SBA

rules. The

policies content and

bureaucracies and govern

processes and the state and local standards, performance for assessing The rules that define students. responsible stem from institutions these the premises underlying

include

the state-level

tinuing educational localized At more having assistance,

opportunities interests opposing significant the educational the same time, with to a variety of

advocating more through

uniformity policies

complex, emerged

SBA policies. In its ideal form, the theory of standards-based reform


assumed mance that standards states would establish and for all students and rigorous then align major curriculum assessment?to content and state and perfor policies instruc stan

testing,

provide professional and instructional

development, to materials

SBA. However, significant

teaching affecting tional materials,

learning?regarding teacher and training,

this complexity has not been structures in governance changes

accompanied and capacities,

these

cially at the local level. Elected school board members, most with
are to ensure that this more "day jobs," expected complex is and accountable and to mediate fiscally educationally interests. much network of often denser competing Further ing mance tension complicating between are the the institutional to which picture content system among a

dards.

In exchange
for student

for holding
performance

school districts
on the standards,

and schools
states would

accountable

give schools and school districts greater flexibility in designing and implementing their instructional programs (Smith 6cO'Day, 1991). In this ideal form, instructional policies were to be linked because
rigorous different financial ciency standards content and require and in different that teachers ways to have and the knowledge that schools all students to teach have to the

is the continu and perfor such and

extent

standards boards

externally

as state

of education

bodies by political imposed to governors answerable directly

capacity profi bring the operative rules were Consequently, to be those resources and their use assumed allocating coordinating as well as those related to in schools accountable. However, holding as the assessment more SBA of has become prom practice, portion on either inent and fewer of the rules have focused high-stakes, (Goertz, 2007).

instructional

how much

is left to the professional (Hamilton, Stecher, & Yuan, 2008).


these structures characteristics of

judgment
new and

of teachers
out of

To a large extent, well-institutionalized

are not

grow

the U.S.

system.

In fact,

they demonstrate
institutions been as altered have is that been

how deeply entrenched


even these

and path dependent


what has complex

can become,

support or local flexibility and more on the criteria for allocating


rewards and sanctions (Heubert & H?user, 1999).

as policies change. However, more structures have become on a fragmented,

they

superimposed

low-capacity 421

AUGUST/SEPTEMBER 2009

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system. The supreme ironymay be thatwhat was originally called "systemic reform" has morphed into even greater fluidity. Interpretative effects. Public opinion about SBA policies is decid inconsistent?and based on low knowledge edly mixed?even
levels. For example, surveys over the past decade indicate that the

Democrats' traditional advantage in public perceptions about the two parties' relative ability to handle education (Hess& McGuinn, 2002). However, both parties have seen their base support coali tions divide over NCLB. For the Republicans, it has been most evident in the differing views of the Business Roundtable and
Republican state legislators. The Democrats have experienced

public
despite

recognizes
some decline

the limits of standardized


in support since the

testing. However,
of NCLB, a

advent

majority
right

think the amount of testing in their community


enough, and a majority approve of high-stakes

is about
tests

or not

such as high school exit exams (McDonnell, 2008). But these opin
ions have where, for also been formed after in a low-information of NCLB, a majority environment of respon example, 7 years

similar splits, with the teacher unions strongly critical of NCLB and some (but not all) civil rights and child advocacy organiza tions, such as the Citizens Commission on Civil Rights and the Education Trust, supporting it.These divisions among traditional allies stem from differing interpretive effects. For some, SBA has been interpreted as a strategy for significantly improving student
learning, whereas others perceive it as unwarranted federal and

dents in the latest Phi Delta Kappa-Gallup poll report knowing very little or nothing about the law (Bushaw & Gallup, 2008). With the exception of this limited public opinion data, we know little about the interpretative effects of SBA, including how its framing and language have affected public perceptions of the
educational system. What effect, for example, do phrases such as

state intrusion in local communities that brings little added ben efit. Similarly, some see SBA as an effective strategy for forcing
schools an excuse and to address for not teachers view others gap, whereas resources that blames equalizing unfairly for conditions their control. beyond the achievement it as stu

dents

"all students can achieve to high standards" juxtaposed against


terms have such on as "schools trust? needing Asking improvement" about or "failing messages schools" con public the perceptual

Despite
vide

the assumption
between mobilizing

that SBA would


and resource the to

reduce information
and pro public and the public, to

asymmetries an important

educators

general parents

veyed in SBA is particularly important because amajority of vot ers do not have school-age children and lack firsthand information
about even the schools in their own communities.

grassroots activism has been limited. It has largely been confined


to small state groups of middle-class, either they because are suburban of residents opposed reflected lower level assessments, or because the curricular to measure values only

in them

The differing perceptions of SBA by individuals and groups are


evident those of in the views teachers, or of the business in the divisions and students of community among color. as groups But compared with representing were also they

perceived

academic standards (Schr?g, 2000). This result is not surprising, given the significant social class bias in political participation
(Verba, Schlozman, & Brady, 1995). Nevertheless, other educa

low-income

students

manifested
known as controversies embodied

in the early years of SBA inwhat have now become


the "math, science, about and and were disputes in the standards reading the cultural wars." and These Among curricular values these values for

tion policies, with differing origins and policy instruments, offer


a contrasting case. The best example is special education, a policy

initiated through parental activism and grounded


entitlements to service. Although special education

in rights-based
groups also

assessments.

were,

evidence
research more

a middle-class
that grassroots,

bias,

Itkonen
activism as a

a smallminority, powerful mobilizing incentives leading, for exam ple, to the demise of California's Learning Assessment System in themid-1990s (McDonnell, 2004).

(2007)
in that

found
policy to

in her
area orga is

widespread

parental and has functioned education

counterweight

nizations

representing

professionals.

Differential mobilization of interests.Researchers have documented


the expansion and diversification of the interest group terrain

around SBA policies (DeBray-Pelot & McGuinn,


2006). tions have policies. The that groups include for general government pressed an economic But the

2009; Manna,
coali that SBA

and business

The next generation of SBA policies. Ideally, after identifying the politics that SBA has produced, we should be able to predict how these political dynamics will create a policy feedback cycle and help shape the next generation of policies. Although the skeletal
mapping research degree presented necessary of certainty, here before three is incomplete, making tentative more considerably a with any predictions high seem reasonable. conclusions with

the policy, and provider organizations in the services interest authorized under are broader and denser,

issue networks

extending

beyond just these groups. Kaesde (2007) enumerated 10 categories of organizations currently involved in education policy, ranging
from ment some considered traditionally to think tanks, foundations, part and of the education firms. establish for-profit

The first is that therewill be a future generation of SBA poli cies because SBA is likely to continue as a dominant policy para some time. Interest group support is sufficient to obtain digm for
incremental changes in the accountability system to permit more

In addition to contributing to increased numbers and diversity of groups, SBA has also created a politics that does not follow or ideological lines. The issue of stan along traditional partisan
dards since and assessment has been with a the policy's inception, Democratic and Republican for business elites interested voters concerned about the bipartisan the active who one at the state level involvement recognized development schools and of both its appeal and for the use

valid judgments about student and school performance and to give educators, policy makers, and the public better diagnostic tools for improving educational quality. However, opposition to
SBA does not seem fundamental the policy's sequences Second, dards variety across change core elements tied to test strong enough or its elimination of large-scale are well to create as a the conditions for because strategy policy state assessments and con

governors

in economic quality of public

results

institutionalized. stan performance a advocated by being Governors' Association, and

the push

for common which

content is now

of their tax dollars. At the national level, Republican


test-based accountability has been a way to

support for
the

neutralize

states, multiple of groups, including

the National

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andwas mentioned by President Obama (2009) in his recent speech on education (Glod, 2009; Klein, 2009), is an effort to combat
fragmented that whatever centralization. form common However, standards it seems may reasonable take, they to are predict likely to

A Policy Feedback Perspective School Finance Equalization

on

have a unique profile within each state.That profile will be a prod uct of the diverse processes and institutions for approving and
implementing standards in a state, and the interests that support

them. Third,
elements such

Iwould
as diverse

also predict that additional entrepreneurial


providers and "pay for results" will be per

Focusing on one aspect of school finance policy, Figure 4 presents a policy feedback perspective on a question that Reed (2001) poses:Why are the egalitarian assumptions underlying decisions in school finance lawsuits often diminished when state legisla tures fashion remedies in response to judicial mandates? This case illustrates that political dynamics
they create can originate from a

and the subsequent policies


long-standing constellation of

mitted and incorporated into future SBA policies. Like the press for
common a standards, they will represent attempted end runs around governance low-capacity as Band-Aids on an only system. However, are to serve they likely a that needs system major

institutional

redesign and substantial investments in capacity building. I do not see any political will at this point to remedy "the collisions between rapidly expanded policy-making and fragmented governance" (Cohen & Spillane, 1992, p. 11) that characterize the U.S. public education system. Similarly, I would predict that the tensions between political and professional authority will continue to be reflected in future SBA policy and its implementation. The political effects of SBA: Unanswered researchquestions. Research
is not a substitute for political will, but there are questions about

several policies. It is also an example of a theoretical and method ological imperative in studying policy feedback to examine not just the observable political effects of policy but also what was expected by initial reformers that did not occur (Jacobs, 2007). The answer to Reed's question lies in the Rodriguez decision that moved school finance litigation to the states (Sracic, 2006)
and in the path-dependent nature of state and local taxation

policies. The resulting institutional structures and rules include school finance systems based on local property taxes, the use of lawsuits grounded in state constitutional principles, and judicial
mandates These requiring institutional remedies. legislative structures engender conflicting interpreta

policy feedback that researchers can address, and thatmight build a case for considering not just policies but also the capacity of the
overseeing tive. First, we need more kinds particular how well investigate resources for different that institutions and implementing systematic them. Three about are illustra knowledge instruments create, operate For example, the politics to and we need

tive effects. For example, based on his analysis of public opinion data from four states, Reed (2001) concludes that even though
there a has been a trend away of from local control, educational its persistence system as defining characteristic the U.S. shapes to

public attitudes
opposition

toward educational
finance reform

opportunity,
viewed

particularly
local

of policy instruments those societal groups.

to school

as a threat

as mobilization are the infor

ism. Reed details how the local governance of municipalities and school districts and local control of property tax receipts "implic
itly structure our beliefs about the proper way to organize educa

mation

reporting requirements embodied in SBA policies suffi cient for mobilizing low-income parents and giving them the political resources to effect change in their children's schools? How does the addition of tangible consequences or high stakes affect the incentives for groups tomobilize? Does attention to building insti tutional and educator capacities significantly alter the politics?
Second, with regard to fragmented centralization, we need to

tion, and indirectly, they inform a good deal of our democratic politics surrounding education" (p. 132). The tension between generalized support for equal educational opportunity and oppo sition to specific school finance remedies is further exacerbated if
policies states, as are perceived as benefits redistributing mostly or resources even or, in some allocating exclusively structures mobilization, to racial

determine whether
change mentation in constitutional is likely

it is so deeply embedded that, barring amajor


the current level of interpretation, frag to continue. state autonomy, cou If it does,

minorities
Reed's interpretative

(Carr& Fuhrman,
analysis effects indicates interact to

1999).
that shape institutional interest and with

pled with differing political cultures and histories, will


differences significant tional and practices, assumption inevitable. the states is that Rather, have but do in administrative learning arrangements, An opportunities. is neither the federal

sustain
instruc

the primacy of localism and public attitudes strongly influencing state legislative behavior. In responding to
their constituents, legislators have traditionally reinforced geo

the link between

alternative nor and

fragmentation it because persists policies little

foundational government of

graphically based inequalities by preserving local control over a significant proportion of school funding. However, because of
the constitutional to equalize if legislatures groups. between basis educational for school resources finance ing courts groups policies, can mobilize to return remedies states state seek to the to

enacted so with

that have attention

the effect to

centralizing design?

control,

institutional

making minimal
replicating hypotheses warrant

investments
bureaucratic systematic

in capacity building
structures. investigation. These

and simply
competing

traditional

plaintiffs' shifting

or delay produce The in some result legislature and the

unacceptable venue is continual and over

the

court,

time,

Third,
groups little now about

although we know that a more diverse set of interest


press each of their these case in the For SBA policy arena, how we know groups. example, are members

some
(e.g., tions'

reframing of the policy problem and proposed


from equity to education clauses). adequacy This arguments interaction based of on state institutional

solutions
constitu structures

recruited, how do they frame their interests, and what tactics do


information they use? This ers have conducted few gap studies exists with because interest education groups research as the units

and rules, interpretative effects as evidenced in public opinion and historical norms, and resulting interest mobilization helps explain both the gap between judicial mandates and legislative
remedies multiple and why iterations some states have experienced policies. a long history of of finance equalization

of analysis, as has been done in other policy domains health and environmental policy.

such as

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Institutional and "Resources delivered according

Structures Rules are to children to a

Interpretive Tension

Effects between

popular beliefs about educational opportunity and threats perceived to localism

Policies
State and local polices taxation

regime of property taxes, home values, and local control of revenues." 2001, to Lawsuits to reduce (Reed, />

State School
Finance Policies Interest Mobilization

decision Rodriguez moves school finance the states litigation

p. 128)

Legislative responsiveness local interests Ongoing shifting strategy; reframing venue as a some to

unequal funding on state based constitutions ?Judicial decisions requiring generated legislatively remedies

FIGURE 4.

A policy feedback perspective on school finance

equalization.

Policyfeedback and school finance


Equalization questions. have been well documented addition, explanations states such Kentucky analysts in have is a mature over drawn

equalization: Unanswered research


policy whose politics resulting In its history. three-decades-long on institutional and interest-based at equalization in states such so conten Jersey and in as

educational goods and services) has largely focused on the politi cal factors leading to the adoption of new policies (Bulkley & Fusarelli, 2007; Hess, 2006), with little attention to the politics
that result from them. Consequently, we do not yet know enough

attempts comparing problematic as Alabama ones with more successful in explaining over many why equalization states years?in on has

about entrepreneurial policies (unlike SBA and finance equaliza


tion) to specify a conceptual framework. Yet their recent expan

and

been

sion presents an excellent opportunity


research into studies of these federal,

to build policy feedback


state, and local policies.

tious?persisting

such as New

Texas (Carr& Fuhrman,


2003). Consequently,

1999; Paris, 2001; Reed, 2001; Schr?g,


the politics of finance equaliza

research

tion is at a point where a policy feedback perspective should ideally


be useful subsequent policy generations. on this can become more is topic predictive an open now on the several However, issues, question. emerging to such an examination. is the lend themselves One policy agenda, on interest the part of those concerned about growing significant resource across states in the federal government disparities having a assume of the costs of education (Liu, 2008). greater proportion Whether in predicting research

The only comprehensive studies of policy feedback in educa tion have focused on school choice. Buckley and Schneider's and D.C., (2007) study of charter schools inWashington, Abernathy's (2005) research using a variety of data on choice
options inMilwaukee, Both the As Minnesota, found enhanced but and New Jersey reached simi and lar conclusions. trust within community. terms, school participation parental to the little spillover "To use but not

charter

schools

and Schneider note, Buckley create choice may 'bonding'

larger Putnam's

'bridging'

A second is linking educational finance systems with


student performance (Committee for Economic

school and

social capital" (p. 243). We know little about the political


entrepreneurial evidence from research cally suggests policies other that in education, policy private domains. but

effects of other types of


there For is some suggestive

Development,

2004; Hill, Roza, & Harvey, 2008; National Research Council, 1999; National Working Group on Funding Student Learning,
2008). Both of these policy issues raise questions states a nuanced and of the the rules about the con

results

in what

Hacker

example, existing of public benefits provision typi calls a more "subterranean (2002)

ditions under which


equalization Answering the extent ized, ness of and of resource these to which trends in

the dominant
inputs within

policy paradigm focused on


is likely to be altered. of understanding are institutional system's for

questions existing public current

requires structures

In than for social programs. political process" public examining the of and private and health insurance, pensions politics public he found that the process private provi policy-making governing more sion is less the scope of conflict visible, restricted, publicly decisions policy a few studies only and less traceable in education, to Gold specific and outcomes. her colleagues In one con of

effectiveness, to the

perceptions of and

current

fair

potential

challenges perspective

to address

regime. policy Using these questions should

mobilizing a feedback policy allow for more sys

tematic predictions
equalization in

about

the likelihood
new directions.

of moving

finance

fundamentally

A Policy Feedback on Entrepreneurial


Research cies (e.g., on the

Perspective Policies

that market-oriented reforms in Philadelphia have resulted in a lack of transparency in district decision making and the awarding of school contracts (Gold, Christman, & Herold, 2007; Gold, Simon, Cucchiara, Mitchell, & Riffer, 2007). Although it is only aworking hypothesis and not a solid con cluded
clusion, are themes less-transparent that emerge and from decision from a limited making research number is found and on of public privatization studies accountability in other in education. of

charter

or of politics entrepreneurial marketizing poli and voucher of schools, private-sector provision

policy Whether

areas

or not

less transparency

to be a consequence

424

EDUCATIONAL RESEARCHER

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entrepreneurial

policies,

researchers

need

to

recognize

that what

Rowan
to create number interest provider working political interest roots

(2002) calls the "school improvement


set of political dynamics through of institutional and diversity arrangements group environment. such behalf are as test For example, its own

industry" is likely
increases and a in the changed

Developing Reposition
In terms

a Research Politics
overarching

Agenda

to

of an

research

agenda, we

I want

to argue

that

groups on their strategies groups.

publishers

in Washington to resemble likely in cities groups

national private large associations have peak so their and state capitals, economic those of other as Philadelphia, service grass providers

while keeping the effect of policy on learning outcomes front and


center in education policy are research, also need to expand our

analytical horizons to ask more


politics these policies creating.

systematically about the kinds of


To do that, questions about the

In contrast, and civic

such

community

have

become

under contract to the school district, thus potentially making it more difficult for them to criticize the district in advocating for
students and parents (Gold, Christman, et al., 2007).

types of institutional structures being established and their effect on who participates and who decides should be routinely incorporated into studies of policy design and implementation. Because of elec
toral constraints, public officials tend to focus on the early-order

political effects of a policy, while groups with a longer time horizon,


such as education reformers, may pursue strategies that result in

The political
research

effects of entrepreneurial policies:


we the and first know research follow so little about questions the conceptual warranting

Unanswered
the political to be need framework systematic

delayed forms of policy feedback (Jacobs, 2007). Consequently,


studies need to focus areas of on both education than short-term and such as In some base is more policy, in others, such longer as SBA, term the effects. research poli

Because questions. effects of these policies, are addressed basic quite presented in Figure 2. The

that

robust

entrepreneurial

question

investigation
affected For state example,

is how different
and to what local governance have extent

entrepreneurial
structures they created new

reforms have
and capacities. institutions

cies. Nevertheless, the goal of policy feedback research should be prediction that can inform future policy design. Even when the
research base is solid, reliable prediction in social science research

or altered existing ones, including their relationships with each other and with state agencies and local school districts? How do
the varying monitor capacities contracting of state and local affect agencies the to execute resulting and arrangements interest

group politics? A second related question


of

is difficult to achieve. Yet by definition, policy feedback is about applying knowledge of past policies and the politics they create to predict how they are likely to shape the next generation. A conceptual framework based on policy feedback can shine a lens on key determinants of future policies, allowing for systematic, not if theoretically grounded speculation prediction.
A variety of research methods are necessary to address the

is the extent to which


have and changed resource and rules

different
and norms The

types entrepreneurial policies for participation, decision making, main issues deal with transparency,

allocation. accountability,

kinds of research questions outlined for the three illustrative policies. Although education research has been at the forefront of
multimethod about other some policy we approaches, methods central domains. One have to policy is not been feedback public as sophisticated as research research. in

access,

particularly whether marketizing policies in education will be similar to those in other policy domains and lead to aweakening
of democratic values. Since participation and decision-making

example

opinion

We
nants

have excellent longitudinal


of students' educational

surveys measuring
experiences, but

the determi
we have not

rules governing entrepreneurial policies stem from legislation such asNCLB (Burch, 2006), addressing these questions is criti cal to informing the design of future legislation.
We also need to interpretative will effects develop of entrepreneurial a much better policies. understanding For example, of the one

moved much beyond the Phi Delta Kappa-Gallup


ilar surveys for measuring public interpretations

poll and sim


of education

policies. In comparison with studies in other policy domains and


of political variation are formed. ondary designed attitudes and participation or in general, survey research

could hypothesize
undermine its institution. ing regimes tution will

that contracting
image as a we

regimes in public education

in education has not been as analytically advanced in explaining


across societal groups Consequently, of extant analyses to include probes in addition the process to more future by which attitudes sec be sophisticated surveys basic value should positions,

Alternatively, make increase. schools At

community-centered that if contract hypothesize might more trust in the insti efficient, appear we do not know whether either

transparent,

this point,

poll of respondents'

data,

of these hypotheses

is valid, but they deserve to be tested because


of entrepreneurial is critical. policies

the effects understanding long-term on schools as democratic institutions

such as their conceptions of equality, and how those beliefs shape their interpretations of specific policies. Similarly, policy feed
back between that affects research the of the understanding relationship of and how perceptions public's particular policies their expectations for what education should public and their trust in it as a democratic institution. requires greater policy collaboration researchers. between Such historians interdisciplinary of educa part an

As with policy feedback


future and research educational should interests examine in

in other areas of education policy,


the groups that have economic Again, the entrepreneurial policies.

unit of analysis should be individual groups or types of groups


(e.g., cators, The ness, for-profit national focus and should how their and nonprofit providers, reform and advocates, be on their resources, has changed those grassroots representing edu organizations). and effective of various

accomplish We also need tion and

education

influence

strategies, in the wake

policies. We also need to know excluded or lack an equal voice


contracting.

if any affected interests are in policy development and

nerships can help develop a better understanding of the path dependencies of current policies and of the conditions under which critical junctures or opportunities for major changes are likely to occur (Hacker, 2002; Vinovskis, 2009). It is also important that those studying policy feedback draw on the work of philosophers
and theorists of democratic education in developing normative

AUGUST/SEPTEMBER 2009

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Standards for judging the kind of politics that policies are creating.
Clearly, a "good such an endeavor But my is open guess politics." dispute is that there are some to about what constitutes criteria general

Gold,

about which most of us would agree.These might


that promotes political equality, is transparent and

include a politics
accountable, and

encourages broad participation and deliberative decision making. Finally, although I have focused on the adult political effects of
education dents. students policies, I am reminded who grew we know ofthat up that there are several times effects on stu profound each academic year when mention the differ

B. (2007). the boundar E., Christman, J. B., & Herold, Blurring in ies: A case study of private sector involvement Philadelphia public schools. American Journal 113, 181-212. of Education, Gold, E., Simon, E., Cucchiara, M., Mitchell, C, & Riffer, M. (2007). a A Philadelphia civic story: Building capacity for school reform in priva Research for Action. tizing system. Philadelphia: J. S. (2002). social The divided state: The battle over welfare public and in the United States. New York: Cambridge the welfare in the United

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University Hacker,

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Standards-based directions. Washington, F. M.

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equal politics Press. Princeton, NJ: Princeton University opportunity. on B. (2002). The of school Notes Rowan, improvement: ecology in the United school States. Journal industry improvement tional Educational Schattschneider, Prentice-Hall. Schneider, Lawrence: A. (1997). Ingram H. Press of Kansas. University L., & Policy design for Change, E. E. 3, 283-314. (1935). Politics, pressures, and the tariff. New

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On

constitutional

of educa the of

LORRAINE is a professor M. MCDONNELL of political science at the of California, Santa Barbara, Department of Political Science, University Santa Barbara, CA 93106-9420; She was the mcdonnell@polsci.ucsb.edu. on the AERA Her 2008-2009 research of focuses president. politics education policies, their design and implementation, and effects on school

York:

practice.

democracy.

Manuscript received June 10,2009 Accepted June 15,2009

AUGUST/SEPTEMBER 2009] [42?

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