RIZAL/Socio-Political Thought 1.

PLATO: THE REPUBLIC Plato: The Republic The Greeks were the first to develop-going beyond observation and knowledge-the scientific attitude, a new approach to the world. The Greeks inventiveness and originality contributed largely to the develop ent of political theory as well as the scientific study of politics. !y contrast Polytheis ade it difficult for the Greeks to see the basic oneness of ankind and their religious pluralis reflected their inability to transcend, intellectually and institutionally, the confines of the city-state. The Republic: is the application of reason and critical analysis to the solution of political and social issues rather than the inevitable product of uddling through fear and faith. Political and social issues can be clarified by argu ent rather than force and dog a. Platos political thought also introduced the concept of public as distinct fro the private in the conte"t of govern ent relations. Platos ideal of a highly trained ad inistrative and political class dedicated to public service without consideration of personal happiness e"ercised relatively less appeal because society was assu ed to be auto atic and self regulating achinery. Plato was born in #thens. $o ing fro a noble fa ily, he aspired to a political career, but soon beca e upset with the %tyrannic de ocracy% of #thens, especially when it put his teacher, &ocrates '()*-+** !$, to death. Plato %turned to philosophy in search of an alternative to the stable and un-ust public life of the ti e. .e also sought unity behind the changing i pressions of the visible universe.% /n #thens, Plato, eventually set up a school known as the #cade y. Plato believed that there was another world beyond this changeable and destructible one in which we live, one consisting of unchanging eternal 0or s. .e asserted that what we see and touch are only very distantly related to the

ulti ate realities that e"ist. .e gives, in his work the Republic, the fa ous co parison of the hu an condition with that of prisoners chained facing the inner wall of a cave, so that all they can see are ere shadows of ob-ects in the cave, knowing nothing of the world outside. #n e"a ple of one of the ulti ate realities is 1uclidean geo etry with its theore s concerning ideal ob-ects that do not and cannot e"ist in the three di ensional world in which we live, ideal ob-ects such as straight lines without thickness and perfect circles, and other such ti eless ob-ects. #nd -ust as there are no perfect circles in this world we can not have orally perfect en, no absolutely perfect e"a ples of courage or -ustice2 we can only i agine perfectly oral standards. The theory of the /deas i plies the overco ing of the sophistic oral relativis : the /deas of 3ustice and Rightness beco e the perfect criteria for distinguishing right fro wrong or fair fro unfair. The /deas are values the selves . Platos ethics tries to find out what is the Highest Rightness for man, Rightness whose attainment implies happiness and which is achieved by the practice of virtue. The Highest Rightness can be understood in two ways: a good life cannot be achieved neither by the only means of moderate pleasures nor by the only means of wisdom, but by a mixture of both, simply because man is a mixture of animal and intelligence. #ccording to other philosophers, Platos .ighest Rightness eans conte plating the ideas and conte plation which is the supre e happiness. /n this sense the virtue, as the ethod for achieving the .ighest Rightness, perfor s an analogous roll as dialectic, the ethod for achieving the /ntelligible 4orld. y means of the practice of virtue we achieve the Highest Rightness and, therefore, the supreme happiness! virtue is the natural disposition for rightness of our souls, and as our souls have three elements, there will be three peculiar virtues, one for each one of them: self"control for the concupiscent element: #certain order and moderation of the pleasures#! strength or braveness for the irascible element: the strength allows man surpasses suffering and

sacrifices pleasures if necessary! and wisdom or prudence for the rational element, which rules the whole human behaviour. The virtue of the soul as a whole is $ustice, which settles order and harmony between those three elements and is, obviously, the most important virtue. #long with this practical e"planation of virtue Plato defends a ore intellectual theory particularly related with the theory of the /deas: virtue is the knowledge of what is right for an or, better, the knowledge of the /dea of Rightness, and is ainly identified with wisdo or prudence. 4e should re e ber the /deas allow Plato surpasses the oral relativis of the sophists as the /dea of Rightness i plies there is an absolute point of view. The Philoso he! "i#g: #s every Greek, Plato thinks an is naturally a social being2 thats why there are &tates ' Polis,. The individual can reach his ut ost acco plish ent in the &tate, but only in a perfect &tate. Plato divides the &tate or society in three classes following the three ele ents of the soul2 the &tate is a great organis with the sa e aterial and i aterial re5uire ents and ethical ai s as an. The rational ele ent of the soul is represented by the class of the governors, who are philosophers2 the irascible ele ent is represented by the social class of the soldiers2 the concupiscent ele ent by the crafts en. The philosophers, whose particular virtue is wisdo or prudence, are the only ones capable for govern ent2 the soldiers, whose virtue is the strength, ust defend and keep safe the polis2 the crafts en, whose virtue is self-control, provide the co odities needed in the &tate. Thus, a total parallelis between anthropology, ethics and policy is settled down. The three social classes are needed, but each one en-oys different rank and dignity. Plato set forth the idea of public service-govern ent as the highest oral and practical task to which en of knowledge and virtue ought to devote the selves. !etter govern ent and public service can be achieved through education2 he proposed an elaborate syste of adult training and

education. Plato reserved prolonged educational opportunities for future rulers only. Plato believed that the selection of rulers could be ade best through prolonged training of en and wo en fro the ruling class. The Republic is co posed of a three-fold division of the population-Philosopher kings 'guardians,, soldierad inistrators 'au"iliaries, and producers '0ar ers, artisans and traders,, society is divided into functions 6 ruling or defending the state is -ust as uch as a speciali7ed craft as shoe aking and if the principle of division of labor forbids the shoe aker fro aking furniture, he is e5ually e"cluded fro ruling. 8nly the philosopher kings have the political wisdo and technical knowledge, they have insight to hu an proble s2 insight is ore than a highly speciali7ed learning. Training of the rulers start fro the ti e they were born and their parents are selected and paired fro the ruling class2 they are educated in literature, usic, physical and ilitary instruction, athe atics, philosophy and etaphysics. The aim of the %tate is $ustice: the common welfare of all the citi&ens, which would only be possible if every class fulfil its own role. Plato distinguishes the social class of the leaders: since the /dea of Rightness can be known, its only natural philosophers guide society ruled by their superior knowledge2 philosophers have to be governors or governors have to be philosophers2 of course, philosophers do not seek their own interests but the co unitys. Philosophers must see' the general welfare and so, trying to avoid temptations and useless distractions, they neither have private property nor family! their main purpose is wisdom which enables them to carry out their mission of government. &oldiers also sacrifice fa ily and private property, only the crafts en are allowed to the 'though li ited and controlled by the &tate,. $rafts en do not need education, e"cept the professional for their own tasks, and they ust obey political powers. /n this ideal &tate only a very best selected inority have power. Though the social

classes are not closed up, social obility is controlled by rigorous criterion. Platos ideal &tate is clearly aristocratic. 0inally, along with this description of the ideal society, Plato describes and assesses the actual for s of govern ent: there are five, but they all co e fro the onarchy or aristocracy by progressive decay: ilitary dictatorship, oligarchy, de ocracy and, the worse of all, tyranny. 9onarchy or aristocracy is the ost perfect for of govern ent: is the govern ent of the best individuals. Ruling as an art: :o govern ent of any kind or any ruler, in so far as he is acting as a ruler, will en-oin what is for his own interest. #ll that he does is for what is good and proper for the sub-ect to who he practices the art. Good en are unwilling to rule, either for oney or for honor. The heaviest penalty for declining to rule is to be ruled by so eone inferior to yourself. This fear akes decent people accept power. The rudiments of social organi&ation: ;. # state co es into e"istence because no an is self sufficing. 4hen a nu ber of people are collected and people help to satisfy their needs, there is a state. :o two people are born alike. There are innate differences which fit the for different occupation. <. The guardians of the state, whose work is the ost i portant of all, will need the ost co plete freedo fro other occupations and the greatest a ount of skill and practice. +. Guardians ust have 5uick sense to detect an ene y, swiftness in pursuing hi and strength to fight. .e also ust have the courage which is fearlessness in the face of any danger. !ut guardians ust know how to test the friend or ene y. /t eans that guardians aking that test ust have a passion for knowledge and understanding this is philosophy, the love of wisdo . (. Guardians ust therefore be educated, cultivated in ind and body. 1ducation ust begin with children, supervise aking of fables. The first stories to be told by others and nurses should be for producing the best possible =. ).

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effect on the childs character. 8nly rulers can practice deception for the co onwealths benefit2 no one else can eddle with this privilege. Guardians are those with 7eal to do what is good for the co onwealth and never to act against its interest. &election of rulers starts fro childhood. &ub-ect the to ordeals to toil and pain, to bewitch ent, and if they co e out with the sa e 5ualities of dedication, trained in usic and poetry to preserve the selves in perfect har ony, they should set up as rulers. Rulers and soldiers and then the whole co unity should have nurture and education for what nature best suited the . People are born with ythical etals of gold, silver and bron7e. Guardians ust not possess any private property beyond the barest necessities. Gold and silver they will not need, having the divine counterparts of these etals in their souls.

(irtues in the %tate: ;. The wisdo of the state that is constituted on natural principles will lie in the s allest part which takes the lead and governs, such knowledge is the only kind that is called wisdo . <. $ourage is with the au"iliary who possesses the power of preserving in all circu stances, a conviction of things that is right to be afraid of, conviction i planted by education fro the state, never abandoning that conviction under any influence. +. Te perance e"ists where the nobler part rules the worse. This is the virtue of the whole state, producing a consonance of all its ele ents. (. 3ustice eans that everyone ought to perfor the one function in the co unity for which his nature best suited hi and to do the best for the co unity. /n-ustice is the result when there is interference or interchange of social positions and tools or to co bine all these for s of work in the sa e person. This is fatal to the co onwealth. =. /n the individual, reason should rule with wisdo and forethought on behalf of the entire soul2 while the spirited

ele ent should be its subordinate and ally. Te perance is when there is unani ity and no conflict between the ruling ele ent and the spirit and appetites. )n e*uality of women: ;. There is no occupation concerned with the anage ent of social affairs which belongs either to wo an or to an. :atural gifts are to be found in both creatures alike and every occupation is open to both, so far as their natures are concerned, though wo an is for all purposes the weaker. <. 0or the purpose of keeping watch over the co onwealth, wo an has the sa e nature as an. 0or producing a wo an fit to be a guardian, we shall not have one education for en and another for wo en precisely because the nature to be taken in hand is the sa e. +bolition of the family for the guardians: Guardians of the co onwealth are to hold their wives and children in co on. The best ordered state will be the one in which the largest nu ber of persons use the ter s ine and not ine in the sa e sense. 8ne ust regard everyone he eets as brother or sister, father or other, son or daughter2 not to use these fa ily ter s but to behave as real fa ily. Philosophers must be ,ings: ;. @nless philosophers beco e kings or those who are now kings and rulers co e to be sufficiently inspired with a genuine desire for wisdo that is to say, unless power and philosophy eet together, while the any natures going on different directions are forcibly debarred fro doing so, there can be no rest fro troubles. <. 8nly critics call philosophers useless to the public but it is the natural order of things that the crew takes order fro pilots and the sick wait at the doctors door. +. To philosophers the perfectly real is knowable. Reality is an unchanging state. Philosophers na e is reserved for those whose affections are set on the knowledge or reality in every case. .e has no leisure to take part in ans

5uarrel. .e is in constant relationship with the divine order of the world and beco es god like. The +llegory of the -ave: .t is for the founders of the commonwealth to bring compulsion to bear in the noblest natures. They must be made to climb the ascent to the vision of goodness, which is the highest of 'nowledge and when they have loo'ed at it long enough, they must not be allowed to remain on the heights. They must come down again to the prisoners /in the cave0 or ta'e part in their labors and rewards. /n the A// book of the %Republic% Plato displays his well-known yth of the cavern, the ost i portant one as it e braces the cardinal points of his philosophy. .e wants it to be a etaphor %of our nature regarding its education and its lack of education%, that is, serves to illustrate issues regarding the theory of knowledge. :evertheless, he clearly knows this yth has important conse*uences for other fields of philosophy as ontology, anthropology and even policy and ethics2 so e philosophers have seen even religious i plications. The myth describes our situation regarding 'nowledge: we are li'e the prisoners of a cavern who only see the shades of the ob$ects and so live in complete ignorance worrying about what is offered to our senses. )nly philosophy can release us and allow us come out of the cavern to the true world or 1orld of the .deas. Plato re5uests us to i agine we are prisoners in an underground cavern. 4e are chained and i obili7ed since childhood in such a way we can only see the far end wall of the cavern. !ehind us and elevated there is a fire that lights the cavern2 between the fire and the prisoners there is a path on which edge there is another wall. This second wall is like a screen used in a puppet theatre2 puppets are raised over it to be shown to the public. People walk along the path speaking

and carrying sculptures that represent different ob-ects 'ani als, trees, artificial ob-ects...,. &ince there is this second wall between the prisoners and the people walking, we only see the shades of the ob-ects they carry pro-ected on the far end wall of the cavern. :aturally, the prisoners would think the shades and the echoes of the voices they hear are true reality. Plato argues a liberated prisoner would slowly discover different levels of authentic reality: first he would see the ob-ects and the light inside the cavern, later he would co e out of it and see first the shades of the ob-ects, then the reflections of those ob-ects on the water and finally the real ob-ects. #t last he would see the &un and conclude it is the reason of the seasons, it rules the realm of visible ob$ects and is the reason of everything the prisoners see . #nd re e bering his life in the cavern, re e bering what he thought he knew there and his captivity co rades he would feel happy for being free and would feel sorry the 2 prisoners life would see unbearable for hi . !ut in spite of it and in spite of the dangers, his clu siness and the prisoners laughs and scorns, he would return to the underground world to free the . These are the keys Plato gives us to read the yth: we should co pare the shadows of the cavern with the sensible world and the light of the fire with the power of the &un. The escape to the outer world to conte plate real beings ' etaphor of the 4orld of the /deas, should be co pared with the path our souls take towards the intelligible world. Plato declares the ost difficult and the last ob-ect we reach is the /dea of Rightness 'sy boli7ed by the etaphor of the &un, the last ob-ect the released prisoner sees,, which is the reason of all the good and beautiful things of the world 2 it is also the reason of the light and the &un in the sensible and visible world and the reason of truth and understanding in the intelligible world2 is the reality we need see to live with wisdom. $. ARISTOTLE: POLITICS

#ristotle was born at &tagira, in Thrace, in +?( !.$. .is father was a physician to the king of 9acedon, so science was in his background. #t the age of seventeen, he went to #thens and -oined PlatoBs school, where he stayed until PlatoBs death in +(>. # few years later, he beca e the tutor to the young prince of 9acedon, #le"ander the Great. #lthough #le"ander was a stellar pupil, #ristotle returned to #thens three years later, founded his own school, the Cyceu , and taught and studied there for twelve years. !ecause #le"ander began con5uering all of the known world, 9acedonians beca e so ewhat unwelco e in #thens and #ristotle was accordingly shown the door in +<+. .e died a year later. @nlike Plato who conceives reality in ter s of unchanging, static ideas, #ristotle identifies the nature of a thing with the end toward which it is developing, at each unfinished stage, the thing is partly reali7ing its own nature and is fully itself when its end is wholly reali7ed. The state is not ade up of so any en, but of different kinds of en and that the nature of a state to be a plurality. #ristotle laid the foundations to co parative govern ent and politics, his work 6 $onstitution of #thens 6 a study of political institutions 6 one ust know the varieties of political e"perience if one is able to re edy the defects of e"isting constitutions. The $onstitutional govern ent 'polity,, #ristotle defines it as a state that the citi7ens at large ad inister for the co on interest. $iti7enship 6 a citi7en is one who has power to take part in the deliberative or -udicial ad inistration of any state. #lthough he studied under Plato, #ristotle funda entally disagreed with his teacher on -ust about everything. .e could not bring hi self to think of the world in abstract ter s the way Plato did2 above all else, #ristotle believed that the world could be understood at a funda ental level through the detailed observation and cataloguing of pheno enon. That is, knowledge 'which is what the word science eans, is funda entally e pirical. #s a result of this belief, #ristotle literally wrote about everything: poetics, rhetoric, ethics, politics, eteorology, e bryology, physics, athe atics, etaphysics, anato y, physiology, logic, drea s, and so forth. 4e arenBt certain if he wrote these works directly or if

they represent his or so ebody elseBs notes on his classes2 what we can say for certain is that the words, %/ donBt know,% never ca e out of his outh. /n addition to studying everything, #ristotle was the first person to really think out the proble of evidence. 4hen he approached a proble , he would e"a ine a., what people had previously written or said on the sub-ect, b., The general consensus of opinion on the sub-ect, c., #nd a syste atic study of everything else that is part of or related to the sub-ect. /n his treatise on ani als, he studied over five hundred species2 in studying govern ent, he collected and read ;=? individual constitutions of Greek states as his funda ental data. This is called inductive reasoning: observing as any e"a ples as possible and then working out the underlying principles. /nductive reasoning is the foundation of the 4estern scientific ethod. Doctrine of the 9ean #ristotle describes ethical virtue as a EhexisF 'EstateF EconditionF EdispositionF,Ga tendency or disposition, induced by our habits, to have appropriate feelings ';;H=b<=-),. Defective states of character are hexeis 'plural of hexis, as well, but they are tendencies to have inappropriate feelings. The significance of #ristotleBs characteri7ation of these states as hexeis is his decisive re-ection of the thesis, found throughout PlatoBs early dialogues, that virtue is nothing but a kind of knowledge and vice nothing but a lack of knowledge. #lthough #ristotle fre5uently draws analogies between the crafts and the virtues 'and si ilarly between physical health and eudaimonia,, he insists that the virtues differ fro the crafts and all branches of knowledge in that the for er involve appropriate e otional responses and are not purely intellectual conditions. 0urther ore, every ethical virtue is a condition inter ediate between two other states, one involving e"cess, and the other deficiency ';;H)a<)-b<?,. /n this respect, #ristotle says, the virtues are no different fro technical skills: every skilled worker knows how to avoid e"cess and deficiency, and is in a condition inter ediate between two e"tre es. The courageous person, for e"a ple, -udges that so e dangers

are worth facing and others not, and e"periences fear to a degree that is appropriate to his circu stances. .e lies between the coward, who flees every danger and e"periences e"cessive fear, and the rash person, who -udges every danger worth facing and e"periences little or no fear. #ristotle holds that this sa e topography applies to every ethical virtue: all are located on a ap that places the virtues between states of e"cess and deficiency. .e is careful to add, however, that the ean is to be deter ined in a way that takes into account the particular circu stances of the individual ';;H)a+)-b>,. The arith etic ean between ;H and < is ), and this is so invariably, whatever is being counted. !ut the inter ediate point that is chosen by an e"pert in any of the crafts will vary fro one situation to another. There is no universal rule, for example, about how much food an athlete should eat, and it would be absurd to infer from the fact that 23 lbs. is too much and 4 lbs. too little for me that . should eat 5 lbs. 6inding the mean in any given situation is not a mechanical or thoughtless procedure, but re*uires a full and detailed ac*uaintance with the circumstances. /t should be evident that #ristotleBs treat ent of virtues as ean states endorses the idea that we should so eti es have strong feelingsGwhen such feelings are called for by our situation. &o eti es only a s all degree of anger is appropriate2 but at other ti es, circu stances call for great anger. The right amount is not some *uantity between &ero and the highest possible level, but rather the amount, whatever it happens to be, that is proportionate to the seriousness of the situation. )f course, +ristotle is committed to saying that anger should never reach the point at which it undermines reason! and this means that our passion should always fall short of the extreme point at which we would lose control. !ut it is possible to be very angry without going to this e"tre e, and #ristotle does not intend to deny this. The theory of the ean is open to several ob-ections, but before considering the , we should recogni7e that in fact there are two distinct theses each of which ight be called a

doctrine of the ean. 0irst, there is the thesis that every virtue is a state that lies between two vices, one of e"cess and the other of deficiency. &econd, there is the idea that whenever a virtuous person chooses to perfor a virtuous act, he can be described as ai ing at an act that is in so e way or other inter ediate between alternatives that he re-ects. /t is this second thesis that is ost likely to be found ob-ectionable. # critic ight concede that in so e cases virtuous acts can be described in #ristotleBs ter s. /f, for e"a ple, one is trying to decide how uch to spend on a wedding present, one is looking for an a ount that is neither e"cessive nor deficient. !ut surely any other proble s that confront a virtuous agent are not susceptible to this 5uantitative analysis. /f one ust decide whether to attend a wedding or respect a co peting obligation instead, it would not be illu inating to describe this as a search for a ean between e"tre esGunless Eai ing at the eanF si ply beco es another phrase for trying to ake the right decision. The ob-ection, then, is that #ristotleBs doctrine of the ean, taken as a doctrine about what the ethical agent does when he deliberates, is in any cases inapplicable or unillu inating. # defense of #ristotle would have to say that the virtuous person does after all ai at a ean, if we allow for a broad enough notion of what sort of ai ing is involved. 0or e"a ple, consider a -uror who ust deter ine whether a defendant is guilty as charged. .e does not have before his ind a 5uantitative 5uestion2 he is trying to decide whether the accused co itted the cri e, and is not looking for so e 5uantity of action inter ediate between e"tre es. :onetheless, an e"cellent -uror can be described as so eone who, in trying to arrive at the correct decision, seeks to e"press the right degree of concern for all relevant considerations. .e searches for the verdict that results fro a deliberative process that is neither overly credulous or unduly skeptical. &i ilarly, in facing situations that arouse anger, a virtuous agent ust deter ine what action 'if any, to take in response to an insult, and although this is not itself a 5uantitative 5uestion, his atte pt to answer it properly re5uires hi to have the right degree of concern for his

standing as a e ber of the co unity. .e ai s at a ean in the sense that he looks for a response that avoids too uch or too little attention to factors that ust be taken into account in aking a wise decision. Perhaps a greater difficulty can be raised if we ask how #ristotle deter ines which e otions are governed by the doctrine of the ean. $onsider so eone who loves to wrestle, for e"a ple. /s this passion so ething that ust be felt by every hu an being at appropriate ti es and to the right degreeI &urely so eone who never felt this e otion to any degree could still live a perfectly happy life. 4hy then should we not say the sa e about at least so e of the e otions that #ristotle builds into his analysis of the ethically virtuous agentI 4hy should we e"perience anger at all, or fear, or the degree of concern for wealth and honor that #ristotle co endsI These are precisely the 5uestions that were asked in anti5uity by the &toics, and they ca e to the conclusion that such co on e otions as anger and fear are always inappropriate. +ristotle assumes, on the contrary, not simply that these common passions are sometimes appropriate, but that it is essential that every human being learn how to master them and experience them in the right way at the right times. # defense of his position would have to show that the e otions that figure in his account of the virtues are valuable co ponents of any well-lived hu an life, when they are e"perienced properly. Perhaps such a pro-ect could be carried out, but #ristotle hi self does not atte pt to do so. .e often says, in the course of his discussion, that when the good person chooses to act virtuously, he does so for the sake of the E'alonFGa word that can ean Ebeautiful,F Enoble,F or Efine.F '&ee for e"a ple ;;<Ha<+-(., This ter indicates that #ristotle sees in ethical activity an attraction that is co parable to the beauty of well-crafted artifacts, including such artifacts as poetry, usic, and dra a. .e draws this analogy in his discussion of the ean, when he says that every craft tries to produce a work fro which nothing should be taken away and to which nothing further should be added ';;H)b=-;(,. # craft product, when well

designed and produced by a good crafts an, is not erely useful, but also has such ele ents as balance, proportion and har onyGfor these are properties that help ake it useful. &i ilarly, #ristotle holds that a well-e"ecuted pro-ect that e"presses the ethical virtues will not erely be advantageous but 'alon as wellGfor the balance it strikes is part of what akes it advantageous. The young person learning to ac5uire the virtues ust develop a love of doing what is 'alon and a strong aversion to its oppositeGthe aischron, the sha eful and ugly. Deter ining what is 'alon is difficult ';;H)b<?-++, ;;H*a<(-+H, and the nor al hu an aversion to e bracing difficulties helps account for the scarcity of virtue #ristotle held that govern ents could be categori7ed on the basis of two 5uestions: ;, who rulesI #nd <, who benefits fro the ruleI Govern ent, he believed, could be placed in the hands of a single individual, a s all group, or the any. /n each case, however, govern ent could be conducted either in the selfish interests of rulers or for the benefit of the entire co unity. .e thus identified the si" for s of govern ent, tyranny, oligarchy, de ocracy, onarchy, aristocracy and polity. #ristotles purpose was to evaluate for s of govern ent on nor ative grounds in the hope of identifying the ideal constitution. /n his view, tyranny, oligarchy and de ocracy were all debased or perverted for s of rule in which a single person, a s all group and the asses, respectively, governed in their own interests and therefore at the e"pense of others. /n contrast, onarchy, aristocracy and polity were to be preferred, because in these for s of govern ent the individual, s all group and the asses, respectively, governed in the interest of all. #ristotle declared that tyranny to be the worst of all possible constitutions, as it reduced citi7ens to the status of slaves. 9onarchy and aristocracy were on the other hand, i practical, because they were based on God like willingness to place the good of the co unity before the rulers own interests. Polity, 'rule by the any in the interest of all, was

accepted as the ost practicable of constitutions. :evertheless, in a tradition that endured through the <H th century, #ristotle critici7ed popular rule on the grounds that the asses would resent the wealth of the few and too easily fall under the sway of a de agogue 'a political leader whose control over the asses is based on the ability to whip up hysterical enthusias ,. .e therefore advocated a i"ed constitution that co bined ele ents of both de ocracy and aristocracy and left the govern ent in the hands of the iddle classes, those who are neither rich nor poor. The nature and origin of the state: ;. 1very state is a co unity of so e kind, and every co unity is established with a view of so e good. #ll associations ai for so e good but the ai of the state is the highest of all goods. The an who first constructed a state is the greatest of all benefactors. <. There ust be a union of those who cannot e"ist without each other, na ely of ales and fe ale, of natural ruler and sub-ect, of aster and slave. +. 4hen several villages are united in a single co plete co unity, large enough to be self sufficient, the state co es to e"istence. To be self sufficient is the end and the best. (. # social instinct is i planted in all en by nature. 4hen an is perfected he is the best of all ani als, but when separated fro law and -ustice he is worse of all. =. 9an is by nature a political ani al. ). The state is natural to an since: a, the whole is prior to the parts2 b, an ai s for the highest good and needs the state2 c, a an who does not need a state is a god or a beast2 and d, state has a oral nature. >. The state is the whole body of citi7ens with consideration to geography, cli ate and resources. )n slavery: ;. That so e should rule and others be ruled is necessary and e"pedient. 0ro birth so e are arked out for sub-ection, other for rule. <. The abuse of this authority is in-urious to both, for the interests of part and whole, of body and soul are the

sa e. .ence, when the relation between aster and slave are natural, they are friends and have a co on interest, but where it rests erely on law and force, the reverse is true. Property: e*uality and ine*uality ;. /t is better that property be private but the use of it should be co on2 and the special business of the legislator is to create a benevolent disposition. Property brings out the noble nature of an which is te perance, to censure the love of self in e"cess and to be liberal. <. Great care ust be taken that what ever the nu ber of citi7ens, the property is always distributed a ong the and no one is in want. Property is not to be e5uali7ed but should be oderated. +. The beginning of refor is not to e5uali7e property but to train the nobler sort of natures not to desire ore and prevent the lower fro getting ore. )n -iti&enship: ;. # state is a co posite ade up of parts2 these are the citi7ens, sufficing for the purpose of life. <. .e who has the power to take part in the deliberative or -udicial ad inistration of any state is a citi7en of that state. +. The citi7en differs under each for of govern ent, under various constitutions. (. 8ne citi7en differs fro another but the salvation of the co unity is the co on business of the all. =. The virtue of the citi7en is relative to the constitution of which he is a e ber but the virtue of the good an is a single virtue. The virtue of the citi7en and of the good an cannot coincide unless we assu e that in the good state all citi7ens ust be good. ). The virtue of the good citi7en and the virtue of the good an will coincide only when the good ruler is a good and wise an. >. The citi7en is in the highest sense he who shares in the honors of the state. ?. There are indispensable functions of the state: a, there ust be food2 b, arts for the life re5uires any

instru ents2 c, ar s to aintain authority against disobedient sub-ects and against e"ternal assailants2 d, revenue for internal need and purpose of war2 e, there should be first care of religion or worship2 f, the ost necessary of all, a power to decide what is for public interest2 and g, leisure is necessary both for the develop ent of virtue and the perfor ance of political duties. *. #ll citi7ens should take their turn of governing and being governed. /n this case, the legislator has to see that citi7ens beco e all good en and by what eans this is to be done. ;H.The whole of life is divided into two parts, practical and speculative ethods, business and leisure, war and peace and actions necessary and honorable. The states en should keep in all view all these when he akes laws, consider the parts of the soul and their functions, diversities of hu an lives and actions. ;;.The legislator should direct all easures to peace. The Political %ystem: ;. # constitution is the arrange ent of agistracies in a state, especially in respect of the office of the sovereign. $onstitution is an organi7ation of offices in a state by which the ethod of their distribution is fi"ed, the sovereign authority is deter ined and the nature of the end is to be pursued by the association and its e bers is prescribed. <. 3ustice belongs to the state for -ustice is the deter ination of what is -ust an ordering of political associations. 3ustice is a political good. /t involves a 5uality which is the distribution of e5ual a ounts to e5ual persons, on the sole criteria or contribution to the functions of that society. #ristotle states that Eto be e5ual to all is to be un-ustF. %. St Augusti#e: The Cit& o' (o) /n #.D. (;H, a pivotal Aandals, under the co o ent in 4estern history, the and of their king, #laric, captured

the city of Ro e. Ro e was known as the 1ternal $ity because the Ro ans thought that it would literally never fall, and the year (;H shook this belief to its foundations and ulti ately led to the collapse of the Ro an 1 pire. The world itself see ed to have been destroyed, and everyone sought answers about what to do and what to believe in. Those who adhered to the waning pagan faith were 5uick to bla e the $hristians, clai ing that the gods had abandoned Ro e because any Ro ans had forsaken the and taken the new faith. These Ro ans clai ed that $hristians were not patriotic enough because they asked people to serve God rather than the state, and they advocated forgiveness toward ene ies. 9ore i portant, they said the $hristian God had failed to protect Ro e, as he should have done, since $onstantine had declared hi to be the one true God. The angry wrangling between the two co unities pro pted #ugustine to begin writing The -ity of 7od in (;+. The first ten books of The -ity of 7od, which ake up the first part of the work, refute the pagans charges that $hristians brought about the fall of Ro e. The first five boo's deal with the pagan belief that people must worship the old gods to achieve material advantages in this world, including the continuation of the Roman 8mpire and the supremacy of the city of Rome. /n book /, #ugustine attacks the pagans, who clai ed that Ro e fell because the $hristian religion had weakened it, and he stresses that isfortune happens to everyone. /n book //, he de onstrates that the fall of Ro e is not a uni5ue event in hu an history. The Ro ans suffered cala ities before, even when the old gods were being actively worshipped, and those gods did nothing to prevent those cala ities fro happening. .e suggests Ro ans beca e weak because of these gods, since they gave the selves up to oral and spiritual corruption. /n book ///, #ugustine continues discussing catastrophes that occurred in pagan ti es to further prove that $hristianity did not cause Ro e to fall. To drive ho e his point, he asks again why the old gods did not defend Ro e in the past. /n book /A, #ugustine suggests an alternative view. Ro e endured for any centuries because it was the will of the

true God, and its survival had nothing to do with pagan gods such as 3ove, who behaved only in the lowest anner. /n book A #ugustine addresses the pagan notion of fate, which any people saw as a viable force that had held the Ro an 1 pire together. Rather, says #ugustine, the Ro ans of ancient ti es were virtuous, and God rewarded that virtue, even though they did not worship hi . 4hen he reaches book A/, #ugustine shifts focus and devotes the ne"t five books to refuting those who said people ust worship the old gods to gain eternal life. #ugustine uses pagan authors to destroy this notion by saying that the gods were never held in high regard and so all the old ways, old yths, and old laws are useless in ensuring eternal happiness. This piece eal destruction of pagan theology continues through book J. !ook J/ begins the second part of The -ity of 7od, where #ugustine describes the doctrine of the two cities, one earthly and one heavenly. /n the ne"t three books he details how these two cities ca e about, based on his reading of the !ible. The ne"t four books e"plain the prehistory of the city of heaven, fro Genesis to the age of &olo on, whose story is allegori7ed as $hrist and the church. /n book JA///, #ugustine undertakes a si ilar process of portraying the prehistory of the city of the world, fro #braha to the 8ld Testa ent prophets. #ugustine focuses on how the two cities will end in book J/J, and in the process he outlines the nature of the supre e good. .e e phasi7es the idea that the peace and happiness found in the heavenly city can also be e"perienced here on earth. !ook JJ deals with the Cast 3udg ent and the evidence found for it in the !ible. #ugustine continues with this the e in book JJ/ and describes the eternal punish ent of the da ned, arguing that it is not a yth. The final book, book JJ//, tells of the end of the city of God, after which the saved will be given eternal happiness and will beco e i ortal. 3ustice is the foundation of the state, without -ustice the state is but great robberies. 3ustice is confor ing to order and

10

every society involves a certain order. #s Plato said, -ustice is right ordering of self and society. Peace is seen in ter s of -ustice, without -ustice there is no peace. Two cities as formed by two loves: ;. 1arthly city is for ed by love of self and conte pt of God. <. .eavenly city is for ed by God to the conte pt of self. +. !oth cities ake use of the sa e necessities for different ai s, they are diverse in faith and hope, have discords and concords. .eavenly city increases itself out of all languages, not breaking earthly laws to preserve te poral peace with a safe conscience. 9atural order is prescribed: ;. 8rder is the distribution which allots things, each to its own place. 9an rules over the unreasonable, an over ani als and fishes, but not an over an. The pater fa ilia rules according to the rule of the city which is with -ustice. <. #ll societies ai at peace. 1ternal peace is the highest good: +. 8b-ective of war is peace, peace that suits hi who wages war. (. $onspirators ake peace with fellow conspirators need dens for peace. =. The peace of the body consists in the duly proportioned arrange ents of its parts. Peace of the irrational soul is har ony of the appetites. Peace of the rational soul is har ony of knowledge and action. ). Peace between an and God is the well ordered obedience of faith to eternal law. >. Peace of all things is tran5uility in the order of the universe ?. Peace between an and an is a well ordered concord. *. Peace in the celestial city is the har onious en-oy ent of God. ;H.God gave te poral peace for the en-oy ent of hu an fellowship. ;;.1ven isery is part of order. ;<.9an desires peace but he akes istakes, so he needs a Divine 9aster.

;+.The state produces peace by the use of force and law. Rulers ust provide for dyna ic peace, it is his duty to be ruled. %lavery ;. The pri e cause of slavery is sin which brings an in sub-ection to his fellow en as a -udg ent of God. 1very one who doeth sin is the servant of sin. There are wicked asters with religious slaves. <. &ervitude or punish ent of sin is to preserve natural law. &ervitude forbids disturbance of natural order. Punish disobedience to prevent failing into graver sin. &ervants ust obey asters in goodwill to have freedo within hi self until ine5uity is passed. 8*uitable rule in the state ;. Do estic rule ust be according to city rule for har ony and civic order. <. .ead of the household is by pater fa ilia who should ake all e bers of the household worship God. +. Rulers are servants of the ruled. Cove God, hi self and neighbor, in-ure no one, do good to everyone. Provide for the ho e, if not he is worse than an infidel. This is the foundation of do estic peace. (. The true happiness of the ruler: a, rule -ustly by aking power the hand aid of Gods a-esty for the greatest possible e"tension of .is worship2 b, ruler who loves God is slow to punish ent, ready to pardon2 c, for love of eternal felicity, never neglects to offer to Gods sacrifices of hu ility, contrition and prayer. =. 9an is a social ani al i pelled to for social relations. There is basic conflict of good and evil in every individual. There is a reprobate fro which an begins but necessarily re ains, but fro which he advances to the well approved. ). # wise ans life ust be social. !ut even within the household are his foes, in the city are pretended friends. $icero said Ethere are no snares ore dangerous than those that lurk under the guise of duty or in the na e of

11

relationshipF. &ocial peace is the eans that akes service to God possible. >. .u an -ustice is ignorant, cannot see the bar of conscience, so the wise -udge prays to God. ?. The world is full of iseries. The e pire desiring unity releases blood. #nyone who thinks of iseries without being pained is iserable for he has lost hu an feeling. *. 8f the -ust law of sovereignty, an has servants according to te poral estates but in atters of religion, all en are provided for e5ually. ;H.Peace of state is te porary tran5uility that enables en to work for peace never ending or heavenly city. *. St Tho+as A,ui#as: Su++a Theologia Tho as was born in ;<<= at Roccasecca, a hilltop castle fro which the great !enedictine abbey of 9ontecassino is not 5uite visible, idway between Ro e and :aples. #t the age of five, he was entered at 9ontecassino where his studies began. 4hen the onastery beca e a battle siteGnot for the last ti eGTho as was transferred by his fa ily to the @niversity of :aples. /t was here that he ca e into contact with the EnewF #ristotle and with the 8rder of Preachers or Do inicans, a recently founded endicant order. .e beca e a Do inican over the protests of his fa ily and eventually went north to study, perhaps first briefly at Paris, then at $ologne with #lbert the Great, whose interest in #ristotle strengthened Tho asBs own predilections. Returned to Paris, he co pleted his studies, beca e a 9aster and for three years occupied one of the Do inican chairs in the 0aculty of Theology. The ne"t ten years were spent in various places in /taly, with the obile papal court, at various Do inican houses, and eventually in Ro e. 0ro there he was called back to Paris to confront the controversy variously called Catin #verrois and .eterodo" #ristotelianis . #fter this second three year stint, he was assigned to :aples. /n ;<>(, on his way to the $ouncil of Cyon, he fell ill and died on 9arch > in the $istercian abbey

at 0ossanova, which is perhaps twenty kilo eters fro Roccasecca. :efinition of the law: ;. Caw is a rule and easure of acts whereby an is induced to act or is restrained fro acting. /t is directed by reason which is the first principle of hu an acts. Reason directs to the end and that end is the co on good or happiness. <. Caw is a dictate of practical reason e anating fro a ruler who governs a perfect co unity +. The end of hu an life is happiness so law ust regard the relationship to happiness. 1very part is ordained to the whole, so every an to a perfect co unity. (. #ll laws are oved by the preceding over. God is the pri e over. =. Caw is un-ust if contrary to hu an good. ). &overeign is e"e pt fro coercive power of law but sub-ect to its directive force. 9eed for government: ;. !ased on ans social nature, the origin of the state is ans social i pulse and the need for the good life. <. Good life is the virtuous life, is one step short of ulti ate purpose of e"istence. Through virtuous living, an is further ordained to a higher end which is the en-oy ent of God. +. /ndividual and society have both this sa e end. (. God can be attained only by divine power, in the hands of priests, not through hu an govern ent. =. &ecular govern ent is sub-ect to the church. $hurch e ploys secular authorities to defend faith, to separate heretics by death and deliver the to hell. ). Disobedience to the co and of a superior 'govern ent, is a ortal sin. ;onarchy is delimited to prevent tyranny: ;. To avoid tyranny, use election rather than heredity <. #ll should have so e share in govern ent +. 9inor tyranny should be endured as rebellion against it, if successful will lead to worse tyranny

12

(. Tyrannicide is not -ustified even in e"cessive tyranny. #ny action should be done by public authority. 4hoever put hi up can put hi down. /f there is no hu an re edy, only God can bring relief. =. Tyrants rule by divine per ission, as a punish ent fro sins of the people. To escape the , people ust not sin. ,inds of law: ;. 1ternal law is the wisdo of God or divine reason directing the universe to its end <. :atural law is what sub-ects all things to divine providence. Rational and irrational creatures participate in eternal law through the law of nature which gives their inclination to their proper acts and ends. :atural law prescribes good to be done, evil be avoided, an to be sociable, covenants to be honored, the truth of God be known, offense not be co itted. +. Divine law directs hu an conduct2 this is the written portion of eternal law. !ecause of uncertainty of hu an -udg ent towards the last end which is eternal happiness, an can only -udge e"teriors but not hidden ove ents. .u an law can only punish and forbid all evil deeds. Divine law is co unicated to any through revelation because ans reason is not reliable to apprehend truth and -ustice. (. .u an law is the ordinance of reason for the co on good, ade by a governor because of two reasons: a, difficulty to see eternal law2 and b, difficulty of applying general principles of natural law to specific situations. .u an law is the rational participation in eternal law concerned with practical atters, not for speculation. /t is true law if it partakes of right reason and is derived fro eternal law. #ll laws ust lead to proper virtue, to be good. )n 'inship: 9eed of a Ruler ;. #ll things which are ordered to an end have a directive principle such as ship and pilot, an has reason which is also his defense since he is not like ani als with claws, horns or wings for flight.

<. 9an is a social being, lives in groups to assist one another. #ni als have instincts for food. !ut an has only general knowledge which proceeds fro reasoning. +. 8ne ruler or guide leads to co on good. /n any group there ust be a eans of govern ent, a ruling force, the group is united by what they have in co on. (. The ruler is right if he leads to a befitting end, wrong if not. &o there are good govern ents such as 8pti ates or Kings, aristocracy or polity. There are bad govern ents such as tyranny, oligarchy and de ocracy. King is one an ruler who is also a father of his people, for welfare of society. =. Rulers are to procure unity for peace. &everal persons ay disagree. /n nature, there is always one ruler, one heart, one soul, one God. 4hat is in accord with nature is best. ). King is one an who is chief and works for the co on good, the governing power in every ultitude. Kings are sub-ect to priests. Kings should not decide whether he shall establish peace, decide only on how. -. .iccolo /achia0elli: The P!i#ce /n ;(*?, :iccolL 9achiavelli began his career as an active politician in the independent city-state of 0lorence, engaging in diplo atic issions through 0rance and Ger any as well as /taly. #fter ore than a decade of public service, he was driven fro his post when the republic collapsed. Repeated efforts to win the confidence and approval of the new regi e were unsuccessful, and 9achiavelli was forced into retire ent and a life of detached scholarship about the political process instead of direct participation in it. The books for which he is re e bered were published only after his death. 9achiavelli originally wrote Principe 'The Prince, ';=;+, in hopes of securing the favor of the ruling 9edici fa ily, and he deliberately ade its clai s provocative. The Prince is an intensely practical guide to the e"ercise of raw political power over a Renaissance principality. #llowing for the unpredictable influence of fortune, 9achiavelli argued that it

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is pri arily the character or vitality or skill of the individual leader that deter ines the success of any state. The book surveys various bold eans of ac5uiring and aintaining the principality and evaluates each of the solely by reference to its likelihood of aug enting the glory of the prince while serving the public interest. /t is this focus on practical success by any eans, even at the e"pense of traditional oral values, that earned 9achiavelliBs sche e a reputation for ruthlessness, deception, and cruelty. The Prince: /t has been a co on view a ong political philosophers that there e"ists a special relationship between oral goodness and legiti ate authority. 9any authors 'especially those who co posed irror-of-princes books or royal advice books during the 9iddle #ges and Renaissance, believed that the use of political power was only rightful if it was e"ercised by a ruler whose personal oral character was strictly virtuous. Thus rulers were counseled that if they wanted to succeedG that is, if they desired a long and peaceful reign and ai ed to pass their office down to their offspringGthey ust be sure to behave in accordance with conventional standards of ethical goodness. /n a sense, it was thought that rulers did well when they did good2 they earned the right to be obeyed and respected inas uch as they showed the selves to be virtuous and orally upright. /t is precisely this oralistic view of authority that 9achiavelli critici7es at length in his best-known treatise, The Prince. 0or 9achiavelli, there is no oral basis on which to -udge the difference between legiti ate and illegiti ate uses of power. Rather, authority and power are essentially coe5ual: whoever has power has the right to co and2 but goodness does not ensure power and the good person has no ore authority by virtue of being good. Thus, in direct opposition to a oralistic theory of politics, 9achiavelli says that the only real concern of the political ruler is the ac5uisition and aintenance of power 'although he talks less about power per se than about E aintaining the state.F, /n this sense, 9achiavelli presents a

trenchant criticis of the concept of authority by arguing that the notion of legiti ate rights of rulership adds nothing to the actual possession of power. The Prince purports to reflect the self-conscious political realis of an author who is fully awareGon the basis of direct e"perience with the 0lorentine govern entGthat goodness and right are not sufficient to win and aintain political office. 9achiavelli thus seeks to learn and teach the rules of political power. 0or 9achiavelli, power characteristically defines political activity, and hence it is necessary for any successful ruler to know how power is to be used. 8nly by eans of the proper application of power, 9achiavelli believes, can individuals be brought to obey and will the ruler be able to aintain the state in safety and security. 9achiavelliBs political theory, then, represents a concerted effort to e"clude issues of authority and legiti acy fro consideration in the discussion of political decision- aking and political -udge ent. :owhere does this co e out ore clearly than in his treat ent of the relationship between law and force. 9achiavelli acknowledges that good laws and good ar s constitute the dual foundations of a well-ordered political syste . !ut he i ediately adds that since coercion creates legality, he will concentrate his attention on force. .e says, E&ince there cannot be good laws without good ar s, / will not consider laws but speak of ar sF '9achiavelli ;*)=, (>,. /n other words, the legiti acy of law rests entirely upon the threat of coercive force2 authority is i possible for 9achiavelli as a right apart fro the power to enforce it. $onse5uently, 9achiavelli is led to conclude that fear is always preferable to affection in sub-ects, -ust as violence and deception are superior to legality in effectively controlling the . 9achiavelli observes that Eone can say this in general of en: they are ungrateful, disloyal, insincere and deceitful, ti id of danger and avid of profitM. Cove is a bond of obligation which these iserable creatures break whenever it suits the to do so2 but fear holds the fast by a dread of punish ent that never passesF '9achiavelli ;*)=, )<2

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translation altered,. #s a result, 9achiavelli cannot really be said to have a theory of obligation separate fro the i position of power2 people obey only because they fear the conse5uences of not doing so, whether the loss of life or of privileges. #nd of course, power alone cannot obligate one, inas uch as obligation assu es that one cannot eaningfully do otherwise. $onco itantly, a 9achiavellian perspective directly attacks the notion of any grounding for authority independent of the sheer possession of power. 0or 9achiavelli, people are co pelled to obey purely in deference to the superior power of the state. /f / think that / should not obey a particular law, what eventually leads e to sub it to that law will be either a fear of the power of the state or the actual e"ercise of that power. /t is power which in the final instance is necessary for the enforce ent of conflicting views of what / ought to do2 / can only choose not to obey if / possess the power to resist the de ands of the state or if / a willing to accept the conse5uences of the stateBs superiority of coercive force. 9achiavelliBs argu ent in The Prince is designed to de onstrate that politics can only coherently be defined in ter s of the supre acy of coercive power2 authority as a right to co and has no independent status. .e substantiates this assertion by reference to the observable realities of political affairs and public life as well as by argu ents revealing the self-interested nature of all hu an conduct. 0or 9achiavelli it is eaningless and futile to speak of any clai to authority and the right to co and which is detached fro the possession of superior political power. The ruler who lives by his rights alone will surely wither and die by those sa e rights, because in the rough-and-tu ble of political conflict those who prefer power to authority are ore likely to succeed. 4ithout e"ception the authority of states and their laws will never be acknowledged when they are not supported by a show of power which renders obedience inescapable. The ethods for achieving obedience are varied, and depend heavily upon the foresight that the

prince e"ercises. .ence, the successful ruler needs special training. The art of politics to ac*uire, retain and expand power: # prince ust have a constant readiness for war. Prince obtain their do inions with difficulty because they have to introduce a new order of things and new regulations to ake their positions secure. The refor er has ene ies who would profit by the old order of things, who are lukewar because of fear of adversaries and who are credulous because lack of actual e"perience. The prince runs great danger. The prince ust not be dependent on others. .e should co pel and not entreat. ;achiavellis advice for the Prince: ;. #rrange to co it all cruelties at once2 in-uries should be done once altogether. !enefits ust be granted little by little to be better en-oyed. :othing should deflect the prince fro this course. <. /t is better to be elected than to be put up by e5uals. 15uals cannot be co anded, cannot be satisfied by fair dealings. +. /t is praise worthy to possess all the 5ualities reputed to be good but this is not always possible. #void scandals that will lose hi the state. (. /t is wiser to be a iser which produces disgrace but not hatred than rapacious or liberal which will lead hi to be hated. =. /t is better to be feared than to be loved if both cannot go together. Cive with wisdo than with good faith. ). The prince ust know how to be both an and beast. / itate the fo" and lion to recogni7e traps and frighten wolves. /t is not necessary to have these 5ualities but he ust see to have the . 9an can fight in two ways, by law and by force. >. #ppear to be erciful, faithful and sincere and religious. The prince can be so but he ust be prepared to change 5ualities to aintain the state. Do not deviate fro good but do evil when necessary. #ppear to have all these 5ualities especially religion because en believe what

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they see, less of what they feel. 1verybody sees what you appear to be. ?. Cet the prince ai at con5uering and aintaining the state and the eans will always be -udged as honorable and praised by everyone for the vulgar is always taken by appearances. 0ew are not vulgar. The political value of religion: ;. #uthors of religion are best eulogi7ed. People fear to break oath ore than laws because of fear of the Gods. <. Religion served co anders of ar ies to unite the people +. Religion gives rise to good laws and good fortunes to all enterprises (. Princes, to be free of corruption, ust respect religion and rituals =. 1ven gods pro ising victory oved ar ies 1. Tho+as Ho22es: Le0iatha# Tho as .obbes lived in an epoch of political and scientific tu ult. 4ithin two onths of his birth, the 1nglish navy defeated the &panish ar ada. /n a few decades, there will be instability within !ritain as the onarchys hege ony would be challenged. Two civil wars in the ;)(Hs brought about the dissolution of the onarchial syste of govern ent that had endured for ore than a thousand years. /n ;)(*, King $harles / was beheaded and a co oner 8liver $ro well, eventually assu ed power. Two years after $ro wells death in ;)=?, the onarchy was restored under $harles //, but the basis of the $rowns rule would never be the sa e. !ritains parlia ent was deter ined to assert his own rights against the kings traditional prerogatives. 9eanwhile a scientific revolution was in progress. #strono ers like Kepler and Galileo, building on the earlier work of $opernicus, de olished the assu ptions of ancient and edieval cos ology by providing factual evidence that the earth revolves around the sun, not vice versa.

.obbes was profoundly affected by these events. #fter graduating in 8"ford, which he entered at the age of fourteen, he worked as a private tutor and avidly pursued his interests in science, philosophy and the translation of classical Greek te"ts. .obbes proclai ed that knowledge is power. .obbes political predilections leaned heavily in favor of order and strong onarchial rule. .obbes abhorred the 1nglish civil wars at the ti e of slaughter and solitude. Rather than live in strife torn 1ngland, he fled to 0rance in ;)(H. .e did not return until ;)=;, the year in which he published his ost renowned work the Ceviathan. The books o inous tone reflected the horrors of the civil war that had -ust ended. $ivil war is hu anitys natural condition, .obbes warns us. /n trying to i agine what society ust have been like in a so called Estate of natureF, before there were any govern ents, .obbes con-ured up the i age of per anent warfare, and such a war, as is of every an against every an. #s long as there is no strong govern ent, everyone ust be constantly on guard against everyone else. /n such as condition, there is no place for industry2 because the fruit of thereof is uncertain: and conse5uently no culture of the earth2 no navigation, nor use of the co odities that ay be i ported by sea, no building, no instru ents of oving and re oving, such things as re5uire uch force, no knowledge of the face of the earth, no account of ti e, no arts, no letters, no society and which is worst of all, continual fear, and danger of violent death, and the life of an, solitary, poor, nasty, brutish and short. This chilling i age of hu anity as naturally predatory and insecure provides the pre ise upon which .obbes built his theory of govern ent. The funda ental purpose of the state, he aintained, is to i pose order on people and prevent the fro killing one another, whether through invasion fro abroad or civil war at ho e. .u an beings need an all powerful state to protect the fro the selves.

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/n

.obbess ti e, ost 1uropean govern ents were onarchies of one kind or another, and virtually all of the based their legiti acy on the divine right of kings: the notion that God, not an, deter ines who shall have the right to rule. /n Ceviathan, .obbes ignored the concept of divine right and instead placed the source of govern ent legiti acy s5uarely in hu anitys hands. The people in his view, have a natural right to choose their own for of govern ent. .obbes proposed that the ideal for of govern ent is not a de ocracy but a state so powerful that its sub-ects will have little control over it once they have installed it. /n other words, .obbes proposed a kind of dictatorship on the basis of the consent of the governed: The only way to erect such power as ay be able to defend the fro invasion of foreigners and the in-uries of one another, isM to confer all their power and strength upon one an or upon one asse bly of en, M and therein to sub it their wills every one to his will and their -udg ents, to his -udg ent. This is ore than consent, or concord2 it is real unity of the allM ade by covenant of every an, in such a anner, as if every an should say to every an, / authori7e and give up y right of governing yself, to this an or this asse bly of en, on this condition, that thou give up thy right to hi , and authori7e all his actions in like annerM to the end he ay use the strength and eans of the all, as he shall think e"pedient, for their peace and co on defense. .obbess notion of a covenant is precisely what is eant by a social contract: people freely agreeing with one another to be governed in a certain way. /t is Ceviathan, a giant of a state to which everyone should voluntarily sub it for their own good. .obbes favored an absolute onarchy as the best for of govern ent. /n his view, the purpose of the all

powerful state was to reduce fear and violence and not to perpetrate it. 3. 4oh# Loc5e: T!eatises o' (o0e!#+e#t Cocke believed that when hu ankind lived in a state of nature, before the establish ent of govern ents, insecurity and uncertainty prevailed. &ociety without govern ent was full of fears and continual dangers, e"acerbated by the corruption and viciousness of degenerate en, life without govern ent would be very unsafe. Cocke contended that hu ans were born free. People owned their own lives and their own labor. #s a result, everybody had a right to own whatever they could appropriate or take advantage of with their own labor, as long as they did not har anyone else in the process. There were no li its placed on the a ount of goods one could ac5uire. These were natural laws, Cocke declared, discernible through reason. !efore there were govern ents, all en are created e5ual: all en-oyed a natural right to their lives and liberties as well as to tangible goods 'or estates, they ac5uired through their own efforts. /n Cockes ter s, these three possessions 6 life, liberty and estate 6 together co prised each individuals property. 0or Cocke, a co onwealth is a for of govern ent that is created precisely to preserve these natural rights and possessions. The great and chief end therefore, of ens uniting into co onwealths and putting the selves under govern ent is the preservation of their property. The funda ental source of the co onwealths legiti acy is co on consent. People voluntarily establish a govern ent of this sort by utual agree ent2 in other words, on the basis of a social contract. They further agree to aintain such govern ents only so long as it anages to secure everyones property and preserve the basic freedo s to be found in the state of nature. Cocke i plicitly argued that any govern ent that pursues these basic purposes is legiti ate,

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because it springs fro natural laws. The powers of the state ust be strictly li ited and always subordinate to popular control. &econd Treatise of Govern ent: The natural liberty of an is to be free fro any power on earth, and not to be under the will or legislative authority of an, but to have only the law of nature for his rule. The liberty of an is to be under no other legislative power, but that is established, by co on consent, in the co onwealth2 nor under the do inion of any will, or restraint of any law, but what that legislative shall enactM. 0reedo of en under govern ent M is not to be sub-ect to the inconstant, unknown, arbitrary will of another an: as freedo of nature is, to be under no restraint but the law of nature. Cocke ade it clear that these natural rights and freedo s did not apply to slaves. &laves were captives taken in a -ust war, who, through their own fault, had forfeited their right to life, liberty and estate. These rights applied only to free en in civil society and slaves were outside civil society. #s a conse5uence, Cocke contended, slaves were by the right of nature sub-ected to the absolute do inion and arbitrary power of their asters. Cockes notion that the funda ental purpose of govern ent was to preserve property 'i.e. life, liberty, and estate, had a tre endous i pact on any of the founding fathers of the @nited &tates a century later. The # erican revolutionaries battle cry, Eno ta"ation without representationF was a restate ent of Cockes notion that govern ent should not i pose ta"es without popular consent. /ndeed, Cocke ay rightfully be considered the intellectual founding father of the doctrine of li ited govern ent, a doctrine that above all defines the principal ai of the state as that of protecting the rights of the individual, including the right to private property. 'p.;<=, 6. 4ea# 4ac,ues Rousseau: Social Co#t!act

Rousseau in the Discourse on the 8rigins of /ne5uality ';>==, painted a portrait of essentially gentle and ti id beings living har oniously in a tran5uil, if pri itive, state of nature. .u ans in this condition were inherently neither good nor evil2 Rousseau believed but were guided by such benign natural tendencies as non violence and pity for ones fellow an. The pri itive an was thus a noble savage, peaceful and uncorrupted, free, healthy, honest and happy. #s long as there was no organi7ed social life, however, hu anity could not i prove its aterial welfare or educate itself about the universe in which it dwelt. The noble savage was a child, barely above the level of ani als. /t was precisely by developing a ore co plicated econo y that hu ankind built the basis of civil society that is organi7ed group relationships. /n Rousseaus view, this process began with the advent of private property. 4ith the develop ent of wider social interactions and an e"plicit division of labor ca e all the evils of advanced social life: greed, vanity, social ine5uality and aggression. /t is society that corrupts hu an beings and encourages evil tendencies 'though we also retain so e tendencies to do good,. :evertheless, society and so e for of govern ent 6 are necessary for hu ankinds preservation and prosperity. .ow then should we govern ourselvesI Rousseaus ain answer 6 provided in the &ocial $ontract 6 was that govern ent ust be based on popular consent. /n order for govern ent to be truly legiti ate, the people in each generation should have the option of accepting or re-ecting it. Cegiti acy is therefore based in a tacit social contract a ong free people who collectively constitute what Rousseau called the sovereign. /t is the collective sovereign that is the ulti ate source of law. The people are capable of conferring legiti acy on whatever for of govern ent they approve.

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Rousseau aintained that the people are united in an organic Ebody politicF on the basis of the general will. The general will is the co on good2 it represents what is best for the co unity as a whole rather than what ay be in the interest of a single individual or a seg ent of the co unity at any given o ent. 0reedo ulti ately depends upon confor ity with the general will: the liberty of each depends upon the liberty of all. /f the general will were to break down into a plethora of co peting individual wills, hu anity will lose its freedo to govern itself on the basis of co on consent. To avoid such a breakdown of popular sovereignty, everyone ust ulti ately subordinate his or her private will to the co unitys collective interest. $onse5uently, whoever refuses to obey the general will shall be constrained to do so by the whole body, which eans nothing else that that he shall be forced to be free. 1ven the right to private property, while guaranteed, is always subordinate to the right with which the co unity has over all. People agree to li it their individual freedo in order to share the blessings of collective freedo . .ow can the general will be ascertainedI 8n very i portant atters, Rousseau indicated that co unity opinion should approach unani ity. 8n less i portant issues, a si ple a-ority would suffice. Rousseau defined a republic as any for of govern ent that is based on general consent. !ut a republic he contends does not have to be a de ocracy. # state run by an aristocratic elite can also be considered a legiti ate republic as long as the people, e"ercising their sovereign will, periodically eet in a free asse bly to confir or withdraw their approval of govern ent and those who anage it. .e believed that an elective aristocracy was the best of all for s of govern ent. The wisest should govern the ultitude, he declared, provided that they govern for the co on good and not for their own personal advantage. Popular sovereignty was ost

effective when it was confined to preventing the abuse of govern ental power by the ruling elite. This goal ight be acco plished in popular asse blies that could eet only a few days each year. 8therwise the day to day business of govern ent was best left in the hands of enlightened elite, aristocrats who would probably have a better understanding of the co on good than would the asses the selves. Rousseau opposed representative de ocracy, in which people elect their representatives to govern the . .e aintained that the sovereign authority of the people resided in the co unity as a whole: it was indivisible and could not be delegated to elected representatives. The people could e"ercise their sovereignty only in free asse blies open to all 5ualified citi7ens, where every an could represent hi self. 7. "a!l /a!8: Ger an philosopher, who together with 1ngels for ulated the theory of dialectical aterialis 6 the econo ic base deter ines the character of a given society through the thesis-antithesis-synthesis. 9ar" critici7ed the ill effects of capitalis , as the worker alienated and suffers worst working conditions. 9ar" envisioned a utopia 6 the withering away of the state, there would be no govern ent, to each according to his own needs. Ger an philosopher, econo ist and political thinker, usually portrayed as the father of <Hth century co unis . #fter a brief career as a university teacher, 9ar" took up -ournalis and beca e increasingly involved with the socialist ove ent. .e oved to Paris in ;?(+. .e finally settled in Condon after being e"pelled fro Prussia and worked for the rest of his life as an active revolutionary and writer supported by his friend and lifelong collaborator 0riedrich 1ngels. #lthough uch of his volu inous writings re ained unpublished at his death, 9ar"s classic work as the three volu e capital ';?)>, ;??=, ;?*(,. .is best known accessible work is the $o unist 9anifesto ';?(?,.

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9ar"is is a theoretical syste developed out of and drew inspiration fro the writings of Karl 9ar". .owever, 9ar"is as codified body of thought ca e into e"istence only after 9ar"s death. The cornerstone of 9ar"ist philosophy is what 1ngels called the E aterialist conception of historyF. This highlights the i portance of econo ic life and the conditions under which people produce and reproduce their eans of subsistence, reflected si plistically, in the belief that the econo ic base consisting essentially of the ode of production or econo ic syste , conditions or deter ines the ideological and political superstructure. 9ar"ist theory therefore e"plains social, historical and cultural develop ent in ter s of aterial and class factors. The basis of the 9ar"ist tradition is 9ar"s teleological theory of history, which suggests that history is driven forward through a dialectical process in which internal contradictions within each ode of production are reflected in class antagonis . $apitalis then, is the ost technologically advanced of class societies and is itself destined to be overthrown in a proletarian revolution, which will cul inate in the establish ent of a classless, co unist society. 9ar"is has constituted for ost of the odern period the principal alternative to liberalis as the basis for political thought. /ts criti5ue of liberalis a ounts to an attack on individualis and the narrow concern with civic and political rights, on the grounds that it ignores wider social and historical develop ents and thereby conceals the reality of une5ual class power. Ciberalis is the classic e"a ple of bourgeois ideology, in that it serves to legiti i7e capitalist class relations. :evertheless, odern 9ar"ists, repelled by the !olshevik odel of orthodo" co unis , have so eti es sought to blend 9ar"is with aspects of liberal de ocracy, notably political pluralis and electoral de ocracy. 9ar"ist theories have influenced fe inis and provide the basis of socialist fe inis , which highlights links between capitalis and patriarchy. 9ar"is , further, provided the basis for critical theory that atte pted to blend 9ar"ist political econo y with .egelian philosophy and 0reudian psychology.

The intellectual attraction of 9ar"is has been that it e bodies a re arkable breadth of vision, offering to understand and e"plain virtually all aspects of social and political e"istence and uncovering the significance of processes that conventional theory ignores. Politically, it has attacked e"ploitation and oppression and had a particularly strong appeal to disadvantaged groups and peoples. .owever, 9ar"is s pro inence has di ed in the twentieth century. &o so e e"tent, this occurred as tyrannical and dictatorial features of co unist regi es the selves were traced back to 9ar"s ideas and assu ptions. 9ar"ist theories were for instances, seen as i plicitly onistic in that rival belief syste s are dis issed as ideological. The crisis of 9ar"is however intensified as a result of the collapse of co unis in the revolutions in ;*?* to ;**;. This suggested that if the social and political for s which 9ar"is had inspired no longer e"ist. The analysis of capitalism: 9ar" stated that capitalis is an econo ic syste in which ost people co e to be e bers of one of two large classes. The two pro inent classes under capitalis are the proletariat and the bourgeoisie. The proletariat is the class that lives pri arily by selling its labor power 'i.e. laboring ability, for a wage. The bourgeoisie is the class that lives pri arily by purchasing the labor power of others and using this labor to operate the factories and businesses owned by the bourgeoisie. 9ar" defined class in ter s of function. /f person # functions in society by selling labor power in return for a wage, the person is a e ber of the proletariat, regardless of how high or low the wage ay be. /n contrast, if the person functions as so eone who operates a factory by e ploying wage laborers, the person is a e ber of the bourgeoisie, whatever the persons inco e level. #ccording to 9ar", under capitalis , conflict between the bourgeoisie and the proletariat is inevitable. This is the case because classes are rational. !oth pursue that which is in

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their respective interests. $onse5uently, the bourgeoisie and proletariat clash over the price of wage labor. /t is in the interest of the bourgeoisie to lower the price of labor, while it is in the interest of the proletariat to raise it. Thus a rational capitalist will pay subsistence wages to the e ployees. &ubsistence wages are defined as the lowest possible wage for inducing sufficient nu bers of capable workers to fill -ob openings. The capitalist keeps so e of the value created by workers2 this value is called surplus value 'it e"ist as a surplus above and beyond what is returned to the workers in the for of wages, or profit. Net the e"istence of profit is testi ony to the fact that the workers have created a value in e"cess of that paid to the in wages. #ccording to 9ar", the state plays an i portant role in preventing conflict between the classes fro erupting into rebellions and riots. /f workers rise up and atte pt to take over a factory and de and for higher wages, the states law enforce ent officers will suppress their rebellion. The states -udicial officers will prosecute and the states legislative officials ay even respond by writing new laws to prevent future rebellion. /n short, the state will work to prevent class conflict by enforcing law and order, which under capitalis , indirectly supports the bourgeoisies continued pursuit of profit through the pay ent of subsistence wages to workers. The class that benefits fro the status 5uo gains ost fro the states protection of the status 5uo. 9ar" believed that life under capitalis beca e an e otional ordeal for any workers. #lienation is the ter used to describe the e otional, cognitive and psychological da age done to the proletariat by capitalis . #lienation eans loss, workers are vulnerable to different kinds of alienation. 8ne type of alienation is alienation fro the self. # worker is alienated fro his or her self ha s lost a sense of self awareness and identity, workers such as this live through the day, but they do not e"perience the day any ore than the achines in the factories e"perience it. Proletarians are also

likely to suffer alienation fro the work process, fro other workers and fro society. The creative, productive and collaborative di ensions of working and living are lost to the proletarian who has beco e al ost lifeless as the tool's, the workers utili7e. 3ust as capitalis affects the psyche, it also influences the intellect. 9ar" asserted that intellectual syste s 'ideologies for e"a ple, are shaped by the political econo ic syste s in which they arise. /n other words, the e"istence of capitalis akes so e ideas useful and therefore renders the eans of obtaining andOor holding power. 9ar" believed that capitalis was doo ed and that the proletariat was its grave digger. #ccording to his analysis, capitalis would pass through a serious crisis of overproduction. This would bring the proletariat to revolutionary class consciousness. 9ar" proclai ed that the proletarian revolution was inevitable and predicted that it would occur through spontaneous uprising ai ed at sei7ing control of the eans of production. 9ar" predicted that proletarian revolution would usher in a transitionary socialist period during which a dictatorship of the proletariat would be re5uired to contain a counter revolution ounted by the dispossessed bourgeois. .owever, as class antagonis faded and a fully co unist society ca e into e"istence, this proletarian state would si ply wither away. # co unist society would be classless in the sense wealth would be owned in co on by all and the syste of co odity production would be replaced by one of production for use geared to the satisfaction of genuine hu an needs. B. "e& I)eologies A. Li2e!alis+ Ciberalis ideas resulted fro the breakdown of feudalis in 1urope and the growth, in its place, of a arket capitalist society. /n its earliest for , liberalis was a political doctrine, which attacked absolutis and feudal privilege,

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instead advocating constitutional and later, representative govern ent. !y the nineteenth century, a distinctively liberal political creed had developed that e"tolled the virtues of laisse7-faire capitalis and conde ned all for s of econo ic and social intervention. This beca e the centerpiece of classical or nineteenth century, liberalis . 0ro the late nineteenth century onwards, however, a for of social liberalis e erged which looked ore favorably on welfare refor and econo ic anage ent. This beca e the characteristic the e of odern liberalis . Ciberal thought is characteri7ed by a co it ent to individualis , a belief in the supre e i portance of the hu an individual, i plying strong support for individual freedo . 0ro the liberal viewpoint, individuals are rational creatures who are entitled to the greatest possible freedo consistent with a like freedo for fellow citi7ens. $lassical liberalis is distinguished by a belief in the ini al state, whose functions is li ited to the aintenance of do estic order and personal security. $lassical liberals e phasi7e that hu an beings are essentially self-interested and largely self sufficient2 as far as possible, people should be responsible for their own lives and circu stances. #s a result, liberals look towards the creation of a eritocratic society in which rewards are distributed according to individual talent and hardwork. #s an econo ic doctrine, classical liberalis e"tols the erits of a selfregulating arket in which govern ent intervention is both unnecessary and da aging. $lassical liberal ideas are e"pressed in certain natural rights theories and utilitarianis and provide a cornerstone of the libertarian political thought. 9odern liberalis , however, e"hibits a ore sy pathetic attitude towards the state. This shift was born out of the recognition that industrial capitalis had erely generated new for s of in-ustice and left the ass of the population sub-ect to the vagaries of the arket. This view provided the basis for social or welfare liberalis ,

which is characteri7ed by the recognition that state intervention can enlarge liberty by safeguarding individuals fro the social evils that blight their e"istence. The theoretical basis for the transition fro classical to odern liberalis was provided by the develop ent of positive view of freedo . 4hereas classical liberals had understood freedo in negative ter s, as the absence of e"ternal constraints upon the individual, odern liberals linked freedo to personal develop ent and self-reali7ation. This created clear overlaps between odern liberalis and social de ocracy. Ciberalis has undoubtedly been the ost i portant ele ent in 4estern political tradition. /ndeed, so e identify liberalis in 4estern civili7ation in general. 8ne of the i plications of this is that liberalis strives not to prescribe any particular conception of the good life, but to establish conditions in which individuals and groups can pursue the good life as each defines it. The great virtue of liberalis is its unrelenting co it ent to individual freedo , reasoned debate and toleration. -lassical <iberalism: =ohn <oc'e /n his Two Treatises of Govern ent ';)*H, Cocke argues in favor of li ited govern ents and protection for individual rights. Cocke begins his liberal theory with an e"a ination of hu an nature. .e writes of hu an nature in reference to what he called the state of nature. The state of nature was a period of ti e prior to the creation of govern ents. /t was a ti e in hu an history when wo en and en live in s all groups and co unities and, for Cocke it was a very revealing period of hu an history. /ndividuals living in this state of nature had not been influenced or shaped by laws or political decrees, since govern ents the selves did not yet e"ist. $onse5uently, Cocke contends, we can look into individuals living in this natural state in order to see what hu ans are like at their ost natural level.

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#ccording to Cocke, what we learn fro a study of the state of nature is that hu an nature is characteri7ed by freedo , e5uality and reason. .u ans are naturally free, born with the duty to sub it to no one. That is, there are no natural rulers to who we owe obedience in the state of nature. 8n the contrary, each person is naturally e5ual to all others. 1ach person is born e5ually free and e5ually in the possession of certain natural rights. These rights are an ele ent of our natural hu an nature. Cocke believed that our natural rights include the right to life, liberty and property. /nsofar as each of us is e5ually hu an, each of us has an e5ual clai to en-oy these rights freely. .u ans possess a natural capacity to reason and can use this reason to deduce a set of ethical codes by which to live. Cocke calls these ethical principles 6 the laws of nature. Cocke identified the following specific laws of nature: ;. Preserve yourself2 take yourself and your needs, work to pro ote your own survival. <. Do not har others, do not seek out trouble by starting conflicts and wars, if you do seek to har others, this will put you into risk of being har ed and will thus violate the first law of nature +. .elp others if possible2 help others if you can help the without putting yourself at risk. Govern ent is created when individuals co e together and give clear, direct, e"plicit consent to the for ation of the state. 8nly those who freely give their direct consent to the state are considered citi7ens of the state. That is, no one is forced to leave the state of nature, so no ones natural freedo is violated. /n creating the state, Cocke e"plains citi7ens give it power, but only li ited power. The state has the li ited tasks of aking civil laws, which uphold the laws of nature. /n this way, natural rights are protected and ade ore secure by the e"istence of an institution with the specific responsibility of aking and enforcing laws to protect life, liberty and property. /f the state ever e"ceeds its appropriate authority, it violates these rights. Cocke calls such a state tyrannical, authoritarian, and illegiti ate. #fter

all, such a state has lost its integrity and is not worthy of obedience. #ccording to & ith, individuals pursue rational self interest. /n ter s of econo ics, for e"a ple, individuals seek to satisfy their interests and needs by satisfying ob-ects ' oney, goods, services, and each party to the e"change seeks to better his or her position. /f # desires ob-ect J and can obtain J on ter s ore favorable fro ! than fro $. #s rational self interest will incline # to e"change with !. ! is rewarded and $ is encouraged to i prove his or her ob-ects of e"change in order to benefit fro future transactions. $apitalis 6 an econo ic arrange ent in which individuals e"change their private properties according to their self interest with little or no state interference 6 is thus -ustified by & ith. & ith and Cocke argue that individuals are rational enough to decide what is best for the selves. #ccording to & ith, govern ents role should be restricted to providing security and public services such as public roads, bridges and schools. ;odern <iberalism Govern ent intervention into individual and social life is so eti es necessary to prevent so e individuals fro denying freedo to others Ciberty should be understood in broad, e"pansive, positive ter s: as the liberty to seek out ways to develop hu an potential and contribute in a eaningful way to society. 1cono ic ine5uality is to be regarded with suspicion, as a condition likely to under ine the welfare of those who are lower inco e and thus to erode their chances of being free 6 with freedo defined as e"pansive liberty. 1"pansive liberty: 9odern liberalis s e"panded outlook conceptuali7es liberty as a"i i7ing individual potential to be contributing e ber of society. /t is liberty involving

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living fully and actively, utili7ing ones talents and fulfilling ones potential. #n interventionist state is needed to pro ote the cause of e"pansive liberty, which is often called positive liberty. &tates should not be li ited to the protection of individualis 'i.e. Cocke and & ith are incorrect,, but should intervene in society on behalf of those whose positive liberty is violated. 9odern liberals like T... Green supported govern ent action to assist those who lacked the resources needed to develop their own potential. 9odern liberals have called for govern ent assistance to working wo en and en who could not, in the absence of laws supporting the , de and that e ployers provide safe working conditions and increased wages. 9odern liberals have also proposed laws be enacted to regulate the a ount of hours that e ployers could be re5uired to work and that laws be passed to pro ote regulations to further public health. /t was govern ents -ob to intervene in society and restrict the liberty of one person or group if that person of group happened to be carrying out actions that denied others the opportunities of pursing the fullest reali7ation of hu an potential. 9odern liberals believe that state intervention can pro ote and enhance individual freedo . Defining freedo as positive liberty, odern liberals assert that state regulations protecting health for instance prevent the e"ploitation and the denial of positive liberty. /ncreased state intervention in society can lead to increased levels of e"pansive liberty. 9odern liberals are not as willing as are the classical liberals to accept econo ic ine5uality. &o eone who is poor ay have a difficult ti e reali7ing his or her potential2 therefore, poverty is an i pedi ent to e"pansive liberty and should be re edied by laws enacted by the interventionist state. 9odern liberalis pro otes the social welfare of society 6 the logic of welfare policies designed to help the poor and the disabled to achieve their potential.

,ey figures: ;. =ohn %tuart ;ill: 9ills i portance to liberalis largely rests upon his construction of a liberal theory s5uarely based upon the virtues of liberty, as opposed to earlier ideas such as natural rights and utilitarianis . .is conviction of an as a progressive being led hi to recoil fro interventionis , but encouraged hi to develop a notion of individuality that stresses the prospects for hu an develop ent and provides an i portant foundation for odern liberal thought. <. Thomas Hill 7reen: # !ritish philosopher and social theorist, Green highlighted the li itations of early liberal doctrines and particularly laisse7-faire. !y drawing upon Kant and .egel, he highlighted the li itations of the doctrine of negative freedo and developed a pioneering defense of positive freedo , which helped liberalis to reach an acco odation with welfaris and social -ustice. Green was an i portant influence upon the develop ent in !ritains of new liberalis . +. .saiah erlin: # !ritish philosopher and historian of ideas developed a for of pluralist liberalis that is based upon the anti-perfectionist belief that conflicts of values are an intrinsic, irre ovable ele ent of hu an life. #s there is no standard against which values can be -udged or ranked, political arrange ents should atte pt to secure the greatest scope to allow people to pursue their differing ends. /n his influential analysis of liberty, !erlin supported negative liberty over positive liberty on the grounds that the latter has onistic and authoritarian i plications. (. =ohn Rawls: Rawls is the ost i portant liberal philosopher of the second half of the twentieth century. .is theory of -ustice as fairness not only conde ns racial, se"ual and religious discri ination, but also re-ects any for s of social and econo ic ine5uality. Rawls egalitarian for of liberalis has had a profound effect upon political philosophy generally, and has ade a

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significant contribution to both the social de ocratic political traditions. B. Co#se!0atis+:

odern liberal and

$onservatis is an ideology that is generally thought of as seeking to conserve or preserve so e reality. &o e for s of conservatis are oriented toward conserving the status 5uo. $onservative ideas and doctrines first e erged in the late eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries as a reaction against the growing pace of econo ic and political change, which was in any ways sy boli7ed by the 0rench Revolution. .owever, fro the outset, divisions in conservative thought were apparent. /n continental 1urope, an authoritarian and reactionary for of conservatis developed that re-ected out of hand any idea of refor . # ore cautious, ore fle"ible and ulti ately ore successful for of conservatis nevertheless e erged in !ritain and the @nited &tates that prudently accepted natural change or change in order to conserve. This stance enabled conservatives fro the late nineteenth century onwards to e brace the cause of social refor under the banner of paternalis and social duty. :evertheless, such ideas ca e under increasing pressure fro the ;*>Hs onwards as a result of the develop ent of the :ew Right. $onservatives have typically distrusted the developed theories and abstract principles, which characteri7e other political traditions, preferring instead to trust tradition, history and e"perience. #n enduring the e in conservative thought is the perception of society as a oral co unity, held together by shared values and beliefs and functioning as an organic whole. This inclines conservatives to advocate strong govern ent and the strict enforce ent of law and order but, indful of the danger of despotis , they have usually insisted upon a balanced constitution. #lthough traditional conservatives have been fir supporters of private property, they have typically advocated a non-

ideological and prag atic attitude to the relationship between the state and individual. 4hereas conservatis in the @nited &tates carries with it the i plication of li ited govern ent, the paternalistic tradition, evident in E8ne :ation conservatis F in !ritain and $hristian de ocracy in continental 1urope overlaps with the welfarist and interventionist beliefs found in odern liberalis . The :ew Right enco passes two distinct and, so e would argue, conflicting traditions: econo ic liberalis and social conservatis . 1cono ic liberalis or neo liberalis , often seen as the do inant the e within the :ew Right, draws heavily upon classical liberalis and advocates rolling back the frontiers of the state in the na e of private enterprise, the free arket and individual responsibility. #s a backlash against the steady growth of state power perpetuated through uch of the twentieth century by liberal, socialist and conservative govern ents, neo liberalis can be seen as a anifestation of the liberal tradition. &ocial conservatives or neo-conservatives, draw attention to the perceived breakdown of order and social stability that has resulted fro the spread of liberal and per issive values. They highlight the dangers of i plicit in oral and cultural diversity, propose that traditional values ust be strengthened and argue for the restoration of authority and social discipline. $onservative political thought has always been open to the charge that it accounts to ruling class ideology. /n proclai ing the need to resist change, it legiti i7es the status 5uo and defends the interest of the do inant elite groups. 8ther critics alleged that division between traditional conservatis and the :ew Right runs deep that the conservative tradition has beco e entirely incoherent. .owever, in their defense, conservatives argue that they are erely advancing certain enduring if unpalatable, truths about hu an nature and the societies we live in. That hu an beings are orally and intellectually i perfect and seek the security that only tradition, authority and a shared culture can offer, erely underlines the wisdo of traveling

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light in theoretical ter s. 1"perience and history will always provide a sounder basis for political theory than will abstract principles such as liberty, e5uality and -ustice. 8dmund ur'e: on -onservatism - !urke begins his discussion of political ideology with a critical analysis of hu an nature. .e argues that hu an nature is not characteri7ed by rational supre acy. 4hile individuals have the ability to reason, the ability is severely li ited. 9ost people do not reason clearly. @pon e"a ining history, one sees that people are often irrational, e otional and unpredictable. /ndividuals ost certainly do not possess the kind of reasoning capacity accorded to the by Cocke and the $lassical Ciberals. !urke e"plains that individuals are incapable of using their reason to run their lives s oothly. People are naturally une5ual. People are naturally different in ter s of their political capacities of ruling than others. Thus society is best arranged when those who are natural rulers do the ruling. To call for e5uality in the laws and to de and that all individuals be placed on the sa e level of decision aking would be erroneous according to !urke. 4ith regards, to natural rights, !urke contends that if so eone is that he or she has a right to so ething, the person begins e"pecting and de anding it. These de ands place undue pressures on society2 as people cla or for the power to en-oy all that they are told they have a natural right to possess. Thus, !urke concludes, while natural rights technically e"ist in abstract, analytical sense, they should not be the basis of govern ent decision aking, nor should they be stressed in political speeches and platfor s. /f govern ents stress rights, they engender grandiose e"pectations a ong the populace. Reason cannot be considered as a trustworthy guide to ethical decision aking because reason alone is insufficient to generate ethical clarity. /f reason is weak, reason is inade5uate as a basis for individual decision aking and self guidance. /f an individual cannot use his or her reason to deduce any laws of nature, to figure out the conse5uences of

any potential decisions, to logically select between any possible alternatives, then this individuals reason has left hi or her co pletely helpless. Given this pre ise, traditional values are needed. /nstead of looking to reason for answers, look to the oral guidelines passed down by generations of wo en and en. These guidelines have co forted hu anity and provided strength in ti es of ethical confusion. $onservatives challenge us to conserve traditional orality because without traditional orality, we lose our connection with ethical certainty. Traditional values teach us right fro wrong in a way that reason cannot. Reason can only confuse us by suggesting that there are no oral absolutes. -ivil institutions should teach traditional morality . $ivil institutions are non govern ent organi7ations within society, e"a ples include fa ilies and religious institutions. !y passing along long standing oral values fro one generation to the ne"t, civil institutions prepare individuals to live peacefully and orderly. 4hen civil institutions are operating in this anner, society functions s oothly, without the violence and disruptions. Govern ents are to support civil institutions by providing a secure setting in which they can operate. 9orality is ore i portant than individual freedo . /ndividual freedo ust not be co pro ised so that individuals confor to the teachings of traditional values. 0reedo should not include freedo to act in an i oral anner. People should not insist on the freedo to act out on any i pulse or desire. Thus traditional conservatives believe in freedo , but freedo with boundaries. Thus, traditional conservatives favor freedo li ited by an acknowledge ent of the duty to live in co pliance with goodness. ,ey figures: ;. 8dmund ur'e: # Dublin born !ritish states an and political theorist, !urke was the father of the #nglo

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# erican conservative political tradition. # supporter of the # erican Revolution of ;>>), he was deeply opposed to the 0rench Revolution on the grounds that wisdo resides not in abstract principles but in e"perience, tradition and history. /n !urkes view, society is a partnership between those who are living, those who are dead and those who are born. !urke had a gloo y view of govern ent, recogni7ing that, although it can prevent evil, it rarely pro otes good. .e also supported the classical econo ics of #da s ith and regarded arket forces as natural law. <. ;ichael )a'eshott: # !ritish political philosopher, 8akeshott ade a a-or contribution to conservative traditionalis . !y highlighting the i portance of civil association and insisting upon the li ited province of politics, he developed the es closely associated with liberal thought. 8akeshott outlined a powerful defense of a non-ideological style of politics, arguing in favor of traditional values and established custo s on the grounds that the conservative disposition is to prefer the fa iliar to the unknown, to prefer the tried to the untried, fact to isery, the actual to the possible. +. .rving ,ristol: # @& -ournalist and social critic, Kristol has been one of the leading e"ponents of # erican neoconservatis . .e was a e ber of a group of intellectuals and acade ics, centered on -ournals such as $o entary and The Public /nterest, who in the ;*>Hs abandoned liberalis and beca e increasingly critical of the spread of welfaris and the counter culture. 4hilst accepting the need for a predo inantly arket econo y and fiercely re-ecting socialis , Kristol critici7es libertarianis in the arket place as well as in orality. /n particular he defends the fa ily and religion as the indispensable pillars of the decent society. C. 9e+i#is+ 6eminism is characteri&ed primarily by its political stance: the attempt to advance the social role of women . 0e inist

have highlighted what they see as a political relationship between the se"es, the supre acy of en and the sub-ection of wo en in ost, if not all, societies. The first wave of fe inis was closely associated with the wo ens suffrage ove ent, which e erged in the ;?(Hs and ;?=Hs. The achieve ent of fe ale suffrage in ost 4estern countries in the early twentieth century eant that the ca paign for legal and civil rights assu ed a lower profile and deprived the wo ens ove ent of a unifying cause. The second wave of fe inis arose during the ;*)Hs and e"pressed, in addition to the established concern with e5ual rights, the ore radical and so eti es revolutionary de ands of the growing wo ens liberation ove ent. #lthough fe inist politics has undergone a process of deradicali7ation since the early ;*>Hs, fe inis has nevertheless gained growing respectability as a distinctive school of political theory. 0e inist political thought has pri arily been concerned with two issues. 0irst it analy7es the institutions, processes and practices through which wo en have been subordinated to en2 and second, it e"plores the ost appropriate and effective ways in which this subordination can be challenged. 0e inist thought has re-ected the conventional view that politics is confined to narrowly public activities and institutions, the ost fa ous slogan of second wave fe inis being the Epersonal is the politicalF. The central concept of fe inist theory of se"ual politics is patriarchy, a ter that draws attention to the totality of oppression and e"ploitation to which wo en are sub-ect. This in turn, highlights the political i portance of gender, understood to refer to socially i posed rather than biological differences between en and wo en. 9ost fe inist view gender as a political construct usually based upon stereotypes of fe inine and asculine behavior and social roles.

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:evertheless, fe inist theory and practice is highly diverse. The earliest fe inist ideas derived largely fro liberalis and reflected a co it ent to individualis and for al e5uality. /n contrast, socialist fe inis , largely derived fro 9ar"is has highlighted links between fe ale subordination and the capitalist ode of production, drawing attention to the econo ic significance of wo en being confined to the fa ily or do estic life. 8n the other hand, radical fe inists oved beyond the perspectives of e"isting political traditions. They portray gender divisions as the ost funda ental and politically significant cleavages in society and call for the radical restructuring of personal, do estic and fa ily life. .owever, the breakdown of fe inis into three traditions-liberal, socialist and radical fe inis -has beco e yet ore sophisticated and diverse. # ongst it ore recent for s have been black fe inis , psychoanalytic fe inis , ecofe inis and post odern fe inis . The a-or strength of fe inist political theory is that it provides a perspective on political understanding that it is unconta inated by the gender biases that pervade conventional thought. 0e inis has not erely reinterpreted the contribution of a-or theorists and shed new light upon established concepts such as power, do ination and e5uality, but also introduced a new sensitivity and language into political theory related to ideas such as connection, voice and difference. 0e inis has nevertheless been critici7ed on the grounds that its internal divisions are now so sharp that fe inist theory has lost all coherence and unity. 8thers suggest that fe inist theory has beco e disengaged fro a society that is increasingly post fe inist, in that, largely thanks to fe inis , the do estic, professional and public roles of wo en, at last in developed societies, have undergone a a-or transfor ation. 6eminism is an ideology that opposes the political, economic and>or cultural relegation of women to positions of inferiority .

0e inis criti5ues laws, custo s and beliefs which posits that wo en are inferior to en, contribute to discri ination over wo en andOor value ens freedo and well being over that of wo en. 0e inis criti5ues historical, conte porary, national and cross cultural practices that deny wo en the possibility of living as free, self governing individuals. 0e inis is philosophically si ilar to liberalis 2 in that both ideologies cha pion autono y and re-ect as illegiti ate and unethical the notion that one personOgroup has a natural clai to do inate or to e"ercise arbitrary power over another. /n upholding the funda ental e5uality of wo en and en, fe inists have criti5ued and argued against the institution of patriarchy. Patriarchy is a ter used by fe inists to describe the rule of en, as a social group, over wo en as a social group. Patriarchy is anifested in the following pre ises: ;. 4o en have been denied e5uality of resources <. 4o en have been denied e5uality in political power +. 4o en have been denied e5uality of educational opportunities (. 4o en have been denied e5uality in basic health care =. 4o en have been denied e5uality of respect ). 4o en have been denied e5ual protection fro violence >. 4o en have been denied e5ual protection by the state 0e inist further contend that this patriarchy has been held up as legiti ate and -ustifiable by the teachings of nu erous religions, intellectual traditions and cultural authorities. 9ary 4ollstonecraft 'Aindication of the Rights of 4o en, 6 &he wanted wo en to be included within the concept of hu an nature. &he wanted wo en, no less than en to be regarded as rational beings capable of self deter ination and liberty, that reason is a hu an trait not -ust a ale one. &he contends that oppression creates vice. &pecifically, when wo en are oppressed by patriarchy, wo en develop

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behavioral habits designed to appeal to ale conceptions of proper fe inity. &uch traits include superficiality, obse5uiousness, and feigned weakness, supposed helplessness and -ealousy of other wo en. These behaviors are de eaning, irresponsible and dishonest. 9en also develop vices under patriarchy. 4hen society places en in a privileged position and tells the they are superior to wo en, en are in danger of beco ing arrogant, full of the selves and self absorbed. 9en and wo en should live virtuously 6 if wo en were seen as ens e5uals, wo en would stop acting helpless and would begin to develop a sense of responsibility for their own lives and en would stop relegating to wo en fro a position of condescension. ,ey figures: ;. ;ary 1ollstonecraft: 4ollstonecrafts E# vindication of the Rights of 4o enF is usually regarded as the first odern te"t of odern fe inis and was written against the backdrop of the 0rench Revolution, any years before the e ergence of the wo ens suffrage ove ent. /n arguing that wo en should be entitled to the sa e rights and privileges as en on the grounds that they are hu an beings, she established what was to beco e the core principle of liberal fe inis . <. %imone de eauvoir: # 0rench novelist, playwright and social critic, !eauvoir helped to reopen the issue of gender politics and highlighted the e"tent to which the asculine is represented as the positive or the nor , while the fe inine is portrayed as other. &uch otherness funda entally li its wo ens freedo and prevents the fro e"pressing their full hu anity. !eauvoir placed her faith in rationality and critical analysis as the eans of e"posing this process and giving wo en responsibility for their own lives. +. ,ate ;illet: # @& writer and sculptor, 9illet developed radical fe inis into a syste atic theory that clearly stood apart fro established liberal and socialist

traditions. &he portrays patriarchy as a social constant running though all political, social and econo ic structures and grounded in a process of conditioning that operates through all political and econo ic structures and grounded in a process of conditioning that operates largely through the fa ily, Epatriarchys chief of institutionF. &he supports consciousness raising as a eans of challenging patriarchal oppression and has advocated the abolition and replace ent of the conventional fa ily.

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