Eduardo Neales Silva

The Factual Bases of La Vorgine Author(s): Eduardo Neale-Silva Source: PMLA, Vol. 54, No. 1 (Mar., 1939), pp.
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XVII THE FACTUAL BASES OF LA VORAGINE EVER since its appearance in 1924 Rivera's novel La Vordgine has been widely discussed. Its literary merits are beyond dispute, and the nature of its plot is sensational. Editions and translations into foreign languages have rapidly succeeded one another.' Discussed as a literary work by several critics, La Vordginehas not yet been analyzed in sufficient detail to reveal fully its documentary character.2 It is a historical record of importance, containing an accurate summary of the barbarous conditions that prevailed in the Colombian interior and adjacent lands from about 1905 to 1920. In 1916 Venezuela and Colombia had agreed to submit their boundary dispute for arbitration to the Swiss Confederation. When the preliminary award, handed down on June 24, 1918, had been confirmed by the final decision of March 24, 1922, a commission of Swiss engineers and experts from Venezuela and Colombia was formed to mark the frontier. Among the Colombian representatives was Jose Eustasio Rivera, who had been appointed secretary for the Second Section, with a field of operation including that part of the line crossing the Apure, Arauca, and Meta regions and the Federal Territory of Amazonas in southern Venezuela. In this capacity Rivera obtained fist-hand information about the chaotic world of the Amazon regions of Peru, Colombia, Venezuela, and Brazil. The experts crossed plains, rivers, swamps, and forests-deprived of the most indispensable comforts and constantly defying danger. An idea of their physical and spiritual prostration may be gathered from the fact that the entire Second Section commission of Colombians resigned before the delimitation was finished.3 Under those conditions the plot of La Vordgine was conceived, and parts of it were written in the forbidding loneliness of the jungle. The part dealing with the llanos, how1 La
Vordgine has been translated into English, French, German, Italian, Portuguese,
is by E. K. James (New York, 1935). and Russian.The Englishtranslation
2 Special mention should be made here, however, of the article published by Arturo Torres Rioseco in Revista Cubana VI (1936), Nos. 16-18. Other critical studies have been published by R. S,nchez Ramfrez, Revista Chilena (1927), Nos. 90-91, pp. 1-12; E. K. James, Revista de Estudios Hispdnicos, II (1929), No. 1, pp. 69-73; Concha Melendez, Cultura Venezolana (1930), XLIII (1930), 138-149; Juan Marinello, Sur, vi (1936), No. 16, pp. 59-75; L. E. Nieto Caballero, Libros Colombianos.(Bogota, 1925), pp. 154-162; and Rafael Maya, De Silva a Rivera (Bogota, 1929). Shorter notices and appreciations have also been published in the pages of Repertorio Americano, Universidad, Atenea, Mercure de France, Hispania, Books Abroad, and other magazines. 8 Carlos Alamo Ybarra, Nuestras fronteras occidentales (Caracas, 1927), pp. 100-103.
316
Eduardo Neale-Silva
317
ever, is probably traceable to Rivera's stay in Casanare in previous years.4 The author divided his novel into three parts, but so far as subjectmatter is concerned there are really only two: one dealing with the ilanos of Casanare, and the other with the Amazon jungle. Within these parts one may easily separate the various component sections, for they are poorly joined. The only thread connecting them is the flight of Alicia and Arturo Cova with a parallel action in the affairs of Griselda and Fidel Franco. The basic plot of the book includes the flight through the llanos of Casanare, affairs at Hato Grande, the stay at the Barracas del Guaracu, and the subsequent dramatic escape to the rubber region of Yaguanariwhere the jungle finally devours the fugitives. Within this plot the author included in the form of reports six narratives that give the novel a tremendous sweep. Heli Mesa relates the departure of the enganchados and the atrocities of the overseers who take over the men and women brought by Barrera, and El Pipa tells the story of the Indiecita Mapiripana, "la sacerdotiza de los silencios, la celadora de manantiales y lagunas." Then comes the Odyssey of Don Clemente Silva, with the horrors of the Putumayo enclosed within a sentimental tale of fatherly devotion. In the later part of the novel there is a recital of an ill-fated flight through forests and swamps, and the story of the macabre crimes of Funes as witnessed by the half-blind Ramiro Estebanez. Rivera wished to create, even at the expense of novelistic technique, a vast, sweeping picture of the Colombian hinterland which would cover a rather long period of time and adhere to the historical sequence of events. Undoubtedly his book was intended as an exposure in which the author might point an accusing finger at the Colombian authorities who made a mad world possible in the fastnesses of the jungle. In 342 pages, within a plot that covers no more than seven months' time (judging from the fact that the story ends shortly after the birth of the sietemesino) Rivera relates the dark history of some fifteen years. The main action of the novel takes place around the year 1920. This date is given advisedly. In its last pages the novel alludes to Monsefior Massa, Apostolic Prefect, then living at the mission of San Gabriel,5who was appointed to the post shortly after the death of his predecessor, Monsefior Giordano, in December, 1919.6That the action does not extend to 1921 may be gathered from the story of Funes's crimes at San
4 Cf. E. K. James, "Jose Eustasio Rivera," Revista de Estudios Hispdnicos, II, 71. 6 La Vordgine, p. 336. All references are to the fifth Spanish edition (New York, 1928). 6 Hamilton Rice, El Rio Negro (Amazonas) y sus grandes afluentes de la Guyana, brasilena. Tr. by D. Juan Riafo y Gayangos (Cambridge, Mass., 1934), p. 180.
318
The Factual Bases of "La Vordgine"
Fernando. Although Rivera probably knew the ultimate fate of Funes prior to the publication of his novel, he limited himself to the period ending with 1920.7 Wishing to give his novel the appearance of a true story, our author included a prologue and an epilogue in the form of a letter and a telegram respectively, thereby insisting that the novel is essentially the memoirs of the protagonist. Rivera even took the trouble to account for the writing of the original manuscript, explaining that it was written on the ledger of El Cayeno in about six weeks and at the request of Ramiro Estebanez. Although the motive given for the writing of the book is none too convincing, the choice of its autobiographical form and the arrangement of important events in chronological order clearly show the author's desire to give La Vordgine the appearance of a veracious account. After relating the death of the French scientist, Robuchon, which occurred in 1906, the novelist states that the accusations of Saldafia Rocca appeared "al aiio siguiente," adhering in this to actual history. The allusions to the distribution of Saldafia's news-sheets among the caucheros,the machinations of the Arana Company and the arrival of an investigator are also given in their true sequence.8 Later on, Rivera specifically relates that the massacre of San Fernando occurred May 8, 1913, a date that is strictly historical.9 Let us now examine the various parts of the novel in the light of other written evidence with a view to determining to what extent La Vordgine is a historical record and a social document. The first part presents an accurate picture of the physical geography of the llanos. Such travellers as Brisson, Bingham, and Mozans give us identical observations on climate, topography, flora, fauna, and general landscape.'0 Upon reading Brisson in particular one surmises that this author was not unknown to Rivera, who must have consulted every available source of information before and after he joined the Colombian boundary committee. With Brisson's book at hand the accuracy of Rivera, even
7Funes was killed by Arevalo Cedenio, January 30, 1921. Rivera's novel appeared three years later. 8 Corroborations can be found in The Putumayo Red Book, London, 1913. There is also a Spanish edition of Bogota, 1913. 9 La Vordgine,p. 298. Before describing the massacre Arthur Friel states: "On the night of May 8, 1913, San Fernando was gay with music and general jollification for the caucho (rubber) season had ended." The River of Seven Stars (New York: Harper and Bros., 1924), p. 128. 10 George Brisson, Casanare (Bogota, 1896); Hiram Bingham, The Journal of an Expedition Across Venezuela and Colombia, 1906-1907 ... (New Haven, Conn., 1909), Chapters vI-Ix; H. J. Mozans (J. A. Zahm), Up the Orinoco and Down the Magdalena (London, 1910), Chapter vII.
Eduardo Neale-Silva
319
for insignificant details, becomes astonishingly evident. The ranches, El Hatico and San Emigdio, mentioned in the novel" are not inventions of Rivera. The former belonged at one time to D. Fidel Reyes and is situated eight leagues from Orocue. The latter is a short distance from La Trinidad and was owned at one time by Aquiles Lugo.l2 As for Hato Grande, chosen for a good deal of the action, we presume it to be Mata de Palma with a fictitious name. Its twenty thousand cattle were owned by one Don Ram6n Oropeza, whose similarity with Zubieta, a character in La Vordgine, cannot be a mere coincidence. Rivera describes Zubieta as "borracho y gotoso", a distrustful old man with "barriga protuberante, ojos de lince, cara pecosa y pelo rojizo."'3This description given by Brisson speaks for itself: El sefiorRam6nOropeza es venezolanoy duenio de unasdiez y ocho a veinte mil cabezasde ganado y de una fuerte suma de oro, que nadie sino 1e conoce. Es hombrede buena estatura,muy robusto,colorado,pint6n, marcadoen toda la piel con manchitasamarillas,como atigrado;tendraunos sesenta y cinco afnos y sufre de gota; su voz es oscura y sus ojos muy apagadospor el abuso del alcohol.14 Probably the novelist changed the names of the ranch and the owner to avoid possible complications. Rivera describes a civil bureaucracy flagrantly corrupt in its highest officials. It is easy to understand why lawlessness prevailed in the llanos among Indians and whites. Some stole from necessity; others for want of a notion of personal property. Speaking of the llaneros, Rivera states: "todos tienen cuenta con la justicia, porque todos roban ganado."'5 These llaneros, so well portrayed in the novel as distrustful, melancholy individuals with a pronounced sense of independence and personal valor, are the same haughty Centaurs described by Mendoza in his study of the llanerol6 except that in the novel a dramatic atmosphere envelops them. Rivera saw the llanero as an exalted individual more restless and quarrelsome than he really is. The atmosphere in Hato Grande is charged with electricity; everyone is expectant, ready to make brutal force or a weapon decide the issue. In none of the accounts dealing with Casanare have we found this dramatic tension to be the prevailing note. In the first part-as in the entire novel-there is a super-abundance of action; events succeed one another with vertiginous speed; yet the
11La Vordgine, pp. 62, 133.
13 La 12
pp. 42, 60, 73. Vordgine, 14 that Brissonwrotein 1896abouta man I3risson, op. cit., pp. 140-141.If we remember whomRiveraprobablymet severalyears later we have slight differences accountedfor.
16La Vordgine, p. 112. 16Daniel Mendoza, El llanero. Estudio de sociologia venezolana (Caracas, 1912).
Brisson, op.cit.,pp. 156,170.
320
The Factual Bases of "La Voragine"
novelist has been able to include a wealth of factual information that makes his book a true social document. Authentic details abound on customs, occupations, living quarters, food, amusements, beliefs, superstitions, dance, and song. Aside from the tonada, llorao, and various other songs and dances common at the joropos, the novelist reproduces sayings and maxims in great profusion. Some of these are remnants of ballads, as is the boast of one cowboy: "-Mira, repuso el hombre: por sobre yo, mi sombrero.""7 This is probably a residue of a ballad: Sobrela paja, la palma; Sobrela palma,los cielos; Sobremi caballo,yo; Y sobremi, mi sombrero.l8 La Vordgine contains, besides, a large number of words common among the llaneros: punta, atajo, rejo, botalon,colear, sabanear, barajustar, puestear, etc. Some are not even recorded in dictionaries of Americanisms. Of particular interest are the novelist's occasional remarks on superstitious practices: the mixing of the heart of the piapoco with coffee, the use of the aphrodisiac "venga venga," similar to the pusana used by the Indians, the magic prayers of Mauco, and that unique fever cure with "cinco hojitas de borraja, pero arrancas de pa arriba, porque de pa abajo prouicenv6mito."'9 Tienen la cabeza llena de historiaspavorosas-says Brisson-sobre tal o cual cueva, pefia o laguna, sin hablar,por ejemplo,de la Mancarita,... que es la brujao hada maleficaque se lleva a los viajerosaisladoso extraviados....20 And in the novel we find allusions also to witches, ghosts and fairies, such as "el Poira" of the crooked legs and the ubiquitous Indiecita
Mapiripana.21
Such are the llanos, "donde se respira un calor guerrero y la muerte cabalga a la grupa de los cuartagos," a land of primitive peoples, unafraid of death, deeply rooted to those inhospitable plains of broad horizons, where fun is found in revelries, horse taming, and cockfightsand where love is like the wind, for it blows "pa cualquier lao." The outcasts of the llanos are the Indians. Of these Rivera treats especially the Guahivos and mentions also the Piapocos, Cuivas, and Salivas. A good deal has been written and said of the supposedly fierce Guahivos. Even Rivera is inclined to exaggerate the ferocity of these
17 La 18 Mendoza, op. cit., p. 59. Vordgine, p. 37. 19La Vordgine, p. 41. 20 Brisson, op. cit., p. 214. 21 Many references to the belief in "El Poira" can be found in the novel Tod (Manizales, 1933), by Cesar Uribe Piedrahita, who gathered first-hand information during his travels in the jungles of Colombia.
Eduardo Neale-Silva
321
nomads. Speaking of their depredations on the cattle and racionales, our author states: "los indios guahivos de las costas del Guanapalo, que flechaban las reses por centenares, asaltaron la fundaci6n del Hatico, llevandose a las mujeres y matando a los hombres."22Brisson met no fierce Indians in his travels through Casanare and categorically denies the many stories of Indian treachery: hablamosde los Goahivosy los Cuivas,que algunosviajerosnovelescosse entretienen en presentarnos como fieras;lo cierto es que hasta ahoralos pobreshan sido muy mal tratadospor los civilizadosy huyen aterradoscuandoven a un blanco.23 Curiously enough, some of the Indian raids were instigated and directed by white men. The renegade "El Pipa," who lived with several tribes and even adopted their primitive customs, is not a mere invention of Rivera. This individual has a counterpart in the white man with the pseudonym of Ger6nimo Perez described by Dickey in My Jungle Book.24 The Indians were not the only unfortunate ones in the ilanos. During the promising days of the rubber boom not a few llaneros decided to leave the plains in quest of the black gold of the rubber regions, attracted by the fantastic reports and promises of some enganchadorlike Narciso Barrera, by whom they became enslaved. Concerning the authenticity of Narciso Barrera and the horrors of slavery we have the opinion of a prominent Colombian, Don Antonio Gomez Restrepo, a member of the Colombian Language Academy: El personajede Barrerano es una ficcion; esta tomado de la realidady el narrador ha sabido caracterizarlo con breves pero sugestivosrasgos:bajo sus aparienciasmelifluasse escondela crueldaddel negreroafricano.25 In the second part of the novel Rivera relates the incidents of a trip to the upper reaches of the Isana river, the subsequent meeting with Don Clemente Silva, and the story of the Putumayo horrors. The story of the crimes perpetrated in the Putumayo, "the Devil's Paradise," is well known today through the many books, reports, pamphlets, and articles written in connection with the investigation of Sir Roger Casement. A comparison of the novel with these historical materials will reveal to us the accuracy of Rivera's account. In the early years of the twentieth century several Colombians established rubber-gathering stations in the Putumayo region. Among them
22La Vordgine, p. 42.
Brisson, op. cit., p. xi. See also p. 70. A similar opinion in entertained by Manuel Roca Castellanos in his recent book, Diez luces sobre elfuturo, Bogota, 1936, pp 232-233. 24H. C. Dickey, My Jungle Book (Boston, 1932) pp. 57-71. 25See "Algunos conceptos sobre La Vordgine" appended to the novel, p. 360.
23
322
were Gregorio Calder6n and Hipolito Perez, both mentioned in La Vordgine.2 Calder6n was a pioneer, in a way, who worked with his brothers among the Huitoto Indians until he was forced to sell his properties to a Peruvian concern under most disadvantageous conditions.27The fate of Hip6lito Perez, at one time "uno de los mas acomodados residentes en el Garaparana,"28 was no better. Perez entered into a partnership with Julio Cesar Arana and eventually had to sell out for ?5000, an amount which his property could have produced in less than two years.29 The new rubber king of the Putumayo was Julio Cesar Arana, a historical character who figures prominently in La Vordgine. Rivera describes Arana as "un hombre gordote y abotagado, pechudo como una hembra, amarillento como la envidia."30 This is in sharp contrast with Peruvian opinion. Especially loud in their praises were some public officials who considered Arana's conquests a noble civilizing crusade. El notable patriotay rico comerciante de Loreto, don Julio C. Arana,a quien por sus cualidadespersonalesy virtudes ciudadanassiemprellame el Abel del Departamento,ha sido el civilizadorde todo el rio Putumayoy el que con su talento y capitales ha hecho florecerel comercioen sus dos mas hermososafluentes,que son el CaraParanay el Iga Parana.a1 Arana began his career as a hat peddler. At fourteen he had begun his rubber dealings in the Amazon region. By means of crafty machinations the new rubber potentate gradually did away with his competitors. His technique consisted in organizing rubber companies in such a manner that he ultimately became the chief beneficiary. His agents co-operated by means of raids and wholesale slaughter. For many years Arana prospered, having the tacit approval of the local Peruvian authorities because they saw in his expansion an assertion of national sovereignty over a disputed territory. In 1907 Arana organized a new concern, The Peruvian Amazon Co., registered in London. On its board of directors were several British subjects. Great was their astonishment in 1909 when the English magazine Truth began publishing sensational articles denouncing the company
viaje (Bogota, 1905),p. 124. See also VicenteOlarte Las crueldades Camacho's de los peruanosen el Putumayoy en el Caquetd, third edition 28 Rocha, op. cit., p. 119. (Bogota, 1932), p. 66. 29 Fray Gasparde Pinell, Excursi6napost6lica por los rios Putumayo,San Miguel de Cuyabeno, Caquetd Sucumbios, y Cagudn(Bogota, 1929),p. 220. 80 La Vordgine, p. 198. n HildebrandoFuentes, Loreto.Apuntesgeogrdficos, historicos, politicosy estadisticos,
sociales (Lima, 1908), II, 113. 27JoaqulnRocha,Memorandum de
2 La Vordgine, p. 218.
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as the most brutal slavery machine of modern times. The evidence for this accusation had been obtained from an American engineer, Mr. W.E. Hardenburg, who had gone to the Putumayo in 1907 with his friend Mr. W. B. Perkins to study the possibilities of the rubber industry there. An official investigation followed three years later, and in 1913 the atrocities of the Putumayo became known the world over.32The Peruvian Amazon Company was liquidated, but Arana continued operating new companies in a vain attempt to retain a waning market. In 1921, Julio Cesar Arana became senator for the Department of Loreto, Peru, and took an active part in discouraging the ratification of the SalomonLozano treaty of 1922, with which Colombia and Peru sought to put an end to a long and protracted boundary litigation which affected precisely that region where the Arana Company had been operating.33 Among the employees of Arana were two renegades from Colombia. One of them, Benjamin Larrafiaga, is called by Rivera: "Ese pastuso sin coraz6n, socio de Arana y otros peruanos, que en la hoya amaz6nica han esclavizado mas de treinta mil indios."34 His compatriot, Miguel Triana, calls him "hijo del pueblo de Pasto que en diez afios lleg6 a ser el Nabab de los giiitotos y el Montecristo de la ciudad teologica."35Also historical is Juanchito Vega, who had formerly been Colombian Consul at Iquitos. "Se hacia indispensable sustituir al peligroso Larranfagapor Juan Bautista Vega, tambien pastuso de nacimiento, y mas traidor que el otro a los intereses de su pais."36 While Arana directed the export trade from Iquitos and Manaos his agents committed unheard of atrocities at the various stations. Rivera mentions two of these agents, the notorious Victor Macedo and the bookkeeper Loaiza.37Both had long criminal records.
32Cf. House of Commons: Correspondence Respecting the Treatmentof British Colonial Subjects and Native Indians in the Putumayo District, Including Sir Roger Casement's Report, Vol. LXVIII (1912-13), Miscellaneous No. 8; Special Report and Reportfrom the Select Committeeon Putumayo Atrocities . . . Vol. ix (1912-13); Reports, Proceedings, Evidence, Appendices and Index, Vol. xiv (1913), 713 pp.; House of Representatives: Slavery in Peru . . 62nd Congress, 3rd. Session, Document No. 1366 (Washington, 1913), 443 pp. 33Cf. The Putumayo Red Book (London, 1913); W. W. Hardenburg, The Putumayo, the Devil's Paradise (London, 1913); G. S. Paternoster, The Lords of the Devil's Paradise (London, 1913); J. F. Woodroffe, The Upper Reaches of the Amazon (New York, 1914). A biography of Julio Cesar Arana is given by Fray Gasper de Pinell, op. cit., pp. 196 ff. Arana's evasive testimony in London is found in House of Commons, xiv, 459-500. 34La Vordgine, p. 192. 36Miguel Triana, Por el sur de Colombia (Paris, 1907), p. 121. Details of his life and sudden death, probably by poisoning, are given in The Putumayo Red Book, pp. 86-87, and in Pinell's book, pp. 149-150. 38From accusation of Unos Colombianos, Manaos, July, 1907, apud Olarte Camacho, 37 La Vordgine, pp. 214, 197. op. cit., p. 48. Cf. La Vordgine, pp. 199, 211, 226.
324
Victor Macedo, el gerente de la Chorrera, uno de esos miserablesasesinos,y MiguelLoaiza,su emulo,dando riendasuelta a sus instintoscriminales,se dan continuamenteel placer de quemar y asesinar a los indefensos y pacificos de esas luctuosasselvas.38 moradores The accusation goes on to relate the details of the horrible death of some Indians who were burned alive in exactly the same manner described in La Vordgine. The author of these charges was the brave Benjamin Saldafia Roca, also referred to in the novel: "No se c6mo, empez6 a circular subrepticiamente en gomales y barracones un ejemplar del diario 'La Felpa,' que dirigia en Iquitos el periodista Saldafia Roca."39 The accusation made by Saldafia Roca, dated August 9, 1907, as well as the many articles in La Felpa and La Sancion, published by Saldafia, probably were in the possession of the novelist when he wrote his book. Saldafia Roca was a Peruvian and the first to expose the Arana Company. His charges, formally presented to the Criminal Judge of Iquitos, were promptly pigeon-holed. They were the cause, nevertheless, of a great deal of anxiety among the criminal agents of the Putumayo, who had managed the year before to do away with the inquisitive French scientist Eugenio Robuchon, who was employed by Arana, as stated by Rivera, to explore the Putumayo region.40There the scientist saw too much. Horrified by the atrocities that came to his knowledge, Robuchon began taking pictures of mutilated or murdered Indians. These photographs he sent to Lima and Europe. Word reached the masters of the Putumayo, and soon the scientist had mysteriously disappeared. His papers were hurriedly collected and censored. When they were published by the Peruvian government in 1907, full credit was given to Mr. Arana for his interest in Robuchon's work. Anyone who reads this book will grow extremely suspicious of the vague preface by Mr. Rey de Castro, explaining the fate of the scientist.41In spite of all precautions, La Prensa of Lima said
in an editorial: ". . . las fotografias ineditas tomadas por Robuchon son
38OlarteCamacho, op. cit., op. cit., between pages 64-65.
40
pp. 87-88. A pictureof Macedocan be seen in Paternoster,

39La Vordgine, p. 207.
"Un sefor francesleg6 a las caucherias como explorador y naturalista.Al principio se susurr6 en los barracones que venfapor cuentade un granmuseoy de no s6 que sociedad La Vordla expedici6n." geografica; luegose dijo que los amosde los gomalesle costeaban and Aranaas wellas a pictureof the scientist gine,p. 203.The contractbetweenRobuchon and his wife are found in Robuchon's own book: En el Putumayo (Lima, y sus afluentes 1907). a "Los sefioresAranay Hermanospresumen,con fundamento,que el Sr. Robuchon haya sido victima de los indios antrop6fagos que frecuentanesos parajes.Los mismos hanhechotodogEnero sefiores de esfuerzos del activoexplorador, el paradero paradescubrir perosin resultadoalgunosatisfactorio." Robuchon,op. cit., p. xviii.
Eduardo Neale-Silva
325
muy conocidas y representan escenas verdaderamente espantosas."42 It should not be surprising, then, to find in La Vordginethe implication that Robuchon was murdered. Rivera mentions specifically in this connection an agent named Barchilon,43 a Jew from Tangiers who first came to Brazil and later entered into a partnership with Larrainaga. His guilt in the death of Robuchon and that of many others has been discussed in several books.44 The Putumayo crimes were officially reported by several investigators. It is difficult to identify any one of these as the "Visitador" of La Vordgine. Rivera tells us that he was energetic but accomplished very little in his short visit. This certainly would not apply to Sir Roger Casement, who stayed in the Putumayo for over two months and whose investigation had tremendous repercussions. It is hardly possible that our author is alluding to the visit (1907) of the American Consul, Mr. Eberhardt, since this investigation was strictly private. It is not likely either that Mr. S. J. Fuller or Mr. G. B. Michell, American and British Consuls respectively at Iquitos is the "Visitador" of the novel, since these gentlemen had no authority, such as the novel describes, to dismiss employees. On the other hand, Rivera might have had in mind the investigation conducted by Judge R6mulo Paredes from March 15 to July 15, 1911. Paredes tried to whitewash the entire affair, but could not help admitting the truth of the charges already made. The futility of his visit is evidenced by the meagre results obtained: of the 237 warrants he issued only 9 were served.45 We must conclude, then, that the investigator named "Visitador" is a composite figure. who ordered Rivera also mentions the judge at Iquitos, Dr. Valcarcel,46 the arrest of a few more criminals of the Putumayo. Valcarcel is another historical character. The irony of his situation was that one of the most notorious offenders, Pablo Zumaeta, was allowed to walk freely in the streets of Iquitos while the judge himself was removed on the ground that he had abandoned his post.47 There are two other personages in the second part of the novel whom we can definitely identify: General Velasco, sent by the Peruvian government "a licenciar tropas y resguardos en el Putumayo y en el Caqueta,"48and Don Custodio Morales, "un colombiano de amables prendas
42 El
Mr. Uribe Piedrahitacalls him "hombre peligrosoy taimado,"Tod,p. 30. 45 in Peru,House of Paredesand Fullerare foundin Slavery The reportsof Eberhardt, DocumentNo. 1366 (Washington, 1913). Representatives, 46 La Vordgine, 47Paternoster, op. cit., p. 283. p. 222. 48 La Vordgine, in OlarteCamacho, Velascois mentioned op. cit., pp. 65p. 218. General 66.
44Cf. Fray Gaspar de Pinell, op. cit., p. 213; Olarte Camacho, op. cit., pp. 48-49, 51.
librorojodel Putumayo, p. 58.
43 La Vordgine, p.
206.
326
In the book of Olarte Camacho to ... que era colono del rio Cuimafif."49 which we have so often referred there appears an article entitled "Voces del Putumayo," signed by Morales.50 We now come to Don Clemente Silva and Zorayda Ayram. The former has a prototype in the "rumbero" Di6medes of Tod, who is said to have accompanied the French scientist Robuchon. Don Clemente's family tragedy was in all likelihood invented by Rivera to account for the long travels of this character. There were many expert guides like Don Clemente, and Rivera may not have had in mind any one in particular. As for Zorayda Ayram, "la madona," it is believed that her prototype is dofia Narcisa Saba, widow of Barrera Malo and owner of a modest house at Puerto Carreiio where meals were served in hotel fashion. "Corre como valida la especie de que dofia Narcisa, cuyo verdadero nombre, mucho mas lindo, es Nazira, fue retratada por Jose Eustasio Rivera en La Vordgine, con el inolvidable nombre de Zoraida Ayram."5' Whether this be true or not, we have ample reason to believe Zoraida a genuine character. A few women ventured into the Colombian interior and traded in rubber. It is known, besides, that not a few of the peddlers of the Amazon were "turcos," a vague name applied to Turks, Syrians, and Jews. Still more difficult to identify is El Cayeno. Although he was in all probability a real person, we have not been able to find mention of him in any book dealing with the Isana, Vaupes, or Rio Negro. Mr. E. K. James, however, affirms in the preface to the translation of La Vordgine that "Funes and El Cayeno, undisguised in this story by any pseudonyms, were figures known and hated throughout the rubber world." This information was obtained from Rivera himself at the time of the novelist's stay in New York. Rivera had with him some Spanish sources and assured Mr. James of the authenticity of El Cayeno. This is partly corroborated by Mr. Earl P. Hanson, who traveled in the Amazon region a few years ago. He met a Frenchman-so he states in a letter to us-still living in the upper Guainia. This individual was reputed to be a fugitive from Cayenne. By personal admission one of his bitter enemies was, as related in the novel, none other than Funes. As not all the facts given in La Vordgine agree with the ones we have been able to gather, we are led to believe that Rivera again gives us a type rather than a definite individual. Certainly some of the qualities of El Cayeno would also apply to other masters of the rubber regions like that ponderous
50 Olarte La Vordgine, p. 193. Camacho, op. cit., pp. 65-70. 51L. E. Nieto Caballero, Vuelo al Orinoco, in El Tiempo, Bogota, Nov. 1., 1934, apud Arturo Torres Rioseco, "Jose Eustasio Rivera," Revista CuLbana, vi (April-June, 1936), Nos. 16-18, p. 75.
49
Eduardo Neale-Silva
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negroid "king" met by Gordon MacCreagh in the upper reaches of the Vaupes.52 We need not comment here on the work of the caucheros, the crimes committed and the general prevalence of vice in the Putumayo, discussed at length by Hardenburg and Paternoster, among others. Of particular interest, however, are the details given by Rivera concerning the administration of the various rubber stations. His information is in perfect accord with the evidence gathered by Sir Roger Casement. Rivera must have used the English report as one of his main sources for the section dealing with the Putumayo.53 The most pitiable victims of the rubber barons were the Indians. They were rounded up like beasts and forced to work in gangs for a mere pittance. Thousands died in a few years from starvation or ill treatment. Rivera saw several tribes of the Vichada and Meta and alludes besides to many others.54A discussion of the Indian customs described in La Vordgine would be too lengthy to include here. Our author was intensely interested in Amazon life and felt a deep compassion for the Indian, a Colombian citizen for whom little or nothing has been done and one who has generally been the victim of crafty adventurers.55 The third part of the novel contains the story of Funes and the crimes
62 Gordon MacCreagh, White Waters and Black (New York, 1926), pp. 320-321. So accurate is the factual data of La Vordgine that Messrs. Howard and Ralph Wolf did not hesitate to include El Cayeno as an authentic figure in their excellent work Rubber-A Story of Glory and Greed (New York, 1936). The authors have informed us that their reference to El Cayeno was written on the basis of the facts given in Rivera's novel. the British Consul-General-the men were well paid with from 63 "Nominally-says 5 1. to 61. per month, but this pay given with one hand was generally taken back with the other, for the prices at which the men were forced to satisfy their necessities from the company's stores ate up each month's and even several months of their earnings before they became due. A man in debt anywhere in the Amazon rubber districts is not allowed to leave until the debt is paid and, as the creditor makes out the account and keeps the books, the debtor frequently does not know how much he owes and, even if he had the means, might not always be able to satisfy their claims. Accounts are falsified and men are kept in what becomes a perpetual state of bondage, partly through their own thriftlessness (which is encouraged) and partly by deliberate dishonesty." From Sir Roger Casement's Miscellaneous No. 8, p. 18. Cf. La Vordgine, pp. Report, HIouseof Commons, Vol. LXVIII,
189, 217.
54 Rivera mentions the Vanivas, Bares, Carijonas, Huitotos, Andoques, Puinaves and Maipurefios, aside from a cosmopolitan tribe of the Papunagua formed by refugees from the rubber regions. La Vordgine, pp. 134, 168, 169, 176, 195. Mr. Custodio Morales tells of the existence of a similar cosmopolitan tribe at Cuemafii. Cf. Olarte Camacho, op. cit., pp. 67-58. 55Details on the use of achiote, yopo, yage, and on Indian beliefs and practices may be found in the books of Fray Gaspar de Pinell, Perez Triana, and Brisson, already cited.
328
of San Fernando. Ever since Puerto Ayacucho was made the seat of the government in 1928, San Fernando has been a ghost town. In 1932 it had only about sixty people. The town, although dead, survives in the memories of those who lived through the reign of terror of the half demented Tomas Funes, the ogre of San Fernando. San Fernando was not a safe place for a governor: Venancio Pulgar was shot, Melendez Carrasco wounded, Maldonado killed; and Roberto Pulido, the one presented in La Vordgine, was murdered in cold blood, along with seventy others.56 Opinions on the wisdom and honesty of governor Pvlido vary. Rivera is inclined to justify his commercial activities, admitting, however, that Pulido "al vender con mano oficial recogia con ambas manos."57Mr. H. C. Dickey, on the other hand, states that Pulido, not satisfied with taxes alone, had a monopoly of cigarettes, which he sold to his own soldiers, charging the purchases to their next month's pay. Pulido, we are told, even opened a gambling den where cigarettes were used as chips.68 Some claim-with Rivera-that the governor's decrees were well inspired. Mr. Arthur Friel, who has written a very able account of San Fernando affairs, states that Pulido intended to use some of the proceeds of his taxes for the improvement of transportation facilities.59 Undoubtedly the governor was not above reproach and, knowing that his situation was not safe, he preferred to live at Catanapo, where it was "healthier."60 As some of the taxpayers could not pay with cash, Pulido confiscated rubber, tonka beans, balata, or any other produce of value. One of those affected was Colonel Tomas Funes. The facts given in La Vordgineconcerning the events of May, 1913, are as accurate as any. The reader may compare them with those found in the lengthier account of Friel, who obtained his information largely from men of the Orinoco. Funes secretly armed his men and attacked Pulido and his family at night. The governor, who had just returned home with fever; was in his hammock.
68Cf. RufinoBlancoFombona,Diariode mi vida (Madrid,1929),pp. 181-182. 57La Voragine,p. 299. "El gobernador-the novelist explains-no habfa establecido sin embargo, la conjuraparasuprimirlo. Su malaestrella impuestosestfipidos; fragu6base le aconsej6dictar un decretoen el cual disponfaque los derechosde exportarcauchose conoroo con plata,y no con pagaresgirados contrael comercio pagaranen SanFernando, de CiudadBolivar."La Vordgine, p. 300. 58 "He wouldtake fifty per cent of the cigarettesout of eachpot, as ownerof the resort, and sell them backto the players.And I have it on goodauthoritythat he did not disdain shoes and articlesof clothing, even food of the soldiersfor which he exchangedmore H. C. Dickey, My JungleBook(Boston,1932),pp. 173-174. cigarettesfor gambling." 69ArthurFriel, op. cit., p. 127. 60Cf. Leo E. Miller,In the Wildsof SouthAmerica(New York, 1919),pp. 153, 163.
Eduardo Neale-Silva
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A volley of bullets killed him before he could defend himself. His wife, driven to insanity by this assassination, was captured and bound, along with her son, a lad of about fourteen. In the meantime the henchmen of the crazed Colonel killed some seventy people: "En las tiendas, en las calles, en los solares reventaban los tiros. Confusi6n, fogonazos, lamentaciones, sombras corriendo en la obscuridad."6l After the massacre Funes appointed himself governor. With garrisons stationed at strategic points along the rivers and with an army of criminals behind him, Funes became sole authority along the Orinoco. Sometimes an innocent individual was "sent to Funes's cemetery" for the most trivial reason. In the black list were included his own accomplices. In mortal fear for his life, El Coronel ordered the death of whole families. Rivera justly says: Jamfs, en ningunpais, se vi6 tiranocon tanto dominioen vida y fortunascomo el que atormenta la inmensurable zonacauchera cuyasdos salidasestas cerradas: en el Orinoco,por los chorrosde Atures y Maipures;y en el Guainia,porla Aduanade Amanadona.62 Oddly enough, Funes became the official governor of Amazonas by a decree of Juan Vicente Gomez. Mr. Dickey, who met the monster of the Orinoco, describes him as "a small, dapper chap... He had a retreating forehead, a luxuriant black moustache, a sallow complexion. He wore a number five shoe."63His reign of terror lasted eight long years, until January 30, 1921, when he was shot by Arevalo Cedeiio. Rivera mentions also a few minor individuals who are historical. One of Funes's subordinates was a certain L6pez: "El grupo de Lopez, felinamente se acerc6 a la ventana abierta."4 This individual is mentioned in Friel's book. Lopez acted like a scared rabbit-Friel assertswhen he faced a firing squad in 1921.65 Another culprit in Funes's "army" was Gonzalez, mentioned in La Vordgine as the one who murdered several men with his own machete.This was Gonzalez Perdomo, the author of a book vindicating Funes. Gonzalez was later placed in charge of the Maipures garrison. Like many others he was poisoned by Funes himself.66 Even Espinosa, barely mentioned in the novel, is a real character. And it is at least remotely possible that Vacares, nicknamed "El Vaquiro" in the novel, is the individual whom Friel calls Baca.67
62La Vordgine, p. 301. Vordgine, pp. 302-303. 4 La Dickey, op. cit., pp. 175-176. Vordgine, p. 302. 65 "The most noted butchers in Funes's force were Luciano L6pez, his second in command, who really was a butcher-the town's official killer of cattle-and one Avispa, whose name (real or assumed) meant 'Wasp'." Friel, op. cit., p. 144. 66 Ibid., pp. 144, 145. Cf. La Vordgine, p. 303. 67 Friel, op. cit., pp. 135-136, 137. 63
61 La
330
Near the end of the novel Rivera mentions two other persons that deserve comment. One is Monsefor Massa, to whom we have already alluded. Monsefior Massa has been described as Digno sucesor.... Hombre practico, poseedorde la educaci6ny experiencias necesarias parauna laborde este genero,y, animadodel celomisionero y espiritu religiosoque pareceninspirar a los Padres Salesianos,su iniciativa, energia, entusiasmoy habilidadestan obteniendoresultados notables.68 The other person is Joao Castanheira Fontes. Joao was probably related to don Antonio Castanheiro Fontes of Umarituba whom Dr. Hamilton Rice met on his trip to the Rio Negro.69 A close examination of other materials which we have been unable to consult would probably show that several of the names and events not discussed in this paper are also historical. As secretary of the Second Section Committee Rivera had excellent opportunities to examine a good number of documents from which to draw information. Besides, he must have talked to many a river boatsman to whom the inside story of the Putumayo and San Fernando was well known. It is well-nigh impossible today to verify many of the details given by the novelist, as most of the possible informers prefer to carry their secrets with them. Friel, Hanson, and others who have traveled in the Amazon interior have found a general reluctance to confide in strangers. Rivera mentions over sixty rivers and tributaries of the region covered by the novel. So sure was the novelist of his geographical knowledge that he dared to call the map prepared by the Oficina de Longitudes "mapa costoso, aparatoso, mentiroso y deficientisimo." Aside from the many rectifications made in recent years concerning the headwaters of certain Colombian rivers, we have found many evidences of imperfect knowledge of the geography of the Colombian interior. As late as 1925, for example, Fray Estanislao de Las Corts published a Report relating his adventures along "el desconocido rio Caguan," a tributary of the Caqueta.70 La Vordgine also contains a great profusion of information on the fauna and flora of Colombia. Rivera was a lover of nature and a good observer. Now he delights in the gorgeous sight of a herons' pond or the glory of the awakening day; now he succumbs to the spell of the jungle and its destructive denizens, the recoiling giilo, the voracious carib fish or the devastating tambochas. La Vordgine is a historical record and a social document. Probably the historical part of its plot will relegate the novel to a secondary place 70Cf. Informes de las Misiones de Colombia a los anos1925y 1926 relativos Catblicas 1926). (Bogota,
68Rice, H. A., op. cit., p. 180.
69Ibid., p. 6.
Eduardo Neale-Silva
331
in the future. But certain sections will survive, especially those written in complete detachment from pure history. The events of the Putumayo and San Fernando refer to a specific time and a specific place and have no representative value. More significant by far are the sections interpreting the soul of the llanos and the jungle. While the novel is essentially accurate, the impression it leaves in the reader is erroneous. Rivera crowded into a simple plot the history of some fifteen long years. The choice of the events, their rapid succession, and the exalted dramatic atmosphere that pervades the pages of the novel, all contribute to make of La Vordgine exactly what its title implies, a vortex of action. The mad world depicted in the second and third parts, even though its component elements are historically true, is essentially an artificial accumulation of events unrelated in time and space. In contrast with the first part the latter sections of the novel are not a synthesis but a summary. Probably the more artistic passages of the novel were written as separate units and fused into one work at a later date. This explains the unevenness of the novel and its defective technique. The poetic and factual moods indicate a difference in the time of composition and a difference in purpose. When the novel was finally written, the artist was partly defeated by the historian.7
EDUARDO NEALE-SILVA
University of Wisconsin
71 Subsequent to the completion of this article I consulted the excellent book of Earl P. Hanson, Journey to Manaos, (New York, 1938). In the detailed account of Funes's regime the author alludes to the Italian Jesus Capecchi and to Dr. Baldomero Benftez, both historical characters mentioned by Rivera. (Cf. La Vordgine, pp. 302, 305). I also succeeded in obtaining a copy of El proceso del Putumayo (Lima, 1915), a general expose written in self-defense by Sr. Carlos A. Valcarcel, the Peruvian judge at Iquitos already discussed (See footnote 46). The evidence given by Valcarcel concerning the affairs of the Putumayo is overwhelming. Finally, one modification. When the articles published in El Tiempo of Bogota appeared in book form, L. E. Nieto Caballero inserted a letter signed by Nazira (dofia Narcisa Saba) denying the supposition that she is Zoraida Ayram. Vuelo al Orinoco (Bogota, 1935), p. 151.

Eduardo Neales Silva

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The Factual Bases of La Vorgine Author(s): Eduardo Neale-Silva Source: PMLA, Vol. 54, No. 1 (Mar., 1939), pp.

is by E. K. James (New York, 1935). and Russian.The Englishtranslation

The Factual Bases of "La Vordgine"

Brisson, op.cit.,pp. 156,170.

The Factual Bases of "La Voragine"

The Factual Bases of "La Vordgine"

The Factual Bases of "La Vordgine"

pp. 87-88. A pictureof Macedocan be seen in Paternoster,

librorojodel Putumayo, p. 58.

The Factual Bases of "La Vordgine"

The Factual Bases of "La Vordgine"

The Factual Bases of "La Vordgine"

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