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Italy:
The Contemporary Condition of Italian Laicità
Giulio Ercolessi
eligion matters in Italian public life today. Yet some of the problems arising
R from Italy’s new religious diversity—a result of a) recent immigration
waves and b) secularization—are significant. To understand their scope, a short
excursion into the historical roots of the present situation is probably necessary.
The issue of state-church relations played a crucial role in the formation of the
Italian state in the 19th century. It was important, for instance, in the formation
of Italy’s national liberal heritage. After the destruction of the French-established
Napoleonic regional republics,1 the divide between the Catholic Church and
liberal-minded milieus widened. The heritage of the Enlightenment combined
with the Romantic movement’s mainstream assessment of Italy’s religious
history.2 As a result, that history was recast in a negative light: the increasingly
liberal public saw the Counter-Reformation as one of the main causes of the civic
and political backwardness of Italian society after the end of the Renaissance in
the 16th century.
If it had a starting point, the Italian Risorgimento (i.e., the process of
unification and political and civil modernization of Italy) likely began in
February 1848 with the recognition of equal civil and political rights of Jews
and Waldensians (Protestants). The event that concluded the process was the
taking of Rome in September 1870, which put an end to the temporal power of
the Papal State.
To varying degrees, all liberals, both moderate3 and more radical,4 favored
a strict separation of state and religion as a defining condition of Italy’s political
and economic modernization.
9
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public institutions should mean, even though these differences are often ignored
or underestimated in current political and cultural debates.
Religious Privileges
Today, the state provides public schools with church-appointed teachers of
Catholic religion, and pays the teachers’ salaries (students or parents have to
declare at the beginning of the school year whether they want to attend religion
courses or not). Catholic religious symbols continue to be (controversially)
displayed in schools, courts, and public offices. Catholic schools have in recent
years been granted public funds for the first time (in open violation of a specific
14 SECULARISM, WOMEN & THE STATE: THE MEDITERRANEAN WORLD IN THE 21ST CENTURY
Culture Wars
In 2005, a proposal to amend a very restrictive law approved by the former
Berlusconi parliamentary majority on stem cell research and artificial insemina-
tion was defeated, despite very favorable polls. Since the participation of 50%
of the electors is required for the validity of a referendum, the Catholic Church
very strongly urged Catholics (and Catholic politicians) to abstain rather than
vote against the proposal, thus “enlisting” 40% of usual referenda non-voters in
the ranks of those opposed to the modification of the law.
This open intervention by the Catholic hierarchy in Italian politics was the
most determined, forceful, and direct in decades, its previous interventions having
always been performed through formally independent Catholic citizens’ political
or social organizations. This new attitude was a consequence of the dissolution
of the Christian Democrat Party following the anti-corruption investigations,
rallies, and trials of the early 1990s and the reshaping of the Italian political
system. This is now composed of two coalitions, each competing to win the
16 SECULARISM, WOMEN & THE STATE: THE MEDITERRANEAN WORLD IN THE 21ST CENTURY
have been indiscriminately allowed. The bill, however, failed to be passed before
the early dissolution of Parliament in February 2008. In Italy, the new situation
has led to a broad but superficial consensus among politicians for the need “to
get beyond” the traditional conception of laicità in public institutions and to
give the Catholic Church and other denominations a more emphatic “public
role” (whatever that might mean). There is nothing really new in this idea. Italian
liberal supporters of separation and “secularism” have been hearing this argument
for decades: since 1929, fascists, Christian Democrats, and Communists have all
claimed that our idea of laicità was a thing of the past.
to stem new waves of migration without any change in the economic gap between
the two shores of the Mediterranean and between global North and South.
And it is precisely by means of a body—the “Advisory Council for Italian
Islam” of the Ministry of the Interior—created on the bases of religious affiliation
and expertise in the sociology of religion, that the Italian state has started to
tackle the issue of integration, broadly, and not simply the specific issues related
to the needs deriving from mere religious observances (as already is done in the
intesa with the Jews).
Hence the priority given by the (relatively) better part of the political
establishment to reaching an intesa with the present Italian Islam, by applying
to that religion, too, the possibility of the regulation provided for by Article 8 of
the Constitution: an intesa that (unlike those reached with the various Protestant
denominations) must be reached, they insist, with a “unitary” delegation, not
with the smaller and more liberal groups. In the eyes of most of the political
establishment, regulations introduced by an intesa, and based upon (alleged)
religious affiliation, should be the real vehicle for integrating into Italian society
immigrants from countries of the Islamic tradition. Better said, this will be the
substitute for any policy of integration.
As a matter of principle, concordats and agreements with other
denominations have always been seen by the Italian laicisti as violations of the
principles of religious neutrality, equality before the law, and equal dignity of
citizens. However, given the regime of the concordat, the intese that have been
reached with religious minorities have seemed to many a lesser evil, a way to at
least lessen inequalities; so far, the already stipulated intese have generally not
granted unjustifiable privileges.
However, we do not even know how many immigrants from Muslim
countries moved to Italy not only to better their economic lot but also, primarily,
to fulfill their aspiration to live in a less authoritarian society. In societies that
nominally recognize full freedom of religion and freedom of conscience, making
assumptions about religious affiliation on ethnic or racial grounds is intolerable.
It is as if an Italian, upon moving to Sweden, could or should be automatically
labeled, treated, and considered a Catholic by that country’s authorities. Even
worse would be if s/he were given Catholic priests as representatives. This is a
crime that, although involuntary, is particularly execrable, because it is directed
against individuals who are not free to openly express their own apostasy, given
that they may reside in areas where Muslim fundamentalists believe that apostasy
should be punished by death.
The fact is that a fundamentalist organization related to the “Muslim
Brotherhood” (Ucoii, Unione delle comunità islamiche in Italia ) operates the
20 SECULARISM, WOMEN & THE STATE: THE MEDITERRANEAN WORLD IN THE 21ST CENTURY
ENDNOTES
1. Especially after the bloody repression against a large part of the intellectual class
of Southern Italy in 1799 in Naples, following the collapse of the Parthenopean
Republic.
2. The Swiss Protestant historian Sismondi, was highly influential during this time.
Jean-Charles-Léonard Sismonde de Sismondi, Storia delle Repubbliche italiane
(Torino: Bollati Boringhieri, 1996) (this is a recent abridged edition; the first
volume appeared in 1807; first complete or. ed. Histoire de la renaissance de la liberté
en Italie, de ses progrès, de sa décadence et de sa chute, Paris, 1832).
3. Embodied by Piedmont statesman Camillo Benso, Count of Cavour.
4. Such as the Milan 1848 anti-Austrian revolt led by republican leader Carlo
Cattaneo.
5. E.g., Freemasons, followers of the new positivist philosophical movement and
immanentist idealists, etc.
6. This attitude dates back to the tradition of Gallicanism, long before the French
Revolution.
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26 SECULARISM, WOMEN & THE STATE: THE MEDITERRANEAN WORLD IN THE 21ST CENTURY