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Bio(necro)polis: Marx, Surplus Populations, and the Spatial Dialectics of Reproduction and Race1

Michael McIntyre and Heidi J. Nast


International Studies Program, DePaul University, Chicago, IL, USA; mmcintyr@depaul.edu; hnast@depaul.edu

The same causes which develop the expansive power of capital, also develop the labor-power at its disposal. The relative mass of the industrial reserve army thus increases with the potential energy of wealth. But the greater this reserve army in proportion to the active labor-army, the greater is the mass of a consolidated surplus population, whose misery is in inverse ratio to the amount of torture it has to undergo in the form of labor. The more extensive, finally, the pauperized sections of the working class and the industrial reserve army, the greater is official pauperism. This is the absolute general law of capitalist accumulation (Marx 1990 [1976]:798, emphasis in original).

Introduction
This collection of papers re-examines Marxs notion of surplus populations in light of contemporary capitalism and a world marked by tremendous global shifts in fertility rates, almost unprecedented rates of outmigration to hegemonic nation-states and enclaves, heightened levels of investment in (and hyper-exploitation of) formerly colonized nations, and massive degradation of the environment. Taken together, these processes trace the current configuration of Anibal Quijanos coloniality of power, a concept that, as Marion Werner (this issue) tells us, indexes the ways that capitalist accumulation is constituted through the reworking of hierarchies of racialized and gendered difference, thus redrawing the social and spatial boundaries between hyper-exploited wage work and the people and places cast out from its relations (Quijano 2000; Werner this issue). What is most remarkable about all of these processes is how thoroughly racialized they are,
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and how thoroughly intertwined racial formations have become with regimes of reproduction. Arguably, race has never been deployed so variably nor constructed so contingently and quixotically in the subordination of truth to power and life to death as it has since the beginning of the long downturn of the 1970s and its heightening into global recession and industrial restructuring in the 1980s (McIntyre this issue; Nast and Elder 2009; Winant 1994, 2001). One cannot, therefore, understand surplus populations without understanding how the geographical dynamics of accumulation have become increasingly racialized. Nor can one understand the shifting forms of racialization without taking into account the hierarchical regimes of reproduction that constitute them (cf Gilmore 2002). There are two main ways to engage a collection as empirically rich and wide-ranging as this one. We might begin by talking about how the collection came into being and rehearse both the body of literature to which each paper belongs and the substantive contributions that it makes. We have chosen, instead, to use the introduction as a means for building a meta-theoretical framework through which the essays might come into productive relation with one another. In this way, the articles propel us into thinking beyond the empirical confines of any one article and into new ways of conceptualizing how surplus populations, reproduction, and race have been geographically interconnected. To accomplish this, we look at capitalism over the longue dur ee, not to totalize, but to complicate ways of thinking about how exploitation has worked dialectically through different geographical scales and governmentalities. We argue that colonization and imperialism worked from the outset through racially ontologized hierarchies of space, which permitted the hyperexploitation of certain (colorized) bodies and lands, but not others. The racially hierarchical organization of global space and the cheapening of racialized bodies were made possible through differing regimes of governmentality which, calling upon the works of Foucault (2010) and Mbembe (2003), we below refer to as biopolitical and necropolitical, respectively. In either case, the regulation of reproduction proves key. Beginning in the 1970s, with the relocation of highly developed industry overseas (producing what we call neo-industrialization), reproductions meaning, importance, regulation, and governance fundamentally changed. For a variety of reasons, fertility rates fell in many de-industrializing and neo-industrializing contexts, eventually reaching (or going below) replacement levels. By contrast, fertility rates in many impoverished regions remained comparatively high. This difference provided valuable grist for the making of surplus populations and new kinds of racialized geographies of hyperexploitation. In de-industrializing regions, whiteness continues to be biopolitically exalted even as non-white populations grow in absolute and relative terms. The power of whiteness derives in large part from corporate
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revenues gained overseas through racially inflected forms of foreign direct investment. But it also draws strength from the hegemonic cultural practices of the privileged (and privileging) social formations from where foreign direct investment derives and with which it is integral and consonant. These practices are inscribed in a variety of vernacular spaces tied to privileged (and privileging) forms of consumption and are possible to the extent that there is a continuum between the kind of consumption of goods and services that is done purely for consumption sake (eg eating food) and the consumption of good and services that produce higher income (or extract surplus) for the benefit of the person consuming. For instance, undocumented workers allow many persons to hire labor that they could not otherwise afford. This labor might be used to renovate an apartment building or house, allowing an owner to benefit from higher rent or a higher purchasing price. The (hyper)exploitation of the undocumented worker both allows the owner to live at a higher class level than they would otherwise be able to do and makes possible profits that can be invested accordingly. The massive racial subsidies derived from racialized hyperexploitative production overseas are thus in keeping with the hyperexploitation of racialized labor domestically, the ties between the two deepening and complicating the geographical contours and formations of race (below). Reproductive regimes in certain neo-industrializing regions, meanwhile, have been thrown into racialized flux. Such flux has been subtended both by state mandates (eg China and Vietnam), and freemarket pressures (eg Eastern Europe and Mexico). Surplus populations have resulted in the latter case not only from heightened industrial efficiencies, but through displacement from traditional lands, forced migration, and glocal conflicts. Today, the gathering of these surpluses threatens to put an end to capitalisms spatial fix, despite any forceful shoring up of the body biopolitic through hypermilitarization (below). We begin this paper by introducing two geographical concepts that we think are analytically useful in terms of thinking about how racialized hierarchies of surplus populations have been spatially, politically and economically made. The first we call the necropolis, after Mbembes (2003) work on necropolitics, a form of governmentality distinct from, and opposed to, Foucaults (2010) biopolitics. The necropolis is, in the first instance, a space of negation and the socially dead, produced by expropriations and alienations in and outside European nation-states. By contrast, we refer to the second as the biopolis, after Foucaults biopolitics, a form of governmentality that presumes that the sovereign subject must be conserved and shored up in order for the modern nationstate to thrive. Necropolis and biopolis, while initially geographically distinct, have always made one another through specific histories of accumulation, disinvestment, violence, dispossession, and resistance (Werner this issue). Operating materially and psychically, this dialectic
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was bent to shore up sovereign European lands and subjects (Nast and Elder 2009). Having introduced these two key concepts, we trace in broad terms the socio-spatial dialectics that have obtained between the biopolis and the necropolis. In so doing, we point to two possible unities we call the bio(necro)polis and necro(bio)polis, designations that emphasize the geographical fluidity of accumulation and racialized difference.2 The dialectic also allows us to see how surplus populations have always been tied to a reproductive racial politics in which certain lands and persons could reasonably be disregarded and treated as waste.3 Last, we offer speculative notes on the potential of neoliberal capitalism to collapse any spatial distinction between biopolis and necropolis, invaginating exploitations spatial ordering to produce a necro(bio)polis of global proportions. This necro(bio)polis can be found not only in obvious centers of new, rapid industrialization such as Shanghai, but also in areas previously considered disconnected from the global economy. Dennis Arnold and John Pickles (this issue) show, for instance, how states, NGOs, and both international and regional agencies have intervened in the Greater Mekong Sub-region, in areas as previously peripheral to capitalist accumulation as the ThaiBurmese border. In so doing, they temporarily stabilize a regime of accumulation in East and Southeast Asia. In the end, we argue that surplus populations are the effect of racially striated regimes of biological reproduction, and that the workings of capitalism must be understood in terms of the linked contradictions of reproduction and race. Marx makes reproduction central to value theory when he notes that the workers wage must not only pay for the survival of the worker, but for the reproduction of the working class (Marx 1990 [1976]:275277). Engels made similarly radical theoretical assertions about the primacy of the maternal and childbearing when he theorized the origins of the patriarchal family, private property, and the state (Engels 2000 [1884]). We build on both their insights to show how there have been multiple, racialized political economies of maternal or biological surplus. As Merrill (this issue) avers, these political economies have been articulated through the hegemonic production of racialized populations in a spatial regime that codes nations and bodies along axes that may be as diverse as gender, racial difference, productivity, reproductivity (fecundity), technological advancement, and patriarchal fitness (among others). Together, these codings constitute the coloniality of power that inscribes imperial body-space. Merrill (this issue) shows how such an imperial body space is constituted in northern Italy, where glocal racial formations have coded Africa as an integrated space of inferiority and difference . . . where African women migrants have been popularly classified as prostitutes, those who sell themselves and are sold as
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commodities, and as the most expendable of all human populations, the most easily exploited (see also Merrill 2006).

Biopolis
Englands first industrial proletariat was created by enclosure and displacement.4 As Engels (1987 [1845]) shows, the earliest generations of mill workers suffered a kind of living death, their mortality of little concern as long as capital could draw labor from the countrysides dispossessed. Many of the most exploited laborers were Irish who had long been racialized through earlier rounds of conquest and displacement. Similarly, Merrill (this issue) shows how, early on in the industrial life of Italy, southern Italians, long racialized and exploited, were hyper-exploited in the factories of the north. In both cases, racialization was a political and economic accomplishment, an instrumental and exploitative device honed over time and place.5 Nonetheless, there was a certain proxemics advantageous to early class conflict. In the early industrial city, workers and capitalists lived in close proximity, unlike the case of most neo-industry. This proximity, crossed with the logic of capital accumulation, produced an alienated intimacy in which every individual is a totality of needs and only exists for the other person, as the other exists for him, insofar as each becomes a means for the other (Marx 1988:128 as cited by Hudson this issue). This alienated intimacy, while grounded in the necessarily exploitative relationship of capital to labor, eventually provided for a certain spatial regime of bargaining between capital and labor, facilitating labors capture of a larger portion of the value it creates for capital (Allen 2001; cf Gilmore 2002:16). Such proportionalities could obtain, however, only because of the necropolis hyper-exploitation. The racialized negation of the necropolis effected an invisible subsidy for the biopolis, helping further to shore up wages. Marx divided surplus populations into three categories: latent, made up of those with insecure employment; floating, composed of those cycling rapidly in and out of the labor force; and stagnant, comprised of those only rarely employed.6 Within the biopolis, the majority of the surplus laboring population is either latent or floating. Here, labor is periodically (systematically) shed through a bipolarity in which workers are drawn into the labor force during economic expansion and excreted during downturns. Such labor has likewise been stranded through spatial and technical reconfigurations of capital investment that have made workers redundant. By contrast, racially denigrated sections of the working class make up most of the stagnant surplus population. These have historically been deployed for strikebreaking or other instrumental purposesoften to the detriment of otherwise racially privileged workers (Norwood 2002;
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Whatley 1993). Their irregular employment, relative poverty, and negative instrumentality have resulted in these workers being cast as predatory, criminal, or dangerous (Lewis 1995; Roediger 1991). During periods of capitalist downturn, when the floating surplus population of the biopolis expands significantly, at least modest biopolitical measures are taken to insure the racialized survival of those made temporarily redundant; this, so that their labor remains available once growth resumes. Even during more extended periods of capitalist crisis within the biopolis, when long-term unemployment threatens to transform the floating surplus population into a (racially denigrated) stagnant population, whiteness works to hold such stagnation at bay. In particular, white workers privileged embeddedness in, and symbolic value to, the body biopolitic gives them a competitive edge over racially denigrated members of the stagnant surplus population, should employment levels rise. Outside the biopolis, the situation is often reversed. Here, most surplus populations are stagnant rather than latent or floating. Michelle Yates (this issue) reminds us of this fact when she points to how many third world (necropolitan) cities, today, are overwhelmed by stagnant surplus populations, displaced from the countryside, with little chance of ever being employed. Once relegated as permanent surplus, meaning that capital no longer needs these populations as labor, these populations are little more than human waste, excreted from the capitalist system.7

Necropolis
Historically, the necropolis was borne through displacements, enclosures, and containments, both in the context of slavery, the colony and (initially) the nation-state, albeit to vastly differing geographical degrees. Dispossession has preceded capital accumulation everywhere.8 The enclosures of England turned the peasantry into an agricultural (and later industrial) wage-labor force, whereas the conquest of Ireland dispossessed the Irish of most of the best land in favor of English (and to a lesser degree Scottish) landlords, thereby creating a diaspora of Irish wage-laborers. Later waves of colonization would repeat Irish dispossession on a global scale.9 In the southern USA the plantation system likewise served to enclose, displace, and capture, its racist topography and consequent misery rejuvenated during the Clinton era (Woods 1998). The authors in this collection trace accumulation through dispossession into the present, whether in the ThaiBurma border zone around Mae Sot (Arnold and Pickles this issue), the IT parks and corridors in Delhi and Bangalore (Gidwani and Reddy this issue), or the DominicanHaitian borderlands (Werner this issue).10 Accumulation through dispossession is often glossed as development (Rodney 1972). Lack of industry can be, and often is,
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coded as a racial characteristic, a way of marking necropolitical subjects as inherently wasteful and stagnant (surplus), in need of colonial (or neo-colonial) coercion to make them productive (see Gidwani 2008: ch 1). As an example, Gidwani and Reddy (this issue) show how the colonial authorities of British India coded any land not immediately in agricultural production as waste, left unimproved by an insufficiently industrious Indian population. The land settlements of British India simultaneously determined property rights in land and the colonial states revenue rights from that land. Though these land settlements varied from one province (and sometimes even one district) to the next, they were invariably constructed around and justified by discourses that privileged the population represented as best suited to improve this waste land and put it to productive (and therefore taxable) use (see also Guha 1963). We also see this in Britains early-nineteenth-century fashioning of the concept of terra nullius, a legal device where lands not belonging to any modern (European) sovereign nation were seen as wastelands best brought into productivity through foreign occupation (Borch 2001). The racial marking of lands and bodies continues to be a way of rendering certain bodies superfluous: Arnold and Pickles (this issue) note that the Burmese laboring bodies in Thailand are paid less than half the Thai minimum wage, while simultaneously being represented as a racial threat to the Thai national body; Werner (this issue) notes the denigratory racialization of Haitian laborers by Dominican managers in the Ouanaminthe special economic zone (SEZ) along the Haiti Dominican Republic borderand this between populations that, in the biopolis, are equally denigrated as African; while Merrill (this issue) shows how the racial cheapening of African industrial workers in northern Italy has allowed southern Italians to re-imagine themselves as white and for all Italians to re-imagine themselves as ethnically unified. In the USA, such cheapening qua racialization has long taken place in the context of African American, Mexican American, and Mexican migrant lives (eg de Oliver 2004, 2001; Gilmore 2007; Mitchell 1996; Pulido 1996; Woods 1998, 2010) as well as the lives of other such diverse groups as the Chinese, Japanese, southern Italians, Irish, Greeks, and Arabs.11 Whereas capitalists attended, however inadequately, to the problem of biological and social reproduction in the biopolis, no such concern extended to the necropolis. So long as surplus laboring populations were sufficiently large, little regard was given to the symbolic or practical course of local reproduction. Thus the populations of the Americas were largely extirpated (primarily, though not exclusively, through disease) with those remaining frequently subjected to coercive labor regimes such as encomienda. Even as the indigenous population shrank, the Spanish and Portuguese changed their treatment of indigenous
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persons but little, turning instead to the transatlantic slave trade to meet their continuing labor needs. Whether purchased or conquered, then, necropolitical subjects were rendered a free gift of nature to be taken and used at will.12 Motherhood became an externality, the costs of which were to be absorbed by subaltern networks of caring labor within and beyond the household and on marginal lands allowed workers for purposes of reproduction. The necropolis consequently experienced the wasting of bodies and lands without measure (Davis 2001; Mbembe 2003; Winant 1994). Werner, Yates, and Hudson (this issue) all refer to Melissa Wrights exemplary study, Disposable Women and Other Myths of Global Capitalism (2006), which shows how factories in the export zones of Mexico and China use up the laboring capacity of women in highly accelerated and calculated fashion. Arnold and Pickles (this issue) call attention to the unregistered and therefore unprotected migrant laborers of Mae Sot who endure precarious employment without clear-cut employment contract or social protection, all for a wage of scarcely more than $2 per day. Gidwani and Reddy (this issue) paint a Dickensian portrait of the squalid conditions in the slums of Bangalore and Delhi. Merrill (this issue) reports the insouciance with which the Italian public watches television news report of the bodies and body parts of dark skinned immigrants being lifted out of the seas. From the colonial past to the neoliberal present, the lives of necropolitical subjects have been wasted through forms of racialized hyper-exploitation determined via a calculus of death. Race has become the final arbiter of waste and wastage. Facilitated by geographical estrangement from the biopolis, little heed is paid to the needs of labor to reproduce itself. Instead, the over-riding concern is to subject workers to the most accelerated form of exploitation possible to optimize profit.

Bio(necro)polis
The biopolis and necropolis do not merely sit opposite one another; they constitute a spatial dialectical unity. Within this dialectic, colonies subsidized the biopolis on a massive scale: slavery and the sugar plantations of Haiti helped pay for the Palace of Versailles; the human and environmental life wasted in the Belgian Congo helped embellish Brussels and establish the Union Mini` eres dominance within the Congos colonial economy; British exploitation in India and Africa built the Docklands of London and provided the flora with which to cultivate Kew Gardens; while revenues from the slave trade allowed the Brown family to build a formidable Brown University.13 The biopolis could not have emerged without massive transfers of value over hundreds of years from the necropolis. These transfers are most immediately evident in
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the unusually large rates of profit from certain biopolitical enterprises placed in the necropolis, and from the more ever-present mechanism of unequal exchange (Emmanuel 1972; Lewis 1954). Unequal exchange, as Lewis and Emmanuel noted, transfers surplus by lowering prices rather than raising profits. As such, it constitutes a subsidy to both labor and capital in the biopolis.

Race and Waste: The Spatial Dialectics of Labor


Race has always been the primary indicator of necropolitical bodyspace. The racially marked body is, first and foremost, geographically marked and economically cheapened (Nast and Elder 2009). Race inscribes the coloniality of power and place onto the body. Colonial projects of conquest commanded race into existence, creating worlds for hyper-exploitation. As Laura Hudson (this issue) notes, the sphere of racialized hyper-exploitation today demands a form of colonial sovereignty grounded in the constant deployment of surveillance and violence. Colonial sovereignty overwrites racial difference with a narrative of a war without end characterized by bunkers and checkpoints that monitor and control a resistant, dominated population that cannot be fully absorbed into the institutions of the state. Taken by force, colonial lands are built upon the blood and bones of the colonized, both those killed in the struggle for sovereignty and those consigned to die in impoverished and invisible excluded spaces of native towns. Today, race simultaneously consigns some workers to the secondary labor markets of advanced capitalist economies; divides the population of the biopolis from that of the necropolis; and divides managers from production workers, especially in borderlands and (above all) in the SEZs located in those borderlands (Arnold and Pickles, Werner this issue). It also marks certain immigrant populations for hyperexploitation, especially those without legal status (Arnold and Pickles, Merrill this issue). Because race works in the registers of signification and structure (Winant 1994), the racially marked body-space always appears bearing multiple stigmata. Race is literally absent because it refers to a nonexistent biological substrate, but this absence forces a presence upon lives through the topoi it structures. Race is, as Winant (1994:267) so eloquently put it, both a present absence and an absent presence; its contradictions realized through the spaces and bodies it calls to order.14 The physical and signifying structures of race have consistently worked to attenuate hegemonic citizenries identification with the subaltern. Subaltern lands and bodies are symbolically and practically cast (to varying degrees) as that which has no legitimate juridical or ontological status. The necropolis at its worst is cast as that which is beyond modern time and spacean entity without value, even as
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the hyper-exploitation of its primitive lands and peoples brings great wealth to biopolitans. Necropolitans residing in the biopolis are similarly devalued. As we see in this collection, whether in Thailand or in Italy, labor unions have at best subsumed alliances with Burmese or African workers under the category of class, unable to deal adequately with the specifically racial component of worker exploitation; at worst unions have actively mobilized anti-immigrant sentiment (Arnold and Pickles, Merrill this issue). The surplus laboring population, whose misery, as Marx notes (1990 [1976]:798), is in inverse ratio to the amount of torture it has to undergo in the form of labor, is disproportionately composed of workers racially marked as non-white, necropolitans chief among them. Their irregular employment becomes a convenient focus of white proletarian resentment. Members of the surplus laboring population working long hours for low wages are resented for undercutting white workers wages. Those who lack employment, and thus endure misery (privation), are resented for their putative refusal to undergo torture in the form of labor. In a particularly cruel twist, McIntyre (this issue) notes, race becomes a marker not just of irregularly offered employment, but a marker that one deserves the misery to which one is consigned. Canalized, criminalized, ostracized, stigmatized, the necropolisthat spatiality through which the necropolitan is defined or constituted becomes a reserve of multifarious material proportions: of negative symbolic potential and deaths liminal pleasures; a reserve of labor (as noted in chapter 25 of Capital); a nature reserve open for appropriation; a reserve of potentially fecund land for settlers; and a reserve of waste land for colonialisms human and environmental detritus. The reserve part of reserve pool of labor can therefore not be separated from the materiality and spatiality of the reservation per seof the Bantustans, Native Towns, hinterlands, boys quarters, ghettos, and favelas. In this sense, the necropolis is a peculiar spatiality-for the benefit of the biopolis. Here, all that is, is situated symbolically beyond the real, making the necropolitan apparitional. But, as in the case of all negation, there is always that which exceeds or resists it. Thus, the apparitional carries within it the threat of the real, provoking new rounds of fear and negation, and new attempts to move the apparitional back into the shadows. The workings of this spatiality-for are apparent in Marion Werners paper (this issue) on the Ouanaminthe SEZ along the Haitian Dominican border, supported by both governments, local and global capital, and the World Bank. Here, beside the aptly named Massacre River, site of Trujillos 1937 ethnic cleansing, Haitians enter a fenced in and heavily guarded border trade zone to work in factories run by
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Dominican managers. Not only do the latter rarely stay long, they deploy racial hierarchies to denigrate Haitian workers and justify their exploitation. Meanwhile, the Dominican Republican state, in an attempt to recuperate losses endured by the migration of factory jobs to Haiti, promotes the Dominican Republic as a space populated by those fitted for skilled work. Thus, a set of racial distinctions, policed through at times extraordinary violence and given form through a regime of tight spatial controls, separates two Afro-Caribbean populations, both subject to long-term US occupation and repeated US-led military intervention. In so doing, the border has become a racialized ontological device through which to exact glocal forms of economic subordination. The spatialization of race through which economic extraction takes place speaks additionally to political contradictions (Winant 1994) in that they point to ontologized differentiations and hierarchies of space and of racial ontologies rendered through hierarchies of space (Nast and Elder 2009). From modern colonizations beginnings, the contradictions between the necropolis and biopolis have been made and managed through opposed governmentalities that have allowed for politically distinct appropriations and economies of land and labor. Whereas the biopolis has been ruled modally through consent, the necropolis has been ruled through violence (Guha 1989). And whereas the spatial form of the biopolis is the nation, this entity is antithetical to the spatialityfor of the necropolis, and is therefore something against which the biopolis has had to be guarded (Nast and Elder 2009). The papers in this collection vividly illustrate the continuing disparity in such racialized modalities of governmentality and space. In Mae Sot, Burmese workers are paid shockingly low wages even as they have registration fees deducted from their wages. They are also forced periodically to bribe local police, and they face physical intimidation, even murder, if they protest (Arnold and Pickles this issue). African immigrants to Italy who are lucky enough to arrive alive (as Merrill this issue notes, not all do) are relegated to a world of precarity, working for employers who refuse to regularize immigrant workers by paying taxes, social security and health benefits, and abiding by labor laws. Haitian workers in Ouanaminthe who have attempted (with modest success) to better their wages and working conditions through work stoppages have had to battle mass firings, lockouts, and military repression (Werner this issue). Meanwhile, in the world of mercenaries and corporate private armies, troops from South and Southeast Asia are assigned the most dangerous and badly paid grunt work, while their commandersretired elite soldiers from the USA, the UK, or South Africarake in immensely higher pay (Cowen and Siciliano this issue). Our discussion thus far has shown how surplus value is differentially extracted across the biopolis and the necropolis, and how these regimes of differential extraction draw on and are constituted by racialized
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hierarchies whose force and meaning extend far beyond narrowly economistic measures of exploitation. These hierarchies simultaneously help constitute regimes of differential sovereignty that determine whether capital will extract surplus value primarily through hegemonic norms and consent, or through direct force and dominance (Guha 1989).

Re-scaling the Biopolis: Doin the Hustle


The various financial interests spun out of (and through) deindustrialization and neo-industry opened up new modalities for capitalist profit and political gain that would soon become mainstream. Such mainstreaming had to do with the fact that biopolitical industrialization provided a racially coherent and affirming basis not only for (white) subjectivity and social life, but for the nation, through which both of the latter were interpellated. These facts provided for a significant reserve of psychical-material capital by which whiteness could (naturally) look after its own. One of the key mechanisms permitting such subjective resolve is the way that racialized corporate and state interests have historically entrained education for racialized hegemonic ends. With deindustrialization, the profile of higher education has been transformed from engineering to business, computer science, digital media, and information technologies (eg Ronchi 2003; Williams 2010). New cadres of racialized workers have subsequently emerged, albeit through much more complex geographical regimes of surplus accumulation and governance. The knowledge economy has permitted a different sort of biopolitical subject to emerge, one able to engage in surplus value extraction through privileged and internationalized means of consumption (above); and one that regards labor (including its own) as eminently made up of bits that are substitutable, exchangeable, replaceable, and uncertain. Subjects are culturally encouraged to think of themselves as sites of capital with skill sets that can (and should) be regularly upgradedor, as dynamic reservoirs for capitalization, ready to be drawn on in multiple locations for variable periods of time and for certain purposes. The racialized class advantages of such a subject are complex and are addressed here briefly and anecdotally in terms of the privileged hustle and the undocumented worker.15 Our first example is taken from Wall Street. It involves a 70 hour per week employee of Goldman Sachs who relies on an undocumented caregiver to relieve them of parental labor at a rate allowing net financial gain. Goldman Sachs also benefits. For in the employees hiring of the undocumented worker, it is able to employ a skilled worker from whom surplus value can be extracted. The firm consequently benefits doubly: from exploiting its worker and from the effective salary subsidy that
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come from the undocumented persons hyper-exploitationnot unlike the benefits to be had in the biopolis from earlier rounds of slavery and colonization. Our second example involves those with some access to capital who might play the stock market from home via the Internet, compare prices and contract product delivery internationallyfor personal or small-scale retailing purposes, or run an e-retail business. In calling on already-existing and considerable networks of social capital, high levels of informational literacy and/or education, relatively substantial assets and access to credit, whiteness has managed to stay afloat and find new means of cultural material reproduction. At the same time, the changing subjectivity of the biopolitan signals a fundamental shift in the geography of class. Whereas industrial capitalists and workers formerly occupied the same nationtheir proximity compelling certain concessions and enabling the creation of unionsthe necropolitan industrial workforce today is separated transnationally from hegemonic sites of finance capital and capital accumulation. This separation is yet another of the factors that warrants distinguishing between industry of the past and neo-industry in the present. Through ongoing sanctions against (labors) transnational migration, foreign capitalists and investors have been able to use national borders both to distance themselves from hyperexploited industrial labor and to fix it in its disadvantaged (and disadvantaging) place. Such place-fixing has helped prevent the kinds of collective struggles that historically raised labors value. To ensure the economic viability of these re-configurations, a range of militarizing strategies and devices have been deployed. Militarization, like related investments in informational strategies and devices, have allowed for vast domains of employment to be generated, particularly in hegemonic nation states. As Cowen and Siciliano argue (this issue), the military has become one of the central places where the surplus labor of whites, generated as a result of de-industrialization, has been salvaged and given new life. In the process, white working class masculinity has been resuscitated and re-tooled. Whereas the iron man of industry formerly was charged with the day-to-day administration and security of the biological nuclear family and home, todays iron man is deindustrialized, his bodily ego re-fitted for the machinery of war and re-oriented offensively beyond the nation. This new man is deployed rather than employed, military training bent on asserting the primacy of the homeland, corporation and empire (Killian and Agathangelou 2005). The knowledge economy within hegemonic nations has therefore become meshed into the world of munitions, weaponry, surveillance systems, and machinic stealthafforded in part by state expropriation of public fortunes (cf Gilmore 2002).
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Ordered through ranking systems and elaborate fetishistic modes of dress, conduct, and demeanor, the new machinic man is disciplined to assume an outward-bound and proprietary (imperial) disposition. Militarization has, as Cowen and Siciliano (this issue) aver, become the new workfare of hegemonic nation-states, its presence expanding throughout state, public, and private domains. These latter include the varied corridors of travel and social life, private and public property, and geographical regions deemed of strategic political and economic interest. Ever growing amounts of work are thus to be had in national and international armed forces and through private military contractors Singers (2003) corporate warriors. Militarism is likewise to be found at home in the vast armies of security guards operating in shopping malls, state buildings, places of retail and corporate life, prisons, civic institutions, high-rises, office complexes, gated communities, as well as in transportation venues and loci, such as public transit lines, airports, sea ports, national and international borders, immigration venues, warehouses, and so on. In any case, the deployed are more alienated from the means of production and reproduction than the employed in that they work not to produce but to secure the properties and interests of others. As with the proto-fascist Freikorps, the muscularity of militarized manhood is celebrated through racialized paternalistic images and practices, cultivated via images of war and impending danger (Theweleit 19871989). Cowen and Sicilianos paper (this issue) demonstrates how the US military, in particular, has played on the contradictions and violences of race, masculinity, and class to enlarge its voluntary rank and file. Their work points to differently racialized reserves of masculinity and masculinized labor: unemployed white men laid off during deindustrialization or who reside in rural areas similarly economically devastated (floating); and more or less permanently unemployed men of color warehoused in US prisons (stagnant). The expansion of private and public military, paramilitary, and security and policing efforts in the USA has helped revitalize the muscularity of white working class masculinity [the demise of which McDowell (2003) clearly describes in the context of de-industrializing Britain], providing new means and terrains with which to exercise racial prerogatives and anxieties. To wit, the emergence and bravado of reactionary citizen groups that now anxiously patrol the USMexico border (the Minutemen) and the incorporation of white supremacists into US military forces. According to a 2006 Intelligence Report by the Southern Poverty Law Center, neoNazi skinheads and other white supremacist extremists took advantage of lowered armed services recruiting standards and lax enforcement of anti-extremist military regulations by infiltrating the U.S. armed forces in order to receive combat training and gain access to weapons and explosives (Holthouse 2008:132).
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By racial contrast, US prisons are a central place where the US military works to recruit largely men of color, whose masculinity has long suffered due to a number of historical and present day injustices and which has assumed differently inflated proportions (see Shabazz 2008). It is not uncommon today for recruiters to visit ex-cons and those in youth detention centers and offer them moral waivers that allow them entry into military service and, hence, to procure gainful employment, social (market) value, and a degree of national enfranchisement. Former gang members, felons, and those with serious criminal records are consequently entering the rank and file in record numbers (Cowen and Siciliano this issue). The masculinity of these groups is historically and geographically specific, the violence with which they are involved (imprinted by the inequities of the US social system) now mobilized for US imperial interests, even as it is awarded lesser (racialized) market value. At the same time, the state has begun to intensify its bilingual recruitment of Mexican Americans, a demographic currently underrepresented in the military, at least in relation to their proportion in the nation at large (Alvarez 2006, 2009; Segal and Segal 2007). The institutional targeting of persons of color for military service takes advantage of racialized structural inequalities in the USA that make demographics ripe for employment and enfranchisement (Lutz 2008). Similar racialization (cheapening) is evident in the recruiting of persons of color overseas who are brought into positions with low levels of remuneration and high levels of physical risk (eg Gaskell 2008; Pincus 2008; Singer 2005). Cowen and Sicilianos work points to how various formations of masculinity are capitalized on by major corporate and state players, not only to securitize private interests and prospects, but to produce additional security needs. That is, the militaryindustrial complex benefits from war and has no incentive to work for peacejust as the domestic prisonindustrial complex is incentivized to expand its facilities through (lobbying for) new criminalizing legal codes. The arms industry therefore works to expand theaters of war and to circulate war-oriented resources and goods, facilitating what Rutherford (2005) has called the military market complexjust as the prisonindustrial complex expands for its own profitable ends. In the latter case, the warehousing of ever more criminalized bodies has required the building, servicing, and staffing of new infrastructure, while prison labor produces goods and services at discounted (racialized) third world rates. The contradictions involved in deploying black prison guards to ensure the docility of black prison populations is even more profound than that involved in white securitization of international corporate interests in that the level of exploitation involved is so much greater and
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because it depends so thoroughly on previous rounds of racialized denigration.

Bio(necro)polis or Necro(bio)polis? The Socio-Spatial Dialectics of Neoliberalism


Today, industrial production increasingly lies in former colonies or semi-colonies.16 The pre-eminent example, of course, is China, whose path from partial domination by rival colonial empires to the worlds industrial workshop has by no means been smooth or foreseeable by any simple theoretical schema. Its transformation, beginning in earnest in the 1980s, relied partly on the states re-cultivation of an indigenous capitalist class, and on substantial capital inflows from Japan, the USA, and a Chinese capitalist diaspora (Arnold and Pickles this issue).17 But just as capital has flowed out of the biopolis, necropolitans have flowed in. While Meso-American, South American, Caribbean, East Asian and Southeast Asian peoples have migrated to North America; African, West Asian, South Asian and, most recently, East European peoples have migrated to Western Europe. Such circulatory patterns are caused by, and partly depend on, differential changes in biopolitical and necropolitical regimes of reproduction. As biopolitan women were summoned back into the labor force in the 1970s, fertility rates in the biopolis fell below replacement level (2.1). Falling fertility rates created labor shortages filled partly by necropolitical migrant streams into the biopolis, and partly by biopolitical capital streaming to the necropolis, where it could better feed off the children of racialized others. (From a great height of economic abstraction, it does not matter whether labor moves to find capital or capital moves to find labor). Today, reproduction of the global labor force is increasingly reliant on necropolitans whose fertility rates remain relatively high (many derive from agrarian contexts) and where life expectancy has increased somewhat as a result of public healthrelated development projects.18 Necropolitans now supply not only much of the worlds industrial labor, but (through migration) they carry out reproductive and productive functions for the biopolis as well. But how far can the system of capitalist accumulation accommodate the spatial coalescence of the biopolitan and necropolitan; of biopolis and necropolis? As the biopolis increasingly draws its life force from the necropolisas once biopolitical spaces become annexed to the necropolis with unprecedented rapiditycan the biopolis endure a condition of straitened spatial extension and temporal flux? In the necropolis, falling death rates combined with fertility rates still well above the replacement level keep populations growing, while migration from countryside to city produces immense agglomerations of surplus populations. As Laura Hudson (this issue) notes:
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The new proletarianized populations of developing nations are freed from the land, but in numbers far beyond what the labor market can absorb and make productive. Immigrants choose the danger of illegal passage and the risk of death because to stay at home is already a death sentence. Surplus populations within developed nations are handled with stricter policing and social control. Prison expansion and gated communities keep social interaction at a minimum, keeping social groups in their own kinds of cages.

As the boundaries between the necropolis and the biopolis dissolve, the biopolis itself becomes a site of accumulation through dispossession. From the perspective of 2010, we can see that capitalisms crisis of accumulation has depressed industrial profit rates in the capitalist biopolis for nearly 40 years, a crisis masked for a time, but most emphatically no longer, by financialization.19 The system of capitalist accumulation has been rescued since its 2008 collapse, but at immense cost. In the USA alone, rescue of the financial system required financial exposure of some $14 trillion and disbursement of $4.66 trillion, of which $1.98 trillion remained outstanding as of April 2010 (Real Economy Project 2010). While these heretofore-unimaginable outlays may have averted a second Great Depression, they have left us with little more than the prospect of Japans Lost Decade on a global scale (BRIC countries possibly excepted).20 We end, therefore, on a speculative note. Are we now seeing a spatial collapse of the biopolitical into the necropolitical as boundaries become increasingly porous and, if so, what will result? A quarter-century ago, Neil Smith (1984) identified a process of see-saw development at urban and (to a lesser extent) national scales, while uneven development on a global scale was still characterized by vast disparities between the West and the rest (Smith 1984:150152). In 1984, Smith saw the rigidity of nation-state boundaries as an effective brake on the mobility of capital and labor, locking in place the rigidly opposite conditions of development and underdevelopment (Smith 1984:151). As that braking mechanism has worn down, the rhythm of capitals crises has accelerated, placing into question the continuing efficacy of capitals spatial fix. A rapid tour dhorizon reveals the scale and intractability of the current cascade of crises. A declining hegemon whose last domain of unchallenged superiority is military has committed itself with renewed vigor to a policy of global presence, global power projection, and global intervention (Bacevich 2010). The most severe financial crisis of the last 70 years was barely contained at immense cost. And the weak recovery of late 2009 and 2010 is now placed in jeopardy by regimes of austerity in the UK and the USA, doubled by crises in the Eurozone. Such crises have placed the Euros future in question, its rescue dependent on
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enforced austerity in Greece and Ireland, with Portugal, Spain, Belgium, and perhaps Italy poised to follow. On the ecological front, the 2009 Copenhagen and 2010 Cancun summits failed to craft an effective response to global climate change, making an environmental debacle in the second half of this century ever more certain (Hansen 2009). Added to these are crises of social and biological reproduction. Neither an all-but-extinguished communist movement, nor a compromised social democracy, nor the still-inchoate world of new social movements has the political force to step into the breach.21 In this impasse, Gramscian morbidity raises its head, whether in the guise of the British National Party, the Front National, or the Tea Party. In an era of heightened crisis with no discernible possibilities of revolutionary change, we may have to take seriously Marx and Engels (1848) warning that class struggle sometimes concludes not with revolution but with the common ruin of contending classes.22

Acknowledgements
Our thanks to Cathy May, Heather Merrill, Shailja Sharma, Alex Papadopoulos, Deborah Dixon, and the anonymous reviewer for their comments.

Endnotes
The author order is alphabetical and in no way reflects a differentiated ranking of effort or input. 2 Bio(necro)polis refers to the irruption of the necropolis into the biopolis, constituted by those racially devalued bodies long present within the biopolis, the necropolitans who have recently migrated to the necropolis, and those biopolitans who are threatened with demotion to the ranks of the surplus population. Necro(bio)polis refers to the emergence of heightened possibilities of capital accumulation within the necropolis (what we refer to below as neo-industry) and the concomitant emergence of a class of ex-necropolitans whose wealth and life of cosmopolitan luxury ranks with that the most favored biopolitans, even as most residents of the necro(bio)polis remain subject to hyper-exploitation or consignment to the category of human waste. 3 By categorizing certain bodies and lands as waste, we call attention to the dehumanization of certain bodies, their relegation to an untheorized nature that, paradoxically, de-natures them as humans, while simultaneously calling attention to the semantic slippage that categorizes as waste both those lands that have not been put to human use and those lands that have been ruined through human overuse. By playing on the semantic elisions of the term nature, then, we try to do our bit to overcome the opposed understandings of the term nature that have made geography, in Noel Castrees words, a divided discipline (Castree 2005:ch 4). 4 See, inter alia, Brenner (1985a, 1985b); Marx (1990 [1976]; Polanyi (1957). Hudson (this issue), drawing on Marx (1990 [1976]:897), reminds us that the dispossession of Englands peasantry did not suffice to turn them into industrial wage laborers. [I]dlers could be condemned to slavery and forced into labor . . . Laws against vagabonds and beggars forced those displaced from agricultural lands forced those displaced from agricultural lands into cities as labor for manufacture. 5 See the chapter Irish Immigration in Engels (1987). The racialization of the Irish was not limited to England, of course (see Ignatiev 1995).
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The relative surplus-population exists in every possible form. Every laborer belongs to it during the time when he is only partially employed or wholly unemployed. Not taking into account the great periodically recurring forms that the changing phases of the industrial cycle impress on it, now an acute form during the crisis, then again a chronic form during dull timesit has always three forms, the floating, the latent, the stagnant (Marx 1990 [1976]:ch 25) On the market imperfections that generate surplus strata of labor, see McIntyre (this issue). 7 Yates (this issue). In this argument, Yates draws primarily on Davis (2004, 2006). 8 In contrast to David Harvey (2005), who emphasizes accumulation by dispossession as a distinctive feature of capitalist neoliberalism, we emphasize the continuity of accumulation by dispossession, especially in the necropolis, in all epochs of capitalist development. 9 See, for example, the Act for the Settlement of Ireland (1652) and, more generally, the Cromwellian policy toward Ireland from 1649 onward (Barnard 2000). Marx (1990 [1976]) discusses the dispossession of the Irish in chapter 25, section 5F, and the dispossession of the English peasantry through enclosures in chapters 2730. 10 For a conceptualization of accumulation through dispossession as a permanent feature of capitalist development, see Hart (2006). 11 Much important work has been done on race in Anglophone geography, a disciplinary review of which is beyond the scope of this paper. Peter Jacksons (1987) edited collection on race and racism (mostly) in Britain and (less so) in the USA was exemplary and inspired Dwyer and Bressey (2008) to follow up with a second edited collection focused exclusively on Britain and Ireland. See Nash (2003) for an excellent earlier review of how race has been theorized in the subdisciplines of cultural and social geography. See also Schein (2006). For an early discussion that theorized race and geography in North America, see Kobayashi and Peake (2004). 12 As Castree (2005:8) notes, nature in this sense is conventionally used in reference to the non-human world. The necropolitical human body, then, occupies a liminal, only quasi-human space. 13 On Haiti, see Nesbitt (2005); on Belgian Congo, see Hochschild (1998); on the relationship between Kew Gardens and the British Empire, see Brockway (1979); on Brown University and the slave trade, see the University Steering Committee on Slavery and Justice (USCSJ 2006). The Docklands Museum hosts a permanent exhibition on the port of London, sugar, and slavery (see Museum of London Docklands 2010). 14 The extent to which colonizing nations could use, dispose of, or render surplus the places and peoples colonized, defined the geographical extent and power to which race could be put. Biological markers of race need not have existed (as was the case with the Irish). What had to exist was a means by which to claim that certain lands and peoples were valuable as surplus, while simultaneously asserting that the conquered has no intrinsic (practical or symbolic) value. See also Gilmore (2002). 15 We take this term from Sudhir Venkatesh (2002), who describes how Black folks in Chicago housing projects hustled to survive, their entrepreneurial activities typically based on illegalized activities. Hustling began after Reagans devastation of public housing budgets and the global recession, it becoming commonplace across the USA in the 1980s and beyond. Both white and black hustling started during the Reagan years, the only difference being that white hustles operated through hegemonic cultural and economic channels and were done at the expense of colorized folks. Black hustles were in many cases defensive gestures born of marginalization and poverty (see Supreme Understanding 2008). 16 Manufacturing value added in constant 2000 US dollars increased in low and middleincome countries from $1.1 trillion in 1998 to $2.2 trillion in 2008. During the same time, manufacturing value added in high-income countries increased from $4.2 trillion to $5.3
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trillion. The share of manufacturing value added in low- and middle-income countries therefore increased from 21% to 29% of total value added (World Bank 2010). 17 See Arnold and Pickles (this issue) on the external capital investments that underwrote Chinas industrialization, followed by Chinas go west, go out, and go up policies. 18 For a comprehensive overview of trends in migration, see United Nations Development Programme (2009). Table G in the same source documents countryby-country increases in the Human Development Index from 1980 to 2007. 19 In retrospect, the preconditions of this crisis were best anticipated by Robert Brenner, who clearly foresaw (1998, 2003, 2006) the combination of declining rates of profit in manufacturing, masked by temporary, speculative profits in the financial industry. 20 Advanced economies grew 0.5% in 2008 and shrank by 3.2% in 2009. Growth rates in 2010 and 2011 are expected to be from 2.3 to 2.4%. Among the BRIC countries, China and India saw robust, though somewhat slowed, economic growth in 2009 (8.7% and 5.7% respectively), while Brazil saw a small contraction (0.2%) and Russias economy was hurt very badly (a decline of 7.9%). Russias recovery is expected to be modest (4.0% in 2010; 3.3% in 2011), while Brazil expects a strong recovery (5.5% in 2010; 4.1% in 2011). China and India are expected to resume an extremely rapid growth path: around 10% per year in China and above 8% per year in India (International Monetary Fund 2010, 2). 21 See the unintentionally dispiriting collection of essays in Castree et al (2010), where a unanimous diagnosis of the weakness of the left and the seriousness of capitalist crisis is joined to disparate and wan proposals for a revival of political possibility on the left. 22 We have focused in this section on the irruption of the necropolis into the biopolis and the morbidity that irruption occasions. It might be objected that we have given insufficient attention to the emergence of a biopolis within the necropolis, that the necro(bio)polis is now the site of non-morbid political possibility. While this cannot be ruled out, Gidwani and Reddys (this issue) portrait of Indias cities, including Bangalore, the IT city par excellence, gives little reason to vest extraordinary hope in the bio(necro)polis. This collection (and our own scholarly output in this and other venues) has little to say about China, but the extraordinarily small portion of output that returns to the economy in the form of wages (36.7 percent in 2005 according to Xinhua 2010), combined with the rapid expansion of greenhouse gas emissions there (266% from 1990 to 2007; United Nations Statistics Division 2010), makes us wary of placing our bets there, either.

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