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CONTENTS
France ...................................................................................................................................... 3 Germany ................................................................................................................................. 5 Italy .......................................................................................................................................... 7 The Netherlands................................................................................................................... 9 Poland.................................................................................................................................... 11 Portugal ................................................................................................................................. 13 Romania ................................................................................................................................ 15 Slovakia ................................................................................................................................. 17 Spain ...................................................................................................................................... 19 Sweden .................................................................................................................................. 21 Turkey ................................................................................................................................... 23 The United Kingdom ......................................................................................................... 25 The United States................................................................................................................ 27
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French respondents were generally supportive of increased transatlantic trade and investment. Fifty-five percent said it would help their economy grow, while 40% said it would render their economy more vulnerable. TRANSATLANTIC SECURITY French support for NATO remained strong, with 62% saying that it remains essential, a number that has remained virtually unchanged since 2002 (61%). When asked why, a strong plurality (48%) attributed its importance to its character as a community of democracies, with the other respondents evenly split between the legitimacy that accompanies NATO support, NATOs ability to facilitate burdensharing, and existing threats that continue to threaten France (17% each). Among those who said that NATO is no longer essential, a plurality (46%) said that Europe should have its own defense organization. French respondents were even less likely to support intervention in Syria in 2013 than they had been in 2012. Sixty-five percent of respondents, up 15 percentage points from last year, said that France should stay out completely, while 33%, down from 45% last year, said France should intervene. France was, however, more receptive to the use of drones by the military than nearly any other country in Europe 52% supported their use, second only to the U.K. (55%). MOBILITY, MIGRATION, AND INTEGRATION A plurality of French respondents (43%) said there are too many immigrants in France, a ten percentage point increase from 2011. The French were also more worried about immigration, both legal and illegal: 32% said they were worried about legal immigration, a ten percentage point increase from 2011, while 71% said they were worried about illegal immigration, a twelve percentage point increase from 2011. The French were among the most likely to say first-generation immigrants were integrating poorly (53%), and generally saw immigration as more of a problem than an opportunity (50%). French respondents were generally displeased with their governments role in managing immigration; fifty-nine percent said the government was handling it poorly.
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handling of the economic crisis (compared to 47% of Europeans), with only the Netherlands registering a higher approval rate for Chancellor Merkel (73%). Germans were the most confident that EU membership had been good for their national economy (71%), but saw a reversal from attitudes expressed last year when asked where economic governance should lie. Sixty percent of Germans thought that member states should retain economic authority for themselves while 37% thought that the EU should have more authority over member states economic and budgetary powers. In 2012, 53% of Germans believed the EU should have more economic authority, constituting a sixteen percentage point drop from 2012 to 2013. TRANSATLANTIC SECURITY Sixty percent of Germans considered NATO as still essential to their countrys security, along with 58% of Europeans and 55% of Americans. Among the majority of respondents who considered that NATO as still essential, 71% of Germans agreed with the proposition that NATO is an alliance of democratic countries that should act together, the highest approval for this statement in the survey. When asked about contributing to a force that will remain in Afghanistan to train the Afghan national army and police once NATO ends its combat mission, 60% of Germans approved of contributing to such a force. However, when asked about intervention in Syria, 75% of Germans advocated staying out of Syria completely, a twelve percentage point increase since 2012. Although 71% of Americans approved of the use of drones to kill suspected enemies in places like Afghanistan and Pakistan, 61% of Germans disapproved of their use, with only the Swedes (63%) and the Spanish (65%) garnering an higher disapproval rate. MOBILITY, MIGRATION, AND INTEGRATION Germans expressed optimism about the role of immigration within their society; approval of the governments handling of immigration policy rose substantially among German respondents. When asked whether immigration was more of a problem or more of an opportunity, 62% of Germans responded that it was more of an opportunity, while Americans were evenly split (problem: 47%, opportunity: 46%) and a plurality of Europeans (44%) thought it was more of a problem. Fifty-eight percent of Europeans were unhappy with their governments management of immigration policy. Only in Germany (54%) did a majority of respondents approve of their governments management of immigration policy, an increase of sixteen percentage points since 2012. Recently, the German government has passed several new laws in 2012 and 2013 opening up the German labor market to immigrants to offset the shrinking population and to fill shortages in the labor market to keep Germany competitive a far cry from 2010, when Germanys chancellor Merkel talked about the failure of multiculturalism.
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asked about spending in specific areas, Italians were among the most likely to favor a decrease in defense spending. Fifty-three percent of Italians favored cutting defense spending, compared to 38% of Europeans. Only Spain had a larger proportion of respondents in favor of defense cuts (56%). TRANSATLANTIC SECURITY Italians are increasingly in favor of a more independent role for themselves and for Europe in terms of security and defense. When asked whether the U.S. and EU security and diplomatic partnership should become closer, remain the same, or whether the respondents side should take a more independent approach, a plurality of Italians (49%) stated that their own side should take a more independent approach. Pluralities in Europe and America agreed (42% and 33%, respectively). Italians were the least likely in Europe to say that NATO was still essential for their countrys security, with only 46% agreeing, a decline of six percentage points since 2012. Concerning recent developments in the Middle East and North Africa, respondents were asked to choose between two propositions: stability is more important even if it means accepting non-democratic governments and democracy is more important even if it leads to a period of instability. The Italians and the Swedes were mostly likely to approve of democracy over stability (both 73%). A majority in Europe (58%) and a plurality in the U.S. (47%) agreed. Despite a preference for democracy, Italians were reluctant to engage abroad. Fifty-one percent of Italians disapprove of contributing to a force that will remain in Afghanistan to train Afghan army and police once NATO ends its combat mission, compared to a majority of Europeans (53%) who approve. Seventy percent of Italians, an increase of fourteen percentage points since 2012, believe their country should stay out of Syria completely. MOBILITY, MIGRATION, AND INTEGRATION Italians expressed concern about immigration, while remaining largely positive about the role of immigrants within their country. When asked whether there were too many, a lot but not too many, or not many, 43% of Italians responded that there were too many, compared to 33% of Europeans. Fifty-eight percent of Europeans felt that their government was doing a poor job managing immigration. Dissatisfaction was highest in Italy (83%), although this number has remained stable since 2011. Despite concern about the number of immigrants and government policy towards immigration, Italians were among the most positive towards immigrants economic and cultural impact on their country. Seventyone percent of Italians agreed that immigrants generally help to fill jobs where there are shortages of workers, compared to 66% of Europeans. When asked whether immigrants are a threat to our national culture, 75% of Italians disagreed, compared to 69% of Europeans and 64% of Americans. Eighty-two percent of Italians agreed that emigration was a problem for their country, compared with 57% of Europeans and 28% of Americans.
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TRANSATLANTIC SECURITY NATO enjoys the highest support in the Netherlands, where 72% of respondents said that it was still essential for their countrys security, compared to 58% of Europeans and 55% of Americans. Among those who believed NATO was still essential, 56% agreed that NATO was an alliance of democratic countries that should work together. The Netherlands joined the U.S. and France as the countries most amenable to intervention in Syria (27%, 30%, and 33%, respectively). However, this represented an eleven percentage point decrease in the Netherlands and very large majorities in all countries advocated staying out of Syria completely. When respondents were asked which option they preferred in preventing Iran from acquiring nuclear weapons, the Dutch were most likely to advocate the imposition of economic sanctions (38%). MOBILITY, MIGRATION, AND INTEGRATION Dutch attitudes towards immigrants remains divided. Forty-one percent of Dutch respondents see immigration as more of a problem, while 46% of respondents see immigration as more of an opportunity. Approval of the governments handling of immigration has increased by five percentage points from 37% in 2010 to 42%. A majority of Dutch respondents agreed that immigrants were integration well into society, an increase of eighteen percentage points from 2010 when only 36% agreed. However, the percentage of respondents who said that there were too many immigrants living in the Netherlands increased by ten percentage points since 2010, to 37% (a lot but not too many: 34%; not many: 26%). Nearly two-thirds of Dutch respondents (62%) disagreed with the statement, immigrants take jobs away from native born citizens, an eleven percentage point decrease from 2010. Sixty-six percent of Dutch respondents agreed with the statement, immigrants enrich our culture.
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should retain economic authority for itself rather than delegating more economic authority to the European Union. TRANSATLANTIC SECURITY When asked whether the partnership in security and diplomatic affairs between the U.S. and the EU should become closer, remain the same, or whether the respondents country should take a more independent approach, pluralities in the U.S. (33%) and EU (42%) stated that their side should take a more independent approach. However, only 26% of Poles agreed. Sixty-six percent of Polish respondents stated that relations should remain the same or become closer. Poland was among the countries with the lowest proportion of respondents (47%) stating that NATO was still essential of their countrys security, compared to 58% of Europeans and 55% of Americans. However, only 37% of respondents stated that NATO was no longer essential, in line with the 33% of Europeans who responded similarly. Among the plurality of Polish respondents who considered NATO as still essential for their countrys security, 44% believed that NATO was still essential because NATO is an alliance of democratic countries which should act together. Among the minority who considered NATO no longer essential to their countrys security, 41% said that Poland should be able to make its own military decisions. MOBILITY, MIGRATION, AND INTEGRATION Polish respondents expressed mixed feelings about immigration. While Americans were evenly split on whether immigration represented more of a problem or more of an opportunity (problem: 47%, opportunity: 46%), 44% of Europeans saw immigration as more of a problem while 41% saw it as more of an opportunity. Noticeably, Poland and similar countries with a relatively low share of immigrants showed a higher number of respondents who see immigration as neither a problem nor an opportunity (13%). Forty-six percent of Poles said they were worried about illegal immigration while 71% of Europeans responded similarly. However, 54% of Poles agreed with the statement that immigrants take jobs away from native born citizens compared to 35% of Europeans. Conversely, Polish respondents were among the most worried about emigration. Eighty-two percent of Polish respondents felt that emigration was a problem for their country, compared to 57% of Europeans and 28% of Americans.
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from 43% in 2012, said its effects had generally been good, while 65%, up from 55% in 2012, said its effects had generally been bad. Despite their dissatisfaction, Portuguese respondents were optimistic about the potential benefits of international trade. Fifty-seven percent said that increased EU-U.S. trade would help their economy grow, while 33% said it would make their economy more vulnerable. They were even more positive when asked about the potential for cooperation with other countries: 69% said that rising powers, including India, Indonesia and Brazil, represent an economy opportunity, while 22% said they represent an economic threat. TRANSATLANTIC SECURITY Portuguese respondents were evenly divided when asked about the growing unrest in the Middle East and North Africa 47% said that democracy was more important than stability, while 47% said the opposite. They were united, however, in opposition to intervention in Syria 80% said that Portugal should stay out entirely, up from 68% in 2012. Fifty-five percent of Portuguese respondents supported Portugal contributing to an ongoing NATO mission to train military and police officers in Afghanistan; 40% opposed. MOBILITY, MIGRATION, AND INTEGRATION Forty-one percent of Portuguese respondents said that too many immigrants were living in their country, while 40% said there were a lot but not too many and 10% said there were not many. Fifty percent said immigration is an opportunity, while 41% said it was more of a problem. Portuguese respondents were much more concerned about emigration: 88% said emigration was a problem for Portugal, while 11% said it was not. While only 26% said they were worried about legal immigration, 88% worried about illegal immigration.
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TRANSATLANTIC SECURITY When asked whether the partnership in security and diplomatic affairs between the United States and the European Union should become closer, remain the same, or whether the respondents side should take a more independent approach, Romanian respondents were the most likely to say the partnership should become closer (43%). Romania joined the United Kingdom and the Netherlands as the respondents most likely to describe NATO as still essential for their countrys security (66%, 69% and 72%, respectively). Romanians were among the least likely to favor further engagement abroad. Respondents were asked to choose between two propositions: stability is more important even if it means accepting nondemocratic governments and democracy is more important even if it leads to a period of instability. Romanian and Polish respondents were the most likely to choose stability over democracy (52% and 50%, respectively). When asked about the desirability of intervention in Syria, Romanian respondents (82%) and Slovakian respondents (85%) were the most likely to advocate staying out of Syria completely, with a fourteen percentage point increase in the former since 2012. A majority of Romanians (51%) disapproved of contributing to a force that will remain in Afghanistan to train the national army and police, compared to 53% of Europeans who approved of contributing to such a force. MOBILITY, MIGRATION, AND INTEGRATION Immigration does not appear to be a great concern for Romanian respondents, compared to other Europeans. When asked whether there were too many, a lot but not too many, or not many immigrants within their country, Romanian and Slovakian respondents were the most likely to say there were not many immigrants in their country (both 51%). Respondents were also asked whether immigration represented more of a problem or more of an opportunity for their country. Americans were evenly split (problem: 47%; opportunity: 46%) while 44% of Europeans saw immigration as more of a problem and 41% saw immigration as more of an opportunity. Romania, with a relatively low share of immigrants, showed a high number of respondents who saw immigration as neither a problem nor an opportunity (21%). When asked to estimate the percentage of the population that are immigrants, 50% of Romanians responded that they did not know or refused to answer. A plurality of Romanian respondents said that they were not worried about illegal immigration (48%), compared to 71% of European respondents who said they were worried about illegal immigration. However, Romanians expressed concern about emigration, with 72% responding that emigration is a problem for their country.
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were the most likely to say that EU membership has been a good thing for their countrys economy. This constituted a six percentage point increase since 2012. TRANSATLANTIC SECURITY Respondents were asked whether the partnership in diplomatic and security affairs between the United States and the European Union should become closer, remain the same, or whether the respondents side should take a more independent approach. Forty-three percent of Slovak respondents wanted the partnership to remain about the same, 32% wanted their side to take a more independent approach, and only 21% wanted relations to become closer. Fifty-four percent of Slovak respondents reported that NATO was still essential for their countrys security, a decline of seven percentage points since 2012. Among the 33% of Slovak respondents who said NATO was no longer essential, 44% agreed that there are no major military threats that endanger Slovakia. Increasing reluctance to engage abroad is exhibited in disapproval of intervention in Syria, with 85% (an increase of fifteen percentage points since 2012) saying their country should stay out completely. Fifty-four percent of Slovak respondents disapproved of contributing to a force that will remain in Afghanistan to train army and police personnel. Conversely, 53% of Europeans and 54% of Americans approved of contributing to such a force. Slovak respondents were evenly split on whether democracy or stability was more important: 44% agreed with the proposition, stability is more important even if it mean accepting non-democratic governments while 42% agreed that democracy is more important even if it leads to a period of instability. MOBILITY, MIGRATION, AND INTEGRATION Despite having relatively few immigrants, Slovak respondents expressed concern about the economic and cultural impact immigrants were having on their country. Slovakia joined Romania as the most likely to respond that there were not many immigrants living in their country (both 51%). The average estimate for the percentage of the population who are immigrants was 9.4%; the actual percentage is 4%. Despite a relatively low percentage of immigrants, 52% see immigration as more of a problem and only 16% see it as more of an opportunity. Romania, Slovakia, and Poland registered high percentages who viewed immigration as neither a problem nor an opportunity (21%, 19%, and 13%, respectively). Respondents were asked whether they agreed or disagreed with the statement immigrants take jobs away from native born citizens. The highest agreement in Europe for this proposition was registered in Slovakia (68%). Slovak respondents were also the most likely to agree that immigrants were a burden on social services (71%).
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the latter, down from 38% last year. That said, Spaniards were the most likely in Europe to say that Asia is more important to their national interests than the United States (41%, versus 51% who disagreed). ECONOMIC CRISIS, EUROPE, AND TRADE Despite Spaniards economic anxiety, they generally endorsed increased trade and investment with America 59% said it would make their economy stronger. However, this attitude did not extend to trade with China: 56% said that China represents an economic threat, while only 36% said it represents an economic opportunity. Spanish respondents were more amenable to other rising powers: 71% said that countries like India, Brazil and Indonesia present an opportunity, while 23% said they represent a threat. TRANSATLANTIC SECURITY Spanish respondents were the most likely in Europe to describe NATO as no longer essential (43%, versus 52% who described it as still essential); when those who said it was no longer essential were asked why, a plurality (40%) said that Europe should have its own defense organization. Spanish respondents also came out against intervention in Syria (76%) and the use of drones in combat (65%). They were evenly split when asked about Spain contributing to a continued NATO presence in Afghanistan: 49% supported contributing Spanish troops to help train Afghan military and police forces, while 49% opposed. MOBILITY, MIGRATION, AND INTEGRATION When asked how they felt about the number of immigrants in their society, Spanish respondents were evenly divided: 31%, down from 48%, said there were too many; 30% said there were a lot, but not too many; and 36%, up from 21% in 2011, said there were not many. Few (33%) said that immigrants take away jobs from native Spaniards, with more (59%) saying that immigrants help to fill jobs where there are shortages of workers. Forty-one percent, a forteen percentage point drop from 2011, said that immigrants are a burden on social services, while 55%, a sixteen percentage point increase from last year, said that they are not.
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effect on their economy, compared to 34% who disagree, while 81% say that the euro would have a negative effect on their economy. Meanwhile, Swedish respondents were split when asked about the EU's handling of the economic crisis46% said that they generally approved, while 44% disapproved. German Chancellor Angela Merkel fared much better, receiving an approval rate of 59% and a disapproval rate of only 21%. Swedes were, however, in no hurry to cede control over economic and budgetary policy to Brussels: 81% favored national retention of fiscal policy authority, a response second only to that of Britain (82%). TRANSATLANTIC SECURITY Swedish respondents were the most likely to say that, in the context of the recent uprisings in the Middle East, democracy should take precedence over stability: 73% preferred democracy, while 19% said stability is more important. Still, Swedes were generally against intervening in Syria. Sixty-one percent Sweden should stay out entirely, a thirteen percentage point increase since 2012, while 31% said Sweden should intervene, a thirteen percentage point drop since 2012. They were more amenable to a continued presence in Afghanistan: 63% supported Swedens contributing troops to help train the Afghan army and police forces, while 33% opposed. Swedes were, however, among the more adamant opponents of the use of drones. Sixty-three percent disapproved of their usemore than in any country but Spain (65%) while 32% approved. MOBILITY, MIGRATION, AND INTEGRATION Swedish respondents were among the least worried by immigration, with only 19% worried about legal immigration and 59% worried about illegal immigration. Nonetheless, Swedes do not believe immigrants are integrating well into Swedish society: 61% said that immigrants are integrating poorly more than in any other country in Europewhile 43% said the same of children of immigrants. Swedish respondents were, however, broadly positive about the effects immigration has had on their society: 77% said that immigrants do not take jobs away from native-born Swedes, 74% said immigrants help fill jobs where there are labor shortages, 74% said immigrants create jobs as they set up new businesses, 51% said immigrants are not a burden on social services, 71% said immigrants do not threaten Swedish culture, and 82% said immigrants enrich Swedish culture. Swedes are not happy, however, with their governments managing of immigration. Sixty-four percent said the government has been doing a poor job, compared to 32% who disagreed.
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This could be related to their view of European economic governance: 46% said they approve of the job the EU has done handling the European economic crisis, up from 27% in 2012, while 35% disapproved, down from 51% in 2012. This approval did not carry over to German Chancellor Merkel, however only 28% of Turks approved of the job she has done, while 46% disapproved. TRANSATLANTIC SECURITY Turkish respondents expressed strong disapproval of some of the security policies most relevant to their country. Asked if they would support military intervention in Syria, 72% said that Turkey should stay out entirely, a fifteen percentage point increase from 2012. Seventy-two percent of Europeans and 62% of Americans agreed. Thirty-three percent of French respondents endorsed intervention, making France the strongest supporter of a generally unpopular option. Turkish respondents were also sharply against Turkey contributing to any sort of residual training force in Afghanistan after the end of the NATO combat mission (51%, versus 37% in support), and opposed the use of drones (60%, versus 29% who supported their use). MOBILITY, MIGRATION, AND INTEGRATION Turkish respondents were significantly more worried about legal immigration than respondents in other countries (60%), possibly due to the recent influx of refugees from Syria. Turkish respondents also believed that immigrants have been integrating into Turkish society poorly (74%), that they are a burden on social services (69%), that they are a threat to national culture (55%), and that they take away jobs from native-born Turks (70%). Overall, 61% of Turkish respondents said that their government was doing a poor job of managing immigration, and 54% said immigrations was more of a problem than an opportunity. Part of this may be due to the number of immigrants Turkish respondents believed live in their country: Turks said, on average, that 21.2% of Turkeys population was composed of immigrants, though only 25% said their country had too many immigrants.
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economic authority for itself with 82% in favor of economic sovereignty rather than delegating further economic authority to the EU. TRANSATLANTIC SECURITY NATO is still seen as essential for their countrys security by 69% of British respondents, with only the Dutch claiming a higher percentage (72%) in agreement. Within the majority who said that NATO was still essential for their countrys security, 51% of respondents in the U.K. agreed that NATO was still essential because of its function as an alliance of democratic countries which should act together. When asked about the use of unmanned drones in places like Afghanistan and Pakistan to find and kill suspected enemies, U.K. responses mirrored those in the United States rather than those in Europe. Fifty-five percent of U.K. respondents approved of the use of drones (the highest approval level in Europe), while 71% of Americans and 41% of Europeans approved of their use. Fifty-eight percent of British respondents approved of contributing to a force that will remain in Afghanistan to train Afghan military and police after the end of the NATO combat mission, compared to 54% of Americans and 53% of Europeans. MOBILITY, MIGRATION, AND INTEGRATION British respondents were the most likely in Europe to see immigration as more of a problem than an opportunity (64%). Concern about both legal and illegal immigration ranged above European averages. Forty-one percent of U.K. respondents were worried about legal immigration (compared to 29% of Europeans) and 80% were worried about illegal immigration (compared to 71% of Europeans). When asked whether there were too many, a lot but not too many, or not many immigrants in their country, the highest level of concern that there were too many immigrants was registered in the U.K. (55%). Concern about the number of immigrants in their country was matched by disapproval of the governments management of immigration policy. Seventy-two percent of U.K. respondents thought the government was doing a poor job managing immigration, fourteen percentage points higher than the European average of 58%. British respondents were also among the most likely to view immigrants as an economic and cultural threat. When asked whether immigrants take jobs away from native born citizens, 51% of UK respondents agreed (down seven percentage points since 2011), along with 50% of Americans and 35% of Europeans. When asked whether immigrants are a burden on social services, 56% of UK respondents agreed (down seven percentage points since 2011), along with 57% of Americans and 50% of Europeans. British respondents were among the most likely to view immigrants as a threat to national culture: 46% of British respondents agreed, compared to 32% of Americans and 28% of Europeans.
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States and Europe would help their economy grow. In contrast, only 28% of Turks agreed while a plurality (43%) said that increased trade between the United States and Europe would make their economy more vulnerable. TRANSATLANTIC SECURITY NATO continues to be seen as essential by 55% of Americans and 58% of Europeans, percentages that have remained stable since 2002. However, substantial divergences in public opinion on transatlantic security exist. When asked whether the partnership in security and diplomatic affairs between the United States and the European Union should become closer, remain the same, or the respondents side should take a more independent approach, pluralities in the U.S. (33%) and Europe (42%) responded that their side should take a more independent approach. Americans and Europeans diverged in their approval of the use of drones to find and kill suspected enemies in places like Afghanistan and Pakistan: 71% of Americans approved of their use while 53% of Europeans disapproved. Europeans were more adamant than Americans in their preference for democracy over stability: 58% of Europeans and 47% of Americans agreed democracy is more important even if it leads to a period of instability. Transatlantic attitudes converged on the desirability of intervention in Syria and how best to prevent Iran from acquiring nuclear weapons. Sixty-two percent of Americans (an increase of seven percentage points since 2012) and 72% of Europeans (an increase of thirteen percentage points since 2012) advocated staying out of Syria. Pluralities of Americans (29%) and Europeans (32%) preferred imposing economic sanctions on Iran to prevent their acquisition of nuclear weapons, a shift from previous years, when Europeans tended to prefer offering economic incentives instead. MOBILITY, MIGRATION, AND INTEGRATION Immigration remains a concern for Americans, as they continue to grapple with the economic and cultural impact immigrants have on their society. When asked whether respondents considered immigration to be more of a problem or an opportunity, Americans were evenly split (problem: 47%; opportunity: 46%). Americans were optimistic about the integration of first and second generation immigrants. Sixty-one percent stated that first generation immigrants were integrating well (an increase of five percentage points since 2011) and 68% agreed that second generation immigrants were integrating well (a decrease of six percentage points since 2011). Sixty-eight percent of Americans believed their government was doing a poor job managing immigration, compared to 58% of Europeans. Half of U.S. respondents (50%) agreed with the statement immigrants take jobs away from native born citizens, a decrease of seven percentage points since 2011. A majority (62%) of Europeans disagreed.
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Transatlantic Trends is a comprehensive annual survey of U.S. and European public opinion. Polling was conducted by TNS Opinion from June 3-271 in the United States, Turkey, and 11 European Union member states: France, Germany, Italy, the Netherlands, Poland, Portugal, Romania, Slovakia, Spain, Sweden, and the United Kingdom. The survey is a project of the German Marshall Fund (GMF) and the Compagnia di San Paolo, with additional support from the Barrow Cadbury Trust, Fundao Luso-Americana, the BBVA Foundation, the Communitas Foundation, and the Swedish Ministry for Foreign Affairs. The advisory committee for the survey included Pierangelo Isernia, professor of political science, University of Siena (Italy); Richard Eichenberg, associate professor of political science, Tufts University (United States), and Nicol Russo Perez, program manager, Compagnia di San Paolo (Italy). For Section Four (Mobility, Migration and Integration), the additional
1 Due to protests in Turkey, fieldwork was temporarily suspended and did not finish until July 2.
advisers were Susan Martin, executive director, Institute for the Study of International Migration, Georgetown University; Claudia Diehl, professor of microsociology, University of Konstanz; and Ayesha Saran, programme manager, Barrow Cadbury Trust. The authors of the Country Summaries were Constanze Stelzenmller, senior transatlantic fellow and Transatlantic Trends project lead, and Josh Raisher, program coordinator, with significant input from Bridget Parker and Anika Meister.
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www.transatlantictrends.org
A project of the German Marshall Fund of the United States and the Compagnia di San Paolo, with additional support from the Fundao Luso-Americana, the BBVA Foundation, the Communitas | 34 Foundation, the Swedish Ministry for Foreign Affairs, and the Barrow Cadbury Trust.