CH 26 GFTT

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The Social Dimension European Developments in Social Psychology Edited by Henri Tajfel Book DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/CBO9780511759154 Online ISBN: 9780511759154 Hardback ISBN: 9780521239783 Paperback ISBN: 9780521283878
Chapter 26 - The social psychology of intergroup relations and categorical dif ferentiation pp. 541-559 Chapter DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/CBO9780511759154.009 Cambridge University Press
26. The social psychology of inter group relations and categorical differentiation1
JEAN-CLAUDE DESCHAMPS
Hundreds of studies have been conducted to detect, from a more or less ' sociographic' viewpoint, how members of different social groups perceive their own groups and those of others. Undoubtedly, much of this research on discrimination, prejudice and social stereotypes, for which the segregationist ideology of the USA and the nazi regime in Europe formed the dark sociological background, has its origin in a will to understand ' this inhuman but all too human' behaviour. Nevertheless, important as this area of research may be in trying to reveal the effect of a given ideology, the work deriving from the problems between groups has, for a long time, only enabled us to describe or construe a dated and localized ' geo-psychologicar chart of the characteristics attributed by different social groups to each other. This chapter proposes to analyse certain tendencies of recent research in social psychology in the area of intergroup relations, research in which the aim is not only descriptive but also explanatory in that it tries to clarify certain mechanisms underlying intergroup relations. Certainly Sherif, in the 1950s, offered a theoretical formulation allowing us to take into account the development of certain types of intergroup relations. However important Sherif s theory may be, he is primarily concerned with competitive and cooperative interaction between groups, and as such his research seems insufficient to explain other forms of relations. One has to wait until the 1960s to find a more general social psychological analysis of intergroup relations. It is the process of categorization which we will be discussing in the first part of this chapter. First we will show how the categorization of physical objects organizes the perception an individual has of his environment. This process of categorization also enables us to describe the mechanisms underlying perception in more social areas. This will be
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Adapted, with permission, from an article which originally appeared in Revue Suisse de Sociologie, 1979, 5, 177-9 9- This chapter was translated from the French by Joseph M. F. Jaspars.
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Jean-Claude Deschamps
illustrated by application of the categorization process to social stereotypes. We will close the first part of the chapter by citing some of Tajfel's experimental studies and the theories he developed. We will show how, on a representational level, the simple introduction of belonging to two different groups results in a different treatment of ingroup and outgroup members. The process of categorization developed in this way shows the manner in which the perception and experience of the individual are organized. But categorization also enables us to account for the way in which intergroup relations and differentiation between groups and individuals are structured. In fact, intergroup behaviour can be described as differentiation which depends upon categorical affiliation. The process of categorical differentiation (Doise 1976) which we will discuss and illustrate in the following part of this chapter describes the application of the categorization model on the level of the collective representation of reality. Following the exposition of the theory of categorical differentiation, we will indicate how this model allows us to integrate Sherif's data and the studies of categorization. The final part of the chapter will be dedicated to the specific dynamic aspects of this process, thus allowing us to account for its asymmetric functioning, the accentuation of intra-categorical similarities, and even for the fact that the effect of categorical differentiation can be neutralized in some conditions. 1. The process of categorization in quantitative judgments Following the work of Bruner on perception, commonly described as the ' new look' in this area, Tajfel (1959a) developed the idea that the relationship between certain physical properties and certain social characteristics of stimuli, belonging to the same series, can modify perceptual judgment. In one experiment, Tajfel & Wilkes (1963), aiming to present a model of social stereotypes, tried to verify experimentally some of Tajfel's propositions. The predictions made by the authors were: (a) when a classification, in terms of characteristics other than the physical dimension one is judging, is superimposed on a series of stimuli, whose positions on the physical dimension are related to their categorical membership, one will observe an accentuation of intercategorical differences and intra-categorical similarities; and (b) this accentuation will not be observed when no systematic relation exists between categorical membership and the physical characteristics to be judged. The results of the experiment showed that when an external classification is imposed, the difference perceived between classes is much stronger than the real interclass difference, while if the classification linking the category to the characteristic to be judged is not present the interclass differences are not accentuated.
Intergroup relations and categorical differentiation
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However, the results of this experiment do not allow us to verify Tajfel's hypothesis concerning accentuation of intra-class similarity. Nevertheless it is worthwhile to note that, although the experiment of Tajfel & Wilkes did not reveal the accentuation of intra-class similarities, this does not mean that this accentuation does not exist. As Doise (1976) remarked, this could be due to the nature of the task used by Tajfel & Wilkes. In fact, one could imagine that the subjects themselves introduced supplementary classifications for certain stimuli (e.g. the two extreme lines, the longest and the shortest one): such 'parasitical' classifications could explain the overestimation of the longest line with regard to the other lines in the category of long lines. The results of the original Tajfel & Wilkes study were confirmed in a similar experiment by Marchand (1970). 2. Categorization in social stereotypes Tajfel & Wilkes, like Marchand, have illustrated in their research the process of categorization as a mechanism in the individual's organization of the physical world: the process of categorization certainly testifies to the effect of contrast between elements belonging to two distinct categories. The evidence, in terms of perceptual judgments of this categorization process, shows in which conditions an accentuation of the differences between stimuli belonging to different categories exists. As it deals with a psychological process, there is no reason to suspect that this effect will not play a role in a more social domain, in evaluations, representations and intergroup behaviour. We do not wish to pretend, however, that the more social world, or group interaction, has no specific qualities compared with the physical world and its perception. Nevertheless, one could suggest the hypothesis that what happens in the simple processes of categorization in perception and evaluation of physical stimuli also enables us to describe what happens in social interaction. One should demonstrate and specify, however, the conditions in which this process of categorization occurs. Let us do this by briefly presenting some research studies. Tajfel, Sheikh & Gardner (1964) postulated an analogy between judgments of physical stimuli and judgments of people as a function of their group membership. In two experiments, Canadian students described, on a semantic differential (Osgood, Suci & Tannenbaum 1957) or on a list of adjectives, two Indians and two Canadians, or' Indians' and' Canadians'. The results showed that the characteristics of members of an ethnic group are perceived as being more similar to the autostereotype than to characteristics which are not part of the autostereotype. Thus the aspect of accentuation of intra-group or intra-categorical similarity is verified. But the question remains
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whether in this experiment the results are due to the categorizations process or, on the other hand, whether the stereotypes mentioned in the subjects' answers are 'objectively' true. From this isolated experiment one can, in fact, not conclude whether the two Canadians and the two Indians do really resemble stereotypical traits more than non-stereotypical traits. Nevertheless we have to admit that, at least at the formal or structural level, the model of categorization elaborated in research on perception can be applied to social representations. Two other series of experiments will bring us to the theoretical statement finally proposed by Tajfel (1972). The paradigm of some of this research was developed by Lambert, at McGill University in Montreal. Lambert et ah (i960) had English and French Canadians evaluate a French and an English text read by the same bilingual reader. The subjects were told that each text was read by a different reader and that the experiment dealt with the judgment of the personality of the reader by means of his voice. The subjects evaluated the supposed reader of each text on a series of personality traits. In this way one could compare the evaluations of the same reader, expressing himself in two languages, by anglophone and francophone subjects. The results showed not only that the anglophones, as expected, evaluated the supposedly English speaker more favourably, but also that, on a number of personality traits, the francophones evaluated him even more favourably than did the anglophones. A detailed examination of these results by Tajfel (1959b) showed that on traits of leadership, intelligence, self-assurance, dependence and sociability the French-speaking subjects tended to evaluate the English reader even more favourably than did the English-speaking subjects. On the other hand, for the traits of credibility and benevolence no difference of this kind was found between French Canadian and English Canadian subjects. If these differences were due to an objective reality, it is difficult to see why they should be more visible to French Canadians than to English Canadians. According to Tajfel's interpretation, a conflict of values existed for the French-speaking subjects. For those subjects the group they belonged to was judged to be inferior, but only on some criteria, which in fact were linked to socio-economic success and as such were part of a social 'reality'. The subjects belonging to the economically inferior group granted more importance to socio-economic differences between their group (or the representatives of their group) and the other group, than did the subjects of the dominant group. This reality was not derived so much from real or effective differences between the groups with regard to traits like leadership, intelligence and dependence, as from the subjective importance which the subjects attached to the differences between
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the two groups as a function of the position of their own group on a scale of social prestige. It is worth noting, however, that this explanation applied primarily to the inferior group and that the superior group could have had an interest in not accentuating certain differences. Such results have been found. Cheyne (1970), when presenting to subjects from London and Glasgow a series of texts read by the same reader, but in either an English accent or a Scottish accent, found that the Scottish subjects tended to have a higher opinion than the London subjects of the supposed 'English' reader on traits like esteem, intelligence and professional status, but on the other hand, for traits like generosity, sense of humour and sympathy the opposite was found. In these experiments an accentuation of differences on dimensions connected to categorical group membership was again found. 3. Categorization and discrimination In 19 71, Tajfel, Billig, Bundy & Flament attempted to test, experimentally, the minimal conditions for the occurrence of discriminating behaviour between groups. The experiment is well known. In the first part the subjects were told that they would participate in a test of aesthetic judgment. They were shown slides of pictures by Klee and Kandinsky and each subject had to indicate which slide he preferred. In the next phase the experimenter divided the subjects into two groups, supposedly on the basis of their preferences but in fact randomly. The experiment itself consisted of the task of allocating money to a member of one's own, and to a member of the other, group. The results showed that the subjects favoured the members of their own category (who were anonymous and only identified by their code number) in the attribution of monetary reward, in a situation where the classification in terms of ingroup and outgroup was of very little importance, to say the least. Furthermore, maximizing joint profits did not play a great role in the attribution of rewards, but the strategies in terms of favouring one's own group, and especially those of maximizing the difference in favour of the own group, produced the most important effects on the distribution of the rewards. It therefore seems to be sufficient to introduce into a situation a difference in membership category for a discrimination in favour of the ingroup to appear. But were these results due to perceived similarity (the fact of sharing the same taste) or to group membership as such? Billig & Tajfel (1973) conducted an experiment which tried to answer this question. They investigated the influence of two experimental variables, namely the variable of social
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categorization vs. social non-categorization and a variable of similarity between group members vs. non-similarity between group members. The results showed a significant favouring of the ingroup members in the categorization-similarity condition and, to a lesser degree, in the categorizationnon-similarity condition; in the non-categorization-similarity condition the subjects showed a slight tendency to favour the individual with similar preferences, and in the non-categorization-non-similarity condition the subjects did not favour one or the other subject. The results of the categorization-similarity condition are analogous to those found in the already mentioned experiment by Tajfel et ah (19 71). Moreover, subjects favour members of the ingroup even more than subjects whose similar preferences are expressed but whose group membership is not mentioned when group participation is not based on expressed preferences. In the similarity-non-categorization condition we are dealing with non-explicit categorization. The introduction of an explicit social category which is not based on similarity between individuals (categorization-non-similarity condition) leads to a discrimination towards outgroup members which is much stronger than discrimination towards non-similar members in the similaritynon-categorization condition, where the social categorization is not explicit. It is the introduction of the notion of a group in both of these conditions which explains the results. The subjects demonstrate a differential behaviour towards individuals, who find themselves randomly assigned to the other category, when the term' group' is mentioned explicitly, and this discrimination is much stronger than that based on a division of subjects in terms of inter-individual similarity, when group membership is not mentioned. 4. Social categorization and identity Tajfel (1972) advanced several propositions to account for these results. To be more precise, he proposed a social extension of Festinger's social comparison theory. According to Festinger (1954), individuals evaluate their opinions and abilities by comparing them to those of others. Social comparison, in Festinger's sense, is essentially based on a confrontation between individuals within a group, and results in a pressure towards uniformity and conformity. Self-evaluation is realized in the comparison between individuals who resemble each other. For Tajfel, on the other hand, social identity is the source of self-evaluation, and is conceptualized as being 'associated with the knowledge (of the individual) of belonging to certain social groups together with the emotional and evaluative significance which is the result of this group membership'
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(1972: 292). Therefore, through belonging to different groups, the individual acquires a social identity, which defines the particular place he occupies in society. But belonging to a given group only contributes to the formation of a positive social identity if the characteristics of the group can be favourably compared with those of other groups or, in other words, if an evaluative difference exists in favour of the ingroup. As Tajfel (1972: 296) comments: ' a social group will only preserve its contribution to social-identity aspects of the individual, and be positively evaluated by the individual, if the group can keep its positive values distinct from other groups'. In intergroup comparison, individuals try to establish (or preserve) a difference in favour of their own group. In the experiments reported by Tajfel and his colleagues, the individuals not only establish a positive difference between their own group and the other group, but moreover, in order to obtain this evaluative difference, they do not hesitate to minimize their profits in absolute terms. Consequently, positive social identity is always relative, and subjects are willing to pay a price to obtain a positive social image. The process of categorization, therefore, is for Tajfel primarily a process which accounts for the simplification which operates in the perception of the physical and the social world, and in the way in which the individual organizes his subjective perception of the environment. The process of categorization enables us to describe the way in which the physical elements are differentially understood. This model also applies to the organization of social perception of the individual. The organization of the perception of the physical and social environment certainly is one of the more important aspects of the categorization process; not only that, it is also the process which structures social relations, while at the same time it creates and differentiates individuals as social agents. The process of categorization not only structures perception, it also accounts for differential behaviour and allows us to predict certain social transformations. It not only plays a role on the level of perception, but also on the level of interaction between social agents. In our view, it implies an extension of a model describing social perception to a model affecting the process of transformation and social elaboration of reality. This process of categorical differentiation will be described and illustrated in the last part of this chapter. 5. Categorical differentiation After an exposition of the theoretical propositions describing the process of categorical differentiation, we will show that these propositions not only account for the results obtained in research on categorization, but also for
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an approach as different as Sherif's theory of objective conflict of interest. We will also report on some of the experiments derived from this model. The following propositions express the process of categorical differentiation (Doise 1976: 147): 1. Differentiation of certain aspects of social reality is produced in relation to other differentiations of this reality, just as, according to the model of the categorization process, certain perceptual differentiations are produced in connection with other perceived differentiations. 2. Categorical differentiation brings about differentiation of a behavioural, evaluative and representative nature. 3. Categorical differentiation is realized in the same manner within the domains of behaviour, evaluation and representation as it is between these domains. A differentiation in one of the areas could thus be articulated by a differentiation in one of the other areas. 4. When a differentiation exists on one of these levels (behavioural, evaluative or representative) there is a tendency to create differentiation corresponding to the other levels. 5. Differentiation on the behavioural level determines much more the development of other differentiations than do the differentiations on the other levels. 6. The differentiations provided by different social factors, which are common to more than one individual, relate individual differentiation to social differentiation. Categorical differentiation, therefore, can be described as a social psychological process linking individual activities to collective activities with respect to evaluations and intergroup representations. We will illustrate how the process of categorical differentiation, which we described previously, allows us to integrate different theoretical issues within the same theoretical framework. First, we will summarize briefly the theory of objective conflict of interests (Sherif 1966). Sherif proposed an explanation of intergroup relations in terms of the goals of groups in the presence of each other. It is the antagonism of the goals of the two interacting groups which results in the emergence of hostile behaviour and reciprocal negative images, whereas the introduction of a ' superordinate' goal will result in a ' rapprochement ' at the level of evaluations. Sherif and his collaborators were able, in a famous field experiment, to demonstrate this principle: divergence at the level of evaluations and convergence at the level of goals (by the introduction of superordinate goals) effects ' rapprochement' at the level of evaluations (Sherif et ah 1961). This can be predicted in the same way by the categorical differentiation model: the introduction of a divergence at the behavioural level, in this case creating a
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conflict, brings about a differentiation at the level of representations and evaluative judgments and the introduction of a convergence at the behavioural level diminishes differentiation at the level of judgments. Nevertheless, competition is not a necessary condition to create differential behaviour between and within groups. Ferguson & Kelley (1964) were able to show that in the absence of explicit competition the subjects tended to evaluate the performance of members of their own group more favourably as compared with that of members of another group. For Rabbie (Rabbie & Horwitz 1969; Rabbie & Wilkens 19 71) classification alone into two distinct groups is not sufficient to produce a discrimination effect between groups, although competition is not a necessary factor; evaluative discrimination only appears when anticipation of future interaction between and within groups exists. Thus one could say that everything happens as if the effects of the categorical differentiation process are not only manifested in the case of behavioural divergence, but also in mere anticipation of this divergence. If introduction of a divergence on the behavioural level is accompanied by the accentuation of differences on the representational and evaluative level, what then is its opposite? It is sufficient to cite the two experiments of Tajfel et ah (19 71) and Billig & Tajfel (1973): the introduction of the representation of belonging to two different groups (or categories) leads to behavioural and evaluative discrimination. A representation of the division into two groups is necessary; the coincidence alone does not evoke a similar discrimination. It is only when membership of different classes (or groups) ' exists' for the subjects that the process of categorical differentiation becomes manifest. In what follows, the research we will mention is directly related to the categorical differentiation model. The next two studies will show, amongst other things, how intergroup representations and judgments evolve precisely as a function of the nature of interaction between groups. 5.1. The dynamics of differentiation. An experiment was designed (Doise & Weinberger 1972-3) to demonstrate how the ideological representations a society produces to regulate the relations between the groups of which it is composed can evolve as a function of the conditions in which the groups meet each other. The representations studied here were the impressions which boys formed of girls in three situations in which different kinds of encounters were anticipated (a cooperative encounter, a task-induced competitive encounter and a ' spontaneous' competitive encounter). In the situations where two boys anticipated a competitive encounter with two girls, they formed a relatively stronger discrimination between their own sex and the other sex than in the
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condition of a cooperative anticipation. Moreover, in the situation where they anticipated a cooperative encounter, the boys attributed fewer feminine traits to the girls than in the anticipated competitive encounters. The anticipation of a competitive encounter induces the development of a more differentiated representation than the anticipation of a cooperative encounter. The aim of another experiment was to show an asymmetrical functioning of the process of categorical differentiation dependent on the place of the groups in society (Doise 1972). The subjects for this experiment were 56 college students and 49 apprentices, 15 to 17 years of age. The apprentices, having finished their formal obligatory schooling, were engaged in professional life and taking evening courses, while the students continued their secondary education. It is clear that these two groups occupy distinct positions in our society: the students occupy an objectively privileged position compared with the apprentices. The subjects participated in an experiment in one of four conditions. In each of these conditions the subjects had to start with a description of their own group, followed by one of the other group, indicating the measure of agreement or disagreement on six evaluative items on a six-point scale. A control group had judged two of the items as referring to a positive characteristic (e.g. they like the theatre) and the four other items as referring to a negative characteristic (e.g. they do not express themselves easily). The measures mainly related to the difference between the answers given for the own group and the other group for the six items. This difference varied as a function of the following experimental conditions: A condition without initial anticipation. The subjects were in their classes and answered the questionnaires about their own group without being reminded of the other group and without knowing that they would have to answer the questionnaire for the other group. A condition with initial anticipation. The situation was identical to the preceding condition, but the subjects were informed from the start that they would have to complete the questionnaire for their own group and for the other group. A condition with an individual encounter. A college student and an apprentice were introduced to each other by the experimenter. In the first instance they individually answered the two questionnaires, and after a discussion they completed both questionnaires a second time. A condition with a collective confrontation. The situation was identical to the preceding condition except that two apprentices and two students were involved. The experimental predictions were: (1) In the condition with initial anticipation, the effect of the categorization has to be produced from the start of the experiment. In this condition
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the subjects should give a more favourable description of their own group than of the other group and the evaluative discrimination in favour of their own group should be more important in this condition than in the condition without anticipation. (2) In the condition including a meeting between individuals, one can expect evaluative discrimination in favour of the own group to be less important than in the condition where the other is not met, but an initial anticipation is given. In fact we know (from, in particular, the work on normalization and on group polarization; see Chapter 23) that the judgments expressed in the presence of the other, or after a discussion with the other, converge (to a more moderate or to a more extreme position). (3) In the case of a collective meeting, the difference between the description of the two other groups will be more important than in the case of an individual encounter. In fact, after a collective encounter the convergence with the member of the own group should be at least as strong as convergence with members of the other group. In these conditions the effects of the categorization process are no longer inhibited and can again be manifested. (4) A fourth prediction deals with sociological differences between the two groups of subjects. On an evaluative dimension the members of a group situate their own group closer to the positive pole than the other group. This is what could be called the ' sociometric' dimension. However, each group places itself not only on this sociometric dimension but also on a scale relating to esteem and social status: students are privileged in comparison with apprentices in our society. All social discourse organizes the groups, which comprise the social structure in a hierarchical fashion, and situates them on a scale. The groups are thus not only placed on a sociocentric dimension but also on a sociological dimension. Although for the students, their group is found closest to the positive pole on both dimensions, this is not the case for the apprentices, who will find their group closer to the positive pole on the sociocentric dimension, but not on the sociological one. One can expect, therefore, for the students, an effect of the categorization process in the same direction for both dimensions, while for the apprentices the effect is in opposite directions. The fourth prediction is, thus, that the effect of the experimental conditions will not be the same for apprentices and for students: the members of the less privileged group will react in a more varied way when they are confronted with the other group than the members of the more privileged social group, who will react in a more uniform way. The results, with regard to evaluative discrimination, showed that the
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predictions were confirmed in the case of the students. For the apprentices, although going in the predicted direction, the results were less clear. Concerning the comparison of the results of the two sociological groups, we may conclude that the students demonstrated a much stronger evaluative discrimination in favour of their group than did the apprentices, regardless of the experimental condition. Moreover, the analysis of variance of the responses (indices of central tendency) showed that the students participating in this experiment were more in agreement when describing their own group than the apprentices participating in the experiment under the same conditions (where the other group was mentioned at the start or where the members of the other group were present). This experiment clearly shows how the process of categorical differentiation works in an asymmetrical way when the members of groups belonging to different social positions meet each other. Following the demonstration that accentuation of similarities within the same category is one of the effects of the process of categorical differentiation, we will report a series of experiments illustrating how, in some situations, the combination of two categorizations can neutralize the effect of categorical differentiation. 5.2. Accentuation of intergroup differences and intra-group similarities. We have seen the results of several experiments demonstrating the intensification or weakening of the differentiation between groups, in accordance with the model of categorical differentiation. With regard to the other aspect of categorical differentiation, that is the accentuation of similarity between members of the same group, the connection between categorical differentiation and accentuation of intra-categorical similarity has yet to be proven. Two experiments (Doise, Deschamps & Meyer 1978) show that, as predicted, the intra-categorical similarity is clearly a part of the process of categorical differentiation. We will briefly describe the first of these experiments. Subjects, 72 boys and 72 girls, 10 to 12 years of age, were asked to describe six photographs of three girls and three boys of their own age. In the first experimental condition (condition without anticipation) half of the subjects were presented only with three photographs of the same-sex category, without being told that they would have to describe members of the other sex later on. The subjects had to indicate, for each of the three photographs, which of the 24 adjectives on a list applied to the child shown in the photograph. Subsequently they were presented with the three photographs belonging to the other-sex category and were asked to describe in the same way the child shown in each photograph. In the condition with anticipation,
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the experiment was conducted in the same way, except for the fact that subjects were warned that after describing members of the first group they would have to describe members of the second group. From the start they were presented with all six photographs. The means of a differentiation index (which totals for each subject the differences in absolute value between the number of times an adjective has been attributed to a girl or a boy) show that differentiation between categories was larger when the subjects were reminded of the existence of the other group from the start (condition with anticipation). In addition, irrespective of the experimental conditions, the boys made a greater distinction between photographs of their own category and the other category than did the girls. Parallel to this accentuation of the perceived difference between categories in the condition with anticipation, one can observe an increase of the intra-categorical similarity: the means of the index of intra-categorical similarity (totalling the number of times a subject accords the same adjective to three photographs of the same-sex category) show that the similarity within the same category was perceived as more important when anticipation of the other group existed (mean = 11.6) than when there was no anticipation of the other group (mean = 8.47). From the results of this experiment it is evident that the accentuation of intra-categorical similarity seems to be associated with categorical differentiation. The second experiment dealt with the description of three Swiss language groups: German-Swiss, French-Swiss and Italian-Swiss. Consistent with the process of categorical differentiation, the differences between linguistic groups should decrease when they are presented as subgroups of a Swiss category, and are confronted with a non-Swiss category. The subjects, 174 adolescents about 14 years of age, answered a questionnaire asking them to describe three social groups on 16 eight-point scales. These groups were German-Swiss, French-Swiss and Italian-Swiss in a control condition, or, in the experimental conditions, two of these groups to which were added Germans from Germany, French from France, Italians from Italy, replacing respectively the GermanSwiss, the French-Swiss and the Italian-Swiss. The subjects had to place the groups they had to describe on the 16 scales of the questionnaire. The number of different traits the subjects assigned to the two Swiss groups formed the dependent variable. The mean of the number of traits for each subject showed that the differences between the two Swiss groups were in general less important when they were compared with non-Swiss groups than when they were compared with another Swiss group (control condition). In this case, as in the previous experiment, it was possible
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to vary the intra-categorical similarity in correspondence with the model of categorical differentiation. 5.3. Crossed category memberships. A specific dynamic of categorical differentiation was the basis of another series of experiments. Before explaining this dynamic we would like to mention that categorical differentiation has been studied mainly in situations where belonging to one category excludes belonging to another category. Nevertheless, it is evident that the social environment is often composed of a pattern of crossed social categorizations. It is thus possible to define at least two types of situations: situations with a ' simple categorization principle' in which the subjects have to deal with a radical dichotomy between one social category and another, at least on the level of induced representations, and secondly, situations with 'crossed categorization', where the subjects deal with the fact that some of the members of the category they belong to and some of the members of the category they do not belong to according to a first categorization principle, find themselves belonging to the same group according to a second categorization principle. The question that arises concerns the way in which categorical differentiation functions in such a situation. One would expect an increase of differences between the two categories on the basis of the first principle, but equally an increase in differences between the two categories on the basis of the second categorization principle. At the same time one should have an accentuation of the differences within the same category, because it is, by definition, composed of members of two different categories according to the other category. For the same reasons there should simultaneously be an accentuation of similarity between members of the same category and members of a different category, who belong to the same category according to the other categorization principle. Therefore, there will be a conflict between the accentuation of similarities and differences within and between the category boundaries. A decrease in the categorical differences is to be expected due to these opposing effects. This was demonstrated in an experiment by Deschamps & Doise (1978). In this experiment 80 female subjects were asked to describe female, male, young and old subjects in the simple categorization condition, and young female, young male, female adults and male adults in the crossed categorization condition. It was found that more differentiation occurred in the simple condition as compared with the crossed categorization condition. Another experiment (Deschamps 1977a; Deschamps et ah 1976) has enabled us to elucidate in a different way the effect of crossed category
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membership, and equally to show how an experimental effect is limited and concerns only the characteristics which are directly related to the experimental situation. We do not wish to argue, however, that this limitation is due to an experimental artefact and is inherent to experimental situations. The observation of ' natural' day-by-day situations offers numerous examples of attitude change between groups, which are equally limited to a specific situation. Minard (1952), as well as Harding & Hogrefe (1952), demonstrated in their work on integration of blacks in the USA how whites can work without prejudice with blacks in mixed workforces, but keep their racial prejudices in situations outside work. Experimental situations as well as more ' natural' situations produce specific and limited effects. The experiment we will briefly discuss was divided into two phases. The aim of the first phase was to examine the functioning of categorical differentiation when membership categories are crossed; in such a situation the categorical differentiation should be less strong than in a simple categorization situation. The purpose of the second phase was to re-introduce a simple categorization to show that the differentiation effect will not be modified by former experience. The subjects, children of both sexes, 9 to 10 years old, participated in groups of 12 (six boys, six girls). Five groups used a simple categorization principle, based on sex. In the other five groups crossed categorization was used; the sex-based categorization was combined with membership of a blue or a red group (three boys, three girls). After completing a series of paper and pencil games in the presence of each other, each subject was asked to estimate in how many games each of the 12 members of the group had succeeded (range from o to 4). When this first phase was finished a questionnaire was used to predict the more general representations of each subject about their own group and about the other category. The subjects indicated, from a list of 33 adjectives, which adjectives did or did not characterize their own sex or the other sex. The results indicate that crossed category membership produced the predicted effect. In fact, in the simple categorization condition a difference existed between the attributions made for members of the own category and those made for members of the other category. This difference disappeared in the crossed categorization condition, nor was there, in the latter condition, a differentiation in terms of the colour category. The crossed category membership can thus effectively neutralize the differentiation. We note, moreover, that the differentiation between the own membership category and the other category introduced by male subjects in the simple categorization situation was stronger than that introduced by the female subjects. Here again, as in the experiments with students and apprentices, we see how the position of the
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individual in a social structure modifies the effect of the process of categorical differentiation. On the other hand, analysis of the results obtained in the second phase of this experiment demonstrates that the effect of experimental manipulation is rather limited. The number of positive and negative adjectives attributed to the own-sex category and to the other category was identical after participation in the simple categorization situation and the crossed categorization situation. This research enables us to verify a limitation of categorical differentiation, when several membership categories are crossed. It also enables us to demonstrate that this effect of crossed category memberships is limited to those characteristics directly related to the experimental situation, and to the individuals present in this situation. The effects of a specific situation do not necessarily have an impact on other social situations. To conclude the study of crossed category membership we would like to mention two other experiments (Deschamps 1976-7, 1977b) which refer to the problem set forth at the beginning of this chapter, i.e. the effect of categorization on the perception of physical stimuli. Research on categorical differentiation has its origin in the study of perception in the physical world. We will now see how research in the area of quantitative judgment can profit also from work done in more social areas, demonstrating the connection between the two domains. We have indicated how the results of research on perception of physical stimuli have had an effect on the study of social perception. We will now follow the reverse approach: the results of research on crossed category membership are transposed and verified in terms of perception of physical stimuli. We will briefly describe one of the experiments, in which one of the aims was to demonstrate that the effect of crossed category membership cannot be reduced to a simple effect of the increase in complexity of the situation. The subjects were adolescents of both sexes aged 15 to 16 and the material used was adapted from Marchand (1970). The stimuli consisted of squares with sides of 5 to 17.9 cm placed in the middle of a white card 60 x 60 cm. There were a series of eight squares of different sizes. Moreover, each square could be blue or green, depending upon the experimental condition. There were four conditions. A condition with simple classification (C Sim) where the squares were all of the same colour (blue or green) and the four smallest squares bore the letter A, the four largest, B. A condition with superimposed classification (C Sup) where the four small squares were green and A, the four large ones blue and B (for half the subjects the colours were reversed). A
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condition with crossed classification (C Cr), the classification was the same as in the two preceding conditions regarding the letters A and B, but a second classification crossed the first: the two smallest of the squares of classes A and B were green and the two largest in both A and B were blue (or reversed for half of the subjects). In the last condition, classification at random, superimposed by a systematic classification (C R Sup), the classification in terms of A and B was as in the other conditions, but the classification according to colour was at random. The subjects worked in groups of five and were asked to estimate the length of the side of each square. The eight stimuli were presented one by one, six times and in random order. The results demonstrated, as predicted, that the differences perceived between the classes, i.e. the differences perceived between the largest of the four small squares and the smallest of the four large squares, were identical in conditions C Sim and C R Sup; larger in condition C Sup than in conditions C Sim and C R Sup; and smaller in condition C Cr than in conditions of C Sim and C R Sup. This observation, apart from the fact that it demonstrates for physical quantitative judgments results obtained in more specifically social material, allows us to make a start with the answer to our hypothesis, according to which the decrease in categorical differentiation is due to the categorization process itself when categorization is crossed, and not to the complexity of the situation. The differences between conditions C Cr and C R Sup show that the effect of crossing of categories cannot be reduced to an effect of 'noise' caused by the increase of complexity of the situation, which does not have an effect when, for example, we compare C Sim and C R Sup. We would like to conclude by restating that if categorization is a psychological process, which enables us to understand better the way in which an individual organizes his perception of the physical as well as the social world, categorical differentiation is a social psychological process. This process enables us to take into account the manner in which relations between groups shape the actions, representations and evaluations of the individuals who participate in these relations. It also discloses the way in which individual actions, representations and evaluations are inter-related in the collective dynamics of differentiation and integration.
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References Billig, M. G. & Tajfel, H. 1973. Social categorization and similarity in intergroup behaviour. European Journal of Social Psychology, 3, 27-52. Cheyne, W. M. 1970. Stereotyped reactions to speakers with Scottish and English regional accents. British Journal of Clinical Psychology, 53, 373-80. Deschamps, J.-C. 1976-7. L'effet du croisement des appartenances categorielles sur les jugements quantitatifs. Bulletin de Psychologic 30, 521-30. 1977a. Vattribution et la categorisation sociale. Berne: Lang. 1977b. Effect of crossing category memberships on quantitative judgement. European Journal of Social Psychology, 7, 122-6. Deschamps, J.-C. & Doise, W. 1978. Crossed category memberships in intergroup relations. In H. Tajfel (ed.) Differentiation between social groups. London: Academic Press. Pp. 141-58. Deschamps, J.-C, Doise, W., Meyer, G. & Sinclair, A. 1976. Le sociocentrisme selon Piaget et la differentiation categorielle. Archives de Psychologie, 44, 31-44. Doise, W. 1972. Rencontres et representations intergroupes. Archives de Psychologie,
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1976. Varticulation psychosociologique et les relations entre groupes. Bruxelles: De Boeck. Doise, W. & Weinberger, M. 1972-3. Representations masculines dans differentes situations de rencontres mixtes. Bulletin de Psychologie, 26, 649-57. Doise, W., Deschamps, J.-C. & Meyer, G. 1978. The accentuation of intercategory similarities. In H. Tajfel (ed.) Differentiation between socialgroups. London: Academic Press. Pp. 159-68. Ferguson, C. K. & Kelley, H. H. 1964. Significant factors in overevaluation of own-group's product. Journal of Abnormal Psychology, 69, 223-7. Festinger, L. 1954. A theory of social comparison processes. Human Relations, 7, 117-40. Harding, J. & Hogrefe, R. 1952. Attitudes of white department store employees toward negro co-workers. Journal of Social Issues, 8, 18-28. Lambert, W. E., Hodgson, R. C, Gardner, R. C. & Fillenbaum, S. i960. Evaluational reactions to spoken languages. Journal of Abnormal Psychology, 60, 4 4 - 5 1 . Marchand, B. 1970. Auswirkung einer emotional wertvollen und einer emotional neutralen Klassification auf die Schatzung einer Stimulus-serie. Zeitschrift Socialpsychologie, 1, 264-74. Minard, R. D. 1952. Race relationships in the Pocahontas coal field. Journal of Social Issues, 8, 29-44. Osgood, C. E., Suci, G. J. & Tannenbaum, P. H. 1957. The measurement of meaning. Urbana, 111.: University of Illinois Press. Rabbie, J. M. & Horwitz, M. 1969. The arousal of ingroup-outgroup bias by chance win or loss. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 13, 269-77. Rabbie, J. M. & Wilkens, G. 1971. Intergroup competition and its effect on intragroup and intergroup relations. European Journal of Social Psychology, 1, 215-34. Sherif, M. 1966. In common predicament. Social psychology of intergroup conflict and cooperation. Boston: Houghton Mifflin. Sherif, M., Harvey, 0. J., White, B. J., Hood, W. R. & Sherif, C. W. 1961. Intergroup conflict and cooperation. The robbers' cave experiment. Norman, Okl.: University Book Exchange.
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Tajfel, H. 1959a. Quantitative judgment in social perception. British Journal of Psychology, so, 16-29. 1959b. A note on Lambert's 'Evaluational reactions to spoken languages'. Canadian Journal of Psychology, 1 3 , 8 6 - 9 2 . 1972. La categorisation sociale. In S. Moscovici (ed.) Introduction a la psychologie sociale, vol. 1. Paris: Larousse. Tajfel, H. & Wilkes, A. L. 1963. Classification and quantitative judgment. British Journal of Psychology, 54, 101-14. Tajfel, H., Sheikh, A. A. & Gardner, R. C. 1964. Content stereotypes and the inference of similarity between members of stereotyped groups. Acta Psychologica, 22,
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Intergroup relations and categorical differentiation

Intergroup relations and categorical differentiation

Intergroup relations and categorical differentiation

Intergroup relations and categorical differentiation

Intergroup relations and categorical differentiation

Intergroup relations and categorical differentiation

Intergroup relations and categorical differentiation

Intergroup relations and categorical differentiation

Intergroup relations and categorical identification

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