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“BE MEN, BE STRONG”:

A STUDY OF MASCULINITY IN THE PAULINE CORPUS

BY J. CALEB COCHRAN

THESIS

Submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts in Biblical Studies in the V. P. Black College of Biblical Studies of Faulkner University

MONTGOMERY, AL

March 2013

© 2013 by J. Caleb Cochran. All rights reserved.

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

To those who supported me financially in the pursuit of graduate school, I am

forever in your debt because of your unmerited kindness. Thank you for allowing the

grace of God to flow through you to someone like me.

For your thoughts that contributed to my inspiration, your constant guidance, and

your patience with me throughout this entire process, I express my overwhelming

gratitude to the members of my Thesis Committee Carl Cheatham, Randall Bailey, and

Floyd Parker. You all have profoundly influenced my life through your scholarship, your

faith, and your love for students like me.

I cannot put into words the impact of my wife Maranda upon this work and even

more importantly what this work represents. You are an editor extraordinaire and an

even more amazing woman. For your many hours of advice, feedback, and love for the

husband who in so many ways still falls short of the ideal Christian man discussed within

these pages, I thank you.

And I thank my Dad, who has always shown me what it means to be a man

growing to be like Jesus, even in times when I failed to grasp its importance.

TABLE OF CONTENTS

LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS……………………………………………………… viii

CHAPTER I: INTRODUCTION…………………………………………………

1

The Problem and Sub-problems…………………………………………

1

Hypotheses and Limitations………………………………………………

1

Definitions.………………………………………………………………

2

Assumptions………………………………………………………………… 4 The Data……………………………………………………………………. Treatment of the First Sub-problem……………………………… Treatment of the Second Sub-problem…………………………… Treatment of the Third Sub-problem………………………………. Importance of the Study…………………………………………………… Organization of the Study………………………………………………….

8

7

6

5

5

4

CHAPTER II: REVIEW OF THE LITERATURE………………………………

9

Masculinity in Popular Literature………………………………………….

10

Significant Scholarly Studies in Masculinity……………………………

19

Classical and Religious Studies…………………………………

19

Pauline Studies Related to Masculinity…………………………

27

Locating the Current Study……………………………………………….

36

CHAPTER III: MASCULINITY IN THE HELLENISTIC WORLD……………

37

Introductory Remarks……………………………………………………

37

Greco-Roman Masculine Perspectives…………………………………….

42

Masculinity in Archaic Greece…………………………………….

42

Masculinity in Classical Greece…………………………………

47

Masculinity in Hellenistic Greece and Rome……………………

66

The Stoic Masculine Perspective…………………………………

79

Athletics and Masculinity………………………………………….

83

Summary of Greco-Roman Masculine Perspectives………………

86

Masculinity in Helleno-Semitic Sources………………………………….

87

Masculinity in the Septuagint, Apocrypha, and Pseudepigrapha…

87

Masculinity in Philo and Josephus………………………………

96

Masculinity in the Dead Sea Scrolls………………………………

105

Masculinity in Rabbinic Material…………………………………

106

Summary of Helleno-Semitic Masculine Perspectives…………… 108

110

Isolating the Popular Concepts……………………………………………

CHAPTER IV: MASCULINITY IN THE PAULINE CORPUS………………… 112

Introduction………………………………………………………………

112

Masculine Themes in Galatians…………………………………………

114

v

The Mark of a Manly Man………………………………………

114

“Not Male and Female”…………………………………………… 117

119

Masculine Themes in 1 and 2 Thessalonians……………………………… 121

121

Possessing the Vessel……………………………………………… 122

In the Face of Danger……………………………………………… 124

Masculine Themes in 1 Corinthians………………………………………. 125 Redefining Power and Mature Manhood…………………………. 125

130

A Head-case in Need of a Haircut…………………………………. 134

Gladiators in the Coliseum of Passions……………………………. 137 Masculine Themes in 2 Corinthians………………………………………. 144

Free, Active, and Under Control…………………………………

Expanding the Masculine into Feminine Territory?……………

Of Vice and Men…………………………………………………

Endurance Through Hardships……………………………………

144

The Assault on Fortresses…………………………………………

146

A

Unique Confidence……………………………………………

148

Masculine Themes in Romans……………………………………………. 149

Appetite for Destruction…………………………………………

149

Conquest and Victory……………………………………………

152

Masculine Themes in Ephesians……………………………………………156 Measuring Up……………………………………………………… 156

A Family Man……………………………………………………… 157

The Panoply of God………………………………………………

159

Masculine Themes in Philippians, Colossians, and Philemon……………

164

Sharing the Struggle………………………………………………

164

The New Man in the Kingdom……………………………………. 166

Masculine Themes in 1 Timothy, 2 Timothy, and Titus…………………

170

Male Bonding……………………………………………………

170

God’s Gymnasium………………………………………………… 173

In Control of the Passions…………………………………………. 175

Male Leadership…………………………………………………… 177

Fit to Reign………………………………………………………… 181

CHAPTER V: PAUL’S DEFENSE OF HIS MASCULINITY…………………… 186

Introduction………………………………………………………………

186

The Opposition’s Assessment of Paul……………………………………

187

A Brief Sketch of Paul’s Opponents……………………………… 187

Challenges to Paul’s Manhood……………………………………. 190 Paul’s Response…………………………………………………………… 193

From Persecutor to Persecuted……………………………………. 193

196

A Christian’s Masculine Credentials………………………………. 202

Feeble, Faltering, and Fickle?

CHAPTER VI: SUMMARY, CONCLUSIONS, AND THEIR IMPLICATIONS 210 Revisiting the Hypotheses…………………………………………………. 210 Reassessing the Criteria……………………………………………………. 213

vi

Manliness/Courage………………………………………………… 213

Self-Control………………………………………………………

Endurance…………………………………………………………. 214

Strength……………………………………………………………. 215

Authority/Domination……………………………………………

Public Speaking Ability…………………………………………… 216 The Male Body……………………………………………………. 217

Male Sexuality……………………………………………………

Family Roles………………………………………………………. 218

218

215

213

Warfare, Violence, and Martial Imagery………………………….

219

Athletics and Athletic Imagery……………………………………

220

Delineations for Further Research…………………………………………. 221

BIBLIOGRAPHY………………………………………………………………… 223

vii

LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS

BDAG = Bauer, W., F. W. Danker, W. F. Amdt, and F. W. Gingrich

CBQ = Catholic Biblical Quarterly

JSNT = Journal for the Study of the New Testament

LXX = Septuagint

NA = Nestle-Aland

NovT = Novum Testamentum

ResQ = Restoration Quarterly

TDNT = Theological Dictionary of the New Testament

UBS = United Bible Societies

viii

CHAPTER I

INTRODUCTION

The Problem and Sub-problems

This study examines Paul’s perspectives on Christian masculinity as he interacts

with the masculine perspectives of the Hellenistic world. Breaking the problem into three

sub-problems, the study explores and reports the conclusions of these sub-problems in the

order in which they are now stated. The first sub-problem is to isolate the popular traits

and concepts associated with masculinity in the Hellenistic world. The second sub-

problem is to determine how Paul addresses Christian masculinity through both

Hellenistic Greco-Roman and Helleno-Semitic masculine vocabulary. The third sub-

problem is to analyze Paul’s defense of his own masculinity when it comes under attack

by critics.

Hypotheses and Limitations

Each of the following hypotheses corresponds to a particular sub-problem.

Corresponding to the first sub-problem, the hypothesis of the study was that some traits

and concepts associated with masculinity would be shared between significant

individuals, cultures, and philosophical schools within the Hellenistic world while other

traits and concepts associated with masculinity would differ between the significant

individuals, cultures, and philosophical schools. The study’s hypothesis in regard to the

second sub-problem was that through his interaction with Hellenistic Greco-Roman and

Helleno-Semitic masculine vocabulary, Paul would share some of the masculine

1

perspectives of the Hellenistic world and would differ on other masculine perspectives.

In relation to the third sub-problem, the study’s hypothesis was that when his own

masculinity was under attack by opponents, Paul would challenge the masculine

perspectives of his opponents by asserting his own masculine credentials.

The researcher has set certain limitations for the current study. As a first

limitation, the study is limited to masculine terms and concepts isolated in the first stage

of research. Additionally, the primary biblical data for this study is limited to the Pauline

Corpus. The current study may use Luke-Acts at times for the sake of comparison, but

the researcher will not treat Luke’s portrayal of Paul in this study.

Definitions

Before the study proceeds, certain terms need to be defined according to how the

researcher uses them.

1)

The first term that needs definition is masculinity.

While the first sub-problem

provides a more detailed Hellenistic definition of masculinity, the study begins by

defining the term as “the collection of traits and qualifications characteristic of a true

man” as a more favorable definition than one that is merely biological: “pertaining to a

male as distinct from a female.”

2)

As the second term in need of definition, Hellenistic world is a designation for the

lands conquered by Alexander the Great in the fourth century B.C. to which the Greek

culture, language, religion, and philosophy spread and impacted significantly, including

Hellenistic Palestine.

The major periods of Greek history also stand in need of clarification in how this

study uses these terms.

2

3)

The archaic period is defined as the period in Greek history from 800-500 B.C.

4)

The classical period is defined as the period in Greek history from 500-323 B.C.

5)

The Hellenistic period is traditionally defined as the time from the death of

Alexander the Great in 323 B.C. to the rise of the Roman Empire under Augustine in 30

B.C. However, because of the continued influence of Greek culture, language, religion,

and philosophy into the time of the Roman Empire and for the purpose of this study, the

Hellenistic Period is extended through the second century A.D.

The study also makes use of the terms Hellenistic Greco-Roman and Helleno-

Semitic.

6)

For the purposes of this study, Hellenistic Greco-Roman is defined as an adjective

referring to those living in the Hellenistic period whose culture and worldview were

characteristic of Greek and Roman thought.

7)

On the other hand, Helleno-Semitic is defined as an adjective referring to those

living in the Hellenistic period whose culture and worldview were characteristic of

Semitic thought.

8)

As the last term that needs definition for the current study, the Pauline Corpus is

defined as the collection of epistles traditionally attributed to Paul: Romans, 1 and 2

Corinthians, Galatians, Ephesians, Philippians, Colossians, 1 and 2 Thessalonians, 1 and

2 Timothy, Titus, and Philemon as they appear in the UBS 4 /NA 27 text 1 .

1 Barbara Aland, Kurt Aland, Johannes Karavidopoulos, Carlo M. Martini, and Bruce M. Metzger, eds., The Greek New Testament. 4th ed. D-Stuttgat: Deutsche Bibelgesellschaft, 2001.

3

Assumptions

The study also makes certain assumptions that the researcher stated before

research ensued.

1)

First, significant individuals, cultures, and philosophical schools that comment on

masculinity associate it with certain traits and concepts.

2)

Second, Paul uses Hellenistic Greco-Roman and Helleno-Semitic masculine

vocabulary to put forth his own views on Christian masculinity.

3)

Third, the chronological order of the Pauline epistles is assumed to be the

following: Galatians, 1 Thessalonians, 2 Thessalonians, 1 Corinthians, 2 Corinthians,

Romans, Ephesians, Philippians, Colossians, Philemon, 1 Timothy, Titus, 2 Timothy.

4)

Fourth, Paul spends time in certain epistles dealing with specific attacks from

opponents.

5)

Fifth, attacks on the gospel by Paul’s opponents are often attacks on Paul’s

masculinity as well.

The Data

In identifying the data, the primary data were those gathered from the Pauline

Corpus, Jewish sources from the Hellenistic period, and Greco-Roman sources from the

archaic, classical, and Hellenistic periods. The secondary data were those gathered from

various scholars and authors commenting on Paul, the Hellenistic world, or masculinity

in general. The study also determined the criteria for admissibility of the data. Primary

data were admissible if they were found within the Pauline Corpus as it appears in the

UBS 4 /NA 27 text or texts pertaining to masculinity dated within the archaic, classical, and

Hellenistic periods. Secondary data were admissible if they are found in works related to

4

Hellenistic masculinity or Pauline studies. The research methodology involved word

studies in primary texts and interaction with secondary sources to find words and

concepts related to masculinity, following these words and concepts throughout the

Pauline Corpus, and performing exegesis of pertinent texts within the epistles.

Treatment of the First Sub-problem

The first sub-problem was to isolate the popular traits and concepts associated

with masculinity in the Hellenistic world. This sub-problem called for an establishment

of major words and concepts related to masculinity in the Hellenistic period. The data

were located in Jewish, Greek, and Roman primary sources from the archaic, classical,

and Hellenistic periods and in secondary books and journal articles that deal with

Hellenistic masculinity. The researcher obtained these data by reading the pertinent

secondary material highlights certain words and concepts that were then furthered

explored through word studies in the primary material. The data were organized

according to the masculine perspectives of significant individuals, cultures, and

philosophical schools. Shared masculine concepts and differences between the

individuals, cultures, and philosophical schools were highlighted; the traits and concepts

produced became the criteria for the next stage of research.

Treatment of the Second Sub-problem

The second sub-problem was to determine how Paul addresses Christian

masculinity through both Hellenistic Greco-Roman and Helleno-Semitic masculine

vocabulary. This sub-problem called for a study of previously identified Hellenistic

masculine traits and concepts chronologically throughout the Pauline Corpus. The data

5

were located within the Pauline Corpus as it appears in the UBS 4 /NA 27 text. The

researcher obtained the data by identifying passages within the Pauline epistles that make

use of words or concepts identified in the first stage of research and performing exegesis

of the identified passages in light of how they relate to Paul’s masculine perspective. The

data were analyzed for comparisons and contrasts between Paul and the masculine

perspectives of significant individuals, cultures, and philosophical schools. The data

were also analyzed for possible variations in Paul’s masculine perspectives depending on

date of composition and situation of each epistle.

Treatment of the Third Sub-problem

The third sub-problem was to analyze Paul’s defense of his own masculinity when it

was attacked by critics. This sub-problem called for an exegesis of identified passages

where Paul defends his own masculinity from attack. The data were located within the

Pauline epistles containing sections of personal defense: Galatians, 1 Corinthians, 2

Corinthians, and Philippians as they each appear in the UBS 4 /NA 27 text. 2 The researcher

obtained the data by identifying the passages where Paul defends his own masculinity

and performing exegesis of the identified texts while interacting with related primary

Hellenistic sources and pertinent secondary sources related to Pauline studies. The data

were analyzed for identification of traits and qualifications personally claimed by Paul

that were connected to Christian masculinity and how those traits and qualifications

compare and contrast with the masculine perspectives of his opponents.

2 Aland, The Greek New Testament.

6

Importance of the Study

Gender study is currently a hot topic on the popular and scholarly levels. The

increase in the popularity of masculine studies in recent years is due in part to the need

for a response to feminism in western society. Due to a number of different factors,

including the overall pluralistic culture championed by so many in recent years, modern

western society has produced a plurality of masculine perspectives. The Christian

community has felt the impact of this plurality as well. Many within the Christian

community have recognized the modern masculine crisis and have responded with a new

emphasis on Christian masculinity. Recent years have witnessed the establishment of

organized fellowships of men such as the Promise Keepers and the production of a

number of works on the popular level as part of the new masculinity movement in

Christian circles.

This same period has seen in increase in studies of biblical masculine perspectives

and masculinity in the ancient world from biblical and classical scholars as well as an

interest in ancient masculinity from sociologists and historians. Chapter two discusses

many of these studies in greater detail. While a great deal of work has already been

accomplished, more work is needed in the field of masculine studies from the evangelical

Christian academic community. The results of scholarly research from evangelicals will

help guide the new masculinity movement already begun on the popular level in the right

direction. Understanding what it means to be a man has been a key element of societies

across the world and throughout history. The same is true for the Christian community

within the modern western society. This study proposes to make a valuable scholarly

contribution to the new masculinity movement by asking Paul what he would say defines

7

Christian masculinity. The results should have both an academic benefit and a devotional

benefit for Christian males seeking a biblical manhood.

Organization of the Study

Chapter one introduces the study. Chapter two reviews the relevant literature,

beginning with a general history of masculine studies, highlighting significant works in

popular literature, and moving specifically toward classical and Pauline masculine

studies. This chapter places the current study in the context of previous contributions.

Chapter three presents the study of popular traits and concepts associated with

masculinity in the Hellenistic world, establishing the criteria for the next chapter.

Chapter four presents the study of the established traits and concepts throughout the

Pauline Corpus, arranged chronologically. Chapter five presents the study of Paul’s

defense of his own masculinity when attacked by critics. Chapter six summarizes the

findings and their implications.

8

CHAPTER II

REVIEW OF THE LITERATURE

To make it easier for men to be Men, we need a clearer masculine image. The ideal is not easy to define, but we know we want neither bookworms nor ape-men, neither predators nor sissies. Obviously, we require few cave men now because we no longer inhabit caves. Still, we need tough and courageous men who are also men of reason, tolerance, learning, and good will. 3

These words of Patricia Sexton, a professor of sociology and education at New

York University, reflect recognition of the growing masculine identity crisis in western

society even in 1969. Sean Gill advances three primary explanations to account for the

“malaise of modern manhood”: economic and technological change, changes in the

familial expectations of men, and the feminist movement. 4 Part of the problem with

traditional research’s lack of attention paid to masculinity is that scholars have treated

masculinity as normative while treating femininity as problematic, leading to a greater

emphasis on feminine studies. 5 Gill is correct in laying part of the blame at the feet of

feminism. The rise of feminism in the late twentieth century led to a new interest in

studies of femininity in the ancient world and how gender perceptions may have

influenced biblical texts defining roles of women.

While feminist theology still pushes full steam ahead, biblical and classical

scholars alike have turned a great deal of attention in recent years toward masculine

studies in the ancient world. Even though feminism may be one root of the modern

3 Patricia Sexton, The Feminized Male: Classrooms, White Collars, and the Decline of Manliness (New York: Random House, 1969), 197.

4 Sean Gill, “Christian Manliness Unmanned: Masculinity and Religion in Nineteenth-and Twentieth Century Western Society,” in Men and Masculinities in Christianity and Judaism: A Critical Reader (ed. Björn Krondorfer; London: SCM Press, 2009), 308-309.

5 Ibid., 309.

9

masculine problem, one could commend the feminist movement for sparking a counter

movement toward a solution. Rooting much of the new interest in masculine studies in

the critiquing of feminism, 6 Lin Foxhall states: “Ironically, the initial stimulus for the

study of men and masculinity has been the ‘second wave’ feminism of the later 1960s

and 1970s, perhaps the most powerful theoretical and political trajectory of our era.” 7 As

masculine interest increases, the pendulum continues to swing in gender studies.

Masculinity in Popular Literature

In addition to feminism, a growing interest in masculine ideals on a popular level,

especially in the Christian community, has sparked some of the academic masculine

research. A forerunner to the current Christian masculinity movement was R. Warren

Conant, who published a treatise entitled The Virility of Christ: A New View in 1915. In

response to the popularity of the pacifist spirit of the time, Conant is adamant about

substituting the “Fighting Christ” in place of the “meek and lowly Jesus” in Christian

preaching for the purpose of combating the problems of the world. 8 Bringing accusations

against the males of his own faith, he declares that men in Christian countries take less

interest in religion than women, whereas men are more zealous than women in other

religious traditions. 9 He attributes this male loss of interest to the feminization of

6 Virginia Burrus, “Mapping as Metamorphosis: Initial Reflections on Gender and Ancient Religious Discourses,” in Mapping Gender in Ancient Religious Discourses (ed. Todd Penner and Caroline Vander Stichele; Leiden, The Netherlands: Brill, 2007), 2.

7 Lin Foxhall and John Salmon, eds., When Men Were Men: Masculinity, Power and Identity in Classical Antiquity. New York: Routledge, 1998.

8 R. Warren Conant, The Virility of Christ: A New View (Chicago, 1915), 19.

9 Ibid., 11.

10

Christianity, laying the blame at the feet of both Christian preaching and the feminine,

passive portraits of Jesus which Christian art has produced. 10

Throughout the rest of his book, Conant boldly presents a portrait of whom he

sees as the boldest of men – Jesus Christ. He connects Jesus’ manliness to the ability to

be a leader of men. 11 Providing a vivid description of the temple cleansing, Conant

makes the case that Jesus became angry with cause and was a man of action. 12 He points

to the courage of Jesus, both moral and physical. 13 The Jesus of Conant’s treatise

reserves his greatest love for men of intense feeling and quick action. 14 In describing the

daring leadership of Jesus, Conant remarks, “Christ was no shirker in his ministry. He

asked no one to follow where he himself was afraid to go first.” 15 “Manly” is the

adjective of choice in description of Jesus’ honesty, directness, and self-control in both

his life and death. 16

Conant writes passionately, demonstrating his emotional investment in his

arguments. Such passion served certain audiences well, but the emotion distracts from

the objectivity of the analysis of Jesus and the proper implications for Christian

masculinity. Despite a demonstration of some familiarity with history and comparative

world religions, Conant’s book falls short of real scholarship due to its subjective tone

and lack of documentation of ancient sources. However, The Virility of Christ still stands

10 Ibid., 12-13.

11 Ibid., 17.

12 Ibid., 18.

13 Ibid., 114.

14 Ibid., 26, 115.

15 Ibid., 186.

16 Ibid., 208, 226.

11

as a classic in Christian masculine literature on the popular level because of its influence

in its time and its similarities to recent popular works of the same nature.

While masculine attention never shriveled into complete dormancy following

Conant, one does not find a wealth of literature written about men until the last decade of

the twentieth century. Robert Bly’s extremely popular book, Iron John: A Book About

Men, marked a return to masculine interest in 1990 in response to the feminism that had

dominated the previous three decades. Bly writes from a pluralistic worldview, blending

ideas from Judaism, Christianity, 17 eastern religions, the new age perspective, and even

Greek and Egyptian mythology. Allegorizing an ancient fairy tale called “Iron John,” the

book applies the events of this tale that involves a boy’s encounter with a wild man to a

male’s search for his true manhood. With emphasis on male initiation from various

cultures throughout the book, Bly argues that only men can bestow masculinity on one

another. 18 Iron John stresses a man’s proper relationship to his father, mother, spouse,

children, and the rest of society. The reader finds Bly’s writing to be engaging as it

dabbles in history, religion, literature, poetry, and sociology to produce a highly

influential and timely book for men.

In the same year of the publication of Iron John, evangelical Calvinist John Piper

produced a short but insightful treatise entitled What’s the Difference?: Manhood and

Womanhood Defined According to the Bible. Highlighting the distinctions between the

characteristics and roles of men and women, Piper’s work represents the counter

movement against feminism among evangelical Christians: “The tendency today is to

17 For references to Jesus, including quotations from the Gospels, see Robert Bly, Iron John: A Book About Men (New York: Vintage Books, 1990), 8, 67, 74.

18 Ibid., 16.

12

stress the equality of men and women by minimizing the unique significance of our

maleness and femaleness.” 19 According to Piper, the loss of male and female distinctions

is the chief culprit for the emerging higher rates of divorce, homosexuality, sexual abuse,

promiscuity, social awkwardness, emotional distress, and suicide. 20 Piper asserts that

mature masculinity involves risk-taking 21 and provides his readers with a working

definition of masculinity: “At the heart of mature masculinity is a sense of benevolent

responsibility to lead, provide for and protect women in ways appropriate to a man’s

differing relationships.” 22 This definition of men in terms of their relationship to women

represents only part of the biblical masculine perspective; while accomplishing Piper’s

purposes for the familial and ecclesiastic essays in his book, it fails to serve as a complete

definition for men due to its omission of aspects of masculinity unrelated to church and

family roles. Although lacking exegesis of particular passages, What’s the Difference?

still functions as a valuable summary of biblical gender distinctions.

Piper’s brief treatise served as a forerunner to the much lengthier and more

substantial collection of evangelical essays published soon after in 1991: Recovering

Biblical Manhood and Womanhood: A Response to Evangelical Feminism. Piper

functions as co-editor of the collection along with Wayne Grudem. Some of the essays

deal with a particular gender related theme throughout the Scriptures while others provide

exegesis of an isolated gender heavy passage. In Pauline studies on the masculine side,

Thomas R. Schreiner sorts through gender issues related to authority, head coverings, and

19 John Piper, What’s the Difference?: Manhood and Womanhood Defined According to the Bible (Wheaton, Ill.: Crossway Books, 1990), 14.

20 Ibid.

21 Ibid., 28.

22 Ibid., 18.

13

prophecy in 1 Corinthians 11:2-16, 23 S. Lewis Johnson digs into the implications of

Galatians 3:28 for men and women, 24 George W. Knight III unpacks the husband-Christ

and wife-church analogies in Ephesians 5:21-33 and Colossians 3:18-19, 25 and Douglas

Moo covers the teaching and authority roles of men and women in 1 Timothy 2:11-15. 26

Piper and Grudem also include essays that connect biblical gender roles to other

disciplines such as psychology, sociology, biology, and history. The last section of the

book contains insights into the practical implications of biblical gender studies. While

still providing a variety of evangelical perspectives, Recovering Biblical Manhood and

Womanhood: A Response to Evangelical Feminism accomplishes what the subtitle

suggests presenting a somewhat unified front against feminism and ensuring a seat for

evangelicals near the head of the gender study table.

The Christian community took another step in bringing masculinity into the

mainline focus of churches with the establishment of the Promise Keepers in 1990. 27

Founded by Bill McCartney, the Promise Keepers is a cross-denominational organization

for men with the intention of creating a worldwide network of Christian men working for

23 Thomas R. Schreiner, “Head Coverings, Prophecies, and the Trinity: 1 Corinthians 11:2-16,” in Recovering Biblical Manhood and Womanhood: A Response to Evangelical Feminism (eds. John Piper and Wayne Grudem; Wheaton, Ill.: Crossway Books, 1991), 117-32.

24 S. Lewis Johnson, “Role Distinctions in the Church: Galatians 3:28,” in Recovering Biblical Manhood and Womanhood: A Response to Evangelical Feminism (eds. John Piper and Wayne Grudem; Wheaton, Ill.: Crossway Books, 1991), 148-60.

25 George W. Knight III, “Husbands and Wives as Analogues of Christ and the Church,” in Recovering Biblical Manhood and Womanhood: A Response to Evangelical Feminism (eds. John Piper and Wayne Grudem; Wheaton, Ill.: Crossway Books, 1991), 161-75.

26 Douglas Moo, “What Does it Mean Not to Teach or Exercise Authority Over Men?: 1 Timothy 2:11-15,” in Recovering Biblical Manhood and Womanhood: A Response to Evangelical Feminism (eds. John Piper and Wayne Grudem; Wheaton, Ill.: Crossway Books, 1991), 176-92.

27 Brandon O’Brien, “A Jesus for Real Men: What the New Masculinity Movement Gets Right and Wrong,” Christianity Today 52.4 (2008): 49.

14

the same masculine goals. The Promise Keepers connect their seven promises to God,

race, and family:

1)

To honor Jesus Christ through worship, prayer, and obedience to God’s Word

2)

through the power of the Holy Spirit. To pursue a vital relationship with a few other men, understanding that a man

3)

needs brothers to help him keep his promises. To practice spiritual, moral, ethical and sexual purity.

4)

To build strong marriages and families through love, protection, and biblical

5)

values. To support the mission of his local church.

6)

To reach beyond any racial and denominational barriers to demonstrate the

7)

power of biblical unity. To influence his world being obedient to the Great Commandment (Mark 12:30-31) and the Great Commission (Matthew 28:19-20). 28

McCartney published a book near the beginning of the movement in 1992 entitled What

Makes a Man?: 12 Promises That Will Change Your Life, in which he lists the parties to

which a man must make promises and elaborates on how to keep those commitments.

The Promise Keepers still exists but its popularity has waned since its peak in the mid-

1990s. 29

Part of the reason for the Promise Keepers’ decline was the rise of a new phase of

the masculinity movement among evangelical Christians in the 2000s. In 2001, John

Eldredge produced one of the best selling Christian books of the decade entitled Wild at

Heart: Discovering the Secret of a Man’s Soul. Blending biblical data with elements of

pop culture and personal experience, Wild at Heart explicitly attacks feminism and

implicitly indicts movements like the Promise Keepers for not pushing the masculine

28 Charles H. Lippy, “Miles to Go: Promise Keepers in Historical and Cultural Context,” in Men and Masculinities in Christianity and Judaism: A Critical Reader (ed. Björn Krondorfer; London: SCM Press, 2009), 326.

29 Sally K. Gallagher and Sabrina L. Wood, “Godly Manhood Going Wild?: Transformations in Conservative Protestant Masculinity,” Sociology of Religion 66.2 (2005): 135-36. For a debate on the effectiveness of the Promise Keepers from both sides of the issue, see Dane S. Clausen, ed., Standing on the Promises: The Promise Keepers and the Revival of Manhood (Cleveland, Ohio: Pilgrim Press, 2000).

15

envelope far enough. 30 Eldredge stands largely in the tradition of R. Warren Conant from

nearly a hundred years before and echoes some of the more recent sentiments of Robert

Bly, putting an exclusively Christian slant on many of Iron Johns emphases such as the

activity of a man and the need for initiation. Like Conant’s argument that society had

feminized men, Eldredge begins with the premise that modern men are tame and afraid of

taking risks. 31 He boils a man’s basic needs down to three: “a battle to fight,” “an

adventure to live,” and “a beauty to rescue.” 32 These needs may seem overly simplistic,

but Eldredge effectively connects the needs to many areas of a man’s life in the chapters

that follow. The masculine ideals in Wild at Heart challenge the male reader to step out

of his comfort zone and become much more than a “nice guy.” 33

While an enjoyable read and highly successful, Wild at Heart failed to receive a

warm reception from all readers. Brandon O’Brien places Wild at Heart alongside works

of David Murrow 34 and Paul Coughlin 35 as part of the new masculinity movement of the

2000s. Evaluating the pros and cons, O’Brien identifies the greatest contribution of the

movement as its recognition of the fact that “the American church has reduced Christian

discipleship to minding one’s manners.” 36 However, he chides the new movement’s

30 For evidence of Eldredge taking shots at the seven promises of the Promise Keepers, see Gallagher and Wood, “Godly Manhood,” 142.

31 John Eldredge, Wild at Heart: Discovering the Secret of a Man’s Soul (Nashville: Thomas Nelson, Inc., 2001), 6-7.

32 Ibid., 9-16.

33 Ibid., 7.

34 David Murrow, Why Men Hate Going to Church (Nashville: Thomas Nelson, 2005).

35 Paul Coughlin, No More Christian Nice Guy (Bloomington, Minn.: Bethany House Publishers,

2005).

36 Brandon O’Brien, “A Jesus for Real Men: What the New Masculinity Movement Gets

16

leaders for their suggestion “that the solution is to inject the church with a heavy dose of

testosterone.” 37 Seeing a conflict between some of the manly attributes the movement

champions and the fruit of the Spirit in Galatians 5, 38 O’Brien brings up an objection to

the merely manly Jesus worth considering: “If Christ is the model of masculinity, then

women can’t imitate him.” 39 He points to Colossians 1:15 to say that Jesus is not just the

perfect male; he is the perfect human being. 40 O’Brien’s remarks are important for those

endeavoring on masculine studies within Christianity, reminding his readers that the

Scriptures address both genders as male and female disciples share the same Lord.

Brandon O’Brien does not stand alone in his objections to some of the pleas of the

new masculinity movement. Publishing an article in 2005 that includes a survey of male

and female readers of Wild at Heart, Sally K. Gallagher and Sabrina L. Wood critique the

effect of the book on evangelical Christianity. They call Eldredge’s “slightly dangerous”

masculinity a “re-articulation of the nineteenth century myth of the ‘self-made man.’” 41

Contrasting Wild at Heart with the literature of the Promise Keepers, Gallagher and

Wood reveal their bias against Eldredge by labeling his perspective as dangerous and

praising the Promise Keepers for their responsible manhood. 42 After their opening

arguments against Wild at Heart, the authors report the results of the interviews they

Right and Wrong,Christianity Today 52.4 (2008): 49.

37 Ibid., 50.

38 Ibid., 51.

39 Ibid., 50.

40 Ibid., 51.

41 Sally K. Gallagher and Sabrina L. Wood. “Godly Manhood Going Wild?: Transformations in Conservative Protestant Masculinity.” Sociology of Religion 66.2 (2005): 135.

42 Ibid., 137.

17

conducted with readers of Eldredge’s book, sorted by age and sex. Most young men

spoke out in strong favor of Wild at Heart, claiming they found confirmation of the type

of man each desired to be. 43 Conversely, most of the young women expressed

dissatisfaction with the book’s message, saying Eldredge’s model of femininity was an

inversion of idealized masculinity that left them nothing to embrace. 44 Middle aged men

and women both had mixed reactions men claiming they received encouragement to

take risks but pointing out the lack of emphasis on self-control and personal sacrifice, 45

and women not offering a strong personal opinion of the book’s contents but praising the

tangible positive impact of the message on their husbands’ courage to take risks at work

and develop stronger relationships at home and with other men. 46

The opposition John Eldredge encountered was not enough to keep him from

writing a follow-up book entitled The Way of the Wild Heart: A Map for the Masculine

Journey, which he published in 2006. This sequel focuses on the stages of every man’s

life and the role he plays during each time. 47 Though not all embraced Wild at Heart or

its sequel, the correlation between the date of the original publication and the increase in

attention given to masculine books and studies in popular and scholarly literature over the

next decade is no fluke. The evangelical Christian community and those within the

broader spheres of gender and religious studies all felt a need to respond to the new

43 Ibid., 144-46.

44 Ibid., 147-49.

45 Ibid., 151.

46 Ibid., 152.

47 The stages, according to Eldredge, are “boyhood,” “cowboy,” “warrior,” “lover,” “king,” and “sage.” See John Eldredge, The Way of the Wild Heart: A Map for the Masculine Soul (Nashville: Thomas Nelson, Inc., 2006).

18

masculinity movement. This current study locates itself within the era of the new

masculinity movement, and the study now turns to the explosion of attention toward the

intersection between men, culture, and religion among scholars in recent years.

Significant Scholarly Studies in Masculinity

Classical and Religious Studies

Two scholarly works with connection to masculinity stand out from the feminist

dominated period before the gender study pendulum swing. In 1978, K. J. Dover

published his comprehensive work on Greek Homosexuality. The book examines art and

literature from the eighth to second centuries B.C. to discover the perspectives on

homosexuality, especially among males, in Greek society. 48 Dover differentiates

between acceptable and unacceptable sexual behavior for Greek males, adequately

handling the issue and adding to the scholarly pool of knowledge about Greek men.

Jumping forward to 1992, Walter T. Schmid contributed a concentrated study of

masculine concepts in one particular primary source in his On Manly Courage: A Study

of Plato’s Laches. 49 Schmid’s work contrasts the views of Plato’s three main characters

as they debate what constitutes manliness. On Manly Courage laid a blueprint for similar

analyses of other primary works.

The attention given to masculine studies increased in the late 1990s and exploded

in the decade that followed. Michael L. Satlow’s 1996 article “‘Try to Be a Man’: The

Rabbinic Construction of Masculinity” explores masculine themes in rabbinic literature

48 K. J. Dover, Greek Homosexuality (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1978), vii.

49 Walter T. Schmid, On Manly Courage: A Study of Plato’s Laches (Carbondale, Ill.: Southern Illinois University Press, 1992).

19

from the first to sixth centuries A.D. 50 Satlow begins with a brief survey of pre-rabbinic

Jewish literature, making observations about the feminine gendering of Wisdom and

Torah. 51 His main point throughout the article is that the ideal Jewish male pursues

Wisdom and Torah with even more vigor than he would exert in his wooing of a woman.

Satlow’s survey of instructions to males throughout the Mishnah and the Talmudic

tractates provides a wealth of insight into the Semitic masculine perspective.

In 1998, Lin Foxhall and John Salmon served as editors of When Men Were Men:

Masculinity, Power and Identity in Classical Antiquity, a collection of essays from

classical scholars. Hans van Wees’ essay on “A Brief History of Tears: Gender

Differentiation in Archaic Greece” tracks changes over time among the Greeks in

perceptions of men who outwardly express emotion. 52 In other valuable essays, Nick

Fisher examines the relationship between violence and masculinity in Athens, 53 Jim Roy

draws masculine principles from descriptions of specific Hellenistic kings, 54 Jane F.

Gardner discusses the legal ramifications of male imperfections, 55 and Keith Hopwood

50 Michael Satlow, “‘Try to be a Man’: The Rabbinic Construction of Masculinity,” HTR 89.1

(1996): 20.

51 Ibid., 24-25.

52 Hans van Wees, “A Brief History of Tears: Gender Differentiation in Archaic Greece,” in When Men Were Men: Masculinity, Power and Identity in Classical Antiquity (ed. Lin Foxhall and John Salmon; New York: Routledge, 1998), 10-53.

53 Nick Fisher, “Violence, Masculinity and the Law in Classical Athens,” in When Men Were Men:

Masculinity, Power and Identity in Classical Antiquity (ed. Lin Foxhall and John Salmon; New York:

Routledge, 1998), 68-97.

54 Jim Roy, “The Masculinity of the Hellenistic King,” in When Men Were Men: Masculinity, Power and Identity in Classical Antiquity (ed. Lin Foxhall and John Salmon; New York: Routledge, 1998),

111-35.

55 Jane F. Gardner, “Sexing a Roman: Imperfect Men in Roman Law,” in When Men Were Men:

Masculinity, Power and Identity in Classical Antiquity (ed. Lin Foxhall and John Salmon; New York:

Routledge, 1998), 136-52.

20

deals with the status and privileges of soldiers in Roman society. 56 The compilation

includes some other essays of lesser value. Overall, When Men Were Men tackles Greek

and Roman masculine issues from a variety of angles with some essays contributing more

to the field than others.

1998 also brought the publication of Stephen D. Moore and Janice Capel

Anderson’s valuable article entitled “Taking it Like a Man: Masculinity in 4 Maccabees.”

Demonstrating the connection between masculinity and virtue, the authors assert that “the

Jewish martyrs in 4 Maccabees are models of masculine virtue.” 57 The article serves as a

major contribution to Helleno-Semitic masculine studies. Moore and Anderson teamed

up again in 2003 to serve as co-editors of New Testament Masculinities, a compilation of

essays pertaining to masculine concepts in the New Testament. In his study of biblical

masculinity as part of this compilation, David J. A. Clines identifies the most important

components of masculinity in the Hebrew Bible as “strength, violence, bonding,

womanlessness, solitariness, musicality, beauty, persuasive speech, honour, binary

thinking, objectifying.” 58 This presentation will discuss the contributions of some of the

essays to New Testament Masculinities in greater detail in the next section due to their

relation to Pauline masculine concepts.

Ralph Mark Rosen and Ineke Sluiter serve as the editors of a major contribution

to classical masculine studies from 2003: Andreia: Studies in Manliness and Courage in

56 Richard Alston, “Arms and the Man: Soldiers, Masculinity and Power in Republican and Imperial Rome,” in When Men Were Men: Masculinity, Power and Identity in Classical Antiquity (ed. Lin Foxhall and John Salmon; New York: Routledge, 1998), 205-23.

57 Stephen D. Moore and Janice Capel Anderson, “Taking it Like a Man: Masculinity in 4 Maccabees,” JBL 117.2 (1998): 257.

58 Stephen D. Moore and Janice Capel Anderson, eds., New Testament Masculinities (Atlanta:

Society of Biblical Literature, 2003), 7-8.

21

Classical Antiquity. This compilation of essays follows the Greek word andreia and

some of its derivatives through Greek literature that ranges from the archaic period to the

Hellenistic period. Karen Bassi begins her essay on “The Semantics of Manliness in

Ancient Greece” by highlighting manly concepts in Homer’s epics. 59 She then moves

into the classical period and discusses the uses of andreia in the writings of Thucydides,

Plato, Aristotle, Aeschylus, and Euripedes, adequately demonstrating the evolution of the

idea of manliness from a merely physical concept to a more abstract one over time. 60

Focusing on the Athenian spearman Xenocles, G. I. C. Robertson examines the

relationship between manliness and physical appearance in early Greek poetry and the

Homeric epics. 61 The essay looks particularly at Homer’s characterization of men by

either their beauty or bravery.

As the book continues, Sarah E. Harrell follows manly concepts through the

Histories of Herodotus, focusing on the portrayal of a male’s masculine status according

to his ethnicity and country of origin. 62 In an essay covering the comedies of

Aristophanes, Adriaan Rademaker pits the unmanly characters against the manly ones in

an attempt at deciphering Aristophanes’ masculine perspective. 63 Joseph Roisman deals

59 Karen Bassi, “The Semantics of Manliness in Ancient Greece,” in Andreia: Studies in Manliness and Courage in Classical Antiquity (ed. Ralph Mark Rosen and Ineke Sluiter; Leiden, The Netherlands: Brill Academic Publishers, 2003), 25-36.

60 Ibid., 37-58.

61 G. I. C. Robertson, “The Andreia of Xenocles: Kouros, Kallos, and Kleos,” in Andreia: Studies in Manliness and Courage in Classical Antiquity (ed. Ralph Mark Rosen and Ineke Sluiter; Leiden, The Netherlands: Brill Academic Publishers, 2003), 59-76.

62 Sarah E. Harrell, “Marvelous Andreia: Politics, Geography, and Ethnicity in Herodotus’ Histories,” in Andreia: Studies in Manliness and Courage in Classical Antiquity (ed. Ralph Mark Rosen and Ineke Sluiter; Leiden, The Netherlands: Brill Academic Publishers, 2003), 77-94.

22

with masculine themes in the speeches of the Athenian orators, bringing out the emphasis

on masculine activity, especially in war. 64 A valuable contribution to Aristotelian studies

with emphasis on masculinity comes from Marguerite Desclauriers in an essay that looks

at Aristotle’s various definitions of manliness. 65 Helen Cullyer supplies insight into the

use of Socratic and Platonic ideals in Stoic comments on manly courage in her essay. 66

The last four essays of Andreia: Studies in Manliness and Courage in Classical

Antiquity move into the Hellenistic period and life under the Roman Empire. Myles

McDonnell compares and contrasts Greek and Roman masculine ideals, asserting

connections between Greek and Latin words related to manly virtue. 67 In an essay on

athletics and manliness, Onno van Nijf makes a convincing argument that socially elite

men often competed in athletic events. 68 Joy Connolly focuses primarily on the writings

of Dio Chrysostom and Lucian, highlighting Roman thoughts on male education. 69

63 Adriaan Rademaker, “‘Most Citizens are Euraprôktoi Now’: (Un)Manliness in Aristophanes,” in Andreia: Studies in Manliness and Courage in Classical Antiquity (ed. Ralph Mark Rosen and Ineke Sluiter; Leiden, The Netherlands: Brill Academic Publishers, 2003), 115-26.

64 Joseph Roisman, “The Rhetoric of Courage in the Athenian Orators,” in Andreia: Studies in Manliness and Courage in Classical Antiquity (ed. Ralph Mark Rosen and Ineke Sluiter; Leiden, The Netherlands: Brill Academic Publishers, 2003), 127-44.

65 Marguerite Desclauriers, “Aristotle on Andreia, Divine and Sub-human Virtues,” in Andreia:

Studies in Manliness and Courage in Classical Antiquity (ed. Ralph Mark Rosen and Ineke Sluiter; Leiden, The Netherlands: Brill Academic Publishers, 2003), 187-212.

66 Helen Cullyer, “Paradoxical Andreia: Socratic Echoes in Stoic ‘Manly Courage,’” in Andreia:

Studies in Manliness and Courage in Classical Antiquity (ed. Ralph Mark Rosen and Ineke Cluiter; Leiden, The Netherlands: Brill Academic Publishers, 2003), 213-34.

67 Myles McDonnell, “Roman Men and Greek Virtue,” in Andreia: Studies in Manliness and Courage in Classical Antiquity (ed. Ralph Mark Rosen and Ineke Cluiter; Leiden, The Netherlands: Brill Academic Publishers, 2003), 235-62.

68 Onno van Nijf, “Athletics, Andreia and the Askêsis-Culture in the Roman East,” in Andreia:

Studies in Manliness and Courage in Classical Antiquity (ed. Ralph Mark Rosen and Ineke Sluiter; Leiden, The Netherlands: Brill Academic Publishers, 2003), 263-86.

23

Written by Jeremy McInerney, the last essay of the compilation on “Plutarch’s Manly

Women” describes masculine attributes applied to women. 70 Overall, the essays of

Andreia: Studies in Manliness and Courage in Classical Antiquity provide a wealth of

insight into Greek and Roman masculine perspectives. The book represents some of the

best work in masculine studies from the past decade.

In 2006, Jessica Lyn Tinklenberg deVega, a post-graduate student at Florida State

University, finished her dissertation on “‘A Man Who Fears God’: Constructs of

Masculinity in Hellenistic Jewish Interpretations of the Story of Joseph.” Beginning with

a look at the Joseph narrative in Genesis, deVega proceeds to examine three Helleno-

Semitic interpretations of the Joseph story: Josephus’ Antiquities of the Jews, the tale of

Joseph and Aseneth, and the references to Joseph in Philo’s De losepho and De

Somniis. 71 The examination emphasizes the different slants on Joseph’s self-control,

which he demonstrates through his resistance of sexual temptation. The author expands

her study to include Josephus’ thoughts on manliness and womanly behavior throughout

the rest of the Antiquities. Using interpretations of one story, deVega’s study opens a

window into the broader Jewish masculine perspective.

Myles McDonnell added a major work to the masculine study library in 2006 with

the publication of Roman Manliness: Virtus and the Roman Republic. McDonnell’s book

69 Joy Connolly, “Like the Labors of Heracles: Andreia and Paideia in Greek Culture under Rome,” in Andreia: Studies in Manliness and Courage in Classical Antiquity (ed. Ralph Mark Rosen and Ineke Cluiter; Leiden, The Netherlands: Brill Academic Publishers, 2003), 287-318.

70 Jeremy McInerney, “Plutarch’s Manly Women,” in Andreia: Studies in Manliness and Courage in Classical Antiquity (ed. Ralph Mark Rosen and Ineke Sluiter; Leiden, The Netherlands: Brill Academic Publishers, 2003), 319-44.

71 Jessica Lyn Tinklenberg deVega, “‘A Man Who Fears God’: Constructs of Masculinity in

Hellenistic Jewish Interpretations of the Story of Joseph” (PhD diss., Florida State University, 2006), 29-

30.

24

follows the Latin term virtus, a Roman word for manliness, throughout the literature of

the Roman Republic. 72 Arranging his examination both chronologically and

categorically, McDonnell looks at the epics, tragedies, histories, poetry, inscriptions, and

works of philosophy from the different periods of the Republic to gain clues as to the

evolution of the meaning of virtus. He emphasizes how his study concentrates on virtus

as manliness in the Republic in contrast to other studies that focused on sexual and

rhetorical aspects of Roman masculinity. To McDonnell, virtus was not originally a

moral concept but evolved into such over time. The book stands as the fruit of a truly

comprehensive endeavor, providing a wealth of observations from primary Latin texts

that show the reader how Romans viewed their manhood.

2007 brought a major contribution to masculine and feminine religious studies

with the publication of Mapping Gender in Ancient Religious Discourses. Todd Penner

and Caroline Vander Stichele serve as co-editors of this collection of seventeen essays,

covering topics ranging from sexuality to gender roles in society taken from Greek,

Roman, Jewish, and early Christian literature. Mary Rose D’Angelo makes a valuable

contribution to masculine studies with her work on Philo of Alexandria, placing Philo’s

thoughts on men and women in the context of the early Roman empire of Augustus. 73

Diana M. Swancutt also expounds on Philo’s masculine perspective and compares it with

Roman thoughts on proper male sexual and political roles in her lengthy essay “Still

Before Sexuality: ‘Greek’ Androgyny, the Roman Imperial Politics of Masculinity and

72 Myles McDonnell, Roman Manliness: Virtus and the Roman Republic (New York: Cambridge University Press, 2006), 2.

73 Mary Rose D’Angelo, “Gender and Geopolitics in the Work of Philo of Alexandria: Jewish Piety and Imperial Family Values,” in Mapping Gender in Ancient Religious Discourses (ed. Todd Penner and Caroline Vander Stichele; Leiden, The Netherlands: Brill, 2007), 63-88.

25

the Roman Invention of the Tribas.” 74 This presentation will elaborate further on two

essays from Mapping Gender that deal directly with Pauline texts in the next section.

Colleen M. Conway’s Behold the Man: Jesus and Greco-Roman Masculinity

from 2008 represents a synthesis of classical and religious studies. She describes the

subject matter of her book as an exploration of “the relationship between gender

ideologies of the first-century Roman imperial world and conceptions of Jesus as the

Christ in the New Testament.” 75 Focusing on the New Testament writers’ various

presentations of a masculine Christ, Conway refers to the Christian epic as “not only a

story of a fallen and redeemed ‘mankind’; it is also a story of failed and redeemed

masculinity.” 76 Emphasizing the crucifixion as an emasculating spectacle, she comments

on the various perspectives on the resurrection and kingship of Jesus as restorations of his

masculinity. Conway isolates certain Greco-Roman masculine traits and compares these

traits to the portrayals of the character of Jesus throughout the New Testament. Standing

as a major resource for New Testament masculine studies, Behold the Man presents a

fairly comprehensive examination of the biblical data surrounding Jesus as a man.

Björn Krondorfer served as editor in 2009 of Men and Masculinities in

Christianity and Judaism: A Critical Reader. The compilation contains thirty four

essays, many of which relate to queer theology, the male body, and various perspectives

on male sexuality. Krondorfer reveals his agenda with the title of one of his own essays:

“Who’s Afraid of Gay Theology?: Men’s Studies, Gay Scholars, and Heterosexual

74 Diana M. Swancutt, “Still Before Sexuality: ‘Greek’ Androgyny, the Roman Imperial Politics of Masculinity and the Roman Invention of the Tribas,” in Mapping Gender in Ancient Religious Discourses (ed. Todd Penner and Caroline Vander Stichele; Leiden, The Netherlands: Brill, 2007), 11-62.

75 Colleen M. Conway, Behold the Man: Jesus and Greco-Roman Masculinity (New York: Oxford University Press, Inc., 2008), 6.

76 Ibid., 12.

26

Silence.” 77 However, a few of the essays provide insight into the history of ancient and

modern masculine movements. Matthew Kuefler comments on Christian views on men

and the military in late antiquity, 78 Sean Gill covers the prevailing masculine trends of the

nineteenth and twentieth centuries in western society, 79 and Charles H. Lippy evaluates

the achievements and failures of the Promise Keepers. 80 While these essays prove their

worth, most of the content of Men and Masculinities in Christianity and Judaism

contributes little to the field apart from the furthering of homosexual agenda.

Pauline Studies Related to Masculinity

As the following chapter will demonstrate, a tremendous overlap exists between

masculinity and athletics in the ancient world. Victor C. Pfitzner devotes his 1967 book

on Paul and the Agon Motif: Traditional Athletic Imagery in the Pauline Literature to the

study of images of contest and struggle. Beginning with a history of Greek athletics,

Pfitzner then turns to following athletic imagery through Greek and Helleno-Semitic

literature. 81 The rest of the book traces athletic metaphors and references to struggling

throughout the Pauline corpus. Presenting his study one passage at a time, Pfitzner

77 Björn Krondorfer, “Who’s Afraid of Gay Theology?: Men’s Studies, Gay Scholars, and Heterosexual Silence,” in Men and Masculinities in Christianity and Judaism: A Critical Reader (ed. Björn Krondorfer; London: SCM Press, 2009), 421-36.

78 Matthew Kuefler, “Soldiers of Christ: Christian Masculinity and Militarism in Late Antiquity,” in Men and Masculinities in Christianity and Judaism: A Critical Reader (ed. Björn Krondorfer; London:

SCM Press, 2009), 237-58.

79 Sean Gill, “Christian Manliness Unmanned: Masculinity and Religion in Nineteenth-and Twentieth-Century Western Society,” in Men and Masculinities in Christianity and Judaism: A Critical Reader (ed. Björn Krondorfer; London: SCM Press, 2009), 306-18.

80 Lippy, “Miles to Go,” 319-32.

81 Victor C. Pfitzner, Paul and the Agon Motif: Traditional Athletic Imagery in the Pauline Literature (Leiden, The Netherlands: E. J. Brill, 1967), 21-74.

27

provides an exegesis of the pertinent sections of Paul’s epistles. One of Pfitzner’s

conclusions about Paul’s use of the struggle language is that the images represent “self-

renunciation and training in the endeavour to place everything in the service of the

appointed task.” 82 Pfitzner’s book now stands as a classic in Pauline studies.

John Clayton Lentz, Jr. published his work on Luke’s Portrait of Paul in 1993.

Following the character of Paul throughout Acts, the thesis of Lentz’s book is “that Luke

portrayed Paul as a man of high social status and moral virtue.” 83 Lentz contends that

Luke highlights the cardinal virtues in Paul’s character as a result of his conversion,

thereby presenting Paul as a man of status. 84 Concerned with harmonizing biographical

details of Paul’s life, Lentz deals with Paul as a Greek, a Roman citizen, and a Pharisee. 85

He also compares the descriptions of Paul with Greco-Roman sources and Paul’s own

epistles. His main argument is that Paul goes from an unvirtuous life of kicking against

the goads to a virtuous life of self-control that he defends in Acts 26. 86 Lentz’s work

constitutes a major contribution to the understanding of Paul’s character, including his

masculinity.

David J. A. Clines, Jennifer A. Glancy, and Mary Rose D’Angelo all contribute

essays related to Pauline masculine concepts as part of the collection New Testament

Masculinities from 2003. In his article entitled “Paul, the Invisible Man,” David J. A.

Clines focuses on the masculine character of Paul. Clines narrows his list of male traits

82 Ibid., 193.

83 John Clayton Lentz, Jr., Luke’s Portrait of Paul (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press,

1993), 3.

84 Ibid., 14-15.

85 Ibid., 24-52.

86 Ibid., 84-91.

28

taken from relevant biblical texts to the following in his examination of Paul: “strength,

violence, powerful and persuasive speech, male bonding, and womanlessness.” 87 He

notes that the Paul under examination is the harmonized Paul of the Pauline epistles,

whether that picture accurately portrays the historical figure or not. 88 Including the

Pastoral Epistles in his examination, Clines focuses on Paul’s martial terminology, his

relationship with other men, his ability to speak and persuade, and his marital status.

Clines makes a valid point when he says, “If Paul had been less of a man, and more of a

human being, his writings would have been very different but also, I admit, they would

probably not have sold as well. But he was a man, and we had better not forget it.” 89

The greatest contribution of Clines’ work is the reminder to the Pauline surveyor that

while Paul is an apostle and theologian, he is still a man.

Jennifer Glancy focuses specifically on 1 Timothy, 2 Timothy, and Titus in her

article on “Protocols of Masculinity in the Pastoral Epistles.” Throughout the article,

Glancy refers to the author as “The Pastor,” refusing to acknowledge Pauline

authorship. 90 Comparing and contrasting the Pastoral Epistles with Greco-Roman

masculine ideals, Glancy highlights the author’s instructions to men. She extends her

comparisons to patristic literature by including thoughts from Augustine and Origen.

According to Glancy, masculine themes in the Pastoral Epistles include the emphasis on

self-control, a man’s control of his household, a Stoic-like mistrust of the passions, and

87 David J. A. Clines, “Paul, the Invisible Man,” in New Testament Masculinities (ed. Stephen D. Moore and Janice Capel Anderson; Atlanta: Society of Biblical Literature, 2003), 182.

88 Ibid.

89 Ibid., 192.

90 Jennifer A. Glancy, “Protocols of Masculinity in the Pastoral Epistles,” in New Testament Masculinities (ed. Stephen D. Moore and Janice Capel Anderson; Atlanta: Society of Biblical Literature, 2003), 235.

29

proper marriage relations. Glancy admits a bias when she refers to her reliance on the

work of other feminist scholars, thus placing herself in the same category. 91 Still, the

article provides some valuable insights into the masculine themes of the Pastoral Epistles

in their Greco-Roman context.

Some authors such as Mary Rose D’Angelo attempt to synthesize Pauline

masculine themes with those of other works. D’Angelo entitles her article “‘Knowing

How to Preside over His Own Household’: Imperial Masculinity and Christian

Asceticism in the Pastorals, Hermas, and Luke-Acts.” As the title suggests, the article

highlights the emphasis on the ability of men to manage their households and therefore

assert their masculinity in early Christian literature. According to D’Angelo, the stress

on public speaking in Luke-Acts portrays the apostles as elite males. 92 D’Angelo spends

more time discussing the masculine character of Paul than any of the other apostles,

pointing out instances of Paul’s masculine virtues and his ability to bring order where

disorder exists. 93 Turning to the Pastoral Epistles, D’Angelo concludes that “the ‘Paul’

of the Pastorals is a severe and continent household manager of God.” 94 Her main

argument throughout the article is that Christian writers adapted their masculine

91 Ibid., 254.

92 Mary Rose D’Angelo, “‘Knowing How to Preside over His Own Household’: Imperial Masculinity and Asceticism in the Pastorals, Hermas, and Luke-Acts,” in New Testament Masculinities (ed. Stephen D. Moore and Janice Capel Anderson; Atlanta: Society of Biblical Literature, 2003), 286-87.

93 Ibid., 292. D’Angelo cites Paul’s experience and Philippi in Acts 16:37-40 and claims that Paul is more Roman than his jailers. As further evidence of Paul’s masculinity in Acts, she cites the episode with the possessed servant girl in Acts 16:12-15, Paul’s account of his stewardship in Acts 20:17-38, and Paul’s emphasis on justice, continence, and the coming judgment before Felix and Drusilla in Acts 24:25.

94 Ibid., 294.

30

perspective from Roman imperial values, sharing some of these values and critiquing

others. 95

2003 also witnessed the publication of a major contribution to Pauline studies

from Christian scholars, a collection of essays entitled Paul in the Greco-Roman World:

A Handbook. 96 Serving as the editor, J. Paul Sampley brings together the insights of a

number of scholars who each researched one particular theme throughout Greco-Roman

literature and the Pauline corpus. Some of the themes intersect with masculinity.

Sampley includes his own essay on “Paul and Frank Speech,” which emphasizes the

importance of boldness in Greco-Roman society and highlights instances of Paul’s

frankness in Galatians and the Corinthian letters. 97 Duane F. Watson’s essay on “Paul

and Boasting” focuses on 2 Corinthians 10-13, spelling out every challenge Paul’s

opponents present to his honor and authority. Watson concludes that “Paul’s boasting

challenges the value system of the Corinthians through parody.” 98 Edgar Krentz focuses

on “Paul, Games, and the Military,” providing a brief history of Olympic competition and

examining Paul’s use of athletic and martial metaphors. 99

Stanley K. Stowers’ essay on “Paul and Self-Mastery” begins with a discussion

on the differences between Platonic dualism and the Stoic concept of the self. 100 Stowers

95 Ibid., 295.

96 J. Paul Sampley, ed., Paul in the Greco-Roman World: A Handbook (Harrisburg, Pa.: Trinity Press International, 2003).

97 J. Paul Sampley, “Paul and Frank Speech,” in Paul in the Greco-Roman World: A Handbook (ed. J. Paul Sampley; Harrisburg, Pa.:: Trinity Press International, 2003), 293-318.

98 Duane F. Watson, “Paul and Boasting,” in Paul in the Greco-Roman World: A Handbook (ed. J. Paul Sampley; Harrisburg, Pa.: Trinity Press International, 2003), 88.

99 Edgar Krentz, “Paul, Games, and the Military,” in Paul in the Greco-Roman World: A Handbook (ed. J. Paul Sampley; Harrisburg, Pa.: Trinity Press International, 2003), 344-83.

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then compares these two schools with Pauline thoughts on mastering the self, an idea that

the ancient world associated with masculinity. The commentary on Romans 6-8 is

excellent, and the essay also touches on Galatians 5, 1 Corinthians 7, and Philippians 3.

Robert Jewett contributes an essay that follows the themes of shame and honor through

the Pauline corpus, focusing mostly on Galatians and the Corinthian correspondence. 101

The thoughts of Troels Engberg-Pederson in an essay on “Paul,Virtues, and Vices” also

touch on some masculine issues. 102

Jennifer Larson’s 2004 article on “Paul’s Masculinity” serves as part of the

inspiration for this current study. Focusing primarily on 2 Corinthians 10-13 but

venturing at times into 1 Corinthians, Larson deals with Paul’s defense of his own

masculinity against attacks from opponents. 103 She breaks down the criticisms of Paul

into two categories attacks on his rhetorical skills and attacks on his personal

character. 104 Effectively tying these attacks to Paul’s manhood, Larson proceeds to argue

that Paul’s defense involves an assertion of redefined masculine credentials. While

isolated to certain portions of the Corinthian correspondence, the article paints a portrait

of Paul the man and opens the door for further exploration of Paul’s masculine

perspective throughout the rest of his epistles.

100 Stanley K. Stowers, “Paul and Self-Mastery,” in Paul in the Greco-Roman World: A Handbook (ed. J. Paul Sampley; Harrisburg, Pa.: Trinity Press International, 2003), 525-30.

101 Robert Jewett, “Paul, Shame, and Honor,” in Paul in the Greco-Roman World: A Handbook (ed. J. Paul Sampley; Harrisburg, PA: Trinity Press International, 2003), 551-74.

102 Troels Engberg-Pederson, “Paul, Virtues, and Vices,” in Paul in the Greco-Roman World: A Handbook (ed. J. Paul Sampley; Harrisburg, PA: Trinity Press International, 2003), 608-33.

103 Jennifer Larson, “Paul’s Masculinity,” JBL 123.1 (2004): 86.

104 Ibid., 87.

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In 2006, Moisés Mayordomo Marin published an article as part of lectio

difficilior, a European electronic journal for feminist exegesis, entitled “Construction of

Masculinity in Antiquity and Early Christianity.” 105 Marin first analyzes two men from

the turn of the first to second century A.D. Favorinus of Arles and Polemo of Smyrna.

He sees in Polemo attributes reflecting the “hegemonic masculinity which dominated

Roman culture.” 106 On the other hand, Favorinus represents a “subordinate variety” of

masculinity. 107 Out of these two characters, Marin concludes that Greco-Roman

masculinity defines itself through physical strength, bravery, loyalty, sincerity, honor,

respect, and less propensity to defects than femininity. 108 Subsequently, he turns to some

early Christian texts specifically the Corinthian letters due to their date in the 50s in

order to examine some of Paul’s thoughts on these same attributes. 109 Briefly

commenting on Paul’s use of masculine metaphors including athleticism, Marin

highlights Paul’s thoughts on marriage and male sexuality, a male’s role in relation to

women, and the male body itself. Marin’s article is a bit scattered in trying to touch on a

number of masculine elements in the Corinthian letters without digging very deep into

any of the issues, but it still serves as an insightful survey and opens doors for further

study.

As part of 2007’s Mapping Gender in Ancient Religious Discourses, Davina C.

Lopez contributes an essay that analyzes selective pieces of Roman art in order to draw

105 Moisés Mayordomo Marin, “Construction of Masculinity in Antiquity and Early Christianity,Cited 8 September 2010. Online: http://www.lectio.unibe.ch/06_2/ marin_construction.htm.

106 Ibid., 3-4.

107 Ibid.

108 Ibid., 6.

109 Ibid., 2.

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conclusions about Roman imperial masculinity. 110 The essay concentrates on domination

ideology for Roman men and then applies these concepts to Paul’s language in 1

Corinthians, Philippians, 1 Thessalonians, and especially Galatians. Citing positive uses

of feminine language such as the motherly image of Galatians 4:19, Lopez sees a critique

of Roman imperial masculinity in Paul’s epistles and reaches the conclusion that Paul’s

own life reflects a movement from domination ideology to a new understanding of

masculinity as a Christian who willingly submits to persecution. 111 Lopez’s work

provides some key insights into Paul’s former mindset contrasted with his post-

conversion outlook.

Mapping Gender contains another essay related to Pauline studies by Fredrik

Ivarsson entitled “Vice Lists and Deviant Masculinity: The Rhetorical Function of 1

Corinthians 5:10-11 and 6:9-10.” 112 Ivarsson’s main argument is that the vice list in 1

Corinthians 6 consists of descriptions of deviant masculinity, stressing the connection

between vice and deficient manliness throughout the essay. 113 He spends a large portion

of the essay providing some background on vice lists in antiquity, citing examples from

Greek and Jewish literature. 114 Commenting on the meaning of each of the words,

Ivarsson sufficiently places the vices within the larger context of the entire epistle. He

110 Davina C. Lopez, “Before Your Eyes: Roman Imperial Ideology, Gender Constructs, and Paul’s Inter-Nationalism,” in Mapping Gender in Ancient Religious Discourses (ed. Todd Penner and Caroline Vander Stichele; Leiden, The Netherlands: Brill, 2007), 115-62.

111 Ibid., 156-61.

112 Fredrik Ivarsson, “Vive Lists and Deviant Masculinity: The Rhetorical Function of 1 Corinthians 5:10-11 and 6:9-10,” in Mapping Gender in Ancient Religious Discourses (ed. Todd Penner and Caroline Vander Stichele; Leiden, The Netherlands: Brill, 2007), 163-84.

113 Ibid., 164-66.

114 Ibid., 166-71.

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especially focuses on malakos, arguing that the term encompasses more than just a

description of the passive partner in a homosexual relationship. 115 Overall, Ivarsson’s

exegesis of the selected verses from 1 Corinthians makes a strong contribution to the

study of Paul’s masculine perspective.

Colleen M. Conway devotes one chapter of 2008’s Behold the Man: Jesus and

Greco-Roman Masculinity to “The Unmanned Christ and the Manly Christian in the

Pauline Tradition.” While assuming second-century authorship of the Pastoral Epistles,

Conway includes these letters in the Pauline tradition. 116 Chiefly concerned with Paul’s

presentation of the masculinity of Jesus, the chapter tackles the various ways Paul

reestablishes the manly status of a crucified Christ. According to Conway, Paul’s

emphasis on the vicarious nature of Jesus’ death is a manly counter to the emasculating

effects of crucifixion. 117 Another response to the crucifixion is that the event led to the

resurrection and the ruling power of Christ. 118 Conway sees a development over time in

the Pauline tradition from emphasis on the unmanly crucified Christ of the earlier letters

to the masculine cosmic Christ of Colossians. 119 The chapter also contains some

comments regarding the hardship catalogs and the Pauline stress on mastery over the

flesh. 120 While Conway’s work focuses primarily on Jesus in the epistles, she makes a

convincing case that Paul linked his own masculine status to his presentation of Jesus. 121

115 Ibid., 179-80.

116 Conway, Behold the Man, 86.

117 Ibid., 70-73.

118 Ibid., 80.

119 Ibid., 85.

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Locating the Current Study

This presentation has demonstrated the vast increase in academic masculine

literature over the last twenty years, attributing this phenomenon to both the need to

respond to feminism and the need to accurately direct the new masculinity movement

generated by popular literature. The new masculinity movement within evangelical

Christianity needs some sound scholarly guidance to steer it in the right direction,

ensuring its conformity to biblical truth. This study locates itself within the new

masculinity movement and aims to allow the writings of the apostle Paul to play their

proper role in the formation of the Christian man. While many of the cited books, essays,

and articles either provide a surface survey of certain masculine principles in the Pauline

Corpus or deal in more detail with masculinity in isolated passages, this study is unique

in its desire to follow several masculine themes throughout the entire Pauline Corpus,

including the Pastoral Epistles. The following chapter summarizes and extends the work

of classical scholars, providing a detailed survey of masculinity in antiquity so that the

rest of the study, which focuses specifically on the Pauline Epistles, will have set criteria.

120 Ibid., 77-79.

121 Ibid., 68.

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CHAPTER III

MASCULINITY IN THE HELLENISTIC WORLD

Introductory Remarks

Since the goal of this phase of research is the isolation of the most important traits

and concepts associated with masculinity in the Hellenistic world, the contents of the

present chapter highlight masculinity in various pertinent works influential on first

century Mediterranean thought. The presentation of the research first addresses Greco-

Roman masculinity, beginning with archaic Greece and moving chronologically through

the classical and Hellenistic periods. Subsequently, the chapter addresses masculinity in

Semitic sources some of which are also written in Greek due to the Hellenistic

influence. The research for the first sub-problem presented in the present chapter draws

heavily on the previous work of classical scholars, summarizing and extending their work

through further examination of primary materials.

When studying masculinity in Greek sources, the primary relevant vocabulary

stems from avnh,r (anēr), the Greek word for a male as distinct from female. 122 While in

certain contexts avnh,r bears a merely biological connotation, this study demonstrates that

avnh,r and its derivatives encompass a wide range of concepts. 123 In both Classical and

Koine Greek, many words that begin with the prefix avndr- are derivatives of avnh,r and

122 See BDAG, 79.

123 See Albert Oepke, “avnh,r, avndri,zomai,” TDNT: 1:360-63. For a definition and discussion of avnh,r in Classical Greek, see Henry George Liddell and Robert Scott, A Greek-English Lexicon (9 th ed. with a revised supplement; Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1996), 138. On the distinguishing of manliness as an abstract concept from manliness as a biological attribute, see Karen Bassi, “The Semantics of Manliness in Ancient Greece,” in Andreia: Studies in Manliness and Courage in Classical Antiquity (ed. Ralph Mark Rosen and Ineke Sluiter; Leiden, The Netherlands: Brill Academic Publishers, 2003), 25.

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emphasize maleness. 124 Avndrei/oj is the adjective “pertaining to being manly,” 125

avndri,zomai is one of the verbs for conducting oneself in a manly way, and avndrei,wj is the

adverb representing the same. 126 The derivative of avnh,r that seems to appear most

frequently in sources relevant to the present study is avndrei,a 127 (andreia), the word that

this presentation will henceforth use as the term representing Greek manliness.

Avndrei,a’s inclusion among the cardinal virtues of the Greco-Roman world

demonstrates the Mediterranean emphasis on true manliness. The four cardinal virtues

were fro,nhsij (prudence), swfrosu,nh (temperance), dikaiosu,nh (justice/righteousness),

and avndrei,a 128 (manliness/courage). 129 Although Stephen D. Moore and Janice Capel

Anderson argue that prudence is the most authoritative of the virtues since reason

controls the passions, 130 the present chapter will reveal diversity in the prioritization of

the virtues among the ancient sources. This study will obviously focus more on avndrei,a

than any of the other virtues, but some of the texts will connect all the cardinal virtues to

124 BDAG, 76. For a brief history of the Greek language and the distinction between Classical and Koine Greek, see Daniel B. Wallace, Greek Grammar: Beyond the Basics (Grand Rapids: Zondervan, 1996), 14-23.

125 BDAG, 76; Liddell and Scott, A Greek-English Lexicon, 128.

126 BDAG, 76.

127 Liddell and Scott, A Greek-English Lexicon, 128.

128 On the translation of avndrei,a, Edward E. Cohen argues that “even in cases where ‘courage’ seems an appropriate translation, the broader concepts of ‘manliness’ always determine the classical conceptualization of ‘courage’”; Edward E. Cohen, “The High Cost of Andreia at Athens,” in Andreia:

Studies in Manliness and Courage in Classical Antiquity (ed. Ralph Mark Rosen and Ineke Sluiter; Leiden, The Netherlands: Brill Academic Publishers, 2003), 145.

129 Stephen D. Moore and Janice Capel Anderson, “Taking it Like a Man: Masculinity in 4 Maccabees,” JBL 117.2 (1998): 252. Their conclusion is based on 4 Maccabees 1:1-6 where fro,nhsij is said to be the greatest virtue; cf. John Clayton Lentz, Jr., Luke’s Portrait of Paul (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1993), 14, 74.

130 Ibid., 253.

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masculinity. In discussing virtue formation in ancient Greece, Ralph Mark Rosen’s

comments place manliness at the center of male education: “Everyone agrees that

andreia, manly courage, should be the real goal of education: if the boys have that, they

will have turned into real men.” 131 Of all the exports from Greek society, these “real

men” stand tall as the greatest product.

While a man might inherit certain elements of masculinity that manifest

themselves naturally, he must learn the whole of genuine manliness. Speaking of Greeks

and Romans throughout the broad historical scope of antiquity, Joy Connolly writes:

“The education in ars rhetorica undertaken by Greek and Roman elites was a powerful

combination of body-mind training that bent all the pupil’s powers of emulation toward

the goal of acquiring the habits, the look, of a manly man.” 132 Being a biological male

was automatic and out of one’s control; becoming a “manly man” was something for

which a male must fight. 133 As Fredrik Ivarsson says, “Manliness is an achievement and

has to be constantly proven in competition with other men. Masculinity is always under

construction.” 134 Even when a male believes he has arrived into manhood, his education

continues.

131 Ralph Mark Rosen and Ineke Sluiter, eds., Andreia: Studies in Manliness and Courage in Classical Antiquity (Leiden, The Netherlands: Brill Academic Publishers, 2003), 5.

132 Joy Connolly, “Like the Labors of Heracles: Andreia and Paideia in Greek Culture under Rome,” in Andreia: Studies in Manliness and Courage in Classical Antiquity (ed. Ralph Mark Rosen and Ineke Cluiter; Leiden, The Netherlands: Brill Academic Publishers, 2003), 287.

133 Moisés Mayordomo Marin, “Construction of Masculinity in Antiquity and Early Masculinity,Cited 8 September 2010. Online: http://www.lectio.unibe.ch/06_2/ marin_construction.htm, 4; cf. Colleen M. Conway, Behold the Man: Jesus and Greco-Roman Masculinity (New York: Oxford University Press, Inc., 2008), 17.

134 Fredrik Ivarsson, “Vive Lists and Deviant Masculinity: The Rhetorical Function of 1 Corinthians 5:10-11 and 6:9-10,” in Mapping Gender in Ancient Religious Discourses (ed. Todd Penner and Caroline Vander Stichele; Leiden, The Netherlands: Brill, 2007), 166.

39

As part of this ongoing education, complete virtue formation is paramount.

Avndrei,a does not reside on an island of isolation. Myles McDonnell makes a case for a

strong correlation between manliness and avreth,, one of the Greek terms for virtue: “In

Greek culture the principle term for ideal manly behavior was not avndrei,a but rather

avreth,, which from its earliest occurrences denoted many things, only one of which was

physical prowess or courage. Avndrei,a itself came to be regarded as only one aspect of the

broader ideal represented by avreth,.” 135 In a similar vein, Helen Cullyer argues that men

understood anvdrei,a as part of the human avreth, that consisted of daring and endurance

manifested in male spheres such as war and politics. 136 Furthermore, Moisés Mayordomo

Marin asserts that avreth, denotes “excellence and perfection and is traditionally part of

ideal male heroism.” 137 Genuine manliness, then, constitutes a major component of

virtue in general.

Further dissection into manly virtue uncovers specific traits deemed as masculine

by the Greco-Roman world, even though these characteristics could evidence themselves

in women as well as men. Conversely, a male may demonstrate qualities that were

characteristic of women, which society labeled as feminine traits. Uniformly, femininity

in any respect was a disgrace for a male. On the other hand, ancient opinions diverge on

the positive or negative value of a masculine female. To help the researcher understand

135 Myles McDonnell, “Roman Men and Greek Virtue,” in Andreia: Studies in Manliness and Courage in Classical Antiquity (ed. Ralph Mark Rosen and Ineke Cluiter; Leiden, The Netherlands: Brill Academic Publishers, 2003), 236.

136 Helen Cullyer, “Paradoxical Andreia: Socratic Echoes in Stoic ‘Manly Courage,’” in Andreia:

Studies in Manliness and Courage in Classical Antiquity (ed. Ralph Mark Rosen and Ineke Cluiter; Leiden, The Netherlands: Brill Academic Publishers, 2003), 236.

137 Marin, “Construction,” 7.

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the significance of masculine and feminine qualities, Virgina Burrus employs the image

of plotting each individual on a gender spectrum based on exhibited traits:

There is by now widespread scholarly agreement that gender in antiquity was mapped not as a binary of two fixed and ‘opposite’ sexes (as is typical of our own modern western culture) but rather as a dynamic spectrum or gradient of relative masculinities. On the positively valorized end of the spectrum were ‘true men,’ fully masculine; on the negatively valorized end, ‘true women,’ lacking masculinity. For men, the challenge was to establish virility and to avoid sliding down the slippery slope of feminization. 138

Both social status and one’s active display of the masculine traits constituted the

determining factors of a male’s place on the gender spectrum. Bruce J. Malina and

Jerome H. Neyrey narrow the concept of maleness in the Greco-Roman world to the

following traits: sexual aggression, authority, defense of family’s honor, concern for

prestige, concern for precedence, and a sense of daring boldness. 139 The research that

follows provides support for some of Malina and Neyrey’s conclusions and supplements

the list with additional male traits.

As part of the postmodern era, many scholars attempt to demonstrate a vast

pluralism of masculine perspectives within each culture, including those of Greece and

Rome, in an attempt to discredit any isolation of popular traits. 140 Though any researcher

expects to encounter some diversity, most scholars consent to the conclusion that the

138 Virginia Burrus, “Mapping as Metamorphosis: Initial Reflections on Gender and Ancient Religious Discourses,” in Mapping Gender in Ancient Religious Discourses (eds. Todd Penner and Caroline Vander Stichele; Leiden, The Netherlands: Brill, 2007), 4.

139 See the Venn Diagram in the figure entitled “Honor and Shame: Gender Division of Labor” in Bruce J. Malina and Jerome H. Neyrey, “Honor and Shame in Luke-Acts: Pivotal Values of the Mediterranean,” in The Social World of Luke-Acts: Models for Interpretation (ed. Jerome H. Neyrey; Peabody, Mass.: Hendrickson Publishers, 1991), 42.

140 For an example of postmodern thinking in masculine studies, see Gill, “Christian Manliness Unmanned,” 310; Gill argues that in the modern western pluralistic society, masculinities need to be

studied rather than just assuming one uniform masculinity.

pluralism in masculine understandings is evident in Christian tradition as well, but the acceptance of excessive pluralism is one of the sources of the modern masculine crisis.

To an extent, Gill’s assertion is correct as some

41

majority of Greco-Roman sources consistently associate some particular qualities with

ideal masculinity. These scholars use the term “hegemonic” to designate the dominating

masculine ideals and the term “subordinate” to designate other masculine perspectives. 141

Hegemonic masculinity represents the views of the economic, social, and political elite,

while subordinate masculinities are “often deemed by the dominate group as inadequate

or inferior in one way or another.” 142 The current study makes use of these designations

for the masculine perspectives encountered.

Greco-Roman Masculine Perspectives

Masculinity in Archaic Greece

The term avndrei,a itself is post-Homeric and first appears in Herodotus. 143

However, the works of Homer had a profound influence on Greek culture for centuries

and provide a wealth of material for analyzing masculine perspectives in archaic Greece.

While the word itself makes no appearance, John Clayton Lentz, Jr. argues that the

supreme virtue in the works of Homer is avndrei,a. 144 Other derivatives of the word avnh,r

do often emerge as part of a culture saturated with manly concepts.

The reader of the Iliad often encounters the line, “Avne,rej e;ste, fi,loi, mnh,sasqe

de. qou,ridoj avlk/j,” which Bassi translates as, “Be men, friends, and remember your

141 For a definition of these terms, see Marin, “Construction,” 3-4; cf. Conway, Behold the Man, 9. Lin Foxhall also employs the terms in “Introduction,” in When Men Were Men: Masculinity, Power and Identity in Classical Antiquity (ed. Lin Foxhall and John Salmon; New York: Routledge, 1998), 4.

142 Myles McDonnell, Roman Manliness: Virtus and the Roman Republic (New York: Cambridge University Press, 2006), 165-166.

143 Bassi, “Semantics of Manliness,” 32.

144 Lentz, Luke’s Portrait of Paul, 71.

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furious strength.” 145 Nestor of Gerenia uses a similar phrase in a motivating speech to the

Greek army as he is urging them to stand their ground and thus display their masculinity:

Fight like the men that you are, my friends, And feel some shame before the men around you. Remember your children, your wives, your possessions, And your parents, whether they are dead or alive. For the sake of those who are not here I beseech you To stand firm and fight, and not retreat. 146

Appealing to family honor, Nestor reminds the warriors of their obligation to bring the

totality of their manliness to the fight. The importance of a man standing firm in battle

also appears in the ancient Spartan war songs of Tyrtaeus: “This is prowess (avreth,)

when a man standeth firm in the forefront without ceasing, making heart and soul to

abide, forgetteth shameful flight altogether and hearteneth by his words him who standeth

by.147 Retreat, therefore, ceases to stand as an option for the archaic Greek man.

Most of Homer’s commentary on ideal masculinity takes place within the arena of

warfare. The Trojan prince Hector expresses the hegemonic Homeric masculine

principle to his wife Andromache when he states, “War is the business of men.” 148 Even

the god Apollo in the Iliad acknowledges the ability of men in war: “I have seen other

men who trust in their prowess (sqe,nei?) and strength (pepoiqo,taj), / Their courage

(hvnore,h|) and their superior numbers, / And defend their people against all odds.” 149

145 Bassi, “Semantics of Manliness,” 33; Hector uses this line to admonish his fellow Trojan warriors in the Iliad 6.112 and 8.174. In addition, the words avne,rej e;ste (“be men”) appear in 5.529; 11.287; 15.487, 734; 16.270; 17.185.

146 Iliad, 15.661-66, Lombardo.

147 Tyrtaeus, Poems, 12.13-19; translation by Walter T. Schmid in On Manly Courage: A Study of Plato’s Laches (Carbondale, Ill.: Southern Illinois University Press, 1992), 101.

148 Ibid., 6.492-93.

149 Iliad, 17.329-31, Lombardo.

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Personifying Apollo’s words, Ajax and Achilles trust “their manhood (hvnore,h|) 150 and the

strength of their hands” 151 every time they go into battle. According to the archaic epics,

war brings men to the pinnacle of their own strength, allowing them to manifest their

vitality in ways no other sphere could even approach.

Strength in the hands highlights another Homeric principle the attachment of

actions and appearance of the male body to manhood. K. J. Dover notes the emphasis on

the male physique in archaic and early classical Greece: “Down to the middle of the fifth

century the most striking and consistent ingredients of the ‘approved’ male figure

are:

broad shoulders, a deep chest, big pectoral muscles, big muscles above the hips, a slim

waist, jutting buttocks and stout thighs and calves.” 152 An example of the correlation

between masculinity and the ideal male physique occurs in the narrative of the Iliad when

the gods give Bellerophon “bodily beauty and desirable masculinity (h,nore,hn

evrateinh,n).” 153 On the other hand, the text indicates that Nireus of Syme is the most

handsome (ka,llistoj avnh.r) of all the Danaans, “but he was weak (avlapandro.j), and few

men followed him.” 154 In addition, Hector chides his brother Paris for his good looks

without the manly valor to match them:

Paris, you desperate, womanizing pretty boy! I wish you had never been born, or had died unmarried. Better that than this disgrace before the troops.

150 From hvnore,a, a Homeric derivative of avnh,r; cf. Bassi, “Semantics of Manliness,” 35; G. I. C. Robertson, “The Andreia of Xenocles: Kouros, Kallos, and Kleos,” in Andreia: Studies in Manliness and Courage in Classical Antiquity (ed. Ralph Mark Rosen and Ineke Sluiter; Leiden, The Netherlands: Brill Academic Publishers, 2003), 60.

151 Iliad, 8.226; translation by Lombardo.

152 K. J. Dover, Greek Homosexuality (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1978), 70.

153 Iliad, 6.156, Bassi.

154 Iliad, 2.671-75, Lombardo.

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Can’t you just hear it, the long-haired Greeks Chuckling and saying that our champion wins

For good looks but comes up short on offense and defense?

Is this how you were when you got up a crew

And sailed overseas, hobnobbed with the warrior caste

In a foreign country and sailed off with

A beautiful woman with marriage ties to half of them?

You’re nothing but trouble for your father and your city,

A joke to your enemies and an embarrassment to yourself.

No, don’t stand up to Menelaus: you might find out What kind of a man it is whose wife you’re sleeping with. You think your lyre will help you, or Aphrodite’s gifts, Your hair, your pretty face, when you sprawl in the dust? It’s the Trojans who are cowards, or you’d have long since Been dressed out in stones for all the harm you’ve done. 155

Just as Paris has beauty without valor, Tydeus has valor without beauty. 156

Ideally, men would possess both beauty and valor men such as Hector, 157 Ajax, 158

Achilles, 159 and Odysseus. 160 G. I. C. Robertson addresses the potential

misunderstanding of the connection between beauty and valor with an assertion that

“courage is the deciding virtue – it can excuse the lack of good looks, but the possession

of the latter cannot excuse a lack of the former.” 161 The Greeks were not so naïve as to

equate male beauty with martial valor.

Whether manifested in courageous actions or physical beauty, the dominant

archaic Greek ideal was that one’s masculinity was defined by his body. This principle

applies to Patroclus. When Patroclus is killed in battle, the text indicates that the

155 Ibid., 3.39-57.

156 Ibid., 5.801.

157 Ibid., 22.369.

158 Ibid., 17.279-80; Odyssey, 11.550-51.

159 Ibid.

160 Odyssey, 8.159; 18.67-69.

161 Robertson, “The Andreia of Xenocles,” 66.

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masculine vigor of his body remains behind when his soul leaves. 162 Near the end of the

Iliad, the reader sees Achilles weeping and lamenting the death of Patroclus, his cousin

and closest companion, 163 yearning for “his manhood and his noble heart.” 164 In Homeric

eyes, manhood dies when soul and body separate.

Achilles’ dramatic display of grief highlights another theme in Homer – men are

extremely open about their emotions. “All Homer’s heroes display sadness and despair

far more extrovertly and frequently than classical and modern audiences have regarded as

normal and appropriate for men.” 165

According to Homer, the manliest of men cry. 166

Lin Foxhall resolves the apparent masculine conflict here by saying, “The weeping

heroes of Homer maintain their masculinity despite potentially ‘feminine’ emotional

displays, through their prowess in battle.” 167 Male display of emotion remained a debate

among the Greeks for many generations to come.

Many of the same masculine themes from the Iliad continue through the Odyssey.

The reader finds a warning for men against seductive women when Hermes warns

Odysseus twice that Circe will make him “weak and not a man (kako.n kai, avnh,nora

162 Iliad, 16.857.

163 For a refutation of the alleged homosexual relationship between Achilles and Patroclus in the Iliad, see Dover, Greek Homosexuality, 196-99.

164 Iliad, 24.6-8, Lombardo.

165 Hans van Wees, “A Brief History of Tears: Gender Differentiation in Archaic Greece,” in When Men Were Men: Masculinity, Power and Identity in Classical Antiquity (ed. Lin Foxhall and John Salmon; New York: Routledge, 1998), 11.

166 Some instances of display of emotion by men, including shedding tears, are found in the Iliad 8.245; 9.14-16; 10.9-15; 13.88-89; 17.695-700; 18.17, 23-35; 22.33-34, 77-78; 23.385-87; and the Odyssey 4.193-98; 4.219-32; 5.151-58; 8.83-92, 521-31; 9.294-95; 10.201-09, 497-99, 567; 11.526-30; 12.234; 19.209-11. For commentary on the implications of these displays of emotion, see van Wees, “A Brief History of Tears,” 12-14.

167 Foxhall, “Introduction,” 4.

46

qh,h|).” 168 Near the beginning, Athena charges Telemachus to stop acting like a boy in the

absence of his father and call an assembly, demonstrating the importance of public

address for one’s manhood. 169 Telemachus receives further instructions in the last book

when Odysseus encourages him to bring honor to the family name by continuing the

tradition of demonstrating masculinity through martial prowess: “for always before we

have excelled in strength and masculinity (hvnore,h|) over all the earth.” 170 Karen Bassi

adequately summarizes masculinity in Homer’s epics as “the privilege of a conservative

and aristocratic ideology based on external appearance, success in individual combat

against foreign enemies, and hereditary (i.e. patriarchal) succession.” 171 Simply put,

manliness in archaic Greece is fought for and won on the battlefield.

Masculinity in Classical Greece

The examination of masculine concepts in classical Greeks begins with the

histories of Herodotus and Thucydides. In a manner similar to the Homeric epics,

Herodotus usually associates manliness with “martial prowess.” 172 He describes the

Lydians as more manly (avndrhio,teron) than any other race in Asia. The reason

168 Odyssey, 10.301, 341.

169 Ibid., 1.272-73, 297; Peter T. Struck, “The Ordeal of the Divine Sign: Divination and Manliness in Archaic and Classical Greece,” in Andreia: Studies in Manliness and Courage in Classical Antiquity (ed. Ralph Mark Rosen and Ineke Sluiter; Leiden, The Netherlands: Brill Academic Publishers, 2003), 170.

170 Odyssey, 24.508-09, Bassi.

171 Bassi, “Semantics of Manliness,” 36.

172 Sarah E. Harrell, “Marvelous Andreia: Politics, Geography, and Ethnicity in Herodotus’ Histories,” in Andreia: Studies in Manliness and Courage in Classical Antiquity (ed. Ralph Mark Rosen and Ineke Sluiter; Leiden, The Netherlands: Brill Academic Publishers, 2003), 78. An exception to this general principle is found in Herodotus, Histories, 1.17.1, where gunai,koj and avndrei,a are each applied to objects rather than people.

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Herodotus gives for their manliness is the fact that “they fought on horseback, carried

great spears, and were themselves good at horsemanship.” 173 Croesus later tells Cyrus

that the Lydians will cease to be a threat to the Persians once they lay down their

weapons, take up the perceived activities of women and children in their dress, leisure,

and professions, and therefore “become women instead of men (gunai/koj avnt avndrw/n

o;yeia gegono,taj).” 174 King Sesostris further demonstrates the manliness of the warrior

mentality when he divides his conquered peoples in Egypt into two groups. The ones

who fought for their freedom are strong (avlki,moj) and manly (avndrei,oj), but he labels the

ones who did not fight as shameful due to their lack of strength (avna,lkij). 175

In fact,

King Sesostris proceeds to set up pillars displaying images of female genitalia as symbols

of disgrace in the lands of those whom he deemed as unmanly. 176

Masculinity is not the “exclusive possession of any one ethnic group, Greek or

non-Greek.” 177 However, certain lands receive far more credits than others on the

masculine scale. Herodotus demonstrates this principle when he associates the Getae

with avndrei,a. 178 Later in the same chapter, the Scythians accuse the Ionians of being the

worst and “most unmanly (avnandrota,touj)” of men, stereotyping certain males based on

their homeland. 179

The Persian king Cyrus expresses the typical stereotypical thinking

173 Herodotus, Histories, 1.79.3, Harrell.

174 Ibid., 1.155.4.

175 Ibid., 2.102.4-5.

176 Ibid., 2.102.5; Harrell, “Marvelous Andreia,” 79.

177 Harrell, “Marvelous Andreia,” 79.

178 Herodotus, Histories, 4.93.

179 Ibid., 4.142.

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when he says: “It is customary for soft men (malakou.j a;ndraj) to come from soft places

(malakw/n cw,rwn), for it is not possible for marvelous fruit and men skilled at warfare to

spring from the same ground.” 180 Calling a man soft (malako,j) was an insult to his

manhood, a theme this study continues to follow throughout the Greek literature.

Herodotus also highlights the masculine achievements of certain individuals such

as Telines of Sicily. Telines enters the narrative as part of the aid for which the Greeks

sought in their defense against Persia. Herodotus notes the manly ability that Telines

shows in stepping up as a leader to resolve a conflict, 181 despite the labels his home

country placed on him:

It was a marvel to me, considering what I had learned, that Telines accomplished such a deed. For these sorts of deeds I think are not typical of every man, but of one with a good soul and manly strength (r`w,mhj avndrhi,hj). But he is said by the inhabitants of Sicily to have been the opposite of those things: a womanly (qhludri,hj) and rather soft (malakw,teroj) man. 182

Telines provides hope to men seeking to overcome their feminine labels and graduate to

greater masculine status.

Perhaps the manliest of all individuals in the writings of Herodotus is

Hegesistratus, an Eleian seer whom the Spartans had imprisoned. Refusing to remain in

Spartan custody, Hegesistratus cuts off part of his own foot in order to escape from his

chains. Herodotus describes this heroic deed as “the most manly (avndrhio,taton)” of any

of which he knows. 183 Harrell asserts that this deed is a supreme display of masculinity

180 Herodotus, Histories, 9.122.3, Harrell.

181 For more on Telines and the conflict he resolves, see Harrell, “Marvelous Andreia,” 89-91.

182 Herodotus, Histories, 7.153.3-4, Harrell.

183 Ibid., 9.37.2.

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to Herodotus because of the “extreme nature of the risk and the pain it entails.” 184 This

daring act even causes amazement among the Spartans. 185

An interesting character in Herodotus’ Histories is Artemisia, a woman who

wages war against Greece as part of Xerxes’ forces. As a result of her martial prowess,

Herodotus commends her for avndrhi,hj her manly courage. 186 Herodotus provides an

early example of manly females, which serves as a positive in this context. The theme of

describing individuals in terms of the opposite sex continues when Xerxes later says,

“My men have become women, my women have become men.” 187 As Harrell argues,

women could be perceived as manly and men could be perceived as feminine in the

writings of Herodotus based on certain traits. The evidence of the time suggests that

masculinity and femininity are not merely biological but are determined by behavior.

In addition to Herodotus, Thucydides provides some insight into differing

masculine concepts between the city-states of Athens and Sparta in his history of The

Peloponnesian War. In contrast to the intellectual focus of Athens, Bassi depicts the

Spartan culture as adhering to “a conservative – even Homeric kind of manly

action.” 188 Pericles, in the famous funeral oration that Thucydides conveys, pits the

masculine understandings of Sparta and Athens against one another. Pericles’ objective

is to convince the Athenian audience that the application of manliness in the Athenian

184 Harrell, “Marvelous Andreia,” 78.

185 Herodotus, Histories, 9.37.3.

186 Ibid., 7.99.1; For more on the ethnicity of Artemisia and how Herodotus uses her in the narrative, see Harrell, “Marvelous Andreia,” 80-86.

187 Herodotus, Histories, 8.88.3, Harrell.

188 Bassi, “Semantics of Manliness,” 48.

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culture is superior to that of Sparta. 189 Pericles describes Spartan manliness as the “effect

of external compulsion” due to the Spartan need to control the Helot population. 190 By

implicit contrast, Athenian manliness is a more internal disposition. 191

Thucydides sums up manliness during this turbulent time of war by asserting,

“Rash daring was considered manliness for the sake of the party (avndrei,a filet,airoj),

cautious hesitation was considered specious cowardice (deili,a), moderation was

considered a disguise for a lack of manliness (tou. avna,ndrou pro,schma), and

comprehensive intelligence was considered a complete inability to act.” 192 Obviously,

one expresses manliness best in times of war through daring actions. An emerging theme

in all the sources is that a man defines his own masculine status by his ability to act

boldly and decisively within the appropriate spheres. Passivity is feminine; activity is

masculine.

The majority of the primary sources that provide insight into masculinity in

classical Greece come from Athenians. So while these sources specifically reflect the

Athenian masculine perspective, Athens is influential enough on the entire Greco-Roman

world to assume that the Athenian masculine perspective represents the hegemonic

masculine perspective of the Greco-Roman world for many years to come. As part of the

189 Ibid.

190 Ibid., 47; Thucydides, The Peloponnesian War, 2.39.4; For another assertion of the Athenians as both warlike and wise as opposed to being merely warlike like the Spartans, see 1.84.3. Cynic philosophers such as Antisthenes and Diogenes had a special admiration for the Spartans, especially their idea of “moral armament;” Diogenes Laertius, Lives of the Eminent Philosophers, 6.27, 39, 59; Abraham J. Malherbe, Paul and the Popular Philosophers (Minneapolis: Fortress Press, 1989), 97.

191 Bassi, “Semantics of Manliness,” 47.

192 Thucydides, The Peloponnesian War, 3.82.4; translation by Bassi. Avndrei,a and avndrei,oj occur 16 times in Thucydides, usually used in martial contexts: 2.62.2; 2.87.3 (twice); 2.87.4; 4.120.3; 4.126.5, 6; 5.9.9; 5.72.2; 6.69.1; 6.72.2, 4; cf. Bassi, “Semantics of Manliness,” 32.

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rich Athenian culture, the literature of the theater allows observation of classical Greek

archetypes. Beginning with the tragedians and proceeding to the comic playwrights, the

researcher encounters valuable insights.

In Seven Against Thebes, Aeschylus describes the collective fighting spirit of

seven Argive warriors when he utilizes the terms qumo,j (anger) and avndrei,a (manliness):

“Their qumo,j, iron-hearted and burning with avndrei,a / Breathes war like lions with

blazing eyes.” 193 This characterization of male warriors extends the Homeric ideal of

fighting with furious strength. In Euripedes’ Electra, Electra connects manliness to one’s

appearance when she speaks to the corpse of Aegisthus: “You were arrogant because you

lived in a king’s palace and were fitted out with beauty. I want a husband who does not

have a girl’s face, but a manly disposition (avndrei,ou tro,pou). For the children of these

sorts of men are descended from Ares; while your looks are only good for dressing up

dances.” 194 Aegisthus must have possessed girlish features and lacked the look of a man

a reflection of the Greek perception that real men look the part. 195

In contrast to the tragedies, Aristophanes conveys his views on masculinity and

society in general through satire. While discussing avndrei,a in the works of Aristophanes,

Adriaan Rademaker highlights a few particular characters that represent male

archetypes. 196 In Knights, “the Sauage-seller through his depravity becomes a formidable

193 Aeschylus, Seven Against Thebes, 52-53, Bassi.

194 Euripedes, Electra, 947-51, Bassi.

195 Bassi, “Semantics of Manliness,” 43.

196 For a listing of all the instances of avndrei,a in the works of Aristophanes, see Adriaan Rademaker, “‘Most Citizens are Euraprôktoi Now’: (Un)Manliness in Aristophanes,” in Andreia: Studies in Manliness and Courage in Classical Antiquity (ed. Ralph Mark Rosen and Ineke Sluiter; Leiden, The Netherlands: Brill Academic Publishers, 2003), 115.

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‘man’ in politics,” a critique of society’s standards for elite male status. 197 Clouds

features a dialogue between antagonistic characters representing polarizing types of

reason – “Just (Di,kaioj Lo,goj)” and “Unjust (A;dikoj Lo,goj).” These two characters

engage in a debate over which educational philosophy the young Phidippides should

embrace in order that he might become a man. Just brags about his education producing

concepts that reflect traditional masculinity the stout chest and broad shoulders of a

man, the practice of athletics, the ability to fight, and the avoidance of bathhouses, law

courts, and the marketplace (avgora,), as these all represent “places of luxury and idle

chatter.” 198 He then accuses Unjust of endorsing the popular views of the youth of his

day, an educational philosophy that would produce an unathletic, unmanly body and a

deficiency in morals. 199 The position that Just endorses reflects the hegemonic bundling

of manliness with physique and virtue.

In a similar fashion to Herodotus’ description of Artemisia, the main character of

Lysistrata is a manly woman. Aristophanes uses the superlative of avndrei,oj twice of

Lysistrata as he refers to her as “the most manly (avndreiota,twn) of all grandmothers” 200

and “the most manly (avndreiota,th) of all women.” 201 Conversely to the masculine

female, the Athenian comedies also highlight the feminine male. As K. J. Dover says,

“Attic comedy generally assumes that a man who has female bodily characteristics (e.g.

sparse facial hair) or behaves in ways categorized by Athenian society as feminine (e.g.

197 Rademaker, “Most Citizens,” 116; Aristophanes, Knights, 178-79.

198 Rademaker, “Most Citizens,” 116-17; Aristophanes, Clouds, 985-1014.

199 Rademaker, “Most Citizens,” 117; Aristophanes, Clouds, 1015-23.

200 Aristophanes, Lysistrata, 549, Bassi.

201 Ibid., 1108.

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wearing pretty clothes) also seeks to play a woman’s part sexually in relation with other

men and is sought by them for this purpose.” 202 Rademaker argues that Aristophanes has

a socio-political agenda when discussing manliness as he is “making attacks on the