MIGRATION AND CULTURAL TRANSFORMATION OF DEORIS IN ASSAM

Sujata Deori Assistant Professor Department of Geography North Gauhati College, North Guwahati Kamrup (Assam) INDIA. sujatadeori@yahoo.com Niranjan Das North-east Center for Social Science Research Murhateteli, Tezpur, Pin-784001, District-Sonitpur (Assam) INDIA, das niranjan2002 @ yahoo.com
ABSTRACT

The Northeastern Region of India indeed presents a glorious example of diversity which is very well re- flected in the mosaic of socio-cultural traits which are followed by myriads of distinct aboriginal tribal com- munities inhabiting this region. The Deoris amongst them are no exception to this rule. They too have been maintaining their distinct identity vis- a- vis so- cial, religious, cultural and traditional practices from the hoary past and all these have made a define imprint on the socio-cultural landscape of this region. Accord- ing to Kalika Purana and Yogini Tantra, since, prior to the sixth century, Deoris had been performing re- ligious practices in the Tamreswari or Kechaikhati temple, Burha-Burhi temple, Baliababa temple and in Patar Shaal (which is in the north-east of Sadiya). Ahom and Kachari kingdom appointed the Deoris as their priests in different temples. It is only about a century ago that they moved to their present settle- ments, and some of them still occasionally visit Sadiya for religious purposes (Gait, 1905). The term De- ori is attached to the religious or priestly functionar- ies of various tribal as well as non-tribal communi- ties of Assam. At present, Deoris are mostly found in the eight districts of upper and middle Assam and in some pockets of Lohit and Tirap district of Arunachal Pradesh. The paper entitled

Migration and Socio- Cultural Transformation of Deoris in Assam analyses the migration and socio-cultural changes of Deoris that were firmly practiced in the preindependent period. 1. INTRODUCTION There is a close relationship between the population migration and the resultant distribution of that particular group of people and both these factors are respon- sible for consequent social and economic development of that group of people (Taher, 1993). The determinants and pattern of population migration, their re- distribution, and consequent socio-economic and cul- tural changes are becoming insensibly important for researcher and policy makers and planners (Ahmad, et al 1987). Migration is a geographical phenomenon that seems to be a human necessity in every age. The south Asian subcontinent long experienced virtually uninterrupted demographic mobility, which was reflected in the almost unchecked transfer and resettlement of pop- ulation in a number of places. Such population mobil- ity was due to both environmental and socio-economic causes (Chandna, 1990). The causes of migration may be numerous and these may range from natural calami- ties, climatic change, epidemics, and drought to socio- economic, cultural and political. The population compositions of India including different ethnic groups having different socio-cultural identities a fairly sizable tribal population contributes to the Indian culture with their own traditional socio- cultural traits. Of course the tribal segment is far from homogeneity and displays a fairly high degree of diversity in its socio-cultural traits and the stage of so- cial evaluation and their spatial distribution (Waddel, 1975). A common feature of all tribal groups is that historically they have remained away from the main centre of population agglomeration. They have a ten- dency to live in isolation i.e. the forested areas, hills, and sometimes river banks are the common place for their settlements (Barkataki, 1969). In the historic past various tribes migrated to India from different parts of the world and settled in such places where they can be secured (Barpujari, 1988). But in course of time many tribal groups had to mi- grate from their original settlement to different loca- tions within the region due to various causes like

natu- ral calamities, epidemics, (encroachment by non-tribal people) socioeconomic and political causes (Bhuyan, 1973). In Northeast India, large concentration of scheduled tribe population is found with different eth- nic identities. Each of the seven states of Northeast India has a large number of tribal populations either in hilly areas or in riverine tracts and also in frontiers. There is a significant redistribution of tribal popu- lation especially in the Brahmaputra valley as a result of migration within the region under specific circum- stances. The Deori is a tribal community in Assam especially in the upper Assam area (Baruah, 1987). The present spatial distribution of Deori population in the Brahmaputra valley of Assam and in the Lohit and Tirap district of Arunachal Pradesh is due to the result of their migration from their original settlements during the last century in various circumstances.
2. OBJECTIVES

The main objectives of this paper is 1. To study the reasons for migration of the Deoris from the original place of settlement; 2. To examine the change in their cultural iden- tity subsequent to their settlement in the present area; 3. To understand the socio-cultural transformation the Deoris are undergoing as a result of their as- similation with other culture and their interac- tion with other ethnic groups in Assam.
3. DATA BASE AND METHODOLOGY

1. Secondary sources are particularly those pub- lished i. Bulletins of AADSU ii. Publications of Deori Sahitya Sabha, Assam iii. Published documents and articles, vi. Reports of Assam Plains Tribe Development Corporation. 2. Data also required for this research is obtained from primary sources such as i. Personal inter- views ii. Field visits etc.

The methodology for present research adopted is outlined below:1. Zonation of study area is made on the basis of concentration of Deori population in Assam; following three zones have been identified- a.High concentration zone b.Moderate concen- tration zone and c.Least concentration zone 2. A micro level analysis has been done to iden- tify the concentration on village level, which is dominantly inhabited by Deoris. 3. At least three villages representing three (clans) i.e. Dibongia, Tengaponia and Borgoyan and a built up area (mixed of all clans) were selected to investigate the nature and consequences of migration and degree of cultural transformation. 4. A household survey of at least 40 per cent of the households chosen on random basis to get the information on places of last residence, causes of migration, past and present occupation, rela- tionship with nearby community and other re- lated phenomena. For the built up area (Dhe- maji Town) 100 per cent of population is con- sidered. 5. The degree of cultural transformation in the field study is done considering all the socio- cultural parameters of the community in per- centage basis from the primary data collected. 1. HISTORICAL BACKGROUND OF THE DEORIS According to Kalika Puran and Yogini Tantra holy script of Hindus, since the early of the sixth centuries, Deoris have been performing worships in the Tamreswari or Kechaikhati temple, Burha-Burhi (Shiva- Parvati) temple, Baliababa (Shiva) temple and in Patar Shaal which is in the north east of Sadiya at present Tinsukia district of Assam. The Deoris served as priests at four different temples all situated in Sadiya, where yearly human sacrifice offered during that time, latterly these sacrifices have been offered to the Hindu Goddess Durga (Deuri, 1992).

It has been observed that the original habitat of De- oris was in the region beyond Sadiya. It is only about a century ago that they moved to their present settle- ments, and some of them still occasionally visit Sadiya for religious purposes (Brown, 1964). Further the pre- history indicates that the Deoris have come to India in the dim and distant past from Northeast Asia i.e. from Chinese and Mongolian territories. They settled in the valleys in the river Brahmaputra, The Tsangpo, Lassa, Siddhakhetri, Swati, Bidarva or Banzul, Kundil, Chengchukul, Laibari, Laphabari, Sadiya etc (Deori, 2002).

Figure 1: Map No.1

2. THE DIVISIONS FO DEORIS

There are four broad divisions amongst the Deoris. These divisions are-(i) Dibangiya, (ii) Tengapaniya (iii) Borgoyan and (iv) Patorgoyan. The division is termed as Gayan (clan) by the Deoris. Each of the division is said to be originated from a particu- lar rivers or places name. The separate groups set- tled on the banks of the river Dibang, Tengapani and Borpani were known as Dibangiya, Tengapaniya and Borgoyan respectively. The Borgonya and the Ten- gapaniya groups have altogether given up their tradi- tional dialect in favour of Assamese. The other group living at Patsadiya was known as Patorgoyan. The Pa- torgoyan group is not traceable at present and it is pre- sumed that the members of this group might have been amalgamated with the other existing groups o the De- oris or with other communities.

The derivative forms of the words, i.e., Dibangiya, Tengapaniya, Borgoyan and Patorgoyan may be de- scribed asDibangiya = Dibang + Goyan > Dibang goyan > Dibangoyan > Dibangiya Tengapaniya = Tengapani + Goyan > Tengapani goyan > Tengapaniya Borgoyan = BorgaonorBorgang + Goyan > Borgaon goyanOrBorgang goyan > Borgoyan. Patorgoyan = Patsadiya + Goyan > Patsadiya Goyan > Patorsadiya goyan > Patorgoyan. 1. The Dibangiyas The Dibangiyas may be regarded as the major divi- sion of the Deori community. They are also known as Jimocharu which has been probably derived from the word Jimochanya (Jimo-chan-ya) or vice-versa. The Dibongiyas, on the other hand, have, as far as pos- sible, preserved their traditional socio-ritual organiza- tion along with their dialect. The major clans o the Dibangiyas are- (i) Sun- dario, (ii) Patriyo, (iii) Airiyo, (iv) Chario, (v) Chitigayo, (vi) Kumotayo, (vii) Chukrangyo, (viii) Dupiyayo, (ix) Murangyo, (x) Teliyayo, (xi) Lagachuyo, and (xii) Kalia-Chakuyo. 2. The Tengapaniyas The Tengapaniya division is again sub-divided into seven clans, viz., (i) Machiotika, (ii) Bikarmiy- atika, (iii) Kutiyatika, (iv) Chakucharutika, (v) Pagimegeratika, (vi) Papartiatika, and (vii) Chenabori- atika.

3. THE BORGOYANS The Borgoyan division of the Deoris is also known as Midiya. There are few clans of this division. The major clans of this division are-(i) Ikucharu, (ii) Chimucharu, (iii) Hizaru, (iv) Busaru, (v) Luparu and (vi) Gosaru (not traceable at present). In addition to the clans mentioned in the major three divisions of the Deoris, few more minor clans, such as, Kachariyo, Michayo, Bihiyayo, Dihingiyayo etc. have been found amongst the Deori society. Such clans are said to be inducted into the Deori community from their respective tribes name or title. 4. THE PARTORYGOYANS At present, the Patorgoyan division can not be traced out anywhere. It is presumed that they might have amalgamated with the people of the Dibangiya and Borgoyan Divisions of the Deoris in course of time. Sadiya. Some thinkers contend that the people of the Patorgoyan division might have amalgamated with the Lalungs (Tiwas) and Jaintias in Northeast India. 5. DISTRIBUTION FO DEORIS The original abode of the Deori was on the banks of the river Dibong, Tengapani and Patarsal which is now fall within the jurisdiction of Lohit district of Arunachal Pradesh and Chapakhowa area that is in Sadiya sub- division of Tinsukia district of Assam. The concentration of Deori villages are found in Lakhimpur, Dhemaji, and Sonitpur districts of north bank and in Tinsukia, Dibrugarh, Sibsagar and Jorhat districts of south bank of the Brahmaputra Valley. Some villages are also found in Guwahati area of Kam- rup district. At present, there are 134 villages of Deori tribe that are found in Lakhimpur, Dhemaji, Sonitpur, Sibsagar, Jorhat, Tinsukia, Dibrugarh and Kamrup dis- trict of Assam(AADSU Report-2003).

Figure 2: Map No.2

6. CAUSES OF PRESENT OF DISTRIBUTION

Available records show that since the sixth century, Deori had been living in an around Sadiya. The term Deori is attached to the religious or priestly functionaries of various tribal as well as non-tribal com- munities of Assam (Bose, 1967). The process and the pattern of migration and consequent distribution of De- ori in Assam are quite significant and it influences the socio-economic and cultural life of the three clan of Deori tribe to a great extent. Till the end of the Ahom kingdom Deoris lived peacefully in Sadiya kingdom. But, as a result of the attack of Manns, Mishmi up- rising (during the first part of seventieth century), epi- demic and diseases and influx of hill tribes from some parts of Arunachal Pradesh created problems of shel- ter and settlement in the large part of erstwhile Deori dominant areas (Deori, 1964). Gradually the hill tribe captured the land of Deori. Internal migration too took place from various parts of Arunachal Pradesh and this had a debilitating effect on availability of land for the Deori people as a whole and the Deori were migrated to the south of their origin settlement i.e. towards some parts of Assam. This process continued up to last cen- turies and it threatened the identity of Deori owing to continue influence of people of hill tribe in their home place. During the time of Moran, Matak uprising most of the people of Sadiya had to leave that place. Still Deoris performed their duties in the temples (Deori, 1964). There was another flow of migration of Deori on the last century, which was caused due to the dev- astating Earth quake in 1950s, Consequence flood and river bank erosion in every year had made Deori peo- ple

sixes and sevens (Bhuyan,1991). It had changed the path of their life. Waves of unexpected calami- ties have choked Assam. No any Deori village is there which is not affected by these calamities.

Figure 3: Map No.3

After the great earth quake of 1950s, due to sub- sidence of the nearby areas and rising of the bed of Brahmaputra, flood have destroyed the settlements and made the field unsuitable for cultivation. As a result of such havoc, Deoris become homeless and landless which were occupied by them from generation to gen- eration. They had to leave original place of habitation. Then the people start inhabited near the hills, remote areas and reserved forests. Borgaon, Tengapaniya and Ghelgheli village of Dihingmukh region were completely eroded by the river Brahmaputra. All the people of Borgonya De- ori gaon had left for Kurukani of Deroi Reserve. Some of them settled in Sunpura of Sadiya, some of them settled in Dhunaguri and Rai field crossing the river Brahmaputra (Deori, 1964). Some of them remained in Panidihing of Sibasagar district. Some family from Khoang settled in Naamsai and Rai. Most of the people of Senia village settled in Gohpur and Narayan- pur. Some villagers settled in Tarani of Sadiya from Borbam and Sisimukh. Some families from Kokila- mukh also were added there. Physical and social ecol- ogy of the Deori, while residing in the earlier settle- ments is changed to a great extent as a result of migration from original places to plains. Consequently,

Figure 4: Map No.4

a new socio-cultural transformation has taken place among Deoris with the assimilation of different eth- nic groups (Baishya, 1997). Their economic activities have been influenced by the ecological conditions pre- vailing in the newly settled areas and their earlier pat- tern of livelihood has changed in a considerable way. Though some of them retained their original culture, a social transformation has already taken place.

Figure 5: Map No.5

7. DEORI LANGUAGES

Before the Ahom had invaded Assam, Deori lan- guage was used with its own script as major language among different castes and tribes in upper Assam. The scripts resemble with ancient Brahmi script. Today the language is used by

Dibangiya clan of Deoris and other uses this language at the time of worshipping. Bor- goyan and Tengapaniya group of Deoris have forgotten their original language only because of their inter- action with other groups of people. Although this lan- guage is originally Tibeto-Burman language category, many Sanskrit words, styles, pronunciation are present in this language.
8. RELIGIOUS BELIEFS AND CHIEF DEITIES

The Deoris have a common place of worship. The common place of worship amongst the Dibangiyas is known as Midiku, while the Tengapaniya and the Borgoyan sections call it Than or Shal (temple). In some Deori villages such common place of worship is popularly known as Deoshal or Deoghar (Deori, 2002). The chief Deities of the Deoris are Kundi- mama or Gira-Girachi (BuraBuri), Pisa-Dema (Baliababa) and Pisachi (Tamreswari or Kechaikati) which are worshipped by Dibangiya, Tengapaniya and Boroyan groups of the Deoris respectively. The De- oris generally worship Purush and Prakriti as their chief deities. The Dibangiyas call it as Kundimama where Kundi is said to be Siva (Purush) and Mama Parvati (Prakriti) of Hindu pantheon (Deuri, 1992). In other words, this chief deity is known as Gira- Girachi or Bura-Buri. Pisa-Dema or Balia-Baba and Pisachi or Kechaikati, the eldest son and daugh - ter of GiraGirachi (Kundimama or Bura-Buri) are two other important deities of the Deoris.
9. CULTURAL TRANSFORMATIONS AS A RESULT FO ASSIMILATION

As a result of redistribution of Deoris in different dis- trict of upper Assam, they came in to the contact of different ethnic groups of greater Assamese society. Under the process of assimilation and under the influ- ence of ecology of the newly settled areas, the cultural aspects of Deoris has transformed in significant man- ner. This cultural transformation can be pointed out in following way.
10. CULTURAL TRANSFORMATION INDEX

After analysing the primary data collected it is now able to see the changes in different attributes of a tra- ditional Deori society. On the basis of this analysis Cultural Transformation Index (CTI) for different at- tributes of socio-cultural aspects and also for each of the sample villages is found out. The transformation index is calculated by consid- ering the values of nontraditional facts for every at- tribute. For example, in case of family types two categories are recorded from the field study. One is nu- clear type and another is joint family type. Here, the value i.e. percentage for nuclear family type is taken for calculating the transformation index. Because this type is a non-traditional in Deori culture whereas the joint family system is a traditional one. In such way, after taking the non-traditional values of each of the at- tributes of the four sample villages; these are summed up and divided by the grand total value. This value is shown in percentage, which is the required Cultural Transformation Index.
Cultural Transformation Index=C.T.L

Figure 6: Cultural Transformation Index

The Transformation indices for different cultural aspects show that higher degree of transformation oc- curred in the health sector with 93.75 %. This change is due to extension of medical awareness to the inte- rior villages in the post independent period especially within two decades. The development of medical sci- ences has attracted the people to go for modern medi- cal treatment instead of following Mongolotis (local quack). It may be mentioned here again that in tradi- tional Deori culture the villagers always went for Mon- golotis to get cured

from any disease. Now only about 7 per cent of the people are dependent on Mongolotis. Secondly, there is a significant change in education for which transformation index is 93.50. Traditional education system of Deoris is replaced by modern education system both in the rural and urban areas. Another major change is found in family type (70.75%), because most of the families are nuclear type in character. Joint family system is gradually decreasing even in the rural societies. Transforma- tion in language (64.75%) is also noticeable because two clans (Tengponiya and Borgoyan) forget their own language and are using Assamese language as mother tongue.

Table 2: Category of Cultural Transformation Transformation Index Cultural Attributes Below 20 Religion 20-40 House type, Marriage, Interaction 40-60 Occupation, Dress habits 60-80 Language, Family type Above 80 Health sector, Education Source: Based on Field Survey- 2011 Cultural transformation index for occupation is 49.50 per cent. Because of the present populace are engaged in diversified activities in the new ecology of their settlements. The value of cultural transforma- tion index for dress habit is 47.5 per cent and mar- riage is 20.75 per cent. It is found that although the men and women generally wear traditional dresses in the villages, they often wear modern dresses outside the village. Deoris living in the urban areas dont wear traditional dresses, except a little aged portion. The transformation in occupation pattern is found re- garding the number of service holders and business- men. The transformation index for occupation is 49.50 per cent. The conservative Deori culture did not al- low close interactions with other ethnic groups before independence. Now this strictness has become deserted and people are interacting with other societies, although the degree of

interaction in Deori villages are still quite low than that of the towns. The transforma- tion index for interaction is 18.75 per cent. Another transformation is found in adopting views of Non-Deori religion (13 %). The excessive costs in the rituals and prevailing superstitions in the reli- gious practices of traditional religion diverted the edu- cated Deoris to follow nontraditional religions within the sphere of Hinduism. After finding out the index value for different attributes five classes are prepared and categorized them to show the degree of cultural transformation. Cultural transformation index for each of the sam- ple villages is also found out by the same procedure mentioned above. The values areThe Cultural Transformation Index for Dhunaguri, Udoypur and Borbam village (Borgoyan, Tengaponiya and Dibongiya foid respectively) are 34.81 per cent, 31.09 per cent and 24.81 per cent respectively. The im- portant character of the cultural transformation among the clan of Deoris is below 50 per cent. The highest de- gree of transformation is found among Borgoyans in Table 1: Cultural Transformation Index
Name of the Sample village Dhunaguri Udoypur Borbam Dhemaji Town C.T.I. House Family Health Dress Language Occupation Interaction Marriage Religion Education Type Type sector habit 8 8 3 100 69 50 81 83 99 98 3 59 34 34 43 87 49.50 17 12 3 43 18.75 26 22 0 35 20.75 3 0 16 33 13 92 92 91 100 35 26 33 96 95 91 88 100

29.75 70.75 64.75

93.75 47.5 93.50

Source: Based on field survey- 2011

Table 3: Cultural Transformation Index for the Sample Villages Name of the Villages Dhunaguri (Inhabited by Borgoyans) Udoypur (Inhabited Transformation Values (%) 34.81

31.09

byTengaponiyas) Borbam (Inhabited by Dibongiyas) Dhemaji Town (Inhabited by all the three groups)

24.81

57.82

Source: Based on Field Survey- 2011

Figure 7: Percentages of cultural transformation of the sample sites Dhunaguri village (34.81%). Lowest transformation is found in Borbam village inhabited by Dibongiyas (24.81%). On the other hand 57.82 per cent cultural transformation is found among the Deori families in Dhemaji town.
11. CONCLUDING STATEMENT

After the study, transformation has observed in every attributes (dress habit, family types, language, house types, occupation etc. etc.) of Deori culture. At present, Deori culture means a little amount of work culture in the form of traditions only. So it is estab- lished that Deori culture is changed significantly and all those forbidden works in the past now has become common works for Deoris. As a result of the rapid changes within a short period, Deughar (temple), the educational center of Deori culture, and the priests, both have lost their earlier characteristics, which were found prior to 1950s. Now the traditional Deori culture is about to extinct, it is preserved only as a traditional manner among the community. The temple and priests are now only the representative tradition of Deori cul- ture and they have no influence on Deori society which was more prominent in their earlier habitation before migration.

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