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Burchett in
Australian Media
Gavan McCormack ...............................

Why Robert Mannes campaign against Burchett is wrong

Wilfred Burchett (19391983) is very likely the most vilified of all Australians. He endured much during his lifetime and his ghost has known no rest in the thirty years since then. The principal protagonist pitted against Australias Public Enemy Number One (as he became known) over these three decades has been the one commonly proclaimed Australias Public Intellectual Number One , Robert Manne of La Trobe University. Manne first took up the cudgels against Burchett in his prizewinning August 1985 Quadrant essay, The Fortunes of Wilfred Burchett: A New Assessment , reproduced as Burchett: Paid Agent of the KGB? in the Sydney Morning Herald. He was responding then to my August 1984 essay (An Australian Dreyfus?) in Australian Society in which I had critically considered the evidence of alleged crimes and misdemeanours by Burchett, finding much of it wanting. In due course I responded to the Quadrant piece with a detailed essay addressing the allegations concerning Burchett in the Korean War (Korea: Wilfred Burchetts Thirty Years War) in a book edited by Ben Kiernan in 1986 (Burchett Reporting the Other Side of the World, 19391983) and a more general essay in Meanjin in August 1986 (The New Right and Human Rights: Cultural Freedom and the Burchett Affair). Robert Manne returned to the fraythough never acknowledging or responding to either of these textswith his essay in The Monthly Agent of Influence in June 2008. Ben Kiernan, Stuart Macintyre, Greg Lockhart, Tom Heenan and I published a response (Manne of Influence) in Online Opinion (4 July 2008). The new (2013) Manne charges appear in Burchetts Roubles: The legendary war correspondent was in the pay of the KGB , in The Monthly, August 2013, reproduced in the Weekend Australian on 2728 July as His Paymasters Voice Sets Record Straight , and broadcast on ABC Radio Nationals Sunday Extra program on 28 July.1 Few (if any) Australians could match Mannes capacity to mobilise Australian print and audio media, so the message went out across Australia that the legendary war correspondent was in the pay of the KGB and an agent of a secret police force responsible for the deaths of tens of millions of people . The 1957 document to which Robert Manne drew attention is part of a file of material copied during a brief period when the Soviet archives were opened in 1992. It was placed on the web as part of the Soviet Archive of Vladimir Bukowsky in 1999.2 If it is genuine, and there seems little reason to doubt it, in October 1957 the head of the KGB, Ivan Serov, was authorised to pay Burchett for his anticipated services an initial lump sum of 20,000 roubles (roughly equivalent to A$2000) and an ongoing monthly salary of 3000 roubles (A$300). From this

Robert Manne concludes that Wilfred Burchett was a KGB agent. However, it simply does not follow. All that can be said is that, after this decision, one of four possible things happened: 1. The offer was not actually made; 2. The offer was made and Burchett accepted it; 3. The offer was made and Burchett rejected it; 4. Some offer was madewhether or not accepted but not necessarily in the name of the KGB and not necessarily in the form of engaging and paying for unspecified intelligence services. The document certainly suggests that the KGB held Burchett in high regard as a great journalist and publicist on international questions , who had joined the Communist Party in Australia in 1936, but since heading for Europe (in early 1937) had not had any organisational links with the party . While a correspondent for bourgeois newspapers of a rightist direction, he simultaneously collaborated with progressive and communist newspapers and journals . Since he had settled in Moscow in May 1957 as a correspondent of the (US) National Guardian, the relevant authorities had approved his accreditation as a journalist and the provision of an apartment. The KGB wanted to be able to control him as he sought opportunities to penetrate the American and West European press .

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On the one hand, Burchett is a spy, alcoholic, womaniser and KGB agent, and Australias leading public intellectuals and mass media circulate whatever new material can be provided to keep those allegations alive. On the other there are thoseat most now a handfulwho insist on critically assessing the evidence.

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Assuming the document is genuine, two conclusions follow from it. One is that from 1936, when it says Burchett briefly joined the Victorian branch of the Australian Communist Party, until July 1957, he had no connection with any Communist Party (Soviet or Australian). Consequently he acted on his own during his very active, and contentious, years of living in and writing about Eastern Europe, China, Korea, and Vietnam. Any active service Burchett may have rendered the KGB could only have been done in the period following this 1957 Central Committee, precisely the time when Burchett moved steadily to distance himself from the Soviet stance, prior to identifying himself with China in the Sino-Soviet dispute and then with Vietnam. This fact alone blows a large hole in the long established case for thinking Burchett a lifelong communist and spy. The second conclusion is that the KGB connection, if indeed it was made some time after the Central Committee decision in 1957, was a KGB initiative. The KGB approached him, not the reverse.

for a journalists apartment in September of that year during a brief Moscow stopover and arrived in Moscow in May 1957. He wrote to his father on 4 June, We are settling in to Moscow now after three weeks. Still living in two hotel rooms but with prospects for a nice apartment before long. Housing is very short here, but I got my name on the list as far back as last September and something fairly nice and modern will soon be available. Rent will be between two pounds and two pounds ten a week. Life is fairly expensive here but fees for article are also very high, so for a journalist things work out alright. I had an accumulation of cash here from two books that had been published, plus quite a lot of articles.4 That apartment was certainly in a convenient location, and its rental neither cheap nor especially expensive. Unless, unbeknownst to Burchett, the KGB was somehow pulling strings long before the KGB overture to buy him was approved in 1957, it had nothing to do with its allocation. In introducing the Central Committee document, as in all his hitherto comment on the Burchett matter, Robert Manne refers positively to the evidence provided by the former KGB agent, Yury Krotkov. He now assures his readers that Krotkov was not a liar and a perjurer, but a truth-teller . It is a telling statement of faith. I have discussed Yuri Krotkov (19171982) at length in earlier essays. Suffice it to say now that in the post-war decades Krotkov performed various tasks as a KGB underling, including, as he told the Sydney court in 1974, the provision of sexual favours (swallows) for selected foreigners so as to expose them to blackmail. He defected from the Soviet Union in 1963 and was refused entry to the United States until 1969, when he was invited to give testimony before a Senate Committee. He there launched sensational accusations of secret Soviet connections against a wide range of people, including Jean-Paul Sartre, John Kenneth Galbraith, various French and Indian diplomats, and Wilfred Burchett. His evidence won him permanent resident status and a university post. He presented his Burchett story on at least three occasions, to the Senate Committee in 1969, to the Swiss Eastern Institute in 19715 and finally to the Sydney courtroom in 1974. On the last occasion only, he was subject to cross-examination, and under that constraint he simply abandoned the core charges he had made on the two earlier occasions. He admitted that he had merely surmised that Burchett was a communist and a KGB agent. They had never spoken of such matters, but he had read newspaper articles that said as much. In his own contact with Burchett, he told the court, he found him generally liberal. There was no question about that . As for the Moscow flat, he had simply assumed that the KGB must have been instrumental in securing it. The Sydney court

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It is patently absurd to think that the KGB was able to control impeccably conservative British newspapers. Burchetts professional trajectory was due to his own efforts.

How does the new document fit with what was long known about this period of Burchetts life? First as to his brief supposed membership of the Communist Party of Australia in 1936, it seems very possible that this is simply a mistake. Clive Burchett, Wilfreds brother, did indeed become a party member in that year, but there is no evidence that Wilfred did. He denied it on many occasions and there is evidence that in 1964, when the Communist Party of Australia sent a delegate to visit him in Europe and urge him to become a member (that is, not to resume membership), he declined, stating that despite his sympathy for the socialist cause he was determined to maintain a position independent of all parties .3 Robert Manne in 2008 attempted to resolve this by saying that Burchett must have been a secret communist . But for that to be true, his membership would have had to have been so secret that even the KGB knew nothing of it. As far as the Moscow accreditation and provision of the apartment is concerned, the document in question says merely that the relevant authorities took a decision . What we know from multiple sources is that Burchett was invited to become Moscow correspondent of the National Guardian at the Helsinki journalists conference in the summer of 1956, sought accreditation and applied

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found the case for Burchett being a KGB agent not proven and the Appeal Court eventually ruled that he had suffered a substantial miscarriage of justice . However, the defamation from which Burchett suffered was protected by parliamentary privilege and he was therefore refused redress on technical grounds.6 In 1971, Krotkov told a second story about the Burchett apartment. He said that the apartment had been allocated to Burchett thanks to an intervention on his behalf by an Australian Communist Party delegation visiting Moscow for the 21st Congress of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union. The problem with this story is that that Congress was not held until early 1959 (27 January to 5 February) and that there was no Australian Communist Party delegation in Moscow in the summer of 1957. Krotkovs truth-telling simply does not stand up. Was Burchett desperate for money? It seems he was often short of it, but actually less so during these Moscow years than before or after, because he began, as noted, as correspondent for the National Guardian but soon (and in any case before the Central Committee decision) added to that a role as stringer for the London Daily Express and Sunday Express. Later he also accepted a similar position with the Financial Times. Burchett wrote of his earnings being higher as stringer than when he had been special correspondent (for the Daily Express). Though Manne seems to find persuasive the KGB claim to be somehow guiding Burchett to penetrate the American and West European press, it is patently absurd to think that the KGB was able to control impeccably conservative British newspapers. Burchetts professional trajectory was due to his own efforts. What does seem possible, or even likely, is that his reputation was so high that the KGB wanted to be able to claim credit for him. There is, as it happens, a recently unearthed source that throws fresh light on the Burchett Moscow years and the Krotkov allegations. Early in December 1970, Kathy Rethlake, a woman in California seeking help in writing a masters thesis in journalism for the University of Southern California, wrote to Burchett (at his then Paris home) with a set of questions. A voluminous correspondence followed, continuing through to August 1971.7 Burchett responded to this students requests with extraordinary generosity. His long and thoughtful replies give the sense that he was using the occasion to think about the pattern of his remarkable life. Parts of the exchange were then quoted in the thesis in question, but not otherwise published or known. After describing his trajectory through conservative, mainstream and left-wing media in the years since 1945, Burchett wrote on 18 December 1970: I think it is worth noting that had I been an Australian Communist as is often stated, I could never have acted in such a way. If one is a member of a Communist party, one accepts the discipline of that partyor one quits and is expelled. That is absolutely normal and proper. At different times, for instance, the Australian C.P. took at first one side, then the other side, in the Sino-Soviet dispute. Had I been an Australian Communist I would have had to reflect these positions in my writing and reporting, no matter for what paper I was writing. But I did not. For a considerable period, for reasons of peaceful coexistence orthodox communist parties, in effect reproached the NFL [sic, the French initials for the National Liberation Front] for starting armed struggle in South Vietnam and withheld support. I was the pioneer among all journalists in all-out support for the NFL because I knew the South Vietnamese people had no

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What, these intelligence bureaucrats must have wondered, was country lad Wilfred Burchett doing learning language after language, writing analyses of world affairs for the global media, and singlehandedly undertaking an obviously risky Jewish rescue mission in the heart of Nazi Germany?
alternative. In other words, I have never been subject to the disciplines of a party line but have kept my independence politically as well as professionally I do not want to give the impression that I am sneering at party discipline which is absolutely essential, I only want to make the point thatprobably because of the fact of my extremely unsettled life since I became politically mature, I have never belonged to any political organization and thus have never been subject to any disciplines other than those dictated by my own conscience.

Rethlake then made the first reference to the Krotkov allegations, in her letter to Burchett of 9 February 1971, from which Burchett first learned of the Krotkov charges. I am interested in the Yuri Krotkov, alias George Karlin, testimony before the US Senate Judiciary Committee in November 1969 What reaction and/or reply do you have to his testimony? Burchett responded a week later (15 February 1971). I was fascinated by the bit about Yuri Krotkov and I cant understand why this is the first Ive heard of it. (Could you send it in more detail, please?) I knew him first in Berlin immediately after the war when he worked with the Soviet Information Bureau He often came to the British press club and invited British correspondents to the Soviet one ... Years later, I met him in Moscow where he said that he was working for International Affairs a Soviet monthly. (But once when I wanted to contact him here, the secretary said she had never heard of him!) He started inviting me to dinners too often and with too much caviar and vodka, inevitably directing the conversation after a few vodkas to journalists and British intelligence. As this is a subject on which I have no knowledge at all, that sort of conversation got nowhere. Finally when he returned to it again after the 4th or 5th dinner, I bluntly told him this was a conversation and a subject which I found excessively boring and

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would he please drop it. This must have been in the summer-autumn of 1957. After that I never saw him again. If he now says that he recruited me then it is possibly this that he was leading up to. But it was a very oblique approachnot as direct as I have had from some western intelligence agencies. Perhaps he got into trouble for having failed! [italics added]. In any case my position and my advice to colleagues who have been approached by one side or another to do this sort of work, is to advise them that it is professional suicide to indulge in such work. People who do stick out a mileyou can almost smell them . Why he would say that I dont know. But defectors have a habit of paying their way by saying what the new boss wants to hear But if Krotkov has thrown that bit of mud, the unfortunate thing is that some of it will stick. How can I prove that Im not somebodys agent anymore than how could you prove that you are not a CIA agent if someone swears you are. Nothing in this account, volunteered spontaneously in his private correspondence with the American thesis-writer upon first learning of the Krotkov allegations, changed in the long saga that then evolved between the two men, culminating in the confrontation in the Sydney courtroom in 1974. Mud sticks, however, and continues to stick, even though Burchetts consistency and credibility contrast with the shifting, self-serving and often demonstrably false accounts given by Krotkov, Robert Mannes chosen truth-teller . After Rethlake sent him the Senate Committee documents, Burchett commented further in a letter to her of 5 May 1971. I couldnt put them down, once started. And, until I found him out to be an abysmal liar I had regarded Krotkov as a sincere, straightforward person, the sort of Russian of a younger generation with whom the West could get on well Krotkov with his disease-ridden mind, admits he saw everyone he met as a buyer or seller and ostentatiously offered himself for sale. He was disappointed that I was not a buyer . That summer-autumn meeting with Krotkov would seem to have coincided so closely with the Central Committee decision to make him an offer that one has to wonder: is it possible that Krotkov simply failed to make the offer, or thought it would be hopeless anyway? Had Burchett been aware of the purport of the Central Committee document when he wrote to Ms Rethlake in 1971 that Perhaps he got into trouble for having failed! he might well have deleted the exclamation mark. On the following day, 16 February 1971, Burchett wrote her another short letter: My mind has gone back to the various meetings with him [Krotkov] since reading

your letter. I cannot think that he was an important KGB scout, but perhaps he was a fairly low level talent scout . Towards the end of our short relationship, I once played a joke on him. Once, as if he was preparing a great favour, he said he could take me along to the Foreign Languages Publishing House and, because of his influence, arrange to have a book of mine translatedit was to do with the Korean War. So I let him take me along and with tremendous pomposity showing off his excellent contacts, he took me into see Chuvikov, then the director. I enjoyed Chuvikovs amazement that I would need a Krotkov to arrange a meeting, and Krotkovs embarrassment when Chuvikov greeted me as an old friend. The book in question had been published months before in Moscow. I cannot think that a high level agent, or even a wellbriefed low-level one would have made such a mistake. One further episode is worth recounting, insignificant in itself but characteristic of the way in which half-truths and innuendo have been employed to construct the case in which Burchett is confidently pronounced by Manne and much of the Australian mass media as responsible for the deaths of tens of millions . When asked by the Sydney court Do you know of your own knowledge whether the KGB paid Burchett? Krotkov responded, as one example, that Burchett had once asked him for 150 pounds. On this Burchett commented, Among the innuendos [in the Krotkov evidence to the Senate Committee] there are a couple which are particularly slanderous. That I asked for 150 dollars to visit Berlin for instance (page 161). In reality, as I mentioned earlier [in a previous letter to Ms Rethlake] Krotkov had presented himself to me as representing the monthly magazine International Affairs, for whom I had written a long review of Graham Greenes The Quiet American . The payment was the equivalent of 150 dollars, in roubles. Krotkov immediately offered to arrange payment in dollars. Subsequently he said there had not been enough time to arrange it .

I have argued in the past that the long campaign of Burchett denigration deserves exploration as a remarkable phenomenon in Australias political, social and intellectual history. Manne and his colleagues have accused Burchett at various times of being a black marketeer, torturer, brainwasher, alcoholic, womaniser, agent of influence and spy. They dismiss those who dispute their case as Burchett supporters , at times resorting to ad hominem attack (in 1985 accusing me, for example, of teaching a neo-Stalinist version of post-war history to my students and of doctoring history).8 Over time, however, Manne and his prosecution team have varied their charges. The bizarre 1985 allegation against

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Burchett of Don Juan sexual adventures (repeating the curious 1953 complaint to ASIO by Burchetts sometime friend Denis Warner that Burchett was very fond of and for no apparent reason a great success with women) has not been repeated. Likewise the 1985 imputation of antiSemitism, by describing Burchett as a Julus Streicher , has not been repeated. Streicher (18851946) was a notorious Nazi, anti-Semitic publicist, executed as a war criminal, so to refer to Burchett as a Julius Streicher was the grossest slur imaginable. In 2008, Manne deleted it, without explanation or apology, and added brief reference to the truth that Burchett actually had a heroic anti-Nazi record of rescuing Jewish refugees. By 2008, Manne had also conceded that Burchett had been a journalist of very considerable talent with a genuine instinct for human equality who had backed the right horse on Vietnam and probably had never worked for the KGB. On this last matter, Manne now again changes his mind. As the 2013 round of orchestrated vilification was launched across the Australian mass media, I was led to think back through the long and sorry saga to its roots almost a century ago. Long before the activities of which Wilfred Burchett today stands accused, the Poowong family of

Club sought to enlighten public opinion within the area concerning the necessity for making available to refugees from Nazi Germany the possibility of a free Australia. Many refugees found their way to the Burchett farm, Greenhaven, Poowong, and eventually were able to find suitable employment in Melbourne.10 The Burchett family played an extraordinary and unheralded role in assisting the escape of Jewish refugees from Austria and Germany and their re-settlement in Australia. The Poowong Refugee and Discussion Club brought together poor Gippsland farmers, the local butter factory manager, the blacksmith, a school teacher, and whichever Burchetts happened to be in town, to discuss world affairs. It was this group that inspired Wilfred to take off for Europe and Germany in 1939 to do what he could, and this group that inspired its members who stayed behind to help in the resettlement and employment of dozens of refugees. From the late 1930s, Burchett mail (father and sons including Wilfred) seems to have been routinely intercepted, copied and sometimes apparently just confiscated (because originals are in the files). One letter Wilfred Burchett wrote in December 1938 from Berlin to his brother Winston on the horrors of Nazism was not delivered until forty-seven years later, as part of a freedom of information submission made by the Burchett family. Another Burchett letter, written by Winston Burchett on 20 July 1942 to Jawaharal Nehru, sending copy of a pamphlet written by himself and his father, entitled Wanted! A New Deal for India , was simply seized. Winston was suspect because he manifested considerable interest in the cause of races which the Communist Party has regarded as being exploited by the Imperialistic overlords of the world flung British Empire . Referring specifically to Wilfred, a March 1941 intelligence report by W. Astey Wynes added: According to advice received from the department of the Army, the first-named [Wilfred Graham Burchett] is of Australian parentage, a country lad of primary education who developed an unusual gift for foreign languages and speaks German, French, Spanish and Italian Burchett has been closely interested in the welfare of Jewish refugees, and in February 1939, whilst in Germany, he secured the release of a number of these people from concentration camps, and on returning to England smuggled a quantity of jewellery from Germany. In England he married a German refugee who is of Jewish persuasion and reported to be anti-Nazi.11 What, these intelligence bureaucrats must have wondered, was country lad Wilfred Burchett doing learning language after language, writing analyses of world affairs for the global media, and single-handedly undertaking an obviously risky Jewish rescue mission in the heart of Nazi Germany? Neighbours were invited to spy on the Burchett family. The registration details of cars in which they rode were recorded, those who visited them or attended their public meetings were identified and in turn investigated. On one of Wilfreds rare visits to Australia in 195051, security agents followed him and brought pressure to bear so that the doors of town halls up and down the country were suddenly closed to him. As Sir James

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Long before the activities of which Wilfred Burchett today stands accused, the Poowong family of Burchetts ... came under surveillance for their internationalism, anti-colonialism, labour radicalism, commitment to peace and activities to help Jewish refugees.

BurchettsBurchett senior (George) and his three sons, Wilfred, Clive and Winstoncame under surveillance for their internationalism, anti-colonialism, labour radicalism, commitment to peace and activities to help Jewish refugees. The earliest entry in the intelligence file seems to be the report of a sermon that George Burchett, Wilfreds father, a Methodist minister, delivered in Ballarat on Anzac Day 1934 in which he appealed for tolerance to that great country, Russia . By July 1940, Southern Commands intelligence section was noting that the Poowong Burchetts were ringleaders of communistic group in town , who distributed communistic literature .9 Note was duly taken. However, there is a curious ambivalence in these early security file references, as if the officers writing them were torn between admiration and suspicion. The Deputy Director of Security wrote in a confidential 1943 message to his Director, In 193536 the full weight of Nazi oppression was being directed against the Jewish community. Burchett Snr became intensely interested in the refugee problem, and founded the Poowong Refugee and Discussion Club. This

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Disney, Lord Mayor of Melbourne, put it early in 1951, when denying the use of the Melbourne Town Hall for a Burchett meeting, Letting of the town hall for a meeting in support of peace would be against the principles of the United Nations. Free speech, yes; free assembly, yes; but I would not support a peace meeting.12

Notes
1 The above is a far from exhaustive list. Books by Robert Manne and Tom Heenan, the Sydney University doctoral thesis by Jamie Miller in 2007 and the Memoirs of a Rebel Journalist: the Autobiography of Wilfred Burchett, edited by George Burchett and Nick Shimmin and published by University of NSW Press in 2005, might be added. KGB Question (in Russian), 25 October 1957, CT52/128, in Soviet Archives , 1999, collected by Vladimir Bukowsky <http://www.bukovsky-archives.net/pdfs/ terr-wd/terr-wd-eng.html#7.1>. W. E. Gollan in Sydney Morning Herald, 25 August 1985.

Despite Robert Mannes long continuing campaign, there is no confrontation between Burchett supporters and enemies , and indeed there never has been. There has been for over sixty years a determined campaign, with strong links in Australian intelligence and right-wing organisations, to denigrate Burchett and to smear those who raise any challenge to the process. That in turn developed out of suspicion over the democratic, humanist, internationalist and labourcentred views propagated by the Poowong Association. On the one hand, Burchett is a spy, alcoholic, womaniser and KGB agent, and Australias leading public intellectuals and mass media circulate whatever new material can be provided to keep those allegations alive. On the other there are thoseat most now a handfulwho insist on critically assessing the evidence. Both the National Library of Australia and the Victorian State Library hold a substantial volume of materials including not only Wilfred Burchetts personal papers and correspondence but also many files released by Australian government departments in response to a Burchett family request in the mid-1980s. The Burchett family has deposited these materials in the belief that a time will come when serious and impartial scholars will peruse them. The simple fact is that the document produced by Robert Manne today does not say what he alleges of it. It is certainly possible, however improbable, that following the Central Committee decision late in 1957 an offer was made to Burchett and that he accepted it. However, neither Manne nor to my knowledge anyone else, has ever produced evidence to prove it and of four possibilities outlined above it now seems also the least likely. Burchett himself firmly denied it and his explanation of events at the time complemented now by the new evidence outlined in this paperis persuasive. Although the Australian government had, without charge, deprived him and his children of their Australian passports, Burchett had managed to obtain other travel documents and significant employment with both conservative British and radical US newspapers. Neither his financial situation nor his writing suggest a man who needed to or might for whatever reason sell the political independence he claims to have valued. Logic, law and morality demand that the charges be dismissed.

4 This and other documents are to be found in the Papers of Wilfred Burchett , 55 boxes, the National Library of Australia, Canberra, <http://trove.nla.gov.au/work/ 168220370?versionId=183388604>. 5 Yury Krotkov, Peter William Burchett: Cold Warrior or Peace Angel? Swiss Eastern Institute, 1971, purchased by the Australian Association for Cultural Freedom in that same year for 50 and now contained in the Attorney Generals departments Burchett files.

6 For details see my 1984 essay cited above. 7 I am grateful to Wilfred Burchetts son, George, for copies of this correspondence. 8 Robert Manne, Left Right Left, Political Essays, 19772005, Melbourne, Black Inc, 2005. 9 Southern Command, Information relating to Burchett, Father George, Son Wilfred and son Clive , 3 July 1940, Intelligence section, V.1 107, 3rd Military District, File AA1975/215, provided under Freedom of Information to Winston Burchett, 1985. 10 J. C. McFarlane, Deputy Director of Security, Confidential, Burchett Family , 20 September 1943 to Director-General of Security, ibid. 11 Saving telegram from Department of External Affairs, Canberra, Secret, 17 March 1941, received 2 April 1941, AA1975/215 item 25/41. 12 The Guardian, Melbourne, 11 January 1951.

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Burchett in Australian Media Gavan McCormack

Human Rights and IsraelPalestine Richard Falk

Richard Falk is United Nations Special Rapporteur on Palestinian human rights. He is also Albert G. Milbank Professor Emeritus of International Law at Princeton University and Visiting Distinguished Professor in Global and International Studies at the University of California, Santa Barbara.

Les Rosenblatt is a Melbourne writer who contributes periodic commentary and book reviews to Arena Magazine on the Middle East and the PalestineIsrael conflict.

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