Schnettler - 2008 - Interpretative Visual Analysis Developments, State of The Art and Pending Problems

FORUM: QUALITATIVE SOCIAL RESEARCH SOZIALFORSCHUNG
#olume <, /o. (, $rt. (! 'eptember "778
Interpretative Visual Analysis Developments, State of the Art and Pending Problems
Bernt Schnettler & Jrgen Raab
!ey "ords: visual sociology= history of interpretative research= video= sociological hermeneutics= genre analysis Abstract: The article offers a brief resume of recent developments in the field of interpretative visual analysis with emphasis on the German speaking area and the sociological discipline. It lays a special focus on hermeneutical and genre analysis and on research with audiovisual data. Far from constituting an already closed field, the authors stress the fact that methodological advances in qualitative research based in visual data still face a number of pending quests. This encompasses sequentiality, comple ity and naturalness of videographic data, and e tends to the respective methodological challenges for transcription, analysis and presentation of results. Table of Contents !. Introduction ". Interpretative #isual $nalysis: %recursors, &evelopment and 'tate of the $rt (. The )ole of #ideo*$nalysis for +ualitative )esearch ,. &esiderates and Future -hallenges for Interpretative #ideo*$nalysis ,.! .imetic properties and constructedness ,." -omple ity ,.( /aturalness ,., 'equentiality ,.0 Transcription and analysis ,.1 Technical and legal restrictions 0. -onclusion )eferences $uthors -itation
1 Introduction
This te t begins with a brief resume of the history and development of visual analysis in qualitative research 2"3, followed by a section in which we discuss the special contribution of video to the field 2(3. -onsequently, and in order to emphasise the ongoing process of developing both adequate and practical methods, we close with some reflections on desiderates and future challenges for Interpretative #isual $nalysis 2,, 03. 4!5
6 "778 F+' http:99www.qualitative*research.net9fqs9 Forum +ualitative 'o:ialforschung 9 Forum: +ualitative 'ocial )esearch 2I''/ !,(8*01";3
FQS <2(3, $rt. (!, >ernt 'chnettler ? @Argen )aab: Interpretative #isual $nalysis &evelopments, 'tate of the $rt and %ending %roblems
# Interpretative Visual Analysis$ Precursors, Development and State of the Art

The particular properties and possibilities of visual data have been e tensively used in the social sciences since the midst of the !<th century, especially in social and cultural anthropology, ethnology and folklore studies. %rogressively, technically produced visualisations began to substitute for handcrafted illustrations added to ethnographic te ts in order to visualise, animate and illustrate scientific documents 2TBCDC, !<8<3. The dynamics within the fast establishing classical field of Visual Anthropology, conceived as media supported field work, disembogued in widely known methodical approaches such as for e ample those of >$TC'E/ and .C$& 2!<,"3, .C$& 2!<;03, -EFFIC) 2!<1;, !<;<3 or, more recently, -EFFIC) and -EFFIC) 2!<813. 4"5 In sociology, e amples of visual documentation usage can be already found between !<7( and !<!0, when the American Journal of Sociology published photo plates in a series of articles either as illustrations or as documentary proof 2see for e ample >)C-GI/)I&GC ? $>ETB, !<!7= .$-FC$/, !<7(= H$FGC), !<!0= HEE&BC$&, !<7,3. $fter !<!1, however, the increasing influence of statistical methods induced an abrupt substitution of photos by formula, charts and tables as the predominant form of appropriate scientific illustration 2'T$'I, !<;<3. Thus, important proJects, situated beyond the margins of academic disciplines, proved to be decisive for the further development. For e ample, the famous photo*documentation on the precarious condition of mid*western rural inhabitants in the K', commissioned by the &epartment of $griculture and carried out by the Farm 'ecurity $dministration 2C#$/', !<;(= )K'I/E#, !<,"= FCI-BT, "771= .E)$ ? >)$//$/, "7713, were inspired by ethnological and anthropological concepts and methods. They pursued e plicitly the goal of establishing Visual Sociology as a new discipline in its own right. &espite these early attempts, Visual Sociology in the proper sense was not being founded until the !<;7s 2-BC$THEE& ? 'T$'I, !<;<= '-BL/&FI/GC), !<<8= 'TK.>C)GC), "77;3. For the first time, visual data, its production, analysis and presentation were set up as core tasks within one significant discipline in the social sciences. 4(5 Its areas of research were circumscribed mainly by social problems 2minorities, marginal groups, underclass environments3, the analysis of role behaviour 2e.g. in families3 and the field of urban sociology 2>C-GC), !<8!, !<813. Visual Sociology reached its point of culmination during the !<87s, when several international Journals were published on a regular basis, consecutive maJor conferences were held and a series of important anthologies were published. Introductory books for student came out, backed up with didactical guidebooks for teaching, and several Kniversities in the K' offered special courses and graduate seminars to teach Visual Sociology in theory and practice 2cf. -K))D, !<8,= -K))D ? -F$)GC, !<;8= BC//CD, !<813 >ut despite the enormous efforts to broaden the field of Visual Sociology 2-$KFICF&, !<<1= B$)%C), !<88, !<<13 and to assure its institutional basis as an autonomous, specialised discipline within academic sociology, its authority was pushed back from the end
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of !<87s onwards, mainly by the increasingly popular and pervasive proJect of Cultural Stu ies and its corollaries, which had great success especially in the $nglo*'a on academic communities. $lso, the growing appeal of media studies and mass media research 2-B$%FI/, !<<,= FE/G, !<<;= .IGE', !<<<3 diminished its strength. Fikewise, in Germany attempts to institute Visual Anthropology or Visual Sociology following the $merican e amples met the same fate 2>$FFB$K', !<80= T$K)CG, !<8,, !<81= TC-GC/>K)G, !<8"= HKGGC/IGG, !<<79<!3, symptomatically represented by fact that the corresponding entry M#isuelle 'o:iologieM 2>C)GB$K', !<8<3 appeared in the first, but was not included in the German &ictionary of 'ociologyNs subsequent editions 2compare C/&)KHCIT ? T)E..'&E)FF, "77" to C/&)KHCIT ? T)E..'&E)FF, !<8<3. 4,5 %arallel to the precursors of #isual 'ociology, researchers became increasingly aware of the pervasive impact of mass media on society during the !<,7s and !<07s. )ooseveltNs victory in the presidential campaign in !<(", the effects of Erson Helles radio drama MHar of the HorldsM in !<(8 or the deliberate use of film for propagandistic purpose by the fascist regimes of Bitler and .ussolini activated broad empirical research and theoretical reasoning on open and covert, e plicit and implicit media effects like seduction, manipulation, and demagogy 2.C)TE/, !<,1= %$-G$)&, !<083. %olitical and commercial advertising was subJected to significant observation, and it was in this conte t, when .arshall .cFKB$/ formulated his favourite thesis on communication that Mthe medium is the messageM 2.cFKB$/, !<1,3. Kltimately, the audiovisual media coverage about the #ietnam Har strikingly demonstrated the pervasive influence that politically relevant images and copious public circulation e erts on public audiences in modern mediated societies. 405 In the growing field of social research on media reception and content studies 2>E/F$&CFFI, !<873, one of the maJor preoccupations were directed to study the forms of media production and consumption rapidly disseminated throughout all segments of modern society and present in all social strata. These studies focused primarily on mediaNs socialisation effects and gave special attention to violence. >ut some qualitative studies followed narrower paths away from the broad motorways of normal science, studying the use of cameras in everyday life, decisively propagated from the !<17s onwards by the popularisation of cameras 2>EK)&ICK et al., !<109!<8!3 or the similarly increasing dissemination of commercial advertisements, which began to infiltrate peopleNs lives around that period 2GEFF.$/, !<;<3. They discovered mundane aestheticisation practices which varied markedly from milieu to milieu and stereotyped medial forms of presenting gender, respectively. 'ubsequently, research topics were e tended to the study of particular popular television genres and their corresponding presentational form, like commercials 2GETCF.$// ? .IGE', !<8!3, news 2GC%%FC), !<803, films 2GC%%FI/GC), !<8;3, or daily soaps 2)O''FC), !<883. 415 The end of Mmass productionM 2%IE)C ? '$>CF, !<8<3 in the economy at large and in consumer culture in particular also had severe effects on the Mreality of
mass mediaM 2FKB.$//, !<<03: 'ocial differentiation in milieus, the fragmentation of media audiences into segments and multiple target audiences, along with an increasing MdemocratisationM of the communication media closed down the hitherto dominant Msociology of mass communicationNsM era 2BK/IIGC), !<88= .$FCTIGC, !<883. Individualisation and the imminent rise of a communication society with multiple options translocated many of the former approaches under the increasingly compelling broad umbrella of the new Cultural Stu ies 2-B$%FI/, !<<,= FE/G, !<<;= .IGE', !<<<3. 4;5 Following the cultural turn, post*disciplinary proJects within the $nglo*'a on Cultural Stu ies, strived for the constitution of a Mnovel cultural science of imagesM 4>ildkulturwissenschaft5 2BEFC)T, "7773 under the Mumbrella headingM Visual Culture and Visual Stu ies 2>)D'E/, .EPCD ? BEFFD, !<<!= C#$/' ? B$FF, !<<<= @C/G', !<<0= .I)IECFF, !<<<= !<<8= 'TK)GC/ ? -$)TH)IGBT, "77!= H$FGC) ? -B$%FI/, !<<;3. >esides repeated criticisms concerning both its implicit socio*political claims and the insufficient methodological instruments of discourse analysis 2>$F, "77"3, one of its indisputable merits was understanding that professional and scientific realms, as well as everyday and occupational activities, are realised through and depend increasingly on audiovisual media. 485 This idea bears decisive consequences for current research on, and with, visual and audiovisual data. It implies that professional understanding in sociologyQthat is: analysis and interpretationQnot only with respect to its research obJects and its social fields, but also in conceptual, methodological and methodical terms has to supersede and develop beyond MclassicalM notions of sociological media and communications research 2cf. paradigmatically $F>)C-BT, !<<!= or recently: &C/II/, "777= BK/IIGC), !<88= FCCKHC/ ? @CHITT, "77!= FEIIE', "777= )E'C, "7773. Bowever, methodical traditions and competence in analysing visual and audiovisual data remains underdeveloped and deficient in 'ociology, compared, for e ample, to the longstanding and well*establish tradition of ethnological film in $nthropology. $t best, one has to recall the work of )ay >I)&HBI'TCFF 2!<;73, who was one of Crving GEFF.$/Ns teachers, or $lbert '-BCFFC/ and $dam GC/&E/Ns Mconte t analysisM 2GC/&E/ !<<73. >uilding upon and continuing the trendsetting studies of the %alo*$lto*group, composed by Frieda F)E..*)CI-B.$//, .argaret .C$& and Gregory >$TC'E/, who analysed a short clip 2the M&oris*filmM3, and a second strand, the !atural "istory Approaches 2%ITTI/GC), BE-GCTT ? &$/CBD, !<173, >I)&HBI'TCFF, '-BCFFC/ and GC/&E/ developed a way of analysing interaction which can be denominated as sociological in the strict sense. Hhereas CG.$/ and F)IC'C/Ns 2!<1<3 path*breaking studies in %sychology were concerned with individual forms of emotional display, they focused in their studies with film on social interaction, a subJect that is also studied in -omparative Cthology, although under a different methodological orientation 2CI>F*CI>C'FFCF&T, '-BIC#CFBO#CF ? BCC'-BC/, !<8<3. 4<5 The gradual introduction and social dissemination of video technologies at the turn of the !<87s provided for a manifest e pansion of research obJects and a substantial increase of analytical facilities. Hhilst in %sychology, predominantly
standardising and quantifiable methods were established 2GE-B ? IK.>$-B, "77"= .ITTC/C-GC), !<8;3, in 'ociology a strong orientation toward qualitative methods of video*analysis developed, as a way of returning to the classical issues and tasks of interaction research. GEE&HI/Ns seminal studies 2!<8!, !<813, in which he applied video*analysis to interaction phenomena, thus far e clusively studied with acoustic means, systematically e plored the role of visual aspects for interactions. $t the same time, -hristian BC$TB 2!<813 published his video*analysis of doctor*patient interactions. BeathNs work was pivotal for the foundation of a new research area, focusing on interaction in high*tech work environments using video analysis: usually known as #or$place Stu ies 2BC$TB, G/E>F$K-B ? FKFF, "7773. Be is among the few who have developed new methodological principals and original methods of video*analysis 2BC$TB, !<<;= BC$TB ? BI/&.$)'B, "77"3. The studies of Fucy 'K-B.$/ played an important role in the creation of the #or$place Stu ies, for e ample with her research on airports, in which connected activities, in four dislocated but interlinked work areas, were videotaped and analysed 2'K-B.$/ ? T)IGG, !<<!3. -ontrol centres, operation rooms and surveillance headquarters were e tensively studied, recently #or$place Stu ies has oriented to other fields like interaction in museums, galleries and auctions 2BC$TB ? #E. FCB/, "77,3, hospitals and operation theatres 2'-BK>C)T, "77", "771a3, architectural offices and scientific laboratories 2$.$// ? G/E)) -CTI/$, !<88= .EB/, "77"3. $lso, several refle ive methods have been applied. BEFFI&$D 2"7773, for e ample, asked her research subJects to operate the camcorder on their own and document their everyday activities as video diaries. In a cognate areaQthe sociology of workQthe visual sociology in France evolved, even founding a new Journal 2M-hamp #isuellesM3 2F$-E'TC, !<<;3. Ef special importance for video* analysis are the studies of .E/&$&$ 2"77(, "7703. 4!75 The advancement of methodology and methods has been dominated recentlyQ besides those derived from semiotics 2for e ample >$)TBC', !<80= C-E, !<80= see also the criticism in B$B/, !<<!= @$DDK'I, !<88= .CTI, !<;"3Qmainly by a tradition following the communicative paradigm in the new sociology of knowledge 2G/E>F$K-B, !<<1= FK-G.$//, !<<;, "771a3 building on sociolinguistics and e tending this approach to the analysis and interpretation of audiovisual data. The theory of communicative genre, originally developed for the interpretation of oral genres 2GR/TB/C) ? G/E>F$K-B, !<<0= G/E>F$K-B ? FK-G.$//, "77,= FK-G.$//, !<813 was translated into a method for research on mass media forms of communication and applied to the values, activity pattern, differences in status and gender, the aesthetic styles of different milieu, and worldviews 2$D$'', !<<;= GC%%FC), !<80= G/E>F$K-B ? )$$>, "77!= HIFFC.', !<<<3. 4!!5 $round the same time as GEE&HI/ and BC$TB, FK-G.$// and G)E'' initiated a proJect using video data for interaction research 2FK-G.$// ? G)E'', !<;;3, which gave rise to the concept of interaction scores 2>C)G.$//, FK-G.$// ? 'ECFF/C), !<<(= FK-G.$//, "771b3, taken up recently by video*hermeneutics 2)$$> ? TL/IFC), "771= )$$>, "7783. $lso, within the hermeneutical tradition, initially applied mainly for the interpretation of
te ts and conversations, this methodological approach progressively turned to other materials, as images and forms of visual mise en scenes, inde ing the historically changing forms of e pression, perception and presentation that are beyond oral conversation and te ts. This notion was taken up in different hermeneutical approaches, like structural hermeneutics 2C/GFI'-B, !<<!= B$K%C)T, !<<,= FEC), !<<,= .RFFC)*&EEB., !<<(, !<<;= TDGHC), !<<"3, hermeneutical sociology of knowledge 2BITIFC) ? >$)TB, !<<1= %F$&C/B$KC), "77!= )CI-BC)TI, !<<,= "777= "77!3, or sociological hermeneutics 2)$$>, "77!, "77"= )$$>, G)K/C)T ? FK'TIG, "77!= )$$> ? TL/IFC), !<<<, "77"= "771= 'ECFF/C), "777, "77!= 'ECFF/C) ? )$$>, "77,= TL/IFC), "777, "77!3 and similar approaches, which try to synthesise the aforementioned and other approaches and methods within a general theoretical sociology of knowledge frame 2>C)G.$// et al., !<<(= >EB/'$-G, "77!, "770, "778= GK'-BGC), "77!= '-B/CTTFC), "77!3. In the meantime, video* analysis has been e tended to other areas of social research. #ideography 2'-BK>C)T, "771a, "771b3 focuses on technological usage in professional conte ts and the forms of interaction and interactivity between human and technical devices. #ideo is also applied in other institutional areas, such as interaction in schools and educational institutions, social gatherings or theatrical events, and performative interactions 2H$G/C)*HIFFI, "771= HKFF et al., "77!3. 4!"5 $nother important segment is video*based communication technologies, which are employed in long distance communication 2GO)'-BC/, %EBF, '-B.ITI ? '-BKFTC, "77"3 among which video*conference are probably the best known. &espite great e pectations, it has not matched its e orbitant future promises because of serious technical problems and the constrictions of mediated communication. >ut the incipient subsequent technological leap including K.T' might stimulate a dramatic shift in communication usage, including video* messaging*services and mobile video*based communication, although e pectations concerning a supposed Mperpetual visual contactM 2GE'GI/C/, "77,3 as facilitated by new technological devices like visually supported mobile phones may remain an unachievable future vision. Bowever, the production and usage of moving images, for the purposes of communication, challenges users by generating a series of novel opportunities and problems, which may be properly studied by social scientists with the aid of videographic inquiry. 4!(5 Finally, video*analysis was propelled forward by another important change in public use and application of visual technologies, which in Germany was introduced first with a certain reticence, but has then pervaded rapidly into vast segments of the public, commercial, and even the private sphere: video* surveillance and --T# systems. These systems were set up to record, sometimes to collect and store, video data in diverse settings like observation centres and control rooms, where video recordings are systematically sifted and analysed. >eyond important ethical and legal implications, methodical question and challenges for sociological analysis arise from that practice, with respect to the e traction and combination of images, above all concerning how images are
to be interpreted, especially with respect to its relevancies for inducing decisions and orientations subsequent action 2FI'GC, !<<8= FDFC, !<<<3. 4!,5
% The &ole of Video'Analysis for (ualitative &esearch

#ideo*cameras, camcorders and webcams offer novel modes of data collection for the social sciences. These devices do not only allow for a comprehensive documentation of social action and interaction. .oreover, they provide researchers with new qualities and quantities of data. Therefore, some authors have euphorically proclaimed a M#ideo*)evolutionM for the social sciences 2'C-)I'T, &e GECDC), >CFF ? FEGCF, "77"3, given the possibility of recording and analysing interactive processes with a high level of detail and, simultaneously, from different perspectives, in order to subJect them to microscopic scrutiny. It is argued that this technological advance might induce a similar innovative force in the methods of interaction research that the invention and popularisation of audio*recording devices did, some decades before, for the rise of ethnomethodological studies in conversation analysis 2G$)FI/GCF, !<1;= TC/ B$#C, !<<<= '$-G', '-BCGFEFF ? @CFFC)'E/, !<;(3. 4!05 The omnipresence of video in our culture is striking. Bowever, despite the wide diffusion and general acceptance of video*recordings both within current everyday life and a series of institutional areas within our society, the related scientific research with video data continues to advance relatively slowly. $lthough video*data is gaining growing relevance for qualitative studies, the development of adequate and convenient methods still remains in its initial phase 2see however the contributions collected in G/E>F$K-B, '-B/CTTFC), )$$> ? 'ECFF/C), "7713, despite the flourishing theoretical effort dedicated to visuality, and reasoning on visual culture in Bumanities and in 'ocial 'ciences. $lthough there are already a wide array of e isting methodological approaches for visual data in general 2cf. for e ample >$/G' ? .E)%BD, !<<;= &$#IC', !<<<= C..I'E/ ? '.ITB, "777= BC''FC), "770= %I/G, "77!3, there is considerably less methodological debate about the specifics of video*data. /ote that, for e ample, in #isual Cthnography, video*analysis plays only a secondary role 2%I/G, "77;3 or is simply neglected 2)E'C, "77;3. 4!15 /onetheless, #ideo*data is already employed in a wide array of research areas within the social sciences and especially in qualitative studies. Today, video* analysis is used in studies such as medical interactions, 2BC$TB, !<813, in visual ethnographies of work and technology 2G/E>F$K-B, "7773, in workplace studies focusing on highly mechanised centres of coordination like airport control rooms 2GEE&HI/ ? GEE&HI/, !<<13, underground subways 2BC$TB ? FKFF, !<<13 and other areas of the famous $nglo*'a on Mworkplace studiesM 2BC$TB, FKFF ? G/E>F$K-B, "77,= FKFF, BI/&.$)'B ? BC$TB, "7773 or in the study of tele*cooperation 2.CIC), !<<83. #ideo*analysis is also applied in diverse areas like religion 2>C)G.$// et al., !<<(= '-B/CTTFC), "77!3, medical sociology 2.E/&$&$, "77(, '-BK>C)T, "771c3, interaction in schools 2$KF'-B/$ITC) ? HCFICF, "77!3, in museums and art galleries 2BC$TB ? #E. FCB/, "77,= #E. FCB/, "7713, in auctions 2BC$TB ? FKFF, "77;3, in
studies of technology and innovation 2)$..C)T ? '-BK>C)T, "7713, in memory research 2>$C), "7703 or in applied qualitative market research 2'-B.I&, "7713, to name but a few selected e amples of a rapidly increasing area within qualitative studies. 4!;5 The fact of videoNs popularity is, however, framed by a number of fundamental methodological questions which have not been discussed to the e tent a proper methodological debate would require in order to allow a conscious and professional legitimated application of this new research instrument. $mong the most demanding problems pending are questions like: what characteristics and properties of video data are to be taken into consideration by social scientists at the different stages of the research processS &o we have to distinguish between different types and qualities of video dataS Hhat e pertise do we already have at our disposal in recording, preparing, transcribing, analysing, interpreting and presenting audiovisual dataS &espite the growing interest in visual research in general, there has been relatively little debate on the specific methodological demands of interpretative video analysis. 4!85 Interpretative video*analysis is a quite recent, though rapidly e panding innovation in social science methodology. Today, it is used in a wide range of fields in sociology and cognate disciplines. $pparently, video data shows a number of benefits for social research. #ideo seemingly conveys insights into unknown features of the social world. It provides researchers with comprehensive recordings of the successive unfolding of social interactions and with detailed audio*visual data of their embedding in e isting social situations, settings and worlds. 4!<5 #isual analysisN current condition in sociology and related disciplines calls for an advancement of the reasoning on adequate methods and proper theoretical approaches, because the social sciences haveQat bestQmarginalised visual data, if not neglected them. There are two main reasons which might e plain this underestimation and the corresponding poor level of qualitative methodology and methods with respect to an understanding and interpretation of images: Firstly, the impact of a substantial prehistory of social scientistsN self*restriction to language and te ts while simultaneously disregarding the veracity, e pression, the formative and narrative power of images 2GEE&D, !<8!= GEE&D, H$TT ? GEKGB, !<813. -ertainly, images were conceived as warrants for the dissemination of traditions, beliefs and knowledge during centuries in our culture Qand certainly not only in our cultureQeven if they were not accompanied by any te t 2GE.>)I-B, !<8,3. &istrust in the allegedly insurmountable ambiguity of images arises at the time when literacy and te ts became warrants of intersubJectivity and MobJectivityM, because not only in the process of focalisation on te t, reading image interpretation skills were progressively lost, but there was also a relative blindness initially towards the multiple meanings or ambivalence of te ts. 4"75 $ second reason lies in the different MnatureM of images and te ts. This difference has been already emphasised by Garl .$//BCI. 2!<1,3 from a sociology of
knowledge perspective and this distinction was taken up by 'usanne G. F$/GC) 2!<,!3, a disciple of Crnst -$''I)C), with categories she denominates as MdiscursiveM vs. Mpresentational symbolismM. F$/GC) maintains that language is characterised by the fact that it can only e press details inserted within a certain order: the discursive order, which is the linear and successive sequence of significant meaning units into a broader meaning comple . M4T5 any idea which does not lend itself to this NproJectionN is ineffable, incommunicable by means of wordsM 2F$/GC), !<,!, pp.87f.3. Images, on the contrary, are characterised by a simultaneous and integral, therefore Mpresentational symbolismM. The totality of images encloses all meaning elements which constitute the symbolic unit as a whole and represents them all at once. This bears two consequences: En the one hand, the specific meaning of each single element can only be understood by, and through, the meaning of the whole, by its relations within a holistic structure. En the other hand, the e clusion of language*specific restrictions like linearity and succession allows for the communication of ideas, intentions and stances which may notQor only barelyQbe speakable using the symbolic system of language or which would lose their potential particular meaning if using language instead of images 2cf. esp. I.&$BF, !<87= )$$>, "77;3. 4"!5 Bowever, as part of the growth visualisations and mediatisation in contemporary society, technological media like photography, film, television, video and computers, and the corresponding images they spread, are becoming primary forms of knowledge communication, especially for understanding and interpreting historical, social and cultural realities. There are nearly no historical, social or political topics, issues, processes or events left which cannot be immediately documented, then elaborated and finally communicated by the media. This development is reaching its culmination in the spread of surveillance cameras, the connection of visual recording devices with computers and the miniaturisation and multiplication of digital hybrid media like camera phones. 4""5 This novel quality and quantity of audiovisual media and their proliferating images have provided quite different responses, ranging from severe condemnation of the corrosiveness of the vanishing influence of the printed word 2%E'T.$/, !<803, passing by the fear of an encompassing Mindustrialisation of visionM signifying a fundamental attack on human nature 2#I)IFIE, !<8<, !<<13 and the complete loss of human perception, reasoning and communication faculties 2>$K&)IFF$)&, !<;8, "77(= FFK''C), !<<;3 to the vivacious qualification of audiovisual media as privileged trans*anthological cultural techniques 2'TC%BC/', !<<8= HCI>CF, !<8;, !<<(3. 4"(5 >eyond e aggerated euphoria, cultural pessimistic criticism and metaphysical visions of doom, the Mflood of imagesM has also engendered broad theorisation of the significance of media and images for interaction in everyday life. This comes along with accompanying refle ions and discussions on the methodological and empirical labour with images and visual media. The bases of these efforts are rooted in the insight that we apprehend our world by interpretation and meaningful action, using changing forms of symbolic production and symbolic understanding, through which we have to continually create new gateways to our
world. Therefore, it is not only members of a certain culture that have to appropriate the increasingly comple forms of e pression and meaning structures by establishing new ways of interpreting them. .oreover, the social sciences cannot avoid that something is becoming a subJect of its methodologically controlled data production and analysis. The thing that not only shapes, but inherently determines the e perience and memory, the knowledge, action and imagination of social and historical understanding and is determining it increasingly: the audiovisual media along with its images. 4",5 $t least in the wake of -ultural 'tudiesN success, visual analysis has become a fi ed element beyond those disciplines traditionally occupied with visual forms like art history and media studies. The reasons for this are, without doubt, manifold, but surely three factors have had a decisive influence: 2a3 the end of the logocentric paradigm, 2b3 the massive dissemination of visual media, and 2c3 the proliferation and easy access to visual devices in scientific research practice during the last decade. En the one hand, the growing use of visual forms of presentation has been stated in large number of scientific disciplines 2BCI/TI ? BK>C), "77!3. En the other hand, visual techniques of data production are increasingly employed in the sciences. This growing relevance of visual and audiovisual forms is intimately related to technological innovation, a process in which the social sciences are obviously benefitting from a general trend towards audiovisual recordings, which has come with a rapid miniaturisation and technical improvement of the corresponding video equipment 2better resolution quality, and capacity3. Fower prices for increasingly powerful cameras have undoubtedly accelerated this process. &igitalisation, has not only improved the quality of audiovisual recordings, but enabled the storage and handling, including sharing electronic data within distributed research networks. 4"05
) Desiderates and *uture Challenges for Interpretative Video' Analysis

Hithin a culture progressively shifting from literacy to visuality, video recordings are widely regarded by its members as MnaturalM, MholisticM, self*evident and taken*for*granted representations of social occasions and events. For social scientists however, video*data is the most comple , MmultimodalM data used in qualitative studies so far. $lthough technical innovations over the last decade have significantly simplified its use, interpretative research with video*data still requires sophisticated methods of analysis. Today, we witness a growing interest in interpretative research with video dataQa fact that calls for deepening the discussion of its methodological problems. Knlike other kinds of data the use of video in social research seem to foster a certain fusionQor confusionQof data collection 2recording3 with data analysis and interpretation, as well as with the presentation of results which may lead to severe methodical problems. 4"15 For this reason and in order to discuss separately the pertaining problems of each area, we will consider the following three aspects that correspond to different stages in research with video data:
!. %eneration of &i eo ata' #ideo*based e plorations of social worlds and relevant methodological and practical challenges for data generation include problems of field access, recording permission, solutions for legal, ethical and technical restrictions. ". (etho s of ata analysis an interpretation as developed in the areas of ethnomethodological video*analysis, video*hermeneutics, video*interaction* analysis, video*performance*analysis, that lay the bases for combining or renewing e isting approaches. (. )resentation of results in video*based interpretative research, which e tend to criteria for the selection, preparation and publication of results and new ways of integrating video*data into established and accepted forms of publishing scientific results. 4";5 From a methodological and methodical viewpoint, the following aspects are of special relevance for Interpretative #ideo*$nalysis. 4"85 ) 1 +imetic properties and constructedness The MmimeticM character of audiovisual recordings supportsQin contrast to standardised research forms using videoQattempts to record social situations as e act and MundistortedM by the researchers as possible 2BC)>)IG ? )OBF, "77;3. The mimetic property of video does not imply a fundamental epistemological position, but results from the quite mundane domain of research practice. #ideo recordings allow for a technically quick and facile production of MdocumentsM, available as a pre*embedded skill in everyday practice. Cmphasising this Mnatural social positivismM in mundane video usage does, however, by no means equate to a methodological standpoint which equates with a similar belief in the MpositivisticM features of video data at the level its social scientific usage. He do not hold the conviction that video actually would produce MauthenticM, undistorted, complete records of mundane situations. Bowever, we share the memberNs view in the sense that videoQe cept in quite rare casesQis supposed to be showing records of mundane situation which actually have taken place and areQmore or lessQwell represented by the audiovisual material. They are, at least, documents of a certain situation to some e tent and are constituted by a categorical difference from data which has been produced MartificiallyM e clusively for research purposes, as this is the case in data generated in laboratories 2cf. G/E>F$K-B, "77, for a further debate on different videographic data*types3. 4"<5 The initial enthusiasm for employing video data in qualitative studies has been subJected to fundamental criticism concerning the naturalistic naUvetV of this instrument of investigation. .ainly within anthropology, this issue has been widely discussed, as part of a broader epistemological reflection on the legitimacy and adequacy of investigating e otic cultures by western scientists. Gnown as the Mcrisis of representationM it has sharpened the awareness of the constructedness of any data social scientists produce and analyse. -onstructedness, nevertheless, is not equivalent to invention or creation e* nihilo. To characterise
video as naturalistic data means to recognise both its conservation a wide range of aspects of the original situation, an its construction by the scientist mediated through video technologies. 'election and focussing are the two main procedures by which the scientist intervenes in the data construction 2$.$//, !<<;= >C)G ? FK-B', !<<(3. 4(75 )esearchers understand that video*recordings do not of course capture the Mworld*as*it*happensM and they recognise that like all methods of data collection they are not without their problems and difficulties. Firstly, video*recordings provide a version of the event and cannot be ascribed some ultimate obJective status 2BC$TB ? FKFF, "777= G/E>F$K-B, "77!3. 'econdly, field observations play a critical part in the research. The video*camera does not by any means replace the observer. En the contrary, the body of video*data has to be substantially augmented by observational data. Therefore, whilst the recordings are produced the researcher takes notes that later enrich the analysis of the video*data. $nd thirdly, they take particular care to reduce any reactivity of the data collection. &rawing on studies that investigate the reactivity of people to camera they place the recording device in some distance to the action. )esearch has pointed out that depending on the pro imity between the video*camera and the observer the use of video*cameras is less obtrusive than participant observers 2'.ITB, .-%B$IF ? %I-GC/', !<;03. 4(!5 The problem of reacti&ity, a current issue in methodological debates, certainly requires a more e tended discussion, albeit under the auspices of cultural acceptance mentioned earlier and everyday practices of audiovisual media and, in particular, of video recordings. It is similarly accepted that every video recording factually encloses constructive aspects of those operating the camera, be they lay people or researchers. Their footprints are left in the specific selection of camera position, perspectives or groups etc., which are also being documented in the material. In order to avoid the vicious circle of infinite epistemological regressQto which fundamental argumentation may lead, as a number of debates following the Mcrisis of representationM have vividly shownQit is necessary to discuss these limits in relation to the changing conditions of on the one hand, social change in everyday life and on the other, the pragmatic needs of research. 4("5 ) # Comple,ity #ideo recordings produce data with a high degree of comple ity. The sheer amount of data is a challenge in its own right. $ few minutes of recording produce a large quantity of visual, kinaesthetic, acoustic etc. impressions, which have to be transcribed and prepared for analysis. Bence, an analytic and methodological framework is required that helps the researcher to deal with this comple ity. Ene approach to analyse video*data derives from Cthnomethodology 2G$)FI/GCF, !<1;3 and -onversation $nalysis 2'$-G', !<<"3. The comple ity of audiovisual dataQonly appro imately defined by the three forces mentioned earlierQ constitutes an enormous potential for this communicative form, not only in aesthetical terms, but as a challenge for the social sciencesN practises of analysis,
interpretation, and understanding. #isual media like camcorders and webcams are multifunctional instruments which enable a wide array of potential usages, including their conscientious application for data production in qualitative research. 4((5 The relative neglect of video in the social sciences is sometimes attributed to its comple ity and abundance. #ideo data is certainly among the most comple data in social scientific empirical research. It is multi*sensual and sequentially ordered, enclosing both diachronic and synchronic elements, e.g. speech and visual conduct, gesture, mimic e pressions, representation of artefacts and the structure of the environment, as well as signs and symbols. .oreover, it represents aspects related to recording activity itself, such as the angle and the focus of the camera, the cuts, and other elements pertaining to the activity of filming and editing. Bence, video recording generates an e traordinary abundance of data, confronting the researcher with the problems of data management, retrieval and selection. This may not only cause data overload, but also raises the question of how to select sequences appropriate for further microanalysis. It might also be the case that the quality of the recordings may be detrimental to analytic purposes. There may be interesting parts of video that cannot be selected for further scrutiny due to, for e ample, recording problems 2wrong perspective, malfunction, blurriness, people running through the image, etc.3. >eyond such obvious practical restrictions, the methodological problem of what constitutes the unit of analysis and how to assure a balance between time* consuming microanalysis and an overview over the whole data corpus remain open questions for future methodological debates. 4(,5 ) % -aturalness In contrast toQfor e ampleQresearch designs using video within e perimental settings or artificial situations 2.ITTC/C-GC), !<8;3, interpretative video* analysis prefers MnaturalM data and social situations which have not been specially set up for research. $rranged situations or quasi*e perimental settings may only be used in certain limited cases, as for e ample in studying the use of interaction with novel technical devices 2FI//, 'CFFC/ ? HIF>K), !<<;= FKFF et al., "77;3 M/atural dataM, however, is not identical to data found by natural scientists. $ll video analysts agree in the interpretative character of their data. >y natural data we mean that the recordings are made in situations affected as little as possible by the researchers 2'IF#C).$/, "7703. /atural data refers to data collected when the people studied act, behave and go about their business as they would if there were no social scientists observing or taping them. There is no doubt that the very presence of video technology may e ert some influence on the situation that is being recorded, an influence commonly labelled MreactivityM 2F$K)IC) ? %BIFE, "771= FE.$P ? -$'CD, !<<83. /evertheless, many studies show that the effect of video becomes negligible in most situations after a certain phase of habituation. The stress on the naturalness of data should, however, not be understood as a total neglect of other kind of situations. Interviews or even e periments may also be subJected to video analyses, the general assumption being that they are not as a result taken to represent something else 2i.e. what is
talked about in the interview3, but only as what they are: interviews or e periments. In general, however, video analyses turn to more vernacular situations: people at work, people in museums, people sitting in a cafV etc. It is this orientation towards Mnatural situationsM that leads video analysts to sympathise strongly with ethnography, particularly the kind of ethnography which turns towards encounters, social situations and performances as championed by Crving GEFF.$/ 2!<1!, !<1;, !<;!3. In order to distinguish this ethnographically oriented video analysis from other standardised forms of video analysis, it seems therefore quite reasonable to refer to it as MvideographyM 2G/E>F$K-B, "7713. 4(05 ) ) Se.uentiality The enormous advantage of video data consists in its inherent se+uential or er. 'ocial situations, interactions and processes are not only observable in a wide range of perspectives, but also transformed into data that still enclose the sequential unfolding of the recorded events or interactions. #ideo provides an opportunity to capture participantsN actions and activities and subJect them to repeated scrutiny using slow*motion facilities and the like. They give access to the sequential, moment*by*moment production of talk and visual conduct as it emergesQdetails which are unavailable to methods like observation or interviewing. #ideo*recordings also provide researchers with the opportunity, at least in public settings such as colloquia and conferences, to show and discuss analytic observations with regard to the data themselves 2BC$TB ? BI/&.$)'B, "77"3. The discursiveness of this media technology, especially through the possibility to rewind and fast forward, enables repeated investigation of scenes and interactive sequences in great detail and without loss of quality. &igital video enables a simplified usage in comparison with older technology such as super*8 or #B', allowing for manipulability of repro uction at high le&els of etail. This constitutes the basis for the methodological advantage of video because it allows detailed microscopic investigation of comple interactions. 'low motion and amplification of segments allow a MmicroscopicM look at details that may be out reach of the participantNs viewpoint and therefore might pass unnoticed using other methods, and, in particular, it allows consideration of the successive unfolding of interactive sequences and appreciation of the interrelation between elements that might be inobservable to the naked eye. Fikewise of specific relevance for analytical work with video data are features including free:ing of images, accelerated or decelerated reproduction speed, splitting audio from video, etc. .oreover digitalisation allows faster cutting out of relevant sequences, editing and annotating or comparing different diachronic sequences synchronically 2as in split*screen arrangements, cf. .E/&$&$, "770, %C)LGDFL ? )KK'K#KE)I, "7713. 4(15 $lthough sequentiality can have various meaningsQparticularly in the divergent uses of the term by hermeneutics and conversation*analysisQthe parallel between the sequentiality of the medium and the sequentiality of social activities is fundamental to video analysis. 'ince all approaches are interpretative, the analysis is built in one way or the other on what may be called Methno*
hermeneuticsM. They also share the methodological conviction that interpretive analysis of video*data requires more than Mvisual empathyM combined with descriptive Mstructured microanalysisM as &C/II/ 2"7773 suggests. 'equentiality is one of the inherent characteristics bearing special relevance for the analytical potential of video data. Knlike other imagesQthink of paintings, photography or graphicsQvideo and filmic data have a genuine sequential structure. This property can be e amined from two complementary perspectives: The first aspect of sequentiality lies in the continual temporal succession of movements within a single take, what has been from its beginnings one of the most fascinating qualities of film, as documented in e amples from early cinema. Hhile this may be limited to a fi ed camera, the second aspect adds a further quality as e pressed by the mobilisation of camera itself, in the shifts and :ooming, dynamising the images and producing new temporal and spatial modulations. -utting and editing are of maJor importance in this respect, because together with the moving camera they enable the separation of scenes and the production of continuity, as one of the basic narrative filmic devices 2see F$K)IC), 'T)C>CF ? >)EH/, "778 for an insight to the comple task of professional editing practice3. 4(;5 In this sense, the ongoing separation, 2re*3combination and permutation of perceptual instances transforming and rearranging meaning structures, or courses of action and interaction, is constitutive for those audiovisual data which have been edited. -utting and editing determine the organisation of space and time and constitute central elements of showing and narration, which means visual*cognitive efforts of interpretation, because they guide and direct the spectatorsN ga:e and reception, and, ultimately, frame their understanding and interpretation. In addition to the aforementioned aspects, which can be subsumed in general to the problem of continuity and succession of moving images, e ists a third aspect of sequentiality: Bidden by the simultaneity of images and sound, there have been attached to moving images from the very beginning of media, voice, musical, sound, commentaries and dialogue. 4(85 ) / Transcription and analysis /o doubt, the relation between the spoken and the visual is of general epistemological importance and the relation between te t and image needs to be clarified. In the case of video analysis, however, this issue e hibits a very practical aspect: the transcription of data inscribes in its particular way how the visual is accounted for by the analysis, so that any further development of video analysis will also depend on the way in which data are being transcribed or otherwise made accessible for analysis. $nalysis will increasingly be able to draw on visual representation, with the result that written transcripts may lose their importance to such a degree as to potentially provide the way for a Mvisual mentalityM in analysisQa mode of analysing that depends less on the written word than on visualisation and imagination. The ongoing technological changes may also affect the wayQand are already now affecting the waysQin which studies are being presented 2cf. for e ample >R'-BC), "7703Qhowever, for the time being, we still rely on the rather conventional forms of transcriptions and frame
grabs. He need to consider that transcribing data is not Just a preliminary phase of analysis. It forms an essential part of analysis. Transcribing generates observations that are fundamental to analytical inferences. $s in research based on natural communicative activities or interviews, the transcription of video data is simply indispensable. 4(<5 -onversation analysts and linguists have developed a wide array of transcription systems that transform the analytically important aspects of spoken language into te tual representations 2cf. &ITT.$), "77" for a comprehensive overview3. /evertheless, transcription systems for video data still remain in an e perimental stage. MThere is no general orthography used for the transcription of visual and tactile conductM. Bowever, Mover the years researchers have developed a hoc solutions to locating and characteri:ing actionM 2BC$TB ? BI/&.$)'B, "77"3. These Mad hoc solutionsM comprise of transcripts which basically consist of detailed description of what occurs in the video. There are also forms of transcription for non*verbal aspects and their relation to the verbal behaviour of participants, Mconduct scoreM, and sketches of action sequences or Mthick interpretative descriptionsM in addition to representations of data that attempt to make use of the visual potential of video data. 4,75 ) 0 Technical and legal restrictions $ further problem is the role of technology as both enabling opportunities and subJecting video research to certain limits. The very fact that the methodology is heavily reliant on technology ties it to future technological developments. This does not only raise the question of what impact the technology may have on social scientific video analysis 2and &ice &ersa3. #ideo confronts the researcher with a number of technical and material challenges. 'ome of them concern the utilisation and application of camera, microphones, software etc. This technical part is still underestimated in the methodological discussion. Cven if technology may not be considered an Mautonomous actorM 2)$..C)T ? '-BKFI* '-B$CFFC), "77"3, the devices employed definitely e ert at least some influence upon the course of action in the research process. Hithout doubt, the instruments change the way in which we collect, construct, analyse and interpret our data. .ethodological considerations rarely reflect this material issue because we are used to discussing methodology in much more abstract terms. 4,!5 Bence, we may ask in what ways the instruments interfere with our analytical work. This question is especially pertinent for video analysis, which, compared to other qualitative methods, requires quite a lot of technology. Indeed, it may represent one of the most e pensive and intricate ways to conduct qualitative research. /onetheless, researchers still must purchase camcorders, tapes, tripods, microphones, etc. for the purpose of recording videos. In addition, analysing video data requires intelligent storage and cataloguing systems for raw data, powerful computer hardware and a series of software tools to digitalise, transcribe and analyse data and to present research results. &ue to miniaturisation and popularisation, stripped down versions of video equipment have become ever more accessible for students. /evertheless, the e pense
entailed from basic research equipment 2somewhere between the equipment available for popular use and that used by television professionals3 easily may amount to tens of thousands of CurosQin addition to the space, time and patience required to select the appropriate apparatus and software. Its handling requires also novel technical skills, quite unprecedented in qualitative inquiry. $nd, unlike other, more conventional forms of qualitative research, e.g. participant observation or interviews, preliminaries and preparation take considerably more time in qualitative video analysis. This may cause a certain delay in the analytical work, as quite e tended portions of time are consumed by mere McraftsmanshipM. $s a result, qualitative inquiry may even become more similar to quantitative research. $s in surveys, much work is invested in preparation, providing skills to the coders, handling the data*collections etc. 4,"5 Finally, one of the most salient problems is the legal issues of video*recording. Fike any other form of research, video analysis is subJect to legal and ethical restrictions. This concerns questions such as: where are video analysts permitted to film, who is permitted to record social interactions for analytical purposes, which of these images may be stored, analysed or even used for publication and thereby disclosed to a wider audience. $lthough there have been intense debates on issues related to video recording in public places, their focus has been primarily on security issues and the questions of infringement on individualsN right to privacy. To our knowledge, there is no specific regulation for scientific video recordings at the moment 2G$)'TG$, "77,3. To assure that some kind of Minformed consentM e ists seems to be, in the meantime, the most reasonable practical solution, although there may be cases in which this is virtually impossible 2e.g. for each single pedestrian in wide*angle shots of public places3. In addition, unlike for e ample the case of interview transcripts, anonymisation of moving images is a technically much more demanding task. -onsequently, respecting the right to privacy in video analysis is a difficult and as yet unresolved problem, in addition to the legal implications of possible infringements on copy* rights and other rights that may be touched on by capturing, recording, analysing, storing or publishing video data of some sort 2i.e. the fine distinction the legal systems draws in the field of data protection in general3. Fegally, the use of video for scholarly purposes of the kind described above oscillates between the individual freedom, which puts particular restrictions on Mnatural recordingM practices, on the one hand, and the freedom of research, which puts no limits on the potential subJects of video recording to the e tent that these may be of scientific relevance. >ecause of the tension between these two e tremes, researchers often find themselves caught in a dilemma. 4,(5
/ Conclusion
.odern societies are characterised by the increase of mediated and visualised forms of communication. These ongoing changes impact deeply on social relations. .ediated representations of reality tend to overlay the MnaturalM perceptions generated by the human senses. In other words, media products not only increasingly surround people in their everyday*life, but photographs, movies, T#*broadcasts, video*productions, and virtual computer*worlds influence their
perception of reality fundamentally. In effect, humanities and social science researchers must answer questions like: To what e tent do technical constructions of reality alter the forms of human self*interpretation and self* representationS Bow do the audiovisual media shift and e tend the potential for the human construction and attribution of meaningS $nd not least, which new requirements for the interpretation, and which new challenges to the understanding of meaning come into being in everyday*life 2e.g. in the reception of mass media3, as well as in social*scientific documentation and analysis of visual dataS 4,,5 Genre analysis and video hermeneutics have recently been developed as procedures for the generation, documentation, and understanding of audiovisual data. >oth are closely related to the theory of the social construction of reality 2>C)GC) ? FK-G.$//, !<113. The fundamental idea of these approaches is to consider social data as manifestations of the protagonistsN perception and recognition of reality as well as of their self*representation and self*interpretation in everyday life 2'-B/CTTFC) ? G/E>F$K-B, "77;= )$$> ? 'ECFF/C), "7783. -onsequently, genre analysis and video hermeneutics as reconstruction procedures show how facts are fabricated by human beings under certain socio* historical conditions. Furthermore, they oblige the researcher to take on a self* refle ive stance and take into account his or her subJective presuppositions under which he himself or she herself constitutes the reality he or she is observing.Q Enly in this way can social scientists do Justice to the ambitions of an ethnographic approach required for the forthcoming developments in the new visual sociology. 4,05
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'chnettler, >ernt ? Bubert Gnoblauch 2Cds.3 2"77;3. )o;erpoint7)r.sentationen1 !eue Formen er gesellschaftlichen 0ommuni$ation &on #issen, Gonstan:: K#G. 'chubert, -ornelius 2"77"3. .aking interaction and interactivity visible. En the practical and analytical uses of audiovisual recordings in high*tech and high*risk work situations. #or$ing )aper G1 :echnical 5ni&ersity Berlin. 'chubert, -ornelius 2"771a3. #ideo*analysis of practice and the practice of video*analysis. In Bubert Gnoblauch, >ernt 'chnettler, @Argen )aab ? Bans*Georg 'oeffner 2Cds.3, Vi eo analysis' (etho ology an metho s1 Qualitati&e au io&isual ata analysis in sociology 2pp.!!0*!"13. Frankfurt a. .ain: Fang. 'chubert, -ornelius 2"771b3. #ideographie im E%: Hie #ideotechnik fAr technografische 'tudien im E% genut:t werden kann. In Herner )ammert ? -ornelius 'chubert 2Cds.3, :echnografie1 2ur (i$roso-iologie er :echni$ 2pp.""(*",83. Frankfurt: -ampus. 'chubert, -ornelius 2"771c3. /ie )ra*is er Apparateme i-in1 Sr-te un :echni$ im Bperationssaal. Frankfurt a. .ain: -ampus. 'ecrist, -ory= &e Goeyer, Ilse= >ell, Bolly ? Fogel, $lan 2"77"3. -ombining digital video technology and narrative methods for understanding infant development. Forum Qualitati&e So-ialforschung ? Forum' Qualitati&e Social Research, =2"3, $rt. ",, http:99nbn*resolving.de9urn:nbn:de:7!!,* fqs7"7"",0 4&ate of access: 89"<9"7785. 'ilverman, &avid 2"7703. Instances or sequencesS Improving the state of the art of qualitative research. Forum Qualitati&e So-ialforschung ? Forum' Qualitati&e Social Research, 92(3, $rt. (7, http:99nbn*resolving.de9urn:nbn:de:7!!,*fqs707((7! 4&ate of access: 89"<9"7785. 'mith, )ichard F.= .cphail, -lark ? %ickens, )obert G. 2!<;03. )eactivity to systematic observation with film: $ Field C periment. Sociometry, =H2,3, 0(1*007. 'oeffner, Bans*Georg 2"7773. 'ich verlieren im )undblick. &ie M%anoramakunstM als #orstufe :um medialen %anoramenmosaik der Gegenwart. In Bans*Georg 'oeffner, %esellschaft ohne Bal achin 2pp.(0,*(;73. Heilerswist: #elbrAck. 'oeffner, Bans*Georg 2"77!3. $uthenti:itYtsfallen und mediale #erspiegelungen. Ins:enierungen im "7. @ahrhundert. In Crika Fischer*Fichte 2Cd.3, Symposiumsban O:heatralit.t un ie 0risen er Repr.sentationO 2pp.!10*!;13. 'tuttgart: .et:ler. 'oeffner, Bans*Georg ? )aab, @Argen 2"77,3. 'ehtechniken. &ie .edialisierung des 'ehens: 'chnitt und .ontage als Lsthetisierungsmittel medialer Gommunikation. In Bans*Georg 'oeffner, Auslegung es Alltags>/er Alltag er Auslegung1 2ur ;issensso-iologischen 0on-eption einer so-ial;issenschaftlichen "ermeneuti$ 2"nd ed., pp."0,*"8,3. Gonstan:: KT>. 'tas:, -larice 2!<;<3. The early history of visual sociology. In @on -. Hagner 2Cd.3, ,mages of information1 Still photography in the social sciences 2pp.!!<*!(13. Fondon: 'age. 'tephens, .itchell 2!<<83. :he rise of the image an the fall of the ;or . /ew Dork: E ford Kniversity %ress. 'turken, .arita ? -artwright, Fisa 2"77!3. )ractices of loo$ing1 An intro uction to &isual culture. /ew Dork: E ford Kniversity %ress. 'tumberger, )udolf 2"77;3. 0lassen7Bil er1 So-ial o$umentarische Fotografie 4@CC74@FG, Gonstan:: K#G. 'uchman, Fucy ? Trigg, )andall B. 2!<<!3. Knderstanding practice: #ideo as a medium for reflection and design. In @oan Greenbaum ? .orton Gyng 2Cds.3, /esign at ;or$1 Cooperati&e esign of computer systems 2pp.10*8<3. Billsdale: Fawrence Crlbaum. TYn:ler, &irk 2"7773. &as ungewohnte .edium. Bitler und )oosevelt im Film. So-ialer Sinn1 2eitschrift fr hermeneutische So-ialforschung, 4, <(*!"7. TYn:ler, &irk 2"77!3. )itual und .edium. Iur filmischen Ins:enierung politischer )eden Bitlers und )oosevelts. In Crika Fischer*Fichte, -hristian Born, 'andra Kmathum ? .atthias Harstat 2Cds.3, #ahrnehmung un (e ialit.t 2pp.!70*!"03. 'tuttgart: .et:ler. Taureg, .artin 2!<8,3. FAr die Cntwicklung der #isuellen $nthropologie. Cin $ufruf :ur &iskussion und .itarbeit. 0<lner 2eitschrift fr So-iologie un So-ialpsychologie, =92"3, ,"1*,"8. Taureg, .artin 2!<813. #isuelle 'o:iologieQCin neues Fachgebiet. Film :heory, 4=, (*0. Teckenburg, Holfgang 2!<8"3. >ildwirklichkeit und so:iale Hirklichkeit. &er Cinsat: von Fotos in der 'o:iologie. So-iale #elt, ==2"3, !1<*"7;.
Theye, Thomas 2!<8<3. /er geraubte Schatten1 /ie )hotographie als ethnographisches /o$ument. .Anchen: >ucher. Tykwer, @Wrg 2!<<"3. /istan- un !.he' -ur so-ialen 0onstru$tion .sthetischer 3rfahrung1 3ine so-iologische Sinne*pli$ation er ersten S-enen es Spielfilms ORote SonneO. Frankfurt a. .ain: &issertation. #irilio, %aul 2!<8<3. /ie Sehmaschine. >erlin: .erve. #irilio, %aul 2!<<13. /ie 3roberung es 0<rpers1 Vom Ebermenschen -um berrei-ten (enschen. Frankfurt a. .ain: Fischer. vom Fehn, &irk 2"7713. &ie Gunst der Gunstbetrachtung: $spekte einer %ragmatischen Lsthetik in Gunstausstellungen. So-iale #elt, GD2!3, 8(*!77. Hagner*Hilli, .onika 2"7713. En the multidimensional analysis of video*data. &ocumentary interpretation of interaction in schools. In Bubert Gnoblauch, >ernt 'chnettler, @Argen )aab ? Bans*Georg 'oeffner 2Cds.3, V Vi eo analysis' (etho ology an metho s1 Qualitati&e au io&isual ata analysis in sociology 2pp.!,(*!0(3. Frankfurt a. .ain: Fang. Halker, @ohn $. ? -haplin, 'arah 2!<<;3. The concept of the visual. In @ohn $. Halker ? 'arah -haplin 2Cds.3, Visual culture>An intro uction 2pp.!8*(73. .anchester: .anchester Kniversity %ress. Halker, /atalie 2!<!03. -hicago housing conditions. Greeks and Italians in the neighbourhood of Bull Bouse. American Journal of Sociology, AA,2(3, "80*(!1. Heibel, %eter 2!<8;3. /ie Beschleunigung er Bil er1 ,n er Chrono$ratie. >ern: >enteli. Heibel, %eter 2!<<(3. Rber die Gren:en des )ealen. &er >lick und das Interface. In Gerhard @. Fischka 2Cd.3, /er entfesselte Blic$ 2pp."!<*",03. >ern: >enteli. Hillems, Berbert 2!<<<3. Iur Cigenlogik, :u den 'trukturbedingungen und :um Handel der Herbung als medienkommunikativer Gattung. Psterreichische 2eitschrift fr So-iologie, 8F2"3, ",*00. Hoodhead, Boward 2!<7,3. The first German municipal e position. American Journal of Sociology, ,A2,3, ,((*,08. Huggenig, Klf 2!<<79<!3. &ie %hotobefragung als proJektives #erfahren. Ange;an te So-ialforschung, 49 2!*"3, !7<*!"<. Hulf, -hristoph= $lthans, >irgit= $udehm, Gathrin= >ausch, -onstance= GWhlich, .ichael= 'ting, 'tephan= Tervooren, $nJa= Hagner*Hilli, .onika ? Iirfas, @Wrg 2"77!3. /as So-iale als Ritual1 2ur perfomati&en Bil ung &on %emeinschaften. Epladen: FeskeZ>udrich.
Authors
Bernt SC"!3::63R is $ssistant %rofessor at the Technische KniversitYt >erlin. -ontact: >ernt 'chnettler Institut fAr 'o:iologie Fachgebiet $llgemeine 'o:iologie und Theorie .oderner Gesellschaften Franklinstr. "89"<, &*!708; >erlin Germany Tel.: ZZ ,< (7 (!, ;<8 07 Fa : ZZ ,< (7 (!, ;<, <, C*mail: bernt.'chnettler`tu*berlin.de K)F: http:99www.berntschnettler.de9
Jrgen RAAB is %rofessor at the KniversitYt Fu:ern, 'wit:erland and the Kniversity of Gonstan:, Germany.
-ontact: @Argen )aab Gultur* und 'o:ialwissenschaftliche FakultYt 'o:iologisches 'eminar Gasernenplat: (, -B*1777 Fu:ern ; 'wit:erland Tel.: ZZ ,! ,! ""8 ;7 "" Fa : ZZ ,! ,! ""8 ;( ;; C*mail: @uergen.raab`unilu.ch K)F: http:99www.unilu.ch9
Citation
'chnettler, >ernt ? )aab, @Argen 2"7783. Interpretative #isual $nalysis. &evelopments, 'tate of the $rt and %ending %roblems 4,0 paragraphs5. Forum Qualitati&e So-ialforschung ? Forum' Qualitati&e Social Research, @2(3, $rt. (!, http:99nbn*resolving.de9urn:nbn:de:7!!,*fqs787((!,.

Schnettler - 2008 - Interpretative Visual Analysis Developments, State of The Art and Pending Problems

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FORUM: QUALITATIVE SOCIAL RESEARCH SOZIALFORSCHUNG

#olume <, /o. (, $rt. (! 'eptember "778

# Interpretative Visual Analysis$ Precursors, Development and State of the Art

% The &ole of Video'Analysis for (ualitative &esearch

) Desiderates and *uture Challenges for Interpretative Video' Analysis

6 "778 F+' http:99www.qualitative*research.net9fqs9

6 "778 F+' http:99www.qualitative*research.net9fqs9

6 "778 F+' http:99www.qualitative*research.net9fqs9

6 "778 F+' http:99www.qualitative*research.net9fqs9

6 "778 F+' http:99www.qualitative*research.net9fqs9

6 "778 F+' http:99www.qualitative*research.net9fqs9

6 "778 F+' http:99www.qualitative*research.net9fqs9

6 "778 F+' http:99www.qualitative*research.net9fqs9

6 "778 F+' http:99www.qualitative*research.net9fqs9

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