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EUROPEAN HISTORY

VOLUME ONE - MIDDLE AGES

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PEASANTS' REVOLT
Peasants' Revolt 1 1 23 23

RENAISSANCE
Italian Renaissance

References
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PEASANTS' REVOLT
Peasants' Revolt
Peasants' Revolt

Richard II meets the rebels on 13 June 1381 in a miniature from a 1470's copy of Jean Froissart's Chronicles. Date 30 May 1381 - November 1381

Location England Result Suppression of revolt and execution of rebel leaders

Belligerents
Rebel forces Royal government

Commanders and leaders


Wat Tyler John Wrawe John Ball Richard II William Walworth Henry le Despenser

Casualties and losses


At least 1,500 Unknown

The Peasants' Revolt, also called Wat Tyler's Rebellion or the Great Rising, was a major uprising across large parts of England in 1381. The revolt had various causes, including the economic and political tensions generated by the Black Death in the 1340s, the high taxes resulting from the conflict with France during the Hundred Years War, and instability within the local leadership of London. The final trigger for the revolt was the intervention of a royal official, John Bampton, in Essex on 30 May 1381. His attempts to collect unpaid poll taxes in the town of Brentwood ended in a violent confrontation, which rapidly spread across the south-east of the country. A wide spectrum of rural society, including many local artisans and village officials, rose up in protest, burning court records and opening the local gaols. The rebels sought a reduction in taxation, an end to the system of unfree labour known as serfdom and the removal of the King's senior officials and law courts.

Peasants' Revolt Inspired by the sermons of the radical cleric John Ball, and led by Wat Tyler, a contingent of Kentish rebels advanced on London. They were met at Blackheath by representatives of the royal government, who unsuccessfully attempted to persuade them to return home. King Richard II, then aged only 14, retreated to the safety of the Tower of London, but most of the royal forces were abroad or in northern England. On 13 June, the rebels entered London and, joined by many local townsfolk, attacked the gaols, destroyed the Savoy Palace and the Temple Inns of Court, set fire to law books and killed anyone associated with the royal government. The following day, Richard met the rebels at Mile End and acceded to most of their demands, including the abolition of serfdom. Meanwhile, rebels entered the Tower of London, killing the Lord Chancellor and the Lord High Treasurer, whom they found inside. On 15 June Richard left the city to meet with Tyler and the rebels at Smithfield. Violence broke out, and Richard's party killed Tyler. Richard defused the tense situation long enough for London's mayor, William Walworth, to gather a militia from the city and disperse the rebel forces. Richard immediately began to re-establish order in London and rescinded his previous grants to the rebels. The revolt had also spread into East Anglia, where the University of Cambridge was attacked and many royal officials were killed. Unrest continued until the intervention of Henry le Despenser, who defeated a rebel army at the Battle of North Walsham on 25 or 26 June. Troubles extended north to the cities of York, Beverley and Scarborough, and west as far as Bridgwater in Somerset. Richard mobilised around 4,000 soldiers to help restore order. Most of the rebel leaders were tracked down and executed; by November, at least 1,500 rebels had been killed. The Peasants' Revolt has been widely studied by academics. Late 19th-century historians used a range of sources from contemporary chroniclers to assemble an account of the uprising, and these were supplemented in the 20th century by research using court records and local archives. Interpretations of the revolt have shifted over the years. Once seen as a defining moment in English history, modern academics are less certain of its impact on subsequent social and economic history. The revolt heavily influenced the course of the Hundred Years War, by deterring later Parliaments from raising additional taxes to pay for military campaigns in France. The revolt has been widely used in socialist literature, including by the author William Morris, and remains a potent political symbol for the political left, informing the arguments surrounding the introduction of the Community Charge in the United Kingdom during the 1980s.

Background and causes


Economics
The Peasants' Revolt was fed by the economic and social upheaval of the 14th century.[1] At the start of the century, the majority of English people worked in the countryside, as part of a sophisticated economy that fed the country's towns and cities and supported an extensive international trade.[2] Across much of England, production was organised around manors, controlled by local lords including the gentry and the Church and governed through a system of manorial courts.[3] Some of the population were unfree serfs, who had to work on their lords' lands for a period of time each year, although the balance of free and unfree varied across England, and in the south-east there were relatively few serfs.[4] Some serfs were born unfree and Priests blessing victims of the plague, c. 136075 could not leave their manors to work elsewhere without the consent of the local lord; others accepted limitations on their freedom as part of the tenure agreement for their farmland.[5] Population growth led to pressure on the available agricultural land, increasing the power of local landowners.[6]

Peasants' Revolt In 1348 a plague known as the Black Death crossed from Europe into England, rapidly killing an estimated 50 per cent of the population.[7] After an initial period of economic shock, England began to adapt to the changed economic situation.[8] The death rate among the peasantry meant that suddenly land was relatively plentiful and manpower in much shorter supply.[9] Labourers could charge more for their work and, in the consequent competition for labour, wages were driven sharply upwards.[10] In turn, the profits of landowners were eroded.[11] The trading, commercial and financial networks in the towns disintegrated.[12] The authorities responded to the chaos with emergency legislation, the Ordinance of Labourers, passed in 1349, and the Statute of Labourers of 1351.[13] These attempted to fix wages at pre-plague levels, making it a crime to refuse work or to break an existing contract, imposing fines on those who transgressed.[14] The system was initially enforced through special Justices of Labourers and then, from the 1360s onwards, through the normal Justices of the Peace, typically members of the local gentry.[15] Although in theory these laws applied to both labourers seeking additional wages and to employers tempted to outbid their competitors for workers, they were in practice applied only to labourers, and then in a rather arbitrary fashion.[16] The legislation was strengthened in 1361, with the penalties increased to include branding and imprisonment.[17] The royal government had not intervened in this way before, or allied itself with the local landowners in quite such an obvious or unpopular way.[] Over the next few decades, economic opportunities increased for the English peasantry.[18] Some labourers took up specialist jobs that would have previously been barred to them, and others moved from employer to employer, or became servants in richer households.[19] These changes were keenly felt across the south-east of England, where the London market created a wide range of opportunities for farmers and artisans.[20] Local lords had the right to prevent serfs from leaving their manors, but when serfs found themselves blocked in the manorial courts, many simply left to work illegally on manors elsewhere.[21] Wages continued to rise, and between the 1340s and the 1380s the purchasing power of rural labourers increased by around 40 percent.[22] As the wealth of the lower classes increased, Parliament brought in fresh laws in 1363 to prevent them from consuming expensive goods formerly only affordable by the elite. These sumptuary laws proved unenforceable, but the wider labour laws continued to be firmly applied.[23]

War and finance


Another factor in the revolt of 1381 was the management of the war with France. In 1337 Edward III of England had pressed his claims to the French throne, beginning a long-running conflict that became known as the Hundred Years War. Edward had initial successes, but his campaigns were not decisive. Charles V of France became more active in the conflict after 1369, taking advantage of his country's greater economic strength to commence cross-Channel raids on England.[24] By the 1370s, England's armies on the continent were under huge military and financial pressure; the garrisons in Calais and Brest alone, for example, were costing 36,000 a year to support, while military expeditions could consume 50,000 in only six months.[25][26]</ref> Edward died in 1377, leaving the throne to his grandson, Richard II, then only ten years old.[27]

Peasants' Revolt

4 Richard's government was formed around his uncles, most prominently the rich and powerful John of Gaunt, and many of his grandfather's former senior officials. They faced the challenge of financially sustaining the war in France. Taxes in the 14th century were raised on an ad hoc basis through Parliament, then comprising the Lords, the titled aristocracy and clergy; and the Commons, the representatives of the knights, merchants and senior gentry from across England.[28] These taxes were typically imposed on a household's movable possessions, such as their goods or stock.[29] The raising of these taxes affected the members of the Commons much more than the Lords.[30] To exacerbate matters, the official statistics used to administrate the taxes predated the Black Death and, since the size and wealth of local communities no longer bore much resemblance to the pre-plague figures, effective collection had become increasingly difficult.[31]

English soldiers landing in Normandy, c. 13801400, during the Hundred Years War

Just before Edward's death, Parliament introduced a new form of taxation called the poll tax, which was levied at the rate of four pence on every person over the age of 14, with a deduction for married couples.[32][33]</ref> Designed to spread the cost of the war over a broader economic base than previous tax levies, this round of taxation proved extremely unpopular but raised 22,000.[32] The war continued to go badly and, despite raising some money through forced loans, the Crown returned to Parliament in 1379 to request further funds.[34] The Commons were supportive of the young King, but had concerns about the amounts of money being sought and the way this was being spent by the King's counsellors, whom they suspected of corruption.[35] A second poll tax was approved, this time with a sliding scale of taxes against seven different classes of English society, with the upper classes paying more in absolute terms.[36] Tax evasion proved to be a problem, and it only raised 18,600, much less than the 50,000 that had been hoped for.[37] In November 1380, Parliament was called together again in Northampton. Archbishop Simon Sudbury, the new Lord Chancellor, updated the Commons on the worsening situation in France, a collapse in international trade, and the risk of the Crown having to default on its debts.[38] The Commons were told that the colossal sum of 160,000 was now required in new taxes, and arguments ensued between the royal council and Parliament about what to do next.[39] Parliament passed a third poll tax, this time on a flat-rate basis of 12 pence on each person over 15, with no allowance made for married couples, which they estimated would raise 66,666.[40] The third poll tax was highly unpopular and many in the south-east evaded it by refusing to register.[41] The royal council appointed new commissioners in March 1381 to interrogate local village and town officials in an attempt to find those who were refusing to comply.[42] The extraordinary powers and interference of these teams of investigators in local communities, primarily in the south-east and east of England, raised still further the tensions surrounding the fresh taxes.[43]

Peasants' Revolt

Protest and authority


The decades running up to 1381 were a rebellious, troubled period.[44] London was a particular locus for unrest, and the activities of the city's politically active guilds and fraternities often alarmed the authorities.[45] Londoners were unhappy with the expansion of the royal legal system in the capital, in particular the increased role of the Marshalsea Court in Southwark, which had begun to compete with the city authorities for judicial power in Sheep farming, from the Luttrell Psalter, c. 132040 [46][47] London. </ref> The city's population also resented the presence of foreigners, Flemish weavers in particular.[48] Londoners detested John of Gaunt because he was a supporter of the religious reformer John Wycliffe, whom the London public regarded as a heretic.[49] John of Gaunt was also engaged in a feud with the London elite and was rumoured to be planning to replace the elected Mayor with a captain, appointed by the Crown.[50] The London elite were themselves fighting out a vicious, internal battle for political power.[51] As a result, in 1381 the ruling classes in London were unstable and divided.[52] Rural communities, particularly in the south-east, were unhappy with the operation of serfdom and the use of the local manorial courts to exact traditional fines and levies, not least because the same landowners who were running these courts also often acted as enforcers of the unpopular labour laws or as royal judges.[53] Many of the village elites refused to take up positions in local government and began to frustrate the operation of the courts.[54] Animals seized by the courts began to be "rescued" by their owners, and legal officials were assaulted.[55] Some started to advocate the creation of independent village communities, respecting traditional laws but separate from the hated legal system centred in London.[56] As the historian Miri Rubin describes, for many, "the problem was not the country's laws, but those charged with applying and safeguarding them".[57] Concerns were raised about these changes in society.[58] William Langland wrote the poem Piers Plowman in the years before 1380, praising peasants who respected the law and worked hard for their lords, but complaining about greedy, travelling labourers demanding higher wages.[59] The poet John Gower feared England might see an uprising similar to the French Jacquerie revolt of 1358, in which the peasants had risen up against their masters.[60] There was a moral panic about the threat posed by newly arrived workers in the towns and the possibility that servants might turn against their masters.[61] New legislation was introduced in 1359 to deal with migrants, existing conspiracy laws were more widely applied and the treason laws were extended to include servants or wives who betrayed their masters and husbands.[62] By the 1370s, there were even fears that if the French invaded England, the rural classes might side with the invaders.[] The discontent began to give way to open protest. In 1377, the "Great Rumour" occurred in south-east and south-west England.[63] Rural workers organised themselves and refused to work for their lords, arguing that, according to the Domesday Book, they were exempted from such requests.[64] The workers made unsuccessful appeals to the law courts and the King.[65] There were also widespread urban tensions, particularly in London, where John of Gaunt only narrowly escaped being lynched.[66] The troubles increased again in 1380, with protests and disturbances across the north of England and in the western towns of Shrewsbury and Bridgwater.[67] An uprising occurred in York, during which John de Gisborne, the city's mayor, was removed from office, and fresh tax riots followed in early 1381.[68] There was a great storm in England during May 1381, which many felt to prophesy future change and upheaval, adding further to the disturbed mood.[69]

Peasants' Revolt

Events
Outbreak of revolt
Essex and Kent The revolt of 1381 broke out in Essex, following the arrival of John Bampton to investigate non-payment of the poll tax on 30 May.[] Bampton was a member of Parliament, a Justice of the Peace and well-connected with royal circles.[] He based himself in the town of Brentwood and summoned representatives from the neighbouring villages of Corringham, Fobbing and Stanford-le-Hope to explain and make good the shortfalls on 1 June.[] The villagers appear to have arrived well-organised, and armed with old bows and sticks.[] Bampton first interrogated the people of Fobbing, whose representative, Thomas Baker, declared that his village had already paid their taxes, and that no more money would be forthcoming.[] When Bampton and two sergeants attempted to arrest Baker, violence broke out.[] Bampton escaped and retreated to London, but three of his clerks and several of the Brentwood townsfolk who had agreed to act as jurors were killed.[70] Robert Bealknap, the Chief Justice of the Court of Common Pleas, who was probably already holding court in the area, was empowered to arrest and deal with the perpetrators.[71] By the next day, the revolt was rapidly growing.[] The villagers spread the news across the region, and John Geoffrey, a local bailiff, rode between Brentwood and Chelmsford, rallying support.[] On 4 June, the rebels gathered at the village of Bocking, where their future plans seem to have been discussed.[72] The Essex rebels, possibly a few thousand strong, advanced towards London, some probably travelling directly and others via Kent.[] One group, under the leadership of John Wrawe, a former chaplain, marched north towards the neighbouring county of Suffolk, with the intention of raising a revolt there.[73] Meanwhile, revolt also flared in neighbouring Kent.[] Sir Simon de Burley, a close associate of both Edward III and the young Richard, had claimed that a man in Kent, called Robert Belling, was an escaped Peasant longbowmen at practice, from the serf from one of his estates.[] Burley sent two sergeants to Gravesend, Luttrell Psalter, c. 132040 where Belling was living, to reclaim him.[] Gravesend's local bailiffs and Belling tried to negotiate a solution under which Burley would accept a sum of money in return for dropping his case, but this failed and Belling was taken away to be imprisoned at Rochester Castle.[] A furious group of local people gathered at Dartford, possibly on 5 June, to discuss the matter.[74] From there the rebels travelled to Maidstone, where the gaol was stormed, and then onto Rochester on 6 June.[75] Faced by the angry crowds, the constable in charge of Rochester Castle surrendered it without a fight and Belling was freed.[] Some of the Kentish crowds now dispersed, but others decided to continue.[] From this point, they appear to have been led by Wat Tyler, whom the Anonimalle Chronicle suggests was elected their leader at a large gathering at Maidstone on 7 June.[76] Relatively little is known about Tyler's former life; chroniclers suggest that he was from Essex, had served in France as an archer and was a charismatic and capable leader.[76] Several chroniclers believe that he was responsible for shaping the political aims of the revolt.[77] Some also mention a Jack Straw as a leader among the Kentish rebels during this phase in the revolt, but it is uncertain if this was a real person, or a pseudonym for Wat Tyler or John Wrawe.[78][79]</ref> Tyler and the Kentish men advanced to Canterbury, being allowed into the walled city and castle without resistance on 10 June.[80] The rebels deposed the absent Archbishop of Canterbury, Sudbury, and made the cathedral monks swear loyalty to their cause.[81] They attacked properties in the city with links to the hated royal council, and searched the city for suspected enemies, dragging the suspects out of their houses and executing them.[82] The city

Peasants' Revolt gaol was opened and the prisoners freed.[83] Tyler then persuaded a few thousand of the rebels to leave Canterbury and advance with him on London the next morning.[] March on the capital The Kentish advance on London appears to have been coordinated with the movement of the rebels in Essex, Suffolk and Norfolk.[] Their forces were armed with a mixture of weaponry, including sticks, battle axes, old swords and bows.[84][85]</ref> Along their way, they encountered Lady Joan, the King's mother, who was travelling back to the capital to avoid being caught up in the revolt; she was mocked but otherwise left unharmed.[] The Kentish rebels reached Blackheath, just south-east of the capital, on 12 June.[][86]</ref> Meanwhile, word of the revolt reached the King at Windsor Castle on 15th-century representation of the cleric John the night of 10 June.[] He travelled by boat down the Thames to Ball encouraging the rebels; Wat Tyler is shown London the next day, taking up residence in the powerful fortress of in red, front left the Tower of London for safety, where he was joined by his mother, Archbishop Sudbury, the Lord High Treasurer Sir Robert Hales, the Earls of Arundel, Salisbury and Warwick and a number of other senior nobles.[87] A delegation, headed by Thomas Brinton, the Bishop of Rochester, was sent out from London to negotiate with the rebels and persuade them to return home.[] At Blackheath, John Ball gave a famous sermon to the assembled Kentishmen.[] Ball was a well-known priest and radical preacher from Kent, who was by now closely associated with Tyler.[88] Chroniclers' accounts vary as to how he came to be involved in the revolt; he may have been released from Maidstone gaol by the crowds, or might have been already at liberty when the revolt broke out.[89] Ball rhetorically asked the crowds "When Adam delved and Eve span, who was then a gentleman?" and promoted the rebel slogan "With King Richard and the true commons of England".[] The phrases emphasised the rebel opposition to the continuation of serfdom and to the hierarchies of the Church and State that separated the citizen from the King, while stressing that they were loyal to the monarchy and, unlike the King's advisors, were "true" to Richard.[90] The rebels rejected proposals from the Bishop of Rochester that they should return home, and instead prepared to march on.[] Discussions took place in the Tower of London about how to deal with the revolt.[] The King had only a small number of troops at hand, in the form of the castle's garrison, his immediate bodyguard and, at most, several hundred soldiers.[91][92]</ref> Many of the more experienced military commanders were in France, Ireland and Germany, and the nearest major military force was in the north of England, guarding against a potential Scottish invasion.[93] Resistance in the provinces was also complicated by English law, which stated that only the King could summon local militias or lawfully execute rebels and criminals, leaving many local lords unwilling to attempt to suppress the uprisings on their own authority.[94] Since the Blackheath negotiations had failed, the decision was taken that the King himself should meet the rebels, at Greenwich, on the south side of the Thames.[95] Guarded by four barges of soldiers, Richard sailed from the Tower on the morning of 13 June, where he was met on the other side by the rebel crowds.[] The negotiations failed, as Richard was unwilling to come ashore and the rebels refused to enter discussions until he did.[] Richard returned across the river to the Tower.[96]

Peasants' Revolt

Events in London
Entry to the city The rebels began to cross from Southwark onto London Bridge on the afternoon of 13 June.[96] The defences on London Bridge were opened from the inside, either in sympathy for the rebel cause or simply out of fear, and the rebels advanced into the city.[97][98]</ref> At the same time, the rebel force from Essex made its way towards Aldgate on the north side of the city.[99] The rebels swept west through the centre of the city, and Aldgate was opened to let the rest of the rebels in.[100] The Kentish rebels had assembled a wide-ranging list of people whom they Map of London in 1381: A Clerkenwell; B Priory of St. John; C Smithfield; D Newgate and Fleet Prisons; E The Savoy Palace; F The Temple; G- Black wanted the King to hand over for Friars; H Aldgate; I Mile End; J Westminster; K Southwark; L execution.[] It included national figures, Marshalsea Prison; M London Bridge; N Tower of London such as John of Gaunt, Archbishop Sudbury and Hales; other key members of the royal council; officials, such as Bealknap and Bampton who had intervened in Kent; and other hated members of the wider royal circle.[] When they reached the Marshalsea Prison in Southwark, they tore it apart.[101] By now the Kent and Essex rebels had been joined by many rebellious Londoners.[102] The Fleet and Newgate Prisons were attacked by the crowds, and the rebels also targeted houses belonging to Flemish immigrants.[103] On the north side of London, the rebels approached Smithfield and Clerkenwell Priory, the headquarters of the Knights Hospitaller which was headed by Hales.[] The priory was destroyed, along with the nearby manor.[] Heading westwards along Fleet Street, the rebels attacked the Temple, a complex of legal buildings and offices owned by the Hospitallers.[] The contents, books and paperwork were brought out and burned in the street, and the buildings systematically demolished.[] Meanwhile, John Fordham, the Keeper of the Privy Seal and one of the men on the rebel's execution list, narrowly escaped when the crowds ransacked his accommodation but failed to notice he was still in the building.[] Next to be attacked along Fleet Street was the Savoy Palace, a huge, luxurious building belonging to John of Gaunt.[] According to the chronicler Henry Knighton it contained "such quantities of vessels and silver plate, without counting the parcel-gilt and solid gold, that five carts would hardly suffice to carry them"; official estimates placed the value of the contents at around 10,000.[] The interior was systematically destroyed by the rebels, who burnt the soft furnishings, smashed the precious metal work, crushed the gems, set fire to the Duke's records and threw the remains into the Thames and the city drains.[] Symbolically, almost nothing was actually stolen by the rebels, who declared themselves to be "zealots for truth and justice, not thieves and robbers".[104] The remains of the building were then set alight.[105] In the evening, rebel forces gathered outside the Tower of London, from where the King watched the fires burning across the city.[106]

Peasants' Revolt Taking the Tower of London On the morning of 14 June, the crowd continued west along the Thames, burning the houses of officials around Westminster and opening the Westminster gaol.[] They then moved back into central London, setting fire to more buildings and storming the Newgate prison.[] The hunt for Flemings continued, and those with Flemish-sounding accents were killed, including the royal advisor, Richard Lyons.[107][108]</ref> In one city ward, the bodies of forty executed Flemings were piled up in the street.[109] Historian Rodney Hilton argues that these attacks may have been coordinated by the weavers' guilds of London, who were commercial competitors of the Flemish weavers.[] Isolated inside the Tower, the royal government was in a state of shock at the turn of events.[110] The decision was taken, possibly by Richard Late 15th-century depiction of the Tower of himself, for the King to leave the castle that morning and make his way London and its keep, the White Tower to negotiate with the rebels at Mile End in east London, taking only a very small bodyguard with him.[111] This involved the King leaving Sudbury and Hales behind in the Tower, either for their own safety or because Richard had decided it would be safer to distance himself from his unpopular ministers.[112] Along the way, several Londoners accosted the King to complain about alleged injustices.[113] It is uncertain who spoke for the rebels at Mile End, and Wat Tyler may not have been present on this occasion, but they appear to have put forward their various demands to the King, including the surrender of the hated officials on their lists for execution; the abolition of serfdom and unfree tenure; "that there should be no law within the realm save the law of Winchester", and a general amnesty for the rebels.[114] It is unclear precisely what was meant by the law of Winchester, but it probably referred to the rebel ideal of self-regulating village communities.[115][116]</ref> Richard issued charters announcing the abolition of serfdom, which immediately began to be disseminated around the country.[117] He declined to hand over any of his officials, however, apparently instead promising that he would personally implement any justice that was required.[118] While Richard was at Mile End, the Tower was taken by the rebels.[] A force of rebels, separate from those operating under Tyler at Mile End, approached the castle, possibly in the late morning.[][119] The gates were open to receive Richard on his return and a crowd of around 400 rebels entered the fortress, encountering no resistance, possibly because the guards were terrified by the rebels.[120] Once inside, the rebels began to hunt down their key targets, and found Archbishop Sudbury and Robert Hales in the chapel of the White Tower.[] Along with William Appleton, John of Gaunt's physician, and John Legge, a royal sergeant, they were taken out to Tower Hill and beheaded.[] Their heads were paraded around the city, before being affixed to London Bridge.[121] The rebels found John of Gaunt's son, the future Henry IV, and were about to execute him as well, when John Ferrour, one of the royal guards, successfully interceded on his behalf.[122] The rebels also discovered Lady Joan and Joan Holland, Richard's sister, in the castle but, after making fun of the pair, let them go unharmed.[123] The castle was thoroughly looted of armour and royal paraphernalia.[] In the aftermath of the attack, Richard did not return to the Tower but instead travelled from Mile End to the Great Wardrobe, one of his royal houses in Blackfriars, part of south-west London.[124] There he appointed the military commander Richard FitzAlan, the Earl of Arundel, to replace Sudbury as Chancellor, and began to make plans to regain an advantage over the rebels the following day.[125] Many of the Essex rebels now began to disperse, content with the King's promises, leaving Tyler and the Kentish forces the most significant faction in London.[126] Tyler's men moved around the city that evening, seeking out and killing John of Gaunt's employees, foreigners and anyone associated with the legal system.[127]

Peasants' Revolt Smithfield On 15 June the royal government and the remaining rebels, who were unsatisfied with the charters granted the previous day, agreed to meet at Smithfield, just outside the city walls.[128] London remained in confusion, with various bands of rebels roaming the city independently.[] Richard prayed at Westminster Abbey, before setting out for the meeting in the late afternoon.[129] The chronicler accounts of the encounter all vary on matters of detail, but agree on the broad sequence of events.[130] The King and his party, at least 200 strong and including men-at-arms, positioned themselves outside St Bartholomew's Priory on the east side of Smithfield, and the thousands of rebels massed along the western end.[131][132]</ref>

10

Richard probably called Tyler forwards from the crowd to meet him, and Tyler greeted the King with what the royal party considered excessive familiarity, terming Richard his "brother" and promising him his friendship.[133] Richard queried why Tyler and the rebels had not yet left London following the signing of the charters the previous day, but this brought an angry rebuke from Tyler, who requested that a further charter be drawn up.[134] The rebel leader rudely demanded refreshment and, once this had been provided, attempted to leave.[] An argument then broke out between Tyler and some of the royal servants.[] The Mayor of London, William Walworth, stepped forward to intervene, Tyler made some motion towards the King, and the royal soldiers leapt in.[135] Either Walworth or Richard ordered Tyler to be arrested, Tyler attempted to attack the Mayor, and Walworth responded by stabbing Tyler.[] Ralph Standish, a royal squire, then repeatedly stabbed Tyler with his sword, mortally injuring him.[] The situation was now precarious and violence appeared likely as the rebels prepared to unleash a volley of arrows.[] Richard rode forwards towards the crowd and persuaded them to follow him away from Smithfields, to Clerkenwell Fields, defusing the situation.[] Walworth meanwhile began to regain control of the situation, backed by reinforcements from the city.[] Tyler's head was cut off and displayed on a pole and, with their leader dead and the royal government now backed by the London militia, the rebel movement began to collapse.[136] Richard promptly knighted Walworth and his leading supporters for their services.[]

Late 14th-century depiction of William Walworth killing Wat Tyler; the King is represented twice, watching events unfold (left) and addressing the crowd (right).

Peasants' Revolt

11

Wider revolt
Eastern England While the revolt was unfolding in London, John Wrawe led his force into Suffolk.[137] Wrawe had considerable influence over the development of the revolt across eastern England, where the number of rebels may well have approached those in the London revolt.[138] The authorities put up very little resistance to the revolt: the major nobles failed to organise defences, key fortifications fell easily to the rebels and the local militias were not mobilised.[139] As in London and the south-east, this was in part due to the absence of key military leaders and the nature of English law, but any locally recruited men may also have proved unreliable in the face of a popular uprising.[140] On 12 June, Wrawe attacked Sir Richard Lyons' property at Overhall, advancing on to the towns of Cavendish and Bury St Edmunds in west Suffolk the next day, gathering further support as they went.[141] John Cambridge, the Prior of the wealthy Bury St Edmunds Abbey, was disliked in the town, and Wrawe allied himself with the townspeople The Abbey Gate of Bury St Edmunds Abbey, and stormed the abbey.[142] The Prior escaped, but was found two days stormed by the rebels on 13 June [143] later and beheaded. A small band of rebels marched north to Thetford to extort protection money from the town, and another group tracked down Sir John Cavendish, the Chief Justice of the King's Bench and Chancellor of the University of Cambridge.[144] Cavendish was caught in Lakenheath and killed.[145] John Battisford and Thomas Sampson independently led a revolt near Ipswich on the 14 June.[] They took the town without opposition and looted the properties of the archdeacon and local tax officials.[] The violence spread out further, with attacks on numerous properties and the burning of the local court records.[146] One official, Edmund Lakenheath, was forced to flee from the Suffolk coast by boat.[147] Revolt began to stir in the town of St Albans in Hertfordshire late on 13 June, when news broke of the events in London.[] There had been long-running disagreements in St Albans between the town and the local abbey, which had extensive privileges in the region.[148] On 14 June, protesters met with the Abbot, Thomas de la Mare, and demanded their freedom from the abbey.[] A group of townsmen under the leadership of William Grindecobbe traveled to London, where they appealed to the King for the rights of the abbey to be abolished.[149] Wat Tyler, then still in control of the city, granted them authority in the meantime to take direct action against the abbey.[150] Grindecobbe and the rebels returned to St Albans, where they found the Prior had already fled.[151] The rebels broke open the abbey gaol, destroyed the fences marking out the abbey lands and burnt the abbey records in the town square.[152] They then forced Thomas de la Mare to surrender the abbey's rights in a charter on 16 June.[153] The revolt against the abbey spread out over the next few days, with abbey property and financial records being destroyed across the county.[154]

Peasants' Revolt

12

On 15 June, revolt broke out in Cambridgeshire, led by elements of Wrawe's Suffolk rebellion and some local men, such as John Greyston, who had been involved in the events in London and had returned to his home county to spread the revolt, and Geoffrey Cobbe and John Hanchach, members of the local gentry.[] The University of Cambridge, staffed by priests and enjoying special royal privileges, was widely hated by the other inhabitants of the town.[] A revolt backed by the Mayor of Cambridge broke out with the University as its main target.[] The rebels ransacked Corpus Christi College, which had Corpus Christi College's Old Court, attacked by connections to John of Gaunt, and the University's church, and the rebels on 15 June attempted to execute the University bedel, who escaped.[155] The University's library and archives were burnt in the centre of the [156] town. The next day, the University was forced to negotiate a new charter, giving up its royal privileges.[157] Revolt then spread north from Cambridge toward Ely, where the gaol was opened and the local Justice of the Peace executed.[158] In Norfolk, the revolt was led by Geoffrey Litster, a weaver, and Sir Roger Bacon, a local lord with ties to the Suffolk rebels.[159] Litster began sending out messengers across the county in a call to arms on 14 June, and isolated outbreaks of violence occurred.[160] The rebels assembled on 17 June outside the city of Norwich and killed Sir Robert Salle, who was in charge of the city defences and had attempted to negotiate a settlement.[161] The people of the town then opened the gates to let the rebels in.[161] They began looting buildings and killed Reginald Eccles, a local official.[162] William de Ufford, the Earl of Suffolk fled his estates, travelling in disguise to London.[] The other leading members of the local gentry were captured and forced to play out the roles of a royal household, working for Litster.[] Violence spread out across the county, as gaols were opened, Flemish immigrants killed, court records burned, and property looted and destroyed.[163] Northern and western England Revolts also occurred across the rest of England, particularly in the cities of the north, traditionally centres of political unrest.[164] In the town of Beverley, violence broke out between the richer mercantile elite and the poorer townspeople during May.[165] By the end of the month the rebels had taken power and replaced the former town administration with their own.[166] The rebels attempted to enlist the support of Alexander Neville, the Archbishop of York, and in June forced the former town government to agree to arbitration through Neville.[167] Peace was restored in June 1382 but tensions continued to simmer for many years.[168] Word of the troubles in the south-east spread northwards, slowed by the poor communication links of medieval England.[] In Leicester, where John of Gaunt had a substantial castle, warnings arrived of a force of rebels advancing on the city from Lincolnshire, who were intent on destroying the castle and its contents.[] The mayor and the town mobilised their defences, including a local militia, but the rebels never materialised.[169] John of Gaunt himself was in Berwick when word reached him on 17 June of the revolt.[170] Not knowing that Wat

An illustration from Vox Clamantis by John Gower, a poem which described the revolt

Peasants' Revolt Tyler had by now been killed, John of Gaunt placed his castles in Yorkshire and Wales on alert.[] Fresh rumours, many of them incorrect, continued to arrive in Berwick, suggesting widespread rebellions across the west and east of England and the looting of the ducal household in Leicester; rebel units were even said to be hunting for the Duke himself.[] Gaunt began to march to Bamburgh Castle, but then changed course and diverted north into Scotland, only returning south once the fighting was over.[171] News of the initial events in London also reached York around 17 June, and attacks at once broke out on the properties of the Dominican friars, the Franciscan friaries and other religious institutions.[172] Violence continued over the coming weeks, and on 1 July a group of armed men, under the command of John de Gisbourne, forced their way into the city and attempted to seize control.[] The Mayor, Simon de Quixlay, gradually began to reclaim some semblance of authority, but order was not properly restored until 1382.[] The news of the southern revolt reached Scarborough where riots broke out against the ruling elite on 23 June, with the rebels dressed in white hoods with a red tail at the back.[173] Members of the local government were deposed from office, and one tax collector was nearly lynched.[174] By 1382, however, the elite had re-established power.[175] In the Somerset town of Bridgwater, revolt broke out on 19 June, led by Thomas Ingleby and Adam Brugge.[176] The crowds attacked the local Augustine house and forced their master to give up his local privileges and pay a ransom.[177] The rebels then turned on the properties of John Sydenham, a local merchant and official, looting his manor and burning paperwork, before executing Walter Baron, a local man.[178] The Ilchester gaol was stormed, and one unpopular prisoner executed.[179]

13

Suppression
The royal suppression of the revolt began shortly after the death of Wat Tyler on 15 June.[180] Sir Robert Knolles, Sir Nicholas Brembre and Sir Robert Launde were appointed to restore control in the capital.[181] A summons was put out for soldiers, probably around 4,000 men were mustered in London, and expeditions to the other troubled parts of the country soon followed.[182] The revolt in East Anglia was independently suppressed by Henry le Despenser, the Bishop of Norwich.[] Henry was in Stamford in Lincolnshire when the revolt broke out, and when he found out about the events he marched south with eight men-at-arms and a small force of archers, gathering more forces as he went.[183] He marched first to Peterborough, where he routed the local rebels and executed any he could capture, including some who had taken shelter in the local abbey.[184] He then headed south-east via Huntingdon and Ely, reaching Cambridge on the 19 June, and then heading further into the rebel controlled areas of Norfolk.[185] Henry reclaimed the city of Norwich on 24 June, before heading out with a company of men to track down the rebel leader, Geoffrey Litster.[186] The two forces met at the Battle of North Walsham on 25 or 26 June; the Bishop's forces triumphed and Litster was captured and executed.[187] Henry's quick action was essential to the suppression of the revolt in East Anglia, but he was very unusual in taking matters into his own hands in this way, and his execution of the rebels without royal sanction was illegal.[188]

A 14th-century carving of Henry le Despenser, the victor of the Battle of North Walsham

On 17 June, the King dispatched his half-brother Thomas Holland and Sir Thomas Trivet to Kent with a small force to restore order.[] They held courts at Maidstone and Rochester.[] William de Ufford, the Earl of Suffolk, returned to

Peasants' Revolt his county on 23 June, accompanied by a force of 500 men.[189] He quickly subdued the area and was soon holding court in Mildenhall, where many of the accused were sentenced to death.[190] He moved on into Norfolk on 6 July, holding court in Norwich, Great Yarmouth and Hacking.[] Hugh, Lord la Zouche, led the legal proceedings against the rebels in Cambridgeshire.[] In St Albans, the Abbot arrested William Grindecobbe and his main supporters.[191] On 20 June, the King's uncle, Thomas of Woodstock, and Robert Tresilian, the replacement Chief Justice, were given special commissions across the whole of England.[] Thomas oversaw court cases in Essex, backed up by a substantial military force as resistance was continuing and the county was still in a state of unrest.[192] Richard himself visited Essex, where he met with a rebel delegation seeking confirmation of the grants the King had given at Mile End.[] Richard rejected them, allegedly telling them that "rustics you were and rustics you are still. You will remain in bondage, not as before, but incomparably harsher".[][193]</ref> Tresilian soon joined Thomas, and carried out 31 executions in Chelmsford, before travelling on to St Albans in July for further court trials, which appear to have utilised dubious techniques to ensure convictions.[194] Thomas went on to Gloucester with 200 soldiers to suppress the unrest there.[] Henry Percy, the Earl of Northumberland, was tasked to restore order to Yorkshire.[] A wide range of laws were invoked in the process of the suppression, from general treason to charges of book burning or demolishing houses, a process complicated by the relatively narrow definition of treason at the time.[195] The use of informants and denunciations became common, causing fear to spread across the country; by November at least 1,500 people had been executed or killed in battle.[196] Many of those who had lost property in the revolt attempted to seek legal compensation, and John of Gaunt made particular efforts to track down those responsible for destroying his Savoy Palace.[197] Most had only limited success, as the defendants were rarely willing to attend court.[197] It was not until 1387 before the last of these cases had been resolved.[197] The rebel leaders were quickly rounded up.[198] A rebel leader called Jack Straw was captured in London and executed.[] John Ball was caught in Coventry, and tried in St Albans, being executed on 15 July.[199] Grindecobbe was also tried and executed in St Albans.[] John Wrawe was tried in London; he probably gave evidence against 24 of his colleagues in the hope of a pardon, but was sentenced to be executed by being hanged, drawn and quartered on 6 May 1382.[200] Sir Roger Bacon was probably arrested before the final battle in Norfolk, and was tried and imprisoned in the Tower of London before finally being pardoned by the Crown.[201] As of September 1381, Thomas Ingleby of Bridgwater had successfully evaded the authorities.[202]

14

Aftermath
The royal government and Parliament began to re-establish the normal processes of government after the revolt; as the historian Michael Postan describes, the uprising was in many ways a "passing episode".[203] On 30 June, the King ordered England's serfs to return to their previous conditions of service, and on 2 July the royal charters signed under duress during the rising were formally revoked.[] Parliament met in November to discuss the events of the year and how best to respond to their challenges.[204] The revolt was blamed on the misconduct of royal officials, who, it was argued, had been excessively greedy and overbearing.[205] The Commons stood behind the existing labour laws, but requested changes in the royal council, which Richard granted.[206] Richard also granted general pardons to those who had executed rebels without due process, to all men who had remained loyal, and to all those who had rebelled with the exception of the men of Bury St Edmunds, any men who had been involved in the killing of the King's advisers, and those who were still on the run from prison.[207]

Late 14th-century portrait of Richard II

Peasants' Revolt Despite the violence of the suppression, the government and local lords were relatively circumspect in restoring order after the revolt, and continued to be worried about fresh revolts for several decades.[208] Few lords took revenge on their peasants except through the legal processes of the courts.[209] Low-level unrest, however, continued for several more years.[210] In September 1382 there was trouble in Norfolk, involving an apparent plot against the Bishop of Norwich, and in March the following year there was an investigation into a plot to kill the sheriff of Devon.[211] When negotiating rents with their landlords, peasants alluded to the memory of the revolt and the threat of violence.[] There were no further attempts by Parliament to impose a poll-tax or to reform England's fiscal system.[212] The Commons instead concluded at the end of 1381 that the military effort on the Continent should be "carefully but substantially reduced".[213] Unable to raise fresh taxes, the government had to curtail its foreign policy and military expeditions and began to examine the options for peace.[214] The institution of serfdom declined after 1381, but primarily for economic rather than political reasons.[215] Rural wages continued to increase, and lords increasingly sold their serfs freedom in exchange for cash, or converted traditional forms of tenure to new leasehold arrangements.[216] Over the course of the 15th century, the institution vanished in England.[]

15

Rebels
Chroniclers primarily described the rebels as rural serfs, using broad, derogatory Latin terms such as serviles rustici, servile genu and rustictas.[217] Some chroniclers, however, including Knighton, noted the presence of runaway apprentices, artisans and others, sometimes terming them the "lesser commons".[217] The evidence from the court records following the revolt, albeit biased in various ways, similarly shows the involvement of a much broader community, and the earlier perception that that the rebels were only constituted of unfree serfs is now rejected.[218][219]</ref>

14th-century rural scene of reeve directing serfs, from the Queen Mary Psalter

The rural rebels came from a wide range of backgrounds, but typically they were, as the historian Christopher Dyer describes, "people well below the ranks of the gentry, but who mainly held some land and goods", and not the very poorest in society, who formed a minority of the rebel movement.[220] Many had held positions of authority in local village governance, and these seem to have provided leadership to the revolt.[221] Some were artisans, including, as the historian Rodney Hilton lists, "carpenters, sawyers, masons, cobblers, tailors, weavers, fullers, glovers, hosiers, skinners, bakers, butchers, innkeepers, cooks and a lime-burner".[222] They were predominantly male, but with some women in their ranks.[223] The rebels were typically illiterate; only between 5 and 15 per cent of England could read during this period.[224] They also came from a broad range of local communities, including at least 330 south-eastern villages.[225] Many of the rebels had urban backgrounds, and the majority of those involved in the events of London were probably local townsfolk rather than peasants.[226] In some cases, the townsfolk who joined the revolt were the urban poor, attempting to gain at the expense of the local elites.[227] In London, for example, the urban rebels appear to have largely been the poor and unskilled.[] Alternatively, some urban rebels were themselves part of that elite, such as at York where the protesters were typically prosperous members of the local community, while in some instances, townsfolk allied themselves with the rural population, as at Bury St Edmunds.[228] In other cases, such as

Peasants' Revolt Canterbury, the influx of population from the villages following the Black Death made any distinction between urban and rural less meaningful.[229] The vast majority of those involved in the revolt of 1381 were not represented in Parliament and were excluded from its decision-making.[230] In a few cases, however, the rebels were led or joined by relatively prosperous members of the gentry, such as Sir Roger Bacon in Norfolk.[231] Some of these later claimed to have been forced to join the revolt by the rebels.[232] A number of clergy also formed part of the revolt; in addition to the more prominent leaders, such as John Ball or John Wrawe, nearly 20 are mentioned in the records of the revolt in the south-east.[233] Some were pursuing local grievances, some were disadvantaged and suffering relative poverty, while others appear to have been motivated by strong radical beliefs.[234] Many of those involved in the revolt used pseudonyms, particularly in the letters sent around the country to encourage support and fresh uprisings.[235] They were used both to avoid incriminating particular individuals and to allude to popular values and stories.[236] One popular assumed name was Piers Plowman, taken from the main character in William Langland's poem.[237] Jack was also a widely used rebel pseudonym, and historians Steven Justice and Carter Revard suggest that this may have been because it resonated with the Jacques of the French Jacquerie revolt several decades earlier.[238]

16

Legacy
Historiography
Contemporary chroniclers of the events in the revolt have formed an important source for historians. The chroniclers were biased against the rebel cause and typically portrayed the rebels, in the words of the historian Susan Crane, as "beasts, monstrosities or misguided fools".[239] London chroniclers were also unwilling to admit the role of ordinary Londoners in the revolt, preferring to place the blame entirely on rural peasants from the south-east.[] Among the key accounts was the anonymous Anonimalle Chronicle, whose author appears to have been part of the royal court and an eye-witness to many of the events in London.[240] The chronicler Thomas Walsingham was present for much of the revolt, but focused his account on the terror of the social unrest and was extremely biased against the rebels.[241] Jean Froissart, the author of the Chronicles, had well-placed sources close to the revolt, but was inclined to elaborate the known facts with colourful stories.[242] No sympathetic accounts of the rebels survive.[]

At the end of the 19th century there was a surge in historical interest in the Peasants' Revolt, spurred by the contemporary growth of the labour and socialist movements.[243] Work by Charles Oman, Edgar Powell, Andr Rville and G. M. Trevelyan established the course of the revolt.[244] By 1907 the accounts of the chroniclers were all widely available in print and the main public records concerning the events had been identified.[245] Rville began to use the legal indictments that had been used against suspected rebels after the revolt as a fresh source of historical information, and over the next century extensive research was carried out into the local economic and social history of the revolt, using scattered local sources across south-east England.[246] Interpretations of the revolt have changed over the years. 17th-century historians, such John Smyth, established the idea that the revolt had marked the end of unfree labour and serfdom in England.[] 19th-century historians such as William Stubbs and Thorold Rogers reinforced this conclusion, Stubbs describing it as "one of the most portentous

Historian William Stubbs, who considered the revolt "one of the most portentous events in the whole of our history", painted by Hubert von [] Herkomer.

Peasants' Revolt events in the whole of our history".[] In the 20th century, this interpretation was increasingly challenged by historians such as May McKisack, Michael Postan and Richard Dobson, who revised the impact of the revolt on further political and economic events in England.[247] Mid-20th century Marxist historians were both interested in, and generally sympathetic to, the rebel cause, a trend culminating in Hilton's 1973 account of the uprising, set against the context of wider peasant revolts across Europe during the period.[248] The Peasants' Revolt has received more academic attention than any other medieval revolt, and this research has been typically interdisciplinary in nature, involving historians, literary scholars and international collaboration.[249] The name "the Peasants' Revolt" emerged in the 18th and early 19th centuries, and its first recorded use by historians was in John Richard Green's Short History of the English People in 1874.[] Contemporary chronicles did not give the revolt a specific title, and indeed the term "peasant" did not appear in the English language until the 15th century.[] The title has been critiqued by modern historians such as Miri Rubin and Paul Strohm, both on the grounds that many in the movements were not peasants, and that the events more closely resemble a prolonged protest or rising, rather than a revolt or rebellion.[250]

17

Popular culture
The Peasants' Revolt became a popular literary subject.[251] The poet John Gower, who had close ties to officials involved in the suppression of the revolt, wrote his famous poem Vox Clamantis in the decades after the revolt, condemning the rebels and likening them to wild animals.[252] Geoffrey Chaucer, who lived in Aldgate and may have been in London during the revolt itself, used the rebel killing of Flemings as a metaphor for wider disorder in The Nun's Priest's Tale part of The Canterbury Tales, parodying Gower's poem.[253] Chaucer otherwise made no reference to the revolt in his work, possibly because as he was a client of the King it would have been politically unwise to have discussed it.[254] William Langland, the author of the poem Piers Plowman, which had been widely used by the rebels, made various changes to its text after the revolt in order to distance himself from their cause.[255]

The revolt formed the basis for the late 16th-century play, The Life and Death of Jack Straw, possibly written by George Peele and probably originally designed for production in the city's guild pageants.[256] It portrays Jack Straw as a tragic figure, being led into wrongful rebellion by John Ball, making clear political links between the instability of late-Elizabethan England and the 14th century.[257] The story of the revolt was used in pamphlets during the English Civil War of the 17th century, and formed part of John Cleveland's early history of the war.[258] It was deployed as a cautionary account in political speeches during the 18th century, and a chapbook entitled The History of Wat Tyler and Jack Strawe proved popular during the Jacobite risings and American War of Independence.[259] Thomas Paine and Edmund Burke argued over the lessons to be drawn from the revolt, Paine expressing sympathy for the rebels and Burke condemning the violence.[260] The Romantic poet Robert Southey based his 1794 play Wat Tyler on the events, taking a radical and pro-rebel perspective.[261] As the historian Michael Postan describes, the revolt became famous "as a landmark in social development and [as] a typical instance of working-class revolt against oppression", and was widely used in 19th and 20th century socialist literature.[262] William Morris built on Chaucer in his novel A Dream of John Ball, published in 1888, creating a narrator who was openly sympathetic to the peasant cause, albeit a 19th-century persona, taken back to the 14th century via way of a dream.[263] The story ends with a prophecy that socialist ideals will one day be successful.[264] In turn, this representation of the revolt influenced Morris's utopian socialist News from Nowhere.[265] Florence

Illustration from title page to William Morris's A Dream of John Ball (1888), by Edward Burne-Jones

Peasants' Revolt Converse used the revolt in her novel Long Will in 1903.[262] Later 20th century socialists continued to draw parallels between the revolt and contemporary political struggles, including during the arguments over the introduction of the Community Charge in the United Kingdom during the 1980s.[262] The events of 1381 have also attracted interest from conspiracy theorists, including writer John Robinson, who have attempted to explain alleged flaws in mainstream historical accounts of the revolt, such as the speed with which the rebellion was coordinated.[266] Theories include that that revolt was in fact led by a secret, occult organisation called "the Great Society", said to be an offshoot of the order of the Knights Templar destroyed in 1312, or that the fraternity of the Freemasons was covertly involved in organising the revolt.[267][268]</ref>

18

Notes
[3] ; [5] ; [6] ; [14] ; [19] ; [21] ; ; [23] ; [24] ; [25] ; [26] It is impossible to accurately compare 14th century and modern prices or incomes. For comparison, the income of a typical nobleman such as Richard le Scrope was around 600 a year, while only six earls in the kingdom enjoyed incomes of over 5,000 a year.<ref>; [32] ; [33] For comparison, the wage for an unskilled labourer in Essex in 1380 was around three pence a day.<ref> [34] ; [35] ; [37] ; [39] ; [40] ; [41] ; [43] ; [44] ; [46] ; [47] The Marshalsea Court was originally intended to provide justice for the royal household and those doing business with it, travelling with the King around the country and having authority covering 12 miles (19km) around the monarch. The monarchs of the 14th century were increasingly based in London, resulting in the Marshalsea Court taking up semi-permanent business in the capital. Successive monarchs used the court to exercise royal power, often at the expense of the City of London's Corporation.<ref> [56] ; [62] ; [66] ; [67] ; [69] . [70] ; [73] ; [76] ; [79] Walsingham highlights the role of a "Jack Straw", and is supported by Froissart, although Knighton argues that this was a pseudonym; other chroniclers fail to mention him at all. The historian Friedrich Brie popularised the argument in favour of the pseudonym in 1906. Modern historians recognise Tyler as the primary leader, and are doubtful about the role of "Jack Straw."<ref>; ; [80] ; [82] ; [85] Military historian Jonathan Sumption considers this description of the rebels' weaponry, drawn from the chronicler Thomas Walsingham, as reliable; literary historian Stephen Justice is less certain, noting the sarcastic manner in which Walsingham mocks the rebels' old and dilapidated arms, including their bows "reddened with age and smoke."<ref>; [86] Historian Andrew Prescott has critiqued these timings, arguing that it would have been unlikely that so many rebels could have advanced so fast on London, given the condition of the medieval road networks.<ref name="Strohm 2008 203"> [87] ; [88] ;

Peasants' Revolt
[89] ; [90] ; ; [91] ; ; [92] Chronicler figures for the King's immediate forces in London vary; Henry Knighton argues that the King had between 150180 men in the Tower of London, Thomas Walsingham suggests 1,200. These were probably over-estimates, and historian Alaistair Dunn assesses that only a skeleton force was present; Jonathan Sumption judges that around 150 men-at-arms were present, plus a number of archers.<ref>; [93] ; ; [96] ; [97] ; ; [98] It is uncertain who opened the defences at London Bridge and Aldgate. After the revolt three aldermen were put on trial by the authorities, including John Horn, Walter Sibil and William Tongue, but it is unclear how far these accusations were motivated by the post-conflict London politics. The historian Nigel Saul is doubtful of their guilt in collaborating with the rebels. Rodney Hilton suggests that they may have opened the gates in order to buy time and so prevent the destruction of their city, although he prefers the theory that the London crowds forced the gates to be opened. Jonathan Sumption similarly argues that the aldermen were forced to open the gates in the face of popular pressure.<ref>; ; [101] ; [102] ; [103] ; [108] The royal advisor Richard Lyons was believed to have Flemish origins, although he was also unpopular in his own right as a result of his role in government.<ref>; [111] ; [114] ; [115] ; [116] The rebel call for a return to the "law of Winchester," a former capital of England until c. 1100, has been much debated. One theory is that it was another term for the Domesday Book of William I, which was believed to provide protection for particular groups of tenants. Another is that it referred to the Statute of Winchester in 1285, which allowed for the enforcement of local law through armed village communities, and which had been cited in more recent legislation on the criminal law. The creation of special justices and royal officials during the 14th century were seen as eroding these principles.<ref>; [119] Most chroniclers stated that the force that attacked the Tower of London was separate to that operating under Tyler's command at Mile End; only the Anonimalle Chronicle links them to Tyler. The timing of the late morning attack relies on the account of the Westminster Chronicle. UNIQ-ref-0-a4f66d82209515c0-QINU [120] ; [122] ; [125] ; [127] . [131] ; [132] The primary sources for the events at Smithfield are the Anonimalle Chronicle, Thomas Walsingham, Jean Froissart, Henry Knighton and the Westminster Chronicler. There are minor differences in their accounts of events. Froissart suggests that Wat Tyler intended to capture the King and kill the royal party, and that Tyler initiated the engagement with Richard in order to carry out this plan. The Anonimalle Chronicle and Walsingham both go into some, if varying, detail as to the rebels' demands. Walsingham and Knighton wrote that Tyler, rather than being about to depart at the end of his discussions with Richard, in fact appeared to be about to kill the King, triggering the royal response. Walsingham differs from the other chroniclers in giving a key role in the early part of the encounter to Sir John Newton.<ref> [136] ; [140] ; [143] ; [144] ; [146] ; . [147] ; [159] ; [161] ; [182] ; [183] ; [188] ; [190] ; [193] The "rustics" quotation from Richard II is from the chronicler Thomas Walsingham, and should be treated with caution. Historian Dan Jones suspects that although Richard no doubt despised the rebels, the language itself may have been largely invented by Walsingham.<ref>; ; [195] ; [196] ; , cited [197] ; [200] ;

19

Peasants' Revolt
[203] ; [208] ; [211] ; [214] ; [216] ; [217] ; [218] ; ; [219] Historian Sylvia Federico notes the dangers in treating the pardons lists simplistically, given the tendency for some innocent individuals to acquire pardons for additional security, and the tendency for cases to be brought against individuals for local, non-political reasons.<ref> [220] ; ; [226] ; [228] ; [235] ; [239] ; [241] ; [244] ; ; ; ; [246] ; [248] ; ; ; [250] ; ; [252] ; ; [253] ; [255] ; [258] ; [259] ; [262] ; [267] ; ; [268] The term "the Great Society" emerges from indictments against the rebels, in which references were made the magne societatis. This probably meant "large company" or "great band" of rebels, but was mistranslated in the late 19th century to refer to the "Great Society".<ref>

20

References Bibliography
Barron, Caroline M. (1981). Revolt in London: 11 to 15 June 1381. London, UK: Museum of London. ISBN978-0-904818-05-5. Brie, Friedrich (1906). "Wat Tyler and Jack Straw". English Historical Review 21: 106111. Butcher, A. F. (1987). "English Urban Society and the Revolt of 1381". In Hilton, Rodney; Alton, T. H. The English Rising of 1381. Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press. pp.84111. ISBN978-1-84383-738-1. Cohn, Samuel K. (2013). Popular Protest in Late Medieval English Towns. Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press. ISBN978-1-107-02780-0. Crane, Susan (1992). "The Writing Lesson of 1381". In Hanawalt, Barbara A. Chaucer's England: Literature in Historical Context. Minneapolis, US: University of Minnesota Press. pp.201222. ISBN978-0-8166-2019-7. Crow, Martin M.; Leland, Virginia E. (2008). "Chaucer's Life". In Cannon, Christopher. The Riverside Chaucer (3rd ed.). Oxford, UK: Oxford University Press. pp.xixxi. ISBN978-0-19-955209-2. Dilks, T. Bruce (1927). "Bridgwater and the Insurrection of 1381". Journal of the Somerset Archaeological and Natural History Society 73: 5767. Dobson, R. B. (1983). The Peasants' Revolt of 1381 (2nd ed.). London, UK: Macmillan. ISBN0-333-25505-4. Dobson, R. B. (1987). "The Risings in York, Beverley and Scarborough". In Hilton, Rodney; Alton, T. H. The English Rising of 1381. Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press. pp.112142. ISBN978-1-84383-738-1. Dunn, Alastair (2002). The Great Rising of 1381: the Peasants' Revolt and England's Failed Revolution. Stroud, UK: Tempus. ISBN978-0-7524-2323-4. Dyer, Christopher (2000). Everyday Life in Medieval England. London, UK and New York, US: Hambledon and London. ISBN978-1-85285-201-6.

Peasants' Revolt Dyer, Christopher (2003). "Introduction". In Hilton, Rodney. Bondmen Made Free: Medieval Peasant Movements and the English Rising of 1381 (New ed.). Abingdon, UK: Routledge. pp.ixxv. ISBN978-0-415-31614-9. Dyer, Christopher (2009). Making a Living in the Middle Ages: the People of Britain 8501520. New Haven, US and London, UK: Yale University Press. ISBN978-0-300-10191-1. Eiden, Herbert (1999). "Norfolk, 1382: a Sequel to the Peasants' Revolt". The English Historical Review 114 (456): 370377. Ellis, Steve (2000). Chaucer at Large: the Poet in the Modern Imagination. Minneapolis, US: University of Minnesota Press. ISBN978-0-8166-3376-0. Faith, Rosamond (1987). "The 'Great Rumour' of 1377 and Peasant Ideology". In Hilton, Rodney; Alton, T. H. The English Rising of 1381. Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press. pp.4373. ISBN978-1-84383-738-1. Federico, Silvia (2001). "The Imaginary Society: Women in 1381". Journal of British Studies 40 (2): 159183. Galloway, Andrew (2010). "Reassessing Gower's Dream Visions". In Dutton, Elizabeth; Hines, John; Yeager, R. F. John Gower, Trilingual Poet: Language, Translation, and Tradition. Woodbridge, UK: Boydell Press. pp.288303. ISBN978-1-84384-250-7. Given-Wilson, Chris (1996). The English Nobility in the Late Middle Ages. London, UK: Routledge. ISBN978-0-203-44126-8. Harding, Alan (1987). "The Revolt Against the Justices". In Hilton, Rodney; Alton, T. H. The English Rising of 1381. Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press. pp.165193. ISBN978-1-84383-738-1. Hilton, Rodney (1987). "Introduction". In Hilton, Rodney; Alton, T. H. The English Rising of 1381. Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press. pp.18. ISBN978-1-84383-738-1. Hilton, Rodney (1995). Bondmen Made Free: Medieval Peasant Movements and the English Rising of 1381. London, UK: Routledge. ISBN978-0-415-01880-7. Hussey, Stanley Stewart (1971). Chaucer: an Introduction. London, UK: Methuen. ISBN978-0-416-29920-5. Jones, Dan (2010). Summer of Blood: the Peasants' Revolt of 1381. London, UK: Harper Press. ISBN978-0-00-721393-1. Justice, Steven (1994). Writing and Rebellion: England in 1381. Berkeley, US and Los Angeles, US: University of California Press. ISBN0-520-20697-5. Lyle, Marjorie (2002). Canterbury: 2000 Years of History (Revised ed.). Stroud, UK: Tempus. ISBN978-0-7524-1948-0. Matheson, Lister M. (1998). "The Peasants' Revolt through Five Centuries of Rumor and Reporting: Richard Fox, John Stow, and Their Successors". Studies in Philology 95 (2): 121151. Mortimer, Ian (1981). The Fears of Henry IV: the Life of England's Self-Made King. London, UK: Vintage. ISBN978-1-84413-529-5. Oman, Charles (1906). The Great Revolt of 1381. Oxford, UK: Clarendon Press. OCLC 752927432 (http:// www.worldcat.org/oclc/752927432). Ortenberg, Veronica (1981). In Search of the Holy Grail: the Quest for the Middle Ages. London, UK: Hambledon Continuum. ISBN978-1-85285-383-9. Ousby, Ian (1996). The Cambridge Paperback Guide to Literature in English. Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press. ISBN978-0-521-43627-4. Picknett, Lynn; Prince, Clive (2007). The Templar Revelation: Secret Guardians of the True Identity of Christ (10th anniversary ed.). London, UK: Random House. ISBN978-0-552-15540-3. Postan, Michael (1975). The Medieval Economy and Society. Harmondsworth, UK: Penguin Books. ISBN0-14-020896-8. Powell, Edgar (1896). The Rising of 1381 in East Anglia. Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press. OCLC 1404665 (http://www.worldcat.org/oclc/1404665). Prescott, Andrew (2004). "'The Hand of God': the Suppression of the Peasants' Revolt in 1381". In Morgan, Nigel. Prophecy, Apocalypse and the Day of Doom. Donington, UK: Shaun Tyas. pp.317341.

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Peasants' Revolt ISBN978-1-900289-68-9. Rville, Andr (1898). tude sur le Soulvement de 1381 dans les Comts de Hertford, de Suffolk et de Norfolk. Paris, France: A. Picard and sons. OCLC 162490454 (http://www.worldcat.org/oclc/162490454).(French) Ribner, Irving (2005). The English History Play in the Age of Shakespeare. Abingdon, UK: Routledge. ISBN978-0-415-35314-4. Robinson, John J. (2009). Born in Blood: the Lost Secrets of Freemasonry. Lanham, US: Rowman and Littlefield. ISBN978-1-59077-148-8. Rubin, Miri (2006). The Hollow Crown: a History of Britain in the Late Middle Ages. London, UK: Penguin. ISBN978-0-14-014825-1. Saul, Nigel (1999). Richard II. New Haven, US: Yale University Press. ISBN978-0-300-07875-6. Saul, Nigel (2010). "John Gower: Prophet or Turncoat?". In Dutton, Elizabeth; Hines, John; Yeager, R. F. John Gower, Trilingual Poet: Language, Translation, and Tradition. Woodbridge, UK: Boydell Press. pp.8597. ISBN978-1-84384-250-7. Silvercloud, Terry David (2007). The Shape of God: Secrets, Tales, and Legends of the Dawn Warriors. Victoria, Canada: Trafford. ISBN978-1-4251-0836-6.

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Spindler, Erik (2012). "Flemings in the Peasants' Revolt, 1381". In Skoda, Hannah; Lantschner, Patrick; Shaw, R. Contact and Exchange in Later Medieval Europe: Essays in Honour of Malcolm Vale. Woodbridge, UK: The Boydell Press. pp.5978. ISBN978-1-84383-738-1. Strohm, Paul (2008). "A 'Peasants' Revolt'?". In Harris,, Stephen J.; Grigsby, Bryon Lee. Misconceptions About the Middle Ages. New York, US: Routledge. pp.197203. ISBN978-0-415-77053-8. Sumption, Jonathan (2009). Divided Houses: the Hundred Years War III. London, UK: Faber and Faber. ISBN978-0-571-24012-8. Trevelyan, George (1899). England in the Age of Wycliffe. London, UK: Longmans and Green. OCLC 12771030 (http://www.worldcat.org/oclc/12771030). Tuck, J. A. (1987). "Nobles, Commons and the Great Revolt of 1381". In Hilton, Rodney; Alton, T. H. The English Rising of 1381. Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press. pp.192212. ISBN978-1-84383-738-1. Media related to English Peasants' Revolt at Wikimedia Commons

23

RENAISSANCE
Italian Renaissance
Renaissance

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The Italian Renaissance was the earliest manifestation of the general European Renaissance, a period of great cultural change and achievement that began in Italy during the 14th century and lasted until the 16th century, marking the transition between Medieval and Early Modern Europe. The term Renaissance is in essence a modern one that came into currency in the 19th century, in the work of historians such as Jules Michelet and Jacob Burckhardt. Although the origins of a movement that was confined largely to the literate culture of intellectual endeavor and patronage can be traced to the earlier part of the 14th century, many aspects of Italian culture and society remained largely Medieval; the Renaissance did not come into full swing until the end of the century. The word renaissance (Rinascimento in Italian) means "rebirth" in French, and the era is best known for the renewed interest in the culture of classical antiquity after the period that Renaissance humanists labeled the Dark Ages. These changes, while significant, were concentrated in the elite, and for the vast majority of the population life was little changed from the Middle Ages.

Italian Renaissance

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Era
The European Renaissance began in Tuscany (Central Italy), and centered in the cities of Florence and Siena. It later spread to Venice, where the remains of ancient Greek culture were brought together, providing humanist scholars with new texts. The Renaissance later had a significant effect on Rome, which was ornamented with some structures in the new all'antico mode, then was largely rebuilt by humanist sixteenth-century popes. The Italian Renaissance peaked in the mid-16th century as foreign invasions plunged the region into the turmoil of the Italian Wars. However, the ideas and ideals of the Renaissance endured and even spread into the rest of Europe, setting off the Northern Renaissance, and the English Renaissance.

Cultural achievements
The Italian Renaissance is best known for its cultural achievements. Accounts of Renaissance literature usually begin with Petrarch (best known for the elegantly polished vernacular sonnet sequence of the Canzoniere and for the craze for book collecting that he initiated) and his friend and contemporary Boccaccio (author of the Decameron). Famous vernacular poets of the 15th century include the renaissance epic authors Luigi Pulci (author of Morgante), Matteo Maria Boiardo (Orlando Innamorato), and Ludovico Ariosto (Orlando Furioso). 15th century writers such as the poet Poliziano and the Platonist philosopher Marsilio Ficino made extensive translations from both Latin and Greek. In the early 16th century, Castiglione (The Book of the Courtier) laid out his vision of the ideal gentleman and lady, while Machiavelli cast a jaundiced eye on "la verit effettuale della cosa"the actual truth of thingsin The Prince, composed, in humanistic style, chiefly of parallel ancient and modern examples of Virt. Italian Renaissance painting exercised a dominant influence on subsequent European painting (see Western painting) for centuries afterwards, with artists such as Giotto di Bondone, Masaccio, Piero della Francesca, Domenico Ghirlandaio, Perugino, Michelangelo, Raphael, Botticelli, Leonardo, and Titian. The same is true for architecture, as practiced by Brunelleschi, Leon Battista Alberti, Andrea Palladio, and Bramante. Their works include Florence Cathedral, St. Peter's Basilica in Rome, and the Tempio Malatestiano in Rimini (to name only a few, not to mention many splendid private residences: see Renaissance architecture). Finally, the Aldine Press, founded by the printer Aldo Manuzio, active in Venice, developed Italic type and the small, relatively portable and inexpensive printed book that could be carried in one's pocket, as well as being the first to publish editions of books in Ancient Greek. Yet cultural contributions notwithstanding, some present-day historians also see the era as one of the beginning of economic regression for Italy (there were some economic downturns due to the opening up of the Atlantic trade routes and repeated foreign invasions and interference by both France and the Spanish Empire).

Origins
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Italian Renaissance

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Northern and Central Italy in the Late Middle Ages


By the Late Middle Ages ( circa 1300 onward ), Latium, the heartland of the Roman Empire, and southern Italy, was poorer than the north. Rome was a city of ancient ruins, and the Papal States were loosely administered, and vulnerable to external interference such as that of France and later Spain. The Papacy was affronted when the Avignon Papacy was created in southern France as a consequence of pressure from King Philip the Fair of France. In the south, Sicily had for some time been under foreign domination, by the Arabs and then the Normans. Sicily had prospered for 150 years during the Emirate of Sicily and later for two centuries during the Norman Kingdom and the Hohenstaufen Kingdom, but had declined by the late Middle Ages. In contrast Northern and Central Italy had become far more prosperous, with the City-States among the wealthiest in Europe. The Crusades had built lasting trade links to the Levant, and the Fourth Crusade had done much to destroy the Byzantine Roman Empire as a commercial rival to the Venetians and Genoese. The main trade routes from the east passed through the Byzantine Empire or the Arab lands and onwards to the ports of Genoa, Pisa, and Venice. Luxury goods bought in the Levant, such as spices, dyes, and silks were imported to Italy and then resold throughout Europe. Moreover, the inland city-states profited from the rich agricultural land of the Po valley. From France, Germany, and the Low Countries, through the medium of the Champagne fairs, land and river trade routes brought goods such as wool, wheat, and precious metals into the region. The extensive trade that stretched from Egypt to the Baltic generated substantial surpluses that allowed significant investment in mining and agriculture. Thus, while northern Italy was not richer in resources than many other parts of Europe, the level of development, stimulated by trade, allowed it to prosper. In particular, Florence became one of the wealthiest of the cities of Northern Italy, due mainly to its woolen textile production, developed under the supervision of its dominant trade guild, the Arte della Lana. Wool was imported from Northern Europe (and in the 16th century from Spain)[1] and together with dyes from the east were used to make high quality textiles. The Italian trade routes that covered the Mediterranean and beyond were also major conduits of culture and knowledge. The recovery of lost Greek classics (and, to a lesser extent, Arab advancements on them) following the Crusader conquest of the Byzantine heartlands, revitalized medieval philosophy in the Renaissance of the 12th century, just as the refugee Byzantine scholars who migrated to Italy during and following the Ottomans conquest of the Byzantines between the 12th and 15th centuries were important in sparking the new linguistic studies of the Renaissance, in newly created academies in Florence and Venice. Humanist scholars searched monastic libraries for ancient manuscripts and recovered Tacitus and other Latin authors. The rediscovery of Vitruvius meant that the architectural principles of Antiquity could be observed once more, and Renaissance artists were encouraged, in the atmosphere of humanist optimism, to excel the achievements of the Ancients, like Apelles, of whom they read.

Thirteenth-century
In the 13th century, much of Europe experienced strong economic growth. The trade routes of the Italian states linked with those of established Mediterranean ports and eventually the Hanseatic League of the Baltic and northern regions of Europe to create a network economy in Europe for the first time since the 4th century. The city-states of Italy expanded greatly during this period and grew in power to become de facto fully independent of the Holy Roman Empire; apart from the Kingdom of Naples, outside powers kept their armies out of Italy. During this period, the modern commercial infrastructure developed, with double-entry book-keeping, joint stock companies, an international banking system, a systematized foreign exchange market, insurance, and government debt.[2] Florence became the centre of this financial industry and the gold florin became the main currency of international trade. The new mercantile governing class, who gained their position through financial skill, adapted to their purposes the feudal aristocratic model that had dominated Europe in the Middle Ages. A feature of the High Middle Ages in Northern Italy was the rise of the urban communes which had broken from the control by bishops and local counts. In much of the region, the landed nobility was poorer than the urban patriarchs in the High Medieval money economy whose inflationary rise left land-holding aristocrats impoverished. The increase in trade during the early

Italian Renaissance Renaissance enhanced these characteristics. The decline of feudalism and the rise of cities influenced each other; for example, the demand for luxury goods led to an increase in trade, which led to greater numbers of tradesmen becoming wealthy, who, in turn, demanded more luxury goods. This change also gave the merchants almost complete control of the governments of the Italian city-states, again enhancing trade. One of the most important effects of this political control was security. Those that grew extremely wealthy in a feudal state ran constant risk of running afoul of the monarchy and having their lands confiscated, as famously occurred to Jacques Coeur in France. The northern states also kept many medieval laws that severely hampered commerce, such as those against usury, and prohibitions on trading with non-Christians. In the city-states of Italy, these laws were repealed or rewritten.[3]

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Fourteenth-century collapse
The 14th century saw a series of catastrophes that caused the European economy to go into recession. The Medieval Warm Period was ending as the transition to the Little Ice Age began.[4] This change in climate saw agricultural output decline significantly, leading to repeated famines, exacerbated by the rapid population growth of the earlier era. The Hundred Years' War between England and France disrupted trade throughout northwest Europe, most notably when, in 1345, King Edward III of England repudiated his debts, contributing to the collapse of the two largest Florentine banks, those of the Bardi and Peruzzi. In the east, war was also disrupting trade routes, as the Ottoman Empire began to expand throughout the region. Most devastating, though, was the Black Death that decimated the populations of the densely populated cities of Northern Italy and returned at intervals thereafter. Florence, for instance, which had a pre-plague population of 45,000 decreased over the next 47 years by 2550%.[5] Widespread disorder followed, including a revolt of Florentine textile workers, the ciompi, in 1378. It was during this period of instability that the Renaissance authors such as Dante and Petrarch lived, and the first stirrings of Renaissance art were to be seen, notably in the realism of Giotto. Paradoxically, some of these disasters would help establish the Renaissance. The Black Death wiped out a third of Europe's population. The resulting labour shortage increased wages and the reduced population was therefore much wealthier, better fed, and, significantly, had more surplus money to spend on luxury goods. As incidences of the plague began to decline in the early 15th century, Europe's devastated population once again began to grow. The new demand for products and services also helped create a growing class of bankers, merchants, and skilled artisans. The horrors of the Black Death and the seeming inability of the Church to provide relief would contribute to a decline of church influence. Additionally, the collapse of the Bardi and Peruzzi banks would open the way for the Medici to rise to prominence in Florence. Roberto Sabatino Lopez argues that the economic collapse was a crucial cause of the Renaissance.[6] According to this view, in a more prosperous era, businessmen would have quickly reinvested their earnings in order to make more money in a climate favourable to investment. However, in the leaner years of the 14th century, the wealthy found few promising investment opportunities for their earnings and instead chose to spend more on culture and art. Another popular explanation for the Italian Renaissance is the thesis, first advanced by historian Hans Baron,[7] that states that the primary impetus of the early Renaissance was the long-running series of wars between Florence and Milan. By the late 14th century, Milan had become a centralized monarchy under the control of the Visconti family. Giangaleazzo Visconti, who ruled the city from 1378 to 1402, was renowned both for his cruelty and for his abilities, and set about building an empire in Northern Italy. He launched a long series of wars, with Milan steadily conquering neighbouring states and defeating the various coalitions led by Florence that sought in vain to halt the advance. This culminated in the 1402 siege of Florence, when it looked as though the city was doomed to fall, before Giangaleazzo suddenly died and his empire collapsed. Baron's thesis suggests that during these long wars, the leading figures of Florence rallied the people by presenting the war as one between the free republic and a despotic monarchy, between the ideals of the Greek and Roman Republics and those of the Roman Empire and Medieval kingdoms. For Baron, the most important figure in crafting this ideology was Leonardo Bruni. This time of crisis in Florence was the period when the most influential figures of

Italian Renaissance the early Renaissance were coming of age, such as Ghiberti, Donatello, Masolino, and Brunelleschi. Inculcated with this republican ideology they later went on to advocate republican ideas that were to have an enormous impact on the Renaissance.

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Development
International relations
Northern Italy and upper Central Italy were divided into a number of warring city-states, the most powerful being Milan, Florence, Pisa, Siena, Genoa, Ferrara, Mantua, Verona and Venice. High Medieval Northern Italy was further divided by the long-running battle for supremacy between the forces of the Papacy and of the Holy Roman Empire: each city aligned itself with one faction or the other, yet was divided internally between the two warring parties, Guelfs and Ghibellines. Warfare between the states was common, invasion from outside Italy confined to intermittent sorties of Holy Roman Emperors. Renaissance politics developed from this background. Since the 13th century, as armies became primarily composed of mercenaries, prosperous city-states could field considerable forces, despite their low populations. In the course of the 15th century, the most powerful city-states annexed their smaller neighbors. Florence took Pisa in 1406, Venice captured Padua and Verona, while the Duchy of Milan annexed a number of nearby areas including Pavia and Parma.

The first part of the Renaissance saw almost constant warfare on land and sea as the city-states vied for preeminence. On land, these wars were primarily fought by armies of mercenaries known as condottieri, bands of soldiers drawn from around Europe, but especially Germany and Switzerland, led largely by Italian captains. The mercenaries were not willing to risk their lives unduly, and war became one largely of sieges and maneuvering, occasioning few pitched battles. It was also in the interest of mercenaries on both sides to prolong any conflict, to continue their employment. Mercenaries were also a constant threat to their employers; if not paid, they often turned on their patron. If it became obvious that a state was entirely dependent on mercenaries, the temptation was great for the mercenaries to take over the running of it themselvesthis occurred on a number of occasions.[8] At sea, Italian city-states sent many fleets out to do battle. The main contenders were Pisa, Genoa, and Venice, but after a long conflict the Genoese succeeded in reducing Pisa. Venice proved to be a more powerful adversary, and with the decline of Genoese power during the 15th century Venice became pre-eminent on the seas. In response to threats from the landward side, from the early 15th century Venice developed an increased interest in controlling the terrafirma as the Venetian Renaissance opened. On land, decades of fighting saw Florence, Milan and Venice emerge as the dominant players, and these two powers finally set aside their differences and agreed to the Peace of Lodi in 1454, which saw relative calm brought to the region for the first time in centuries. This peace would hold for the next forty years, and Venice's unquestioned hegemony over the sea also led to unprecedented peace for much of the rest of the 15th century. In the beginning of the 15th century, adventurer and traders such as Niccol Da Conti (13951469) traveled as far as Southeast Asia and back, bringing fresh knowledge on the state of the world, presaging further European voyages of exploration in the

Pandolfo Malatesta (14171468), lord of Rimini, by Piero della Francesca. Malatesta was a capable condottiere, following the tradition of his family. He was hired by the Venetians to fight against the Turks (unsuccessfully) in 1465, and was patron of Leone Battista Alberti, whose Tempio Malatestiano at Rimini is one of the first entirely classical buildings of the Renaissance.

Italian Renaissance years to come.

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Florence under the Medici


Until the late 14th century, Florence's leading family were the House of Albizzi. Their main challengers were the Medicis, first under Giovanni de' Medici, later under his son Cosimo di Giovanni de' Medici. The Medici controlled the Medici bankthen Europe's largest bankand an array of other enterprises in Florence and elsewhere. In 1433, the Albizzi managed to have Cosimo exiled.[9] The next year, however, saw a pro-Medici Signoria elected and Cosimo returned. The Medici became the town's leading family, a position they would hold for the next three centuries. Florence remained a republic until 1537, traditionally marking the end of the High Renaissance in Florence, but the instruments of republican government were firmly under the control of the Medici and their allies, save during the intervals after 1494 and 1527. Cosimo and Lorenzo rarely held official posts, but were the unquestioned leaders. Cosimo de' Medici was highly popular among the citizenry, mainly for bringing an era of stability and prosperity to the town. One of his most important accomplishments was negotiating the Peace of Lodi with Francesco Sforza ending the decades of war with Milan and bringing stability to much of Northern Italy. Cosimo was also an important patron of the arts, directly and indirectly, by the influential example he set. Cosimo was succeeded by his sickly son Piero de' Medici, who died after five years in charge of the city. In 1469 the reins of power passed to Cosimo's twenty-one-year-old grandson Lorenzo, who would become known as "Lorenzo the Magnificent." Lorenzo was the first of the family to be educated from an early age in the humanist tradition and is best known as one of the Renaissance's most important patrons of the arts. Under Lorenzo, the Medici rule was formalized with the creation of a new Council of Seventy, which Lorenzo headed. The republican institutions continued, but they lost all power. Lorenzo was less successful than his illustrious forebears in business, and the Medici commercial empire was slowly eroded. Lorenzo continued the alliance with Milan, but relations with the papacy soured, and in 1478, Papal agents allied with the Pazzi family in an attempt to assassinate Lorenzo. Although the plot failed, Lorenzo's young brother, Giuliano, was killed, and the failed assassination led to a war with the Papacy and was used as justification to further centralize power in Lorenzo's hands.[10][11]

Spread
Renaissance ideals first spread from Florence to the neighbouring states of Tuscany such as Siena and Lucca. The Tuscan culture soon became the model for all the states of Northern Italy, and the Tuscan variety of Italian came to predominate throughout the region, especially in literature. In 1447 Francesco Sforza came to power in Milan and rapidly transformed that still medieval city into a major centre of art and learning that drew Leone Battista Alberti. Venice, one of the wealthiest cities due to its control of the Adriatic Sea, also became a centre for Renaissance culture, especially architecture. Smaller courts brought Renaissance patronage to lesser cities, which developed their characteristic arts: Ferrara, Mantua under the Gonzaga, Urbino under Federico da Montefeltro. In Naples, the Renaissance was ushered in under the patronage of Alfonso I who conquered Naples in 1443 and encouraged artists like Francesco Laurana and Antonello da Messina and writers like the poet Jacopo Sannazaro and the humanist scholar Angelo Poliziano.

Leonardo da Vinci, Italian Renaissance Man

In 1417 the Papacy returned to Rome, but that once imperial city remained poor and largely in ruins through the first years of the Renaissance.[12] The great transformation began under Pope Nicholas V, who became pontiff in 1447.

Italian Renaissance He launched a dramatic rebuilding effort that would eventually see much of the city renewed. The humanist scholar Aeneas Silvius Piccolomini became Pope Pius II in 1458. As the papacy fell under the control of the wealthy families, such as the Medici and the Borgias the spirit of Renaissance art and philosophy came to dominate the Vatican. Pope Sixtus IV continued Nicholas' work, most famously ordering the construction of the Sistine Chapel. The popes also became increasingly secular rulers as the Papal States were forged into a centralized power by a series of "warrior popes". The nature of the Renaissance also changed in the late 15th century. The Renaissance ideal was fully adopted by the ruling classes and the aristocracy. In the early Renaissance artists were seen as craftsmen with little prestige or recognition. By the later Renaissance the top figures wielded great influence and could charge great fees. A flourishing trade in Renaissance art developed. While in the early Renaissance many of the leading artists were of lower- or middle-class origins, increasingly they became aristocrats.[12]

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Wider population
As a cultural movement, the Italian Renaissance affected only a small part of the population. Italy was the most urbanized region of Europe, but three quarters of the people were still rural peasants.[13] For this section of the population, life was essentially unchanged from the Middle Ages.[14] Classic feudalism had never been prominent in Northern Italy, and most peasants worked on private farms or as sharecroppers. Some scholars see a trend towards refeudalization in the later Renaissance as the urban elites turned themselves into landed aristocrats.[15] The situation was very different in the cities. These were dominated by a commercial elite; as exclusive as the aristocracy of any Medieval kingdom. It was this group that was the main patron of and audience for Renaissance culture. Below them there was a large class of artisans and guild members who lived comfortable lives and had significant power in the republican governments. This was in sharp contrast to the rest of Europe where artisans were firmly in the lower class. Literate and educated, this group did participate in the Renaissance culture.[16] The largest section of the urban population was the urban poor of semi-skilled workers and the unemployed. Like the peasants the Renaissance had little effect on them. Historians debate how easy it was to move between these groups during the Italian Renaissance. Examples of individuals who rose from humble beginnings can be instanced, but Burke notes two major studies in this area that have found that the data do not clearly demonstrate an increase in social mobility. Most historians feel that early in the Renaissance social mobility was quite high, but that it faded over the course of the 15th century.[17] Inequality in society was very high. An upper-class figure would control hundreds of times more income than a servant or labourer. Some historians feel that this unequal distribution of wealth was important to the Renaissance, as art patronage relies on the very wealthy.[] The Renaissance was not a period of great social or economic change, only of cultural and ideological development. It only touched a small fraction of the population, and in modern times this has led many historians, such as any that follow historical materialism, to reduce the importance of the Renaissance in human history. These historians tend to think in terms of "Early Modern Europe" instead. Roger Osborne[18] argues that "The Renaissance is a difficult concept for historians because the history of Europe quite suddenly turns into a history of Italian painting, sculpture and architecture."

Italian Renaissance

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Renaissance end
The end of the Renaissance is as imprecisely marked as its starting point. For many, the rise to power in Florence of the austere monk Girolamo Savonarola in 1494-1498 marks the end of the city's flourishing; for others, the triumphant return of the Medici marks the beginning of the late phase in the arts called Mannerism. Other accounts trace the end of the Italian Renaissance to the French invasions of the early 16th century and the subsequent conflict between France and Spanish rulers for control of Italian territory.[19] Savonarola rode to power on a widespread backlash over the secularism and indulgence of the Renaissance [20] his brief rule saw many works of Giulio Clovio, Adoration of the Magi and art destroyed in the "Bonfire of the Vanities" in the centre of Florence. Solomon Adored by the Queen of Sheba from the Farnese Hours, 1546. With the Medici returned to power, now as Grand Dukes of Tuscany, the counter movement in the church continued. In 1542 the Sacred Congregation of the Inquisition was formed and a few years later the Index Librorum Prohibitorum banned a wide array of Renaissance works of literature, which marks the end of the illuminated manuscript together with Giulio Clovio, who is considered the greatest illuminator of the Italian High Renaissance, and arguably the last very notable artist in the long tradition of the illuminated manuscript, before some modern revivals. Equally important was the end of stability with a series of foreign invasions of Italy known as the Italian Wars that would continue for several decades. These began with the 1494 invasion by France that wreaked widespread devastation on Northern Italy and ended the independence of many of the city-states. Most damaging was the May 6, 1527, Spanish and German troops' sacking Rome that for two decades all but ended the role of the Papacy as the largest patron of Renaissance art and architecture.[12] While the Italian Renaissance was fading, the Northern Renaissance adopted many of its ideals and transformed its styles. A number of Italy's greatest artists chose to emigrate. The most notable example was Leonardo da Vinci who left for France in 1516, but teams of lesser artists invited to transform the Chteau de Fontainebleau created the school of Fontainebleau that infused the style of the Italian Renaissance in France. From Fontainebleau, the new styles, transformed by Mannerism, brought the Renaissance to Antwerp and thence throughout Northern Europe. This spread north was also representative of a larger trend. No longer was the Mediterranean Europe's most important trade route. In 1498, Vasco da Gama reached India, and from that date the primary route of goods from the Orient was through the Atlantic ports of Lisbon, Seville, Nantes, Bristol, and London. These areas quickly surpassed Italy in wealth and power.

Culture
Literature and poetry
The thirteenth-century Italian literary revolution helped set the stage for the Renaissance. Prior to the Renaissance, the Italian language was not the literary language in Italy. It was only in the 13th century that Italian authors began writing in their native language rather than Latin, French, or Provenal. The 1250s saw a major change in Italian poetry as the Dolce Stil Novo (Sweet New Style, which emphasized Platonic rather than courtly love) came into its own, pioneered by poets like Guittone d'Arezzo and Guido Guinizelli. Especially in poetry, major changes in Italian literature had been taking place decades before the Renaissance truly began.

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With the printing of books initiated in Venice by Aldus Manutius, an increasing number of works began to be published in the Italian language in addition to the flood of Latin and Greek texts that constituted the mainstream of the Italian Renaissance. The source for these works expanded beyond works of theology and towards the pre-Christian eras of Imperial Rome and Ancient Greece. This is not to say that no religious works were published in this period: Dante Alighieri's The Divine Comedy reflects a distinctly medieval world view. Christianity remained a major influence for artists and authors, with the classics coming into their own as a second primary influence. In the early Italian Renaissance, much of the focus was on translating and studying classic works from Latin and Greek. Renaissance authors were not Niccol Machiavelli (14691527), content to rest on the laurels of ancient authors, however. Many authors the author of The Prince and attempted to integrate the methods and styles of the ancient Greeks into their prototypical Renaissance man. Detail from a portrait by Santi di Tito. own works. Among the most emulated Romans are Cicero, Horace, Sallust, and Virgil. Among the Greeks, Aristotle, Homer, and Plato were now being read in the original for the first time since the 4th century, though Greek compositions were few. The literature and poetry of the Renaissance was largely influenced by the developing science and philosophy. The humanist Francesco Petrarch, a key figure in the renewed sense of scholarship, was also an accomplished poet, publishing several important works of poetry. He wrote poetry in Latin, notably the Punic War epic Africa, but is today remembered for his works in the Italian vernacular, especially the Canzoniere, a collection of love sonnets dedicated to his unrequited love Laura. He was the foremost writer of sonnets in Italian, and translations of his work into English by Thomas Wyatt established the sonnet form in that country, where it was employed by William Shakespeare and countless other poets. Petrarch's disciple, Giovanni Boccaccio, became a major author in his own right. His major work was the Decameron, a collection of 100 stories told by ten storytellers who have fled to the outskirts of Florence to escape the black plague over ten nights. The Decameron in particular and Boccaccio's work in general were a major source of inspiration and plots for many English authors in the Renaissance, including Geoffrey Chaucer and William Shakespeare. Aside from Christianity, classical antiquity, and scholarship, a fourth influence on Renaissance literature was politics. The political philosopher Niccol Machiavelli's most famous works are Discourses on Livy, Florentine Histories and finally The Prince, which has become so well known in Western society that the term "Machiavellian" has come to refer to the realpolitik advocated by the book. However, what is ordinarily called "Machiavellianism" is a simplified textbook view of this single work rather than an accurate term for his philosophy. Further, it is not at all clear that Machiavelli himself was the apologist for immorality as whom he is often portrayed: the basic problem is the apparent contradiction between the monarchism of The Prince and the republicanism of the Discourses. Regardless, along with many other Renaissance works, The Prince remains a relevant and influential work of literature today.

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Philosophy
One role of Petrarch is as the founder of a new method of scholarship, Renaissance Humanism. Humanism was an optimistic philosophy that saw man as a rational and sentient being, with the ability to decide and think for himself, and saw man as inherently good by nature, which was in tension with the Christian view of man as the original sinner needing redemption. It provoked fresh insight into the nature of reality, questioning beyond God and spirituality, and provided for knowledge about history beyond Christian history. Petrarch encouraged the study of the Latin classics and carried his copy of Homer about, at a loss to find someone to teach him to read Greek. An essential step in the humanist education being propounded by scholars like Pico della Mirandola was the hunting down of lost or forgotten manuscripts that were known only by reputation. These endeavors were greatly aided by the wealth of Italian patricians, merchant-princes and despots, who would spend substantial Petrarch, from the Cycle of Famous sums building libraries. Discovering the past had become fashionable and it was Men and Women. ca. 1450. Detached a passionate affair pervading the upper reaches of society. I go, said Cyriac of fresco. 247cm 153cm (97.24in Ancona, I go to awake the dead. As the Greek works were acquired, manuscripts 60.24in). Galleria degli Uffizi, Florence, Italy. Artist: Andrea di found, libraries and museums formed, the age of the printing press was dawning. Bartolo di Bargilla (ca. 14231457) The works of Antiquity were translated from Greek and Latin into the contemporary modern languages throughout Europe, finding a receptive middle-class audience, which might be, like Shakespeare, "with little Latin and less Greek". While concern for philosophy, art and literature all increased greatly in the Renaissance the period is usually seen as one of scientific backwardness. The reverence for classical sources further enshrined the Aristotelian and Ptolemaic views of the universe. Humanism stressed that nature came to be viewed as an animate spiritual creation that was not governed by laws or mathematics. At the same time philosophy lost much of its rigour as the rules of logic and deduction were seen as secondary to intuition and emotion.

Science
According to some recent scholarship, the 'father of modern science' is Leonardo Da Vinci whose experiments and clear scientific method earn him this title, Italian universities such as Padua, Bologna and Pisa were scientific centres of renown and with many northern European students, the science of the Renaissance moved to Northern Europe and flourished there, with such figures as Copernicus, Francis Bacon, and Descartes. Galileo, a contemporary of Bacon and Descartes, made an immense contribution to scientific thought and experimentation, paving the way for the scientific revolution that later flourished in Northern Europe. Bodies were also stolen from gallows and examined by many like Vesalius, a professor of anatomy. This allowed them to create accurate skeleton models and correct previously believed theories. For example many thought that the human jawbone was made up of two bones, as they had seen this on animals. However through examining human corpses they were able to understand that we actually only have one.

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Sculpture and painting


In painting, the false dawn of Giotto's Trecento realism, his fully three-dimensional figures occupying a rational space, and his humanist interest in expressing the individual personality rather than the iconic images,[21] was followed by a retreat into conservative late Gothic conventions.[22] The Italian Renaissance in painting began anew, in Florence and Tuscany, with the frescoes of Masaccio, then the panel paintings and frescos of Piero della Francesca and Paolo Uccello which began to enhance the realism of their work by using new techniques in perspective, thus representing three dimensions in two-dimensional art more authentically. Piero della Francesca wrote treatises on scientific perspective. The creation of credible space allowed artists to also focus on the accurate representation of the human body and on naturalistic landscapes. Masaccio's figures have a plasticity unknown up to that point in time. Compared Detail of The Last Judgment by to the flatness of Gothic painting, his pictures were revolutionary. Around 1459 Michelangelo San Zeno Altarpiece (Mantegna), it was probably the first good example of Renaissance painting in Northern Italy a model for all Verona's painters, for example Girolamo dai Libri. At the turn of the 16th century, especially in Northern Italy, artists also began to use new techniques in the manipulation of light and darkness, such as the tone contrast evident in many of Titian's portraits and the development of sfumato and chiaroscuro by Leonardo da Vinci and Giorgione. The period also saw the first secular (non-religious) themes. There has been much debate as to the degree of secularism in the Renaissance, which had been emphasized by early 20th-century writers like Jacob Burckhardt, based on, among other things, the presence of a relatively small number of mythological paintings. Those of Botticelli, notably The Birth of Venus and Primavera, are now among the best known, although he was deeply religious (becoming a follower of Savonarola) and the great majority of his output was of traditional religious paintings or portraits.[23] In sculpture, Donatello's (13861466) study of classical sculpture lead to his development of classicizing positions (such as the contrapposto pose) and subject matter (like the unsupported nude his second sculpture of David was the first free-standing bronze nude created in Europe since the Roman Empire.) The progress made by Donatello was influential on all who followed; perhaps the greatest of whom is Michelangelo, whose David of 1500 is also a male nude study; more naturalistic than Donatello's and with greater emotional intensity. Both sculptures are standing in contrapposto, their weight shifted to one leg.[24] The period known as the High Renaissance represents the culmination of the goals of the earlier period, namely the accurate representation of figures in space rendered with credible motion and in an appropriately decorous style. The most famous painters from this phase are Leonardo da Vinci, Raphael, and Michelangelo. Their images are among the most widely known works of art in the world. Leonardo's Last Supper, Raphael's The School of Athens and Michelangelo's Sistine Chapel Ceiling are the masterpieces of the period.[23] High Renaissance painting evolved into Mannerism, especially in Florence. Mannerist artists, who consciously rebelled against the principles of High Renaissance, tend to represent elongated figures in illogical spaces. Modern scholarship has recognized the capacity of Mannerist art to convey strong (often religious) emotion where the High Renaissance failed to do so. Some of the main artists of this period are Pontormo, Bronzino, Rosso Fiorentino, Parmigianino and Raphael's pupil Giulio Romano.[25]

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Architecture
In Florence, the Renaissance style was introduced with a revolutionary but incomplete monument in Rimini by Leone Battista Alberti. Some of the earliest buildings showing Renaissance characteristics are Filippo Brunelleschi's church of San Lorenzo and the Pazzi Chapel. The interior of Santo Spirito expresses a new sense of light, clarity and spaciousness, which is typical of the early Italian Renaissance. Its architecture reflects the philosophy of Humanism, the enlightenment and clarity of mind as opposed to the darkness and spirituality of the Middle Ages. The revival of classical antiquity can best be illustrated by the Palazzo Rucellai. Here the pilasters follow the superposition of classical orders, with Doric capitals on the ground floor, Ionic capitals on the piano nobile and Corinthian capitals on the uppermost floor.

St. Peter's Basilica. The dome, completed in 1590, was designed by Michelangelo Buonarroti, architect, painter and poet.

In Mantua, Leone Battista Alberti ushered in the new antique style, though his culminating work, Sant'Andrea, was not begun until 1472, after the architect's death. The High Renaissance, as we call the style today, was introduced to Rome with Donato Bramante's Tempietto at San Pietro in Montorio (1502) and his original centrally planned St. Peter's Basilica (1506), which was the most notable architectural commission of the era, influenced by almost all notable Renaissance artists, including Michelangelo and Giacomo della Porta. The beginning of the late Renaissance in 1550 was marked by the development of a new column order by Andrea Palladio. Colossal columns that were two or more stories tall decorated the facades.

Music
In Italy during the 14th century there was an explosion of musical activity that corresponded in scope and level of innovation to the activity in the other arts. Although musicologists typically group the music of the Trecento (music of the 14th century) with the late Bramante's Tempietto in San Pietro in Montorio, medieval period, it included features which align with the early Rome, 1502 Renaissance in important ways: an increasing emphasis on secular sources, styles and forms; a spreading of culture away from ecclesiastical institutions to the nobility, and even to the common people; and a quick development of entirely new techniques. The principal forms were the Trecento madrigal, the caccia, and the ballata. Overall, the musical style of the period is sometimes labelled as the "Italian ars nova." From the early 15th century to the middle of the 16th century, the center of innovation in sacred music was in the Low Countries, and a flood of talented composers came to Italy from this region. Many of them sang in either the papal choir in Rome or the choirs at the numerous chapels of the aristocracy, in Rome, Venice, Florence, Milan, Ferrara and elsewhere; and they brought their polyphonic style with them, influencing many native Italian composers during their stay. The predominant forms of church music during the period were the mass and the motet. By far the most famous composer of church music in 16th century Italy was Palestrina, the most prominent member of the Roman School, whose style of smooth, emotionally cool polyphony was to become the defining sound of the late 16th century, at least for generations of 19th- and 20th century musicologists. Other Italian composers of the late 16th century focused on composing the main secular form of the era, the madrigal: and for almost a hundred years these secular

Italian Renaissance songs for multiple singers were distributed all over Europe. Composers of madrigals included Jacques Arcadelt, at the beginning of the age, Cipriano de Rore, in the middle of the century, and Luca Marenzio, Philippe de Monte, Carlo Gesualdo, and Claudio Monteverdi at the end of the era. Italy was also a centre of innovation in instrumental music. By the early 16th century keyboard improvisation came to be greatly valued, and numerous composers of virtuoso keyboard music appeared. Many familiar instruments were invented and perfected in late Renaissance Italy, such as the violin, the earliest forms of which came into use in the 1550s. By the late 16th century Italy was the musical centre of Europe. Almost all of the innovations which were to define the transition to the Baroque period originated in northern Italy in the last few decades of the century. In Venice, the polychoral productions of the Venetian School, and associated instrumental music, moved north into Germany; in Florence, the Florentine Camerata developed monody, the important precursor to opera, which itself first appeared around 1600; and the avant-garde, manneristic style of the Ferrara school, which migrated to Naples and elsewhere through the music of Carlo Gesualdo, was to be the final statement of the polyphonic vocal music of the Renaissance.

35

Notes
[1] Jensen 1992, p. 95 [2] Burke 1999, p. 232 [3] Burke 1999, p. 93 [4] Jensen 1992, p. 97; see also Andrew B. Appleby's "Epidemics and Famine in the Little Ice Age." Journal of Interdisciplinary History. Vol. 10 No. 4. [5] Olea, Ricardo A, Christakos, George, "Duration of Urban Mortality for the 14th-Century Black Death Epidemic" (http:/ / www. findarticles. com/ p/ articles/ mi_qa3659/ is_200506/ ai_n15845444/ pg_4), Human Biology, Jun 2005. The population level of Florence is controversial see also Ziegler (1969, pp. 51-52), Chandler 1987, pp. 16-18, and Gottfried 1983, p. 46 [6] Lopez, Robert Sabatino. "Hard Times and Investment in Culture." [7] Baron, Hans. "The Crisis of the Early Italian Renaissance". Princeton University Press, March 1, 1966. ISBN 0-691-00752-7 [8] Jensen 1992, p. 64. [9] Crum , Roger J. Severing the Neck of Pride: Donatello's "Judith and Holofernes" and the Recollection of Albizzi Shame in Medicean Florence . Artibus et Historiae, Volume 22, Edit 44, 2001. pp. 23-29. [10] Jensen 1992, p. 80 [11] Peter Barenboim, Sergey Shiyan, Michelangelo: Mysteries of Medici Chapel, SLOVO, Moscow, 2006 (http:/ / www. florentine-society. ru/ Medici_Chapel_Mysteries. htm). ISBN 5-85050-825-2 [12] Burke 1999, p. 271. [13] Burke 1999, p. 256. [14] Jensen 1992, p. 105. [15] Burke 1999, p. 246. [16] Jensen 1992, p. 104. [17] Burke 1999, p. 255. [18] Osborne, Roger, Civilization: A New History of the Western World, Pegasus Books, New York 2006 p. 181. [19] Osborne, Roger, Civilization: A New History of the Western World Pegasus, NY, 2006 [20] Cast, David. "Review: Fra Girolamo Savonarola: Florentine Art and Renaissance Historiography by Ronald M. Steinberg". The Art Bulletin, Volume 61, No. 1, March 1979. pp. 134-136. [21] Hayden B. J. Maginnis, Painting in the Age of Giotto: A Historical Reevaluation (1997) [22] Ethan Matt Kavaler, "Renaissance Gothic: Pictures of Geometry and Narratives of Ornament," Art History, Feb 2006, Vol. 29 Issue 1, pp 1-46 [23] Frederick Hartt, and David G. Wilkins, History of Italian Art: Painting, Sculpture, Architecture (2003) [24] Sarah Blake McHam, ed. Looking at Italian Renaissance Sculpture (1998) [25] Jane Turner, ed. Encyclopedia of Italian Renaissance and Mannerist Art (2000)

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References
Baron, Hans. The Crisis of the Early Italian Renaissance: Civic Humanism and Republican Liberty in an Age of Classicism and Tyranny. Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1966. Burckhardt, Jacob (1878), The Civilization of the Renaissance in Italy, trans. S.G.C Middlemore (http://www. worldwideschool.org/library/books/hst/european/TheCivilizationoftheRenaissanceinItaly/toc.html) Burke, Peter. The Italian Renaissance: Culture and Society in Italy Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1999. Capra, Fritjof. (2008), The Science of Leonardo. Inside the Mind of the Great Genius of the Renaissance. Doubleday ISBN 978-0-385-51390-6 Cronin, Vincent The Florentine Renaissance (1967) ISBN 0-00-211262-0 The Flowering of the Renaissance (1969) ISBN 0-7126-9884-1 The Renaissance (1992) ISBN 0-00-215411-0 Hagopian, Viola L. "Italy", in The New Grove Dictionary of Music and Musicians, ed. Stanley Sadie. 20 vol. London, Macmillan Publishers Ltd., 1980. ISBN Hay, Denys. The Italian Renaissance in Its Historical Background. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1977. Jensen, De Lamar (1992), Renaissance Europe Jurdjevic, Mark. "Hedgehogs and Foxes: The Present and Future of Italian Renaissance Intellectual History," Past & Present 2007 (195): 241-268, Shows Humanism has been the main concern of historians recently; Discusses the works of William Bouwsma, James Hankins, Ronald Witt, Riccardo Fubini, Quentin Skinner, J. A. Pocock, and Eric Nelson. Lopez, Robert Sabatino, The Three Ages of the Italian Renaissance Charlottesville: University Press of Virginia, 1970. Pullan, Brian S. History of Early Renaissance Italy. London: Lane, 1973. Raffini, Christine, Marsilio Ficino, Pietro Bembo, Baldassare Castiglione: Philosophical, Aesthetic, and Political Approaches in Renaissance Platonism. Renaissance and Baroque Studies and Texts, v.21, Peter Lang Publishing, 1998. ISBN 0-8204-3023-4

Further reading
Bayer, A. (2004). Painters of reality : the legacy of Leonardo and Caravaggio in Lombardy (http://libmma. contentdm.oclc.org/cdm/compoundobject/collection/p15324coll10/id/96665). New York: The Metropolitan Museum of Art. ISBN9781588391162. Leonardo da Vinci: anatomical drawings from the Royal Library, Windsor Castle (http://libmma.contentdm. oclc.org/cdm/compoundobject/collection/p15324coll10/id/84801/rec/2). New York: The Metropolitan Museum of Art. 1983. ISBN9780870993626.

External links
The High Renaissane in Florence - video (http://www.glenndixon.org/Florence.html) Renaissance House (http://www.vam.ac.uk/vastatic/microsites/1487_renaissance/renaissance_house.html) Victoria and Albert Museum

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Article Sources and Contributors


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Image Sources, Licenses and Contributors

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Image Sources, Licenses and Contributors


File:Richard II meets rebels.jpg Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=File:Richard_II_meets_rebels.jpg License: Public Domain Contributors: BLueFiSH.as, Bkwillwm, Duesentrieb, G.dallorto, Hchc2009, Herbythyme, Jza84, Mattes, Mel22, Quadell, Verica Atrebatum, William Jexpire, Wst, 3 anonymous edits File:Plague victims blessed by priest.jpg Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=File:Plague_victims_blessed_by_priest.jpg License: Public Domain Contributors: DO11.10, Ealdgyth, G.dallorto, GermanJoe, Leinad-Z, Nortonius, Quadell, Quibik, Shakko, 2 anonymous edits File:Troupe anglaise dbarquant en Normandie XIVeme siecle.jpg Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=File:Troupe_anglaise_dbarquant_en_Normandie_XIVeme_siecle.jpg License: Public Domain Contributors: AYE R, Hchc2009, Quadell File:Sheep pen (Luttrell Psalter).png Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=File:Sheep_pen_(Luttrell_Psalter).png License: Public Domain Contributors: See en:Luttrell Psalter File:Longbowmen.jpg Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=File:Longbowmen.jpg License: Public Domain Contributors: Geoffrey Luttrell File:John Ball encouraging Wat Tyler rebels from ca 1470 MS of Froissart Chronicles in BL.jpg Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=File:John_Ball_encouraging_Wat_Tyler_rebels_from_ca_1470_MS_of_Froissart_Chronicles_in_BL.jpg License: Public Domain Contributors: Unknown medieval artist illustrating Froissart's Chronicles File:Map of London, 1381 labelled.png Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=File:Map_of_London,_1381_labelled.png License: Creative Commons Attribution-Sharealike 3.0 Contributors: Hchc2009 File:Towrlndn.JPG Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=File:Towrlndn.JPG License: Public Domain Contributors: Author of poems is Charles, Duke of Orlans, illustrated is unknown File:DeathWatTylerFull.jpg Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=File:DeathWatTylerFull.jpg License: Public Domain Contributors: AnonMoos, Bkwillwm, Dbachmann, G.dallorto, Giorgiomonteforti, Hchc2009, JrOceanographer, Jza84, Mmxx, Pseudomonas, Verica Atrebatum, Wst, 4 anonymous edits File:Abbeygate In Bury St Edmunds.jpg Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=File:Abbeygate_In_Bury_St_Edmunds.jpg License: Public domain Contributors: AnRo0002, Million Moments, Quadell, Ziko File:OldCCav.JPG Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=File:OldCCav.JPG License: Creative Commons Attribution-Sharealike 3.0 Contributors: McAnt File:John Gower world Vox Clamantis.jpg Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=File:John_Gower_world_Vox_Clamantis.jpg License: Public Domain Contributors: Andreagrossmann, Bkwillwm, Leinad-Z, Mattes, Mdd, Mechamind90, Quadell, SteveMcCluskey File:Henry le Despenser 2.jpg Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=File:Henry_le_Despenser_2.jpg License: Public domain Contributors: Quadell File:Richard II King of England.jpg Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=File:Richard_II_King_of_England.jpg License: Public Domain Contributors: Hchc2009, Krschner, Pe-Jo, Quadell, Shakko, Thomas Gun, 1 anonymous edits File:Reeve and Serfs.jpg Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=File:Reeve_and_Serfs.jpg License: Public Domain Contributors: anonymous (Queen Mary Master) File:Portrait of William Stubbs by Hubert von Herkomer.jpeg Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=File:Portrait_of_William_Stubbs_by_Hubert_von_Herkomer.jpeg License: unknown Contributors: P. S. Burton File:William.Morris.John.Ball.trimmed.jpg Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=File:William.Morris.John.Ball.trimmed.jpg License: Public Domain Contributors: AnonMoos, Hchc2009, Quadell file:Commons-logo.svg Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=File:Commons-logo.svg License: logo Contributors: Anomie File:Sanzio 01.jpg Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=File:Sanzio_01.jpg License: Public Domain Contributors: ArwinJ, Bibi Saint-Pol, Damiens.rf, Gugganij, Harpsichord246, Herald Alberich, Howcheng, Jacobolus, Jic, Julia W, Mahdi.Hosseinnejad, Man vyi, Matthead, Para, Pasicles, Paul 012, Raymond, Sentausa, Suruena, The Evil IP address, Thierry Caro, Wknight94, 14 anonymous edits File:Emblem of Italy.svg Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=File:Emblem_of_Italy.svg License: Public Domain Contributors: F l a n k e r from the original paint of Paolo Paschetto File:Flag of Italy.svg Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=File:Flag_of_Italy.svg License: Public Domain Contributors: Anomie File:Piero, ritratto di sigismondo malatesta.jpg Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=File:Piero,_ritratto_di_sigismondo_malatesta.jpg License: Public Domain Contributors: see filename or category File:Leonardo da Vinci - Self-Portrait - WGA12798.jpg Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=File:Leonardo_da_Vinci_-_Self-Portrait_-_WGA12798.jpg License: Public Domain Contributors: Aavindraa, Coyau, Santosga, TwoWings, Velos a 3 euros, 1 anonymous edits File:Clovio magi.jpg Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=File:Clovio_magi.jpg License: Public Domain Contributors: Argo Navis, Jarekt, Shakko File:Santi di Tito - Niccolo Machiavelli's portrait headcrop.jpg Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=File:Santi_di_Tito_-_Niccolo_Machiavelli's_portrait_headcrop.jpg License: Public Domain Contributors: APTEM, Bjankuloski06en, Blurpeace, G.dallorto, GeorgHH, Husky, Interpretix, Oxam Hartog, Sailko, 6 anonymous edits File:Petrarch by Bargilla.jpg Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=File:Petrarch_by_Bargilla.jpg License: Public Domain Contributors: Akigka, Auntof6, Boo-Boo Baroo, Darwinius, G.dallorto, Jarekt, Kjetil r, Sailko, 2 anonymous edits File:Last judgement.jpg Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=File:Last_judgement.jpg License: Public Domain Contributors: Aavindraa, Amandajm, DenghiComm, Docu, G.dallorto, Hellisp, Kilom691, Kramer Associates, Man vyi, Mattes, Oursana, Pe-Jo, Pko, Shakko, Willemnabuurs, Winterkind, 2 anonymous edits File:Petersdom von Engelsburg gesehen.jpg Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=File:Petersdom_von_Engelsburg_gesehen.jpg License: Public Domain Contributors: User:WolfgangStuck File:PalladioBramanteTempietto1570.jpg Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=File:PalladioBramanteTempietto1570.jpg License: Public Domain Contributors: Original uploader was Wetman at en.wikipedia

License

39

License
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