American Advocate For Peace 183427886774 PDF

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REMARKS ON THE POLITICAL CONDITION AND PROSPECTS OF EUROPE Source: American Advocate of Peace (1834-1836), Vol. 1, No. 2 (SEPTEMBER, 1834), pp. 73-88 Published by: World Affairs Institute Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/27886774 . Accessed: 04/10/2013 02:16
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1834.]
The Political
Condition
of Europe.
73
Article
III.
REMARKS ON THE POLITICAL CONDITION AND PROSPECTS OF EUROPE.

BY THE EDITOR.
and in the present political and social aspects ofEurope, to jus tify the hope, that that portion of the world is not destined again to be the theatre of such general and bloody conflictsas it . wish at least to indicate the causes by Has exhibited. We which the policy ofEurope has been essentially modified ; and to appreciate the influenceswhich favor or retard the ultimate triumph of freedomand of public order, and the final adoption of a pacific international policy. The French revolution is rich in all manner of instruction to the ? thoughtful observer of human nature, and of the pro of society. It is the true point of departure from which* gress to estimate the progress, the present condition and futurepros No just and philosophical view of these sub pects of Europe. can formed which does not, proceed upon a true appre be jects hension of thatperiod, its causes and its effects. Every great movement of society and of government has been directly or are yet far from indirectly affected by it ; its influences being exhausted ; its lessons are far from being all gathered up. We
affairs. Our design is the prese?t condition of European more limited and special. We wish to show what there, is in the influences that have been at work for the last forty years,
It is not our design to attempt a full view of the political relations of the differentgovernments of Europe ; nor to enter into any discussion of some of the gre?t questions involved in
have before,adverted* to the influence of the career of ? reaction against the spirit of war and Napoleon in creating ~ This reactionwas feltboth by the people and by the conquest.
* Advocate of Peace, No. I. p. 8, 9. Also Address before the Hartford p. 22, 23.
County Society,
10
74 The Political
Condition
of Europe.
[Sept.
while
governments ; and the declaration, of the Allied Sovereigns after the fall ofNapoleon, was the public and solemn expression intimated our opinion, that if those great powers, of it. We
It was a time of moral reac pursued by the Allied Powers. tion. Every such reaction contains an element of truth ; arid every such reaction likewise goes too far. But we shall be better able to explain our views ifwe go back a little.
they would have had with them the moral force of Europe, and been able to maintain peace among the nations, repose'and harmony between the people and their gov ernments. But they failed to do this, and left the elements of discontent, resistance and future conflict, to rankle beneath the surface of that temporary repose which was due to exhaustion, to the general feeling of disgust at the perpetual convulsions produced by individual ambition, and finally .to the triumph of the allied arms. It is not at all difficult to explain the course
solemnly declaring themselves against the principle of conquest, and revolutionary propagano" ism, had at the same time taken the rightground, and been just to the true principle of rational freedom, the repose of Europe might have been secured. Then was themoment for them to have taken a po sition by which
mixed up with other atrocious and anarchical elements,?the whole destructive to public order, to all the just ends of govern ment and to all true liberty. Henc? followed, at home, those revolting scenes of anarchy and atrocity, under the temporary ascendancy and succession of turbulent ?nd brutal leaders, so truly named the reign of terror ; while, abroad, the fanaticism of revolutionary propagandism was seen forcing freedom upon
spiritof despotism. But in the excess of thfe reaction, the true principle of rational' fre?dom was immediately falsified, carried out to the absurd and fanatical doctrines of Jacobinism, and
its origin, along with whatever other concurrent causes and conditions there may have been, an element of truth,with its in reason and human nature. foundation It was necessary the reaction of reason and the principi? of liberty against the
The French revolution, out of which sprung Napoleon and the sources of his power, and the wars which followed, had, in
1834.]
The Political
Condition
of Europe.
75
other nations at the point of the bayonet?the despotism of of illustration the old that extremes liberty?a striking truth,
meet.
twenty-five years ; that they should go back to the remoter causes of those stupendous convulsions by which every thing ancient, and fixed, and sacred had been shaken or overthrown ?-the principles of Jacobinism, democracy, and revolutionary fanaticism. It was natural not only that the idea of revolu tion should be associated with every thing odious, with every thing dangerous to thewelfare and repose of Europe, but that Liberty itself should be a-word of fear and hatred. To render it odious was their wish and aim. They were unjust to the rightfuldemands of the free spirit. They made no distinction between the false and anarchical doctrines of Jacobinism, and the true principle of freedom. Upon the latter they charged all the atrocities and convulsions of the former. In theirfear and
thatmilitary ambition bywhich Europe had for somany years been convulsed. And nothing was more natural than that this hour should be crowded wjth recollections of the preceding
condition of things, should revolt. When, subsequently, the career of Napoleon, the' child of the revolution, combined against him all the sovereigns of Europe, nothing was more natural than that strong reactiori against the spirit of war and and solemn public conquest?that reprobation, pronounced m the hour of their triumph, upon the boundless selfishness of
the doctrines and spirit of that period, so false and was it natural that the old dangerous, governments of Europe, by interest and habit favorable to order, and to the established Against
hatred, they overlooked every element of truth inwhat they feared and hated. The spirit and determination of despotism was strengthened. They exaggerated the true principles of order and legitimacy, to a false and unjust absolutism. They saw but one way to preserve the peace of Europe?by restoring as far as possible the ancient order of things, and maintaining that order by force. The hour of their triumph over Napoleon ?the impersonation of the spirit of conquest and military glory?the disturber of the peace of Europe, was, likewise, the
76
The Political
Condition
of Europe.
[Sept.
and without any discrimination of the true from the false, and without any concession to its just demands, was to be repressed
humble the far-descended kings "by the grace of God." Order and legitimacy were then to be established, as the only conservative principles ; the spirit of liberty and revolution? rendered as odious as4hey could possibly represent it,by refer ing to it all the atrocities and miseries of the foregoing period,
hour of their triumph over the child of the revolution?-the subverter of thrones and dynasties, who, but for the dangerous doctrines of liberty, would never have risen up to terrify and
Hence
now, while denouncing the spirit of Jacobinism, revolutionary propagandism and conquest^ theyhad abstained from asserting the doctrines of absolutism and armed intervention, and had in good faith met the reasonable demands of the free spirit, must we not believe they might have guaranteed the permanent
the right of armed intervention, so called, {droit d'inter vention arm?e)?the propagandist ofabsolutism. Hence, final causes of hatred, conflictand war, between ^governments ly, the and the people, from that time to the present, and destined still to disturb the peace of Europe formany years to come. If,
and kept down by the strong hand. Hence the doctrine first broached at the Congress ofLaybach, and afterwards solemnly " established at the congress ofVienna : that everymonarch has a right to interfere in the internal concerns of foreigns nations.'*
them the opinions of all the just, themoderate and enlighten order and the principles of a wise and just ed, in support of . as the foundation of government and national expediency, welfare, and in opposition to the false and dangerous doctrines of a'theoretical equality and of unqualified democracy. But by the false, impolitic and unjust position they assumed, they deprived themselves of all the best portion of the moral
peace of Europe, or at least made its condition quite different from what ithas been and is probably destined to be for an in definite period to come ? They would certainly have had with
force of Europe, which they might otherwise have had with them in the work of repressing and putting down the false is and fanatical spirit and doctrines of Jacobinism, which
1834.]
The Political ConditionofEurope.
77
indeed but another name for anarchy, for every thing destruc tive to law, to order, and to national well-being. But they lost the golden opportunity. They did not wisely improve their victory. They did not turn to permanent advantage themoral reaction produced by the excesses and crimes/ of the.French revolution, and by the subsequent convulsions and calamities
towhich the profligate ambition of Napoleon had subjected all By their injustice towards the spirit of true and rea Europe.
sonable freedom, by theirunjust exaggeration of the true prin ciples of order and legitimacy, they left the elements of future conflict, smouldering beneath the surface of a forced and artifi cial quiet ; elements which hav? since been perpetually break ing out in resistance, revolution and revolutionary attempts.
good, which, under God, has actually been wrought out from those stupendous scenes of conflict and evil. Let us trust, too, that the human mind is not destined forever to swing, like a one extreme of reaction to another. It must pendulum, from certainly be admitted that through those scenes, the cause of
claiming together, both the doctrines of liberty and of public and mutual harmony, and thus securing order, in their integrity the pacification of Europe, we ought at the same time to be just \to human nature and to history. Let us recognize the
While, however, we cannot but deplore that the Allied Sove reigns should have perverted so favorable an opportunity of pro
truth and of peace has gained progress. Wars of conquest, we may believe, will not in Europe be any more sanctioned. The integrity of existing states is permanently guaranteed. In regard to the internal conflictsbetween governments and the people, between the despotic and the free spirit, there are many grounds of confidence in the ultimate triumph and peaceful es
tablishment of the truth. The struggle which is going on in Europe is a conflict of principles. It is a war of ideas. It is an opposition between the spirit of despotism and of liberty, deep, bitter, and determined. On the part of despotism, it is an inextinguishable hostility to liberal principles, affecting not only themovements of government, but betrayed in all the re
78 The Political
Condition
of Europe.
[Sept.
in France, the inquietude which lations of social life. Thus was kept perpetually fermenting beneath the brilliant surface of French society, during the p?riod between th? restoration and the revolution of 1830, may justly be regarded as one of measures bywhich the remoter causes of that event, and of the the scenes of the Three Days were precipitated. Returning ?rom exile with the king, or gathering around him from the obscurity towhich former events had reduced them, came all the representatives of a past age, the supporters of despotism, the lovers of the ancient order of things, the haters of revolu tion and of that odious libertyby which they had suffered so
little comprehension of, many losses and humiliations. With and no sympathy with, the changes that time and events had wrought in thegreat mass of the French people, they: could not conceal their arrogant exultation, nor enjoy with moderation what they felt as the triumph of legitimacy and aristocracy. This imprudent insolence was deeply felt on the other part. xi in explaining the There was," says the Count de Sellon, "an absence of security to the views of M. de Salvandi,* heirs of the revolution of 1789, who were disturbed with the vague fear of being dispossessed, if n?t of theirmaterial pos
sessions, yet of their respectability, their social position and consideration. The}r saw with grief and indignation, certain tokens of contempt,which are easily betrayed by French viva city. They were frozen by the expression : nobody, (homme de rein) applied to those who had not illustrious birth, an ex pression immediately hawked about (colport?e) by those pests of societywho delight only in discord and evil. Napoleon, on the contrary,had sought to substitute, in place of the chimeri
equality of the revolution ?f 1789, the only reasonable or inEurope at large, the equality to be desired in France, out to s own held one1 every body, of rising- by hope, namely, merit." With this latterprinciple, however, the only just prih cal
* In his recent work entitled Seize Mois. We have translated the pas de la of the de Lettres addressees aux Archives sage fromM. de Sellon's Recueil Collection of Letters addressed to the Archives Soci?t? de la Paix: Geneva Peace Society.
1834.]
The Political
Condition
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79
as tha title to the distinctions and prizes of ciple.of aristocracy, the absolutists and favorers of the society, and of government, ancien r?gime were as little satisfied, as with the chimerical and absurd doctrine of equality of 1789. And how fatally was the restoredBourbon wanting in a just and wise policy, the events of the Three Days demonstrated. The/ government, an insincere and vacillating with French government, though the king, is now essen on of the part policy, inmany respects, has of liberty secured,we may believe, tially liberal. The spirit the fermentation has not its permanent triumph. Though and physical, is on the side entirely subsided, the force, moral of freedom. The contest in Spain and Portugal is nearly ter minated in favor of liberal principles. The recent quadruple alliance of England, France, Spain and Portugal, places these four powers together on the side of liberty. On the side. of of Russia, Austria, and Prussia, despotism, the governments are leagued together in the most determined hostility, to the If we look over Europe, we progress of liberal principles. shall find the explanation of every thing that ismost interest in this deep and pervading political and social aspects, ing in its of the despotism and of liberty. principles struggle between crushed by the and The revolutions of Poland ?taly have been Austrian and power ; but the overwhelming force of Russian as in Germany, Polish spirit is unconquerable ; and in Italy, the freespirit,though kept down by all the restraints of Austri an despotism, is alive and struggling unsubdued. Against this themost with are, of the united, despotism great powers spirit, " As as I live," says determined and desperate energy. long " I will oppose a will of iron,to the the Emperor of Russia, The present generation is lost, progress of liberal opinions. but we must labor with zeal and earnestness, to improve the ? I am to come. It may require a hundred years spiritof that not unreasonable, I give you a whole age, but you must work
without, relaxation."
contest then will go on. On the part of despotism, will be exhausted in the effortto extinguish the every ..resource It is des the spirit is inextinguishable. spirit of liberty. But The
80 The Political
Condition
ofEurope.
[Sept*
the elements of victory are with the friends of liberty; they have with them the power? the moral and physical force of The free principle has gained strength ?rom the con Europe. flictsof former times ; ithas made a decided progress, while thehold of despotism over the general mind, through imagina tion and habit, if not broken, is yet inmany ways greatly im paired. The idea and desire of liberty is extensively awaken ed, through all classes of th? great body of the people. The spectacle of freegovernments is perpetually before them ; many
tined to prevail. The contestmay be long and fierce ; but the triumph of freedom is sure. We believe this, not only because it is the triumph of truth which we predict, but because clearly,
rights have already been gained, and in the most despotic governments, a moral force has been gradually springing up, the result of many causes, against which the influences of It deserves, moreover, special despotism will be unavailing. the that free consideration, principle has become greatly purifi ed. It is not now falsified by exaggeration and the fanatic and anarchical spiritand doctrines,which prevailed in connec
in the French revolution of 1830. How entirely unlike the wild licentiousness of 1789 ! It was not the reign of anarchy, It was controlled by watchwords,- the of mob domination. in of sound which 1789, would have subjected the utter very ers to the guillotine, or to be torn in pieces by the frantic iury and Law of the fishwomen. Liberty and Public Order, were thewatchwords perpetually reiterated by the leaders of the revolution of 1830, and kept distinctly before theminds of Despotism is thus deprived of the great source of its moral power, thatwhich gave it its justest grounds and fair est pretexts for crushing the spirit of libertyby force, the atroci tiesnamely, perpetrated under the sacred name of liberty. It the people.
indeed rendered it destructive to social welfare, is broken, up. How much progress the true spirit of liberty has made in puri fying itself ?rom exaggeration and false mixtures, may be seen
tion with it, in the early period of the French revolution. It is freed from those atrocious and dangerous elements. The dis with Jacobinism and atheism, which gusting alliance of liberty
1834]
The Political Condition ofEurope.
81
mate
cannot now, as formerly, succeed in rendering free principles odious to the just and moderate, the lovers of law and order. It cannot point to the horrors of 1789 as the only, the legiti and necessary fruits of the free spirit. It cannot open the sheltering arms of absolutism as the only refuge against inference in both cases will be anarchy and violence. The The
denied.
and equality, is fraughtwith a thousand foldmore curses to the no bless people, than themost iron despotism ; that freedom is But virtue and without religion. they hold public order, ing that freedom does not necessarily imply the unbridled and licentious domination of the ignorant mob, nor even a demo cracy ; that a free government may be consistentwith the su
distinction between liberty and anarchy will be readily admitted ; ithas been impressively taught by terrible lessons. The friends of freedom are ready to allow, thatwild, unbridled licentiousness, under the specious names of liberty
premacy of law, which is far better than despotism ; that it may be as consistentwith subordination and public order as a despotism, and with far less danger to human welfare. Thus a purified, the true principles of freedom will enlist continually and of the moderate enlighten increasing force opinion among Itwill move onward to its triumph, with a march which ed. can never defeat. despotism may indeed resist and retard, but In this conflictbetween despotism and liberty,Europe may be destined forgenerations to come, to be the theatre of violent Itwould be presumptuous to predict on this and bloody wars. no doubt, subject, with any tone of confidence. We have a fierce and determined struggle ; indeed, that there will be that therewill be violent internal agitation in the several coun trieswhere despotism is predominant. Still, we cannot but believe that the issue is to be determined by the gradual force of arms. At least we cannot believe that opinion, rather than by
this conflict will involve such general, protracted, and bloody wars between different nations, as have been witnessed in past In case of a conflict between any people times in Europe. and itsgovernment, the allied powers of despotism have many reasons to be cautious in practically asserting the doctrine of 11
82 The Political Condition ofEurope.

armed intervention* For
[Sept,
wise now united on the side of liberal principles, and in defence of the right of revolution. The doctrine of armed interven tion is of as ready application by them as by the propagandists of absolutism and anti-revolutionwho proclaimed it. . England and France, it is true, stood aloof during the Polish straggle ; the late minister, Gasimer Perrier, explicitly declared himself against the doctrine of armed intervention. But this ground The attitude taken by these has, since then, been abandoned. a as we act restraint think, powers must, upon themovements
in spite of them, the right of revolu tion has gained the footing of an established principle. They have been compelled practically to acquiesce in it. It cannot be put down. Four of the great powers of Europe are like
of the despotic sovereigns ; tend to diminish the likelihood of general Avars; limit very much their intervention in the inter nal concerns of other nations ; and, combined with many in
be decided by the prevalence of truth, that moral force of en lightened opinion, beforewhich despotism must yield and dis appear, even as othermonstrous and exploded errors, that long^ shackled thehuman mind, and retarded the progress of human
nature.
fluences due to the general progress of mankind, make the conflict between despotism and liberty, a conflict as between the people and their respective governments ; which finally,, though not perhaps without violence and blood, will yetmainly
flict shall be decided by the triumph of the principles of true and reasonable freedom, purified from all licentious mixture and consequently securing public order and the internal repos? of nations,?then also, a peaceful international policy will
have grown out of the opposition of the despotic and free all. But for this, Europe would spirit. This explains them at this moment be in a state of profound peace.?Still more, may we confidently expect that whenever this con therefore,
this however, as it may, one thing is certain, that if this were would be no more ground in Eu there conflict decided, wars of principle. What, in fact, has been the cause rope for of all thewars there, since the downfall of Napoleon? They Be
imi.)
The Political
Condition
of Europe.
83
For therewill remain no grounds of difference ex prevail cept such as grow out of the commercial relations of different nations. Differences of this sort,even now, are almost entirely settled by negotiation. Arbitration is sometimes resorted to ; and the feeling is very general that such differences are never worth a roar, that to resort towar is the very poorest way for ?ither party. Especially is this the case with an industrious and commercial people. These interestsare, in a large view, injuriously affected by war. The true element of their prosperity is peace. The immense increase of the industrious and commercial interests is one of themain causes of those vast always changes which have taken place in the political and social re lations of Europe. Hence many of those improvements in international law, designed to secure those interestsagainst the and tomitigate the necessary severities ofwar. injurious effects,
The changes wrought by the increase of industry and com merce are all in favor of peace. These interestsall rejoice in
protection against the fluctuation and insecurity of a state of war.?The interestsof the great body of the people of Europe are then averse towar. In proportion, therefore, as the gov
ernments become free,not only will the present great and chief cause, we may say the only actual cause of war, the opposition of despotism and liberty,be removed, but we may confidently reckon on a continual extension and consolidation of a peace ful policy, as demanded by enlightened views of the true inter
ests of all parties. Such are our views concerning the final termination of trie is agitated; and such our great struggle by which Europe views of its consequences in regard towar. How long before
say.
this desirable consummation will be realized, it is not forus to; In the mean
time, there are some proofs at present of the of just, enlightened, and Christian views on the prevalence of war, among the leading minds of Europe, which subject we wish to present to our readers.?In a speech delivered thus expresses himself : j?uugust5,1830? Lord Brougham u JBut my principles,?and I know not whether they agree with
The Political 84
Condition
of Europe.
[Sept.,
yours,?they may be derided, they may be unfashionable, but I hope they are spreading far and wide*?my principles are contained in thewords which that great man [Lord Falkland] was used to*
express Peace, in secret, and which Peace.5 I abominate of human crimes. * : I now express in public Peace, war as unchristian. I hold it the it to include of man. all others, violence, greatest alter I deem
the character,* blood, rapine, fraud, every thingwhich can deform "
the nature, and debase the name
At theMansion House, February 18th, 1832, E ari. Grey delivered the following sentiment :? " He entertained a sanguine, he might say a perfect hope, that the peace of Europe would be preserved. He fully agreed with thosewho thoughtthat the timehad passed away, when we should be induced to think that any two nations could regard each other
as
tianmaxim was giving way to that enlightenedpolicy which would suggest to us notions that each was interestedin the prosperity of the other, and that the only rivalry which ought to subsist between
them, was an emulation in the arts, and an anxiety to surpass each
natural
enemies.*
He
hoped
that impolitic,
unwise,
and unchris
other in the improvement of every social institution."
Upon this sentiment, theLondon Morning Chronicle makes the following remarks :? " The when the best security time,we trust, is not far distant, for the preservation of peace, will be sought for in the conviction nations of the European com carefully implanted in the different monwealth, that they are all deeply interestedin the prosperity of
each other
general, itwill be found that the greatest publicity with regard to themachinations of the barbarous governments which still deface It was a convictionof thiskind,which induced one of the Europe.
profound and all affairs of an international character, is the best protection against
and
never
war must ; and that, consequently, always to them. When beneficial this conviction
be
once
injurious, becomes
bility of perpetual peace with thegeneral existence of representative

tions must were the conviction because, alone; can have an interest in war, those who act on such a conviction." general, represent that na
cautious
philosophers
of Europe
to connect
the possi
governments never nations
these extracts,we are happy to add likewise the following views, expressed by the late Prime Minister of France, Oasi To
* Compare this with Lord Nelson's frequent coarse and brutal expressions of malignity and deadly hatred against the French, in regard to whom, he seemed to think himself absolved from all obligation of exercising the spirit universally required by Christianity*
1834]
mer Chamber
commercial
The Political Condition of Europe.
85
Perrier.
They are part of a speech delivered in the ofDeputies, March 7th, 1832.
or territorial interest] on which any two nations can be
In the actual state of civilization, none of these questions [of
which does not run the risk of becoming almost immediately a

general war.
same of every civilization sort, created by this complications tween the interests of different nations, there can be no partial
inpolicy to justifya war between brought intocollision, is sufficient them ; especially, when it is recollected, that in consequence of the
be war
are a necessity ; and one of its most Conferences, of civilization is to consecrate honorable their object the fruits, since triumph of reason over force. better for nations Is it not, in fact, much to
"In such a state of things," he proceeds, "it is evident, that what has already been resortedto in theactual processes of diplomacy,
understand each other before going towar, than to begin by fight ing, and end by explaining themselves ?" In this connection, we give also copies of letters received by the Count de Sellon, in acknowledgment of communications
made by him respecting the Society, ofwhich he is the founder. They are not only gratifying as the declared dispositions of the distinguished personages by whom they are written, on the
subject of war in general, but they indicate also the respectful consideration which the special exertions of the friends of peace have met with from some, who, by their position, have it in dieir power greatly to accelerate the progress of true principles. The first is fromCasimer Perrier :?*
Cabinet " have of the Minister
of the Interior.
Sir,?I the Geneva address
auspices, gives it a claim upon the gratitude of nations.

Sir, I acknowledge to you, on this particular
the Constitution of witfi sincere pleasure Peace done me the honor to you have Society, which to me. The honorable it aims, under your object at which
received
Paris,
the5thApril, 1831.
It iswith
all
the interest that I feel in its progress, and thank you, personally, me. for the high regard which you have expressed for
* These letters were originally published in the Archives de la Soci?t?' la Paix, de Geneve ; we copy them, however, from the London Herald Peace. The originals are in French, as given on the next page. de of
pleasure,
occasion,
11*
86 "

of the Council, Minister,
[Sepfc
tion. President
Accept, Sir, the assurance of my most distinguishedconsidera

Secretary of State of the Interior. Casimer Perrier."
The
second is from theKing
of Prussia
:?
Berlin, the 21thApril, 1831. " Sir,?All your writings and all your undertakings are inspired by the love of mankind, and bear the impress of true religion. This character, which has for so long a time distinguished you, claims all my esteem. The us, undertaking of which you inform should obtain the approbation and encouragement of all who feel an interest in the It is, doubtless, difficult to happiness of man. triumph over the errors and passions which are opposed to the noble design at which you aim ; but it is delightful to reach after, the duty of governments, as well as the interestof the people. Both have need of it,for it is the firstconditionof the happiness of the dignityand the safety of themonarchy with which Providence has entrusted me, has been, and always shall be, the object of all my wishes and my endeavors; and my thoughts always accord with, in this respect, those which a holy policy, in harmony with makes you desire to realize. Christianity, "
Receive the assurance of my consideration. Frederick William." every State." To maintain and to preserve it,without compromising and to labor for it, without intermission. Peace is more than ever
The
next is from the Prince of Denmark
:?
Copenhagan the21st May, 1831. "Monsieur Le Comte,?I have had the benefitof receiving the Constitutionof the Geneva Peace Society, which you have been
Cabinet du Minister de l'Int?rieur.
le 5 Avril, 1831. Paris, " de la Soci?t? Monsieur,?J'ai re?u avec un plaisir sincere le R?glement de la Paix, de Geneve, que vous irtavez fait l'honneur de m'adresser. Le but honorable qu'elle s'est propos?, sous vos auspices, lui donne droit a la recon a vous Je me plais, Monsieur, naissance des nations. t?moigner dans cette circonstance tout l'int?r?t que je porte a ses progres, en vous remerciant per sonnellement de l'hommage que vous avez bien voulu me faire. " l'assurance de ma consid?ration tres-distingu?e. Agr?ez, Monsieur, Le Pr?sident du Conseil, Ministre, Secretaire d'Etat de VInterieur. Casimir Perrier." Berlin, le 27 Avril, 1831. vos ?crits et toutes vos enterprises vous sont Monsieur,?Tous inspir?s par l'amour de l'humanit?, et portent le sceau de la v?ritable religion. Ce caract?re qui vous distingue vous a depuis long-temps acquis toute mon estime. L'entreprise que vous annoncez doit obtenir l'approbation et les encourage mens de tous ceux qui s'int?ressent au bonheur des hommes. Il est sans doute, difficile de triompher des erreurs et des passions qui s'opposent au "
1834.]
I do full kindly disposed to address to me, dated the 16th April. , which have engaged you, M. Le Comte, to justice to the sentiments am of this and establishment I to the thankful ; very promote society you for having enabled me to appreciate its design and organiza
tion.
"
consideration.
Accept, M. Le Comte, the assurance of my most distinguished

Christian Frederick."
declared dispositions of leading statesmen and sove of reigns Europe are certainly gratifying to the philanthropist, to and the Christian. If with these expressions we combine These
of arbitration between nations which have already been wit nessed, there seems good reason to believe that, but for the con flict between despotism and liberty, the peace of Europe would not be disturbed ;?that a pacific policy might be consolidated on a permanent basis. Is it toomuch
the considerations before adverted to, the naturally pacific influ ence of the growing industrious and commercial interests of Christendom,-?the increase of negotiation, and the instances
to believe that some formed be among the nations of general confederacy might method of Christendom,?some adopted adjusting the differen ces thatmight arise between them without resort to arms ? Is it visionary to think that some extension and modification of international law,might be effected,some international tribunal
noble but que vous vous proposez ; mais il est beau d'y tendre, et d'y travail La paix est plus que jamais dans les devoirs des gouverne ler, sans rel?che. Les uns et les autres en ont mens comme dans les int?r?ts des peuples. La besoin, car elle est la premiere condition du bonheur de tous les ?tats. maintenir et la conserver, sans compromettre la dignit? et la s?ret? de la monarchie que la Providence m'a confi?e, a ?t?, et sera toujours, l'objet de tous mes v ux et de tous mes efforts, et mes pens?es recontreront toujours a cet ?gard celles que la saine politique, d'accord avec le Christianisme, vous fait d?sirer de r?aliser. " Receves l'assurance de ma consid?ration. Fr?d?ric-Guillaume." ce Si Mai, 1831. Copenhague, eu l'avantage de recevoir le R?glement de la le Comte,?Jai Monsieur avez vous bien voulu de en date Soci?t? de la Paix Geneve, que m'adresser, Je rends .parfaitement justice aux sentimene qui vous ont en du 16 Avril. gag?, M. le Comte, a provoquer la cr?ation de cette Soci?t? ; et je vous suis tres-reconnaiss?nt de m'avoir mis a m?me d'en appr?cier le but et l'organisa sion. " Agr?ez, M. le Comte, l'assurance de ma consid?ration tres distingu?e. Christian Frederic." "
68 The Political Condition ofEurope.
[Sept,
established, which should supercede that brutal resort to force, which certainly is utterly incompetent to secure a just decision ? Let itbe borne inmind, that the elements of such a system exist, in the policy of Christendom. They exist in the processes of arbitration, already more than once resorted to with success. They exist in those conferences, which have already become almost a settled feature of European policy, which in " the language of Perrier, already quoted, are a necessity of civilization." For ourselves, we cannot question that if the deep and pervading cause of conflictwhich we have attempted to explain, were removed, itwould not be difficult to direct the attention of governments to this great object. And even in the
present state of things, we cannot but think that if our gov ernment were to instruct its ambassadors at foreign courts, to invite the representatives of other governments to consider1the as to embrace practicability of so extending international law some system of conference and arbitration for the settlement of
differences, and the prevention of war, the proposal would be met ; and an important step would be gained in respectfully the formal bringing forward of the subject, even though the causes before adverted to, should, for the present, prevent any That definite result.
esteemed among men" now, shall have faded entirely away, " with all that is abominable in the eyes of the Lord."
the eyes of the nations and governments of Christen sooner or later be directed to this object, we have no will dom doubt. We are equally persuaded, that thenation which leads theway in thisgrand triumph of reason and Christianity, over with a true glory, brute passion and barbarism, will cover itself that shall enlarge and brighten, down through all coming time, " when the glory of thewarrior and conqueror, however highly

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World Affairs Institute

REMARKS ON THE POLITICAL CONDITION AND PROSPECTS OF EUROPE.

The Political ConditionofEurope.

The Political Condition ofEurope.

82 The Political Condition ofEurope.

other in the improvement of every social institution."

bility of perpetual peace with thegeneral existence of representative

governments never nations

The Political Condition of Europe.

In the actual state of civilization, none of these questions [of

which does not run the risk of becoming almost immediately a

Sir,?I the Geneva address

auspices, gives it a claim upon the gratitude of nations.

The Political Condition of Europe.

Accept, Sir, the assurance of my most distinguishedconsidera

second is from theKing

next is from the Prince of Denmark

The Political Condition of Europe.

Accept, M. Le Comte, the assurance of my most distinguished

68 The Political Condition ofEurope.

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