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PROPOSED QUESTIONS:
—During the years preceding 9-11, was our policy making establishment stuck in a "cold
war mindset" that prevented it from formulating an effective counterterrorism policy?
• Did the USG have a clear and comprehensive counterterrorism policy with ample
leadership? How was it articulated to other nations (and to terrorist groups)?
• Were our policy makers focusing too heavily on institutionalized cold war threats
as opposed to asymmetrical threats? Was the USG focusing on state sponsors of
terrorism (i.e. Iran) when more attentions should have been given to cross-border
groups such as Al-Qaeda?
• Did policy makers place too much faith in coercion and containment (carried over
from cold war thinking) when formulating a counterterrorism strategy? Did they
consider preemption as a viable alternative? Did policy makers rely too heavily
on a "law enforcement" approach (i.e. arrests and trials) in the mid-to-late 1990's?
• What were the USG's efforts to understand and eliminate the "root causes" of the
Al-Qaeda movement?
• Were there any efforts by the USG to delegitimize the Wahhabism sect of Islam
and acts such as "suicide bombings" in Islamic countries?
• Did the USG study the prior Al-Qaeda attacks closely enough? Did the USG fail
to learn lessons from prior attacks?
• Did we consult with other nations that had experience with Al-Qaeda?
• How did the USG attempt to remedy its negative "image" in the Islamic world
prior to 9-11?
--How did the USG address the Al-Qaeda problem with countries such as Egypt, Saudi
Arabia and Pakistan?
• What leverage did we use to elicit their cooperation against radical movements
and what was their response? Did we condition aid, loans, arms sales, etc. based
upon their cooperation?
—How did the USG address the terrorist sanctuaries in the Sudan and Afghanistan?
• What actions were taken against those countries and were they successful in
combating terrorism or removing terrorist from the regions?
• To what extent did we seek Pakistani help in pressuring the Taliban? Could we
have stopped Islamabad's support for the Taliban without causing significant
internal political problems?
—How did our support of radical Islamic groups during the Afghan war fit into our
eounterterrorism policy? (W.Bass)
• Was there significant Congressional criticism of the CIA's support of the Afghan
Arabs?
-Why did the USG not seek custody of bin Laden when the Sudan was preparing to
expel him in 1996?
-How did the Clinton administration change its eounterterrorism policy after the 1998
embassy bombings?
• How did the Bush administration react to the policy it inherited? Did it appreciate
the urgency of the Al-Qaeda threats?
BACKGROUND READING:
Daniel Benjamin and Steven Simon, The Age of Sacred Terror (2002).
• Lists established tenets of USG counterterrorism policy and how they changed in
the late 1990's (p, 119-223).
• Describes the Clinton administration's decision not to seek custody of bin Laden
from the Sudan (p. 247).
Michael Elliot, The Secret History, Time Magazine (August 12, 2002).
Barton Gellman, A Strategy's Cautious Evolution: Before Sept. 11, the Bush Anti-Terror
Effort was Mostly Ambition. The Washington Post (January 20,2002).
• USG's national security architecture is based on cold war threats (p. 3).
Farced Zakaria, The Politics of Rage: Why do They Hate us?, Newsweek (October 15,
2001).
INDIVIDUALS TO INTERVIEW:
Sandy Berger
Richard Clarke (Chairman of the Counterterrorism and Security Group; Clinton and
G.W. Bush Administrations).
Brent Scowcroft
Michael Sheehan (State's Coordinator for Counterterrorism; Clinton Administration).
Francis Taylor (State's Coordinator for Counterterrorism; G,W, Bush Administration)
Phillip Wilcox (State's Ambassador at Large for Counterterrorism; Clinton
Administration).