Psychology, Crime & Law, June 2004, Vol. 10(2), pp.

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THE ROLE OF PERSONALITY IN RELATION TO CONFESSIONS AND DENIALS

GISLI H. GUDJONSSONa*, JON FRIDRIK SIGURDSSONb and EMIL EINARSSONb
a

Department of Psychology, Institute of Psychiatry, De Crespigny Park, Denmark Hill, London SE5 8AF, UK; bDepartment of Psychiatry, University Hospital, IS-101 Reykjavik, Iceland
(Received 30 May 2003; in final form 11 September 2003)

The main aim of the study was to replicate a previous study into personality factors associated with confessions and denials. It was hypothesised that antisocial personality traits and active involvement in criminal behaviour would be associated with false confessions and false denials. The participants were 666 university students in Iceland. Each was asked about false admissions made to teachers and parents in the past, as well as about confessions or denials (true and false) made to the police during questioning. The participants completed questionnaires relating to offending and personality. One-quarter (25%) of the participants stated that they had in the past been interrogated by the police in relation to a suspected offence, of whom 54% said they had confessed. The base rate of guilt in the study of those interrogated by the police was 66%. Only two participants (1.2% of those interrogated) claimed to have made false confessions to the police, whereas 6.2% claimed to have made false confessions to teachers or parents at some time in their lives. False confessions to teachers and parents were significantly associated with antisocial personality traits and the extent and seriousness of self-reported delinquency. In conclusion, antisocial personality characteristics, impulsivity, and the extent and seriousness of self-reported delinquency were the most significant predictors of who had a past history of making false confessions to teachers and parents. Keywords: Antisocial Personality Traits; Delinquency; Confessions; Denials; False Confessions; Interrogation

INTRODUCTION When investigating crimes, one of the methods that the police have at their disposal is to interview suspects in order to obtain a confession. When suspects confess to the crime of which they are suspected, then their self-incriminating admissions are often used against them in court (Gudjonsson, 2003). On occasions, denials, when shown to be false, can also be used against defendants to prove their guilt in court (Leo, 1996). In England about 60% of suspects confess to the police during interviewing, whereas in the USA the rate is about 45% (Gudjonsson, 2003). What remains relatively unknown and under-researched is the base rate of true confessions , false confessions , true denials and false denials , respectively, among suspects and how these different outcomes relate to suspects personality. This four-group distinction about the outcome of a police interview was first articulated in Gudjonssons (2003) book The Psychology of Interrogations and Confessions. A Handbook . The book shows how the focus of research on police interviewing has been

*Corresponding author. E-mail: g.gudjonsson@iop.kcl.ac.uk

ISSN 1068-316X print/ISSN 1477-2744 online # 2004 Taylor & Francis Ltd DOI: 10.1080/10683160310001634296

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mainly on confession rates and on the nature of false confessions. Little research has been carried out into denials, true or false. There are a number of models available to explain confessions. Gudjonsson (2003) reviews six such models: The Reid Model (Jayne, 1986); A Decision-Making Model (Hilgendorf and Irving, 1981); Psychoanalytic Models (e.g. Reik, 1959); An Interactional Model (Moston et al. , 1992); A Cognitive /Behavioural Model (Gudjonsson, 1989a); and The Ofshe /Leo Model (Ofshe and Leo, 1997). Whereas the first four models focus principally on the psychological factors behind true confession, the Cognitive /Behavioural Model and The Ofshe /Leo Model are applicable to both true and false confessions. Two further models are available, which are exclusively relevant to false confessions. Firstly, the best-known model of false confessions is that of Kassin and Wrightsman (1985), where false confessions are seen as falling into three psychological types: voluntary, coercedinternalised and coerced-compliant. Recently, Gudjonsson (2003) proposed a modification to the threefold typology of Kassin and Wrightsman, changing the word coerced to pressured and adding a category that indicates the source of pressure (i.e. internal, custodial, and non-custodial). Some important overlaps exist between the different models, although each makes somewhat different assumptions about why suspects confess to the police during questioning. In broad terms, suspects confess when they perceive that there is strong evidence against them, when they need to relieve feelings of guilt, when they cannot cope with the custodial pressure, and focus on the immediate consequences of their actions rather than the long-term ones. Although the suspects personality is considered important in some of the models in producing confessions and denials, the nature of the specific vulnerabilities and traits are not articulated, except in relation to suggestibility and compliance (Gudjonsson, 2003). Compliance is theoretically most associated with the pressured-compliant type of false confession and suggestibility in relation to the pressured-internalised type. The research of Gudjonsson and Sigurdsson (1994) and Sigurdsson and Gudjonsson (1996a) among Icelandic prisoners showed that 12% of the inmates claimed to have made a false confession some time in their lives to the police. Among this sample, antisocial personality characteristics, such as poor socialisation, and active participation in criminal behaviour from a young age were good predictors of their reporting having made false confessions (Sigurdsson and Gudjonsson, 2001). There is also a good reason to believe that those who attempt to deny their true criminal involvement during interrogation are likely to possess antisocial personality traits (Gudjonsson and Sigurdsson, 1999). Both types of behaviour (i.e. a false confession and a false denial) involve suspects lying for some instrumental gains (Gudjonsson et al ., 2004). In a recent study of 1080 young college students (age 15 /25 years) in Iceland, Gudjonsson et al . (2004) studied confessions and denials among 268 participants who reported that they had been interrogated by the police on one or more occasion in their lives. The base rate of guilt in the study among those interrogated was 67%, 59% claimed to have made a true confession to the police, and 3.7% claimed to have made a false confession to the police. The confession rate among those who were truly guilty of the offence was 81%, which means that 19% of guilty suspects denied the offence (i.e. they were false deniers). With regard to false confessions, 10% claimed to have made a false confession to teachers or parents in the past. False confessions and false denials were found to be significantly associated with antisocial personality traits. Those participants who made true confessions and true denials were most normal in their personality.

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The purpose of the present study was to investigate differences in the personality and offending behaviour of persons who made confessions or denials when interviewed by the police, according to the four confession-denial categories listed above. Whereas previous research has focused on police detainees (e.g. Moston et al ., 1992; Gudjonsson et al ., 1993), or prison inmates (Gudjonsson and Sigurdsson, 1994; Sigurdsson and Gudjonsson, 1996a,b, 1997, 2001), the present study involved interviewing representative groups of college students who are known, from our previous research (Gudjonsson and Sigurdsson, 2004), to have a high level of self-reported offending and some involvement with the police. On the basis of the literature (for a review of the literature see Gudjonsson, 2003), we hypothesised that those persons who make false confessions to the police, as well as those who make denials of offences they have committed (i.e. false deniers), are more likely than true confessors and true deniers to: (a) be disordered in their personality (e.g. possessing antisocial personality characteristics); and (b) have an extensive history of delinquency and offending. We also hypothesised that persons with a history of making false confessions to parents and teachers would be more antisocial in their personality than the other participants, and to be more likely to make false confessions to the police. The present study is a replication of the previous study, but it is carried out among university students rather than a broad range of students in further education in Iceland. This is an older and a better-educated group, whose offending, in contrast to college students, is more strongly associated with serious traffic violation (e.g. driving whilst intoxicated) rather than property offences and acts of violence (Gudjonsson and Sigurdsson, 2004). In science, replication of research findings is important. In the present study replication is particularly important, because in the original study several of the findings were stunning and potentially of considerable theoretical and practical importance. This includes the high rate of involvement of the college students with the police and in criminal activities, the theoretical and practical implications of the distinctions between confessions and denials (both true and false) and the respective base rates, and the significant relationship of false confessions and false denials to antisocial personality characteristics.

METHODS Participants The participants were 666 university students in Iceland. There were 332 (49.8%) males and 329 (49.4%) females in the study (Information on gender was missing for further five (0.8% of the participants)). The average age for the sample was 24.02 (range 19 /48, SD /4.0).

Instruments 1. The Eysenck Personality Questionnaire (EPQ; Eysenck and Eysenck, 1975; Haraldsson and Bjornsson, 1985) This 101-item questionnaire, which has been translated into Icelandic and standardised (Eysenck and Haraldsson, 1983) measures three main personality dimensions (Psychoticism (a /0.59), Extraversion (a /0.84), Neuroticism (a /0.80), and socially desirable response set (Lie Scale; a /0.74)).

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2. The Adult Impulsivity, Venturesomeness and Empathy Questionnaire (IVE; Eysenck and Eysenck, 1991) This is a 54-item questionnaire measuring three personality traits, impulsivity (a /0.78), venturesomeness (a /0.81) and empathy (a /0.70). 3. Gough Socialisation Scale (Gough, 1960; Megargee, 1972) This 54-item scale is one of the best self-reported measures of proneness to anti-social behaviour (Blackburn, 1993) and measures the extent to which individuals have internalised the values of society. The lower the score the more likely the person is to possess antisocial personality traits (a /0.68). 4. Gudjonsson Compliance Scale (GCS; Gudjonsson, 1989b, 1997) This is a 20-item scale that measures the propensity of the person to go uncritically along with requests made by others, largely in order to please others or to avoid conflict and confrontation. The GCS was developed for two different purposes. First, to identify persons who are susceptible to making a false confession under interrogative pressure. Secondly, to identify those who are susceptible to being pressured into crime by peers and others. It is the second purpose of the GCS which is relevant to the present study (a /0.71). 5. The Rosenberg Self-Esteem Scale (RSES; Rosenberg, 1965) This 10-item scale consists of positive and negative self-appraisal statements rated on a fourpoint scale ranging from strongly agree to strongly disagree. Scores range from 10 to 40 with higher scores reflecting low self-esteem (a /0.86). 6. Self-Reported Delinquency Scale (Mak, 1993) This scale consists of 34 items that assesses various delinquent acts. These range from minor antisocial acts (e.g. cheating games machines, truancy from school, drinking alcohol under age in a public place, consuming soft drugs) to more serious acts (e.g. forcing somebody to have sex against their will, using weapons in a fight, setting a fire to damage property, physically assaulting somebody, theft, driving a vehicle whilst intoxicated). The participants are asked to indicate whether they had engaged in any of the delinquent acts in the past 12 months and these make up nine offence domains or subscales. In the present study the nine subscales were not used, because the primary purpose of the study was to focus on the extent of delinquency as measured by the Total Offending Score (TOS) devised by Sankey and Huon (1999). This is based on the seriousness rating of each of the scales 34 items by judges from different backgrounds (i.e. police officers, teachers, lawyers, psychology students). The mean seriousness score for each item is multiplied by the participants response to each item, giving a range of scores from 0 to 474. In the present study, a Serious Offending Score (SOS) was also calculated according to a formula devised Sankey and Huon (1999), by adding the mean seriousness score for the seven most serious offences (i.e. beating others, weapon fight, forced sex, drunk driving, fire setting, burglary, blackmail). 7. Background, Interrogation and Confession Questionnaire (BICQ) The BICQ is a 19-item questionnaire developed specifically for the purpose of this type of study, which provided background information about each participant, including age, gender, substance abuse problems, false confessions made to teachers and parents, reasons for the false confessions, times spent in a police cell over night, being interrogated by the

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police about a suspected offence, the type of offence interrogated about, whether or not he or she committed the offence, with whom the offence was committed, whether there was a confession or a denial made, the main reasons for making a confessions or a denial, giving a false confession to the police during questioning, the reasons for making a false confession, and the reason why he or she was being questioned by the police in relation to the false confession. Procedure Students taking a course in forensic psychology at the University of Iceland administered the questionnaires as a part of their practical course work. The participants were approached either individually or in small groups and asked to participate in a study that was concerned with self-reported offending and its relationship with attitudes and personality. They were told that their responses were anonymous and confidential. The tests were administered in the following order: Mak Self-reported Delinquency Scale, Background, interrogation and confession questionnaire, Gudjonsson Compliance Scale, Gough Socialisation Scale, Eysenck IVE, EPQ, and the Rosenberg Self-Esteem Scale.

RESULTS Offending and Type of Offence According to the results of the Mak Self-Reported Delinquency Scale, out of the 666 university students, 645 (97%) reported that during the previous 1 year they had committed at least one offence as listed within the scale. The mean Total Offending Scores for the males and females were 42.9 (SD /33.4) and 35.5 (SD /23.5), respectively. This difference between males and females was significant (t /3.31, d.f. /659, p B/0.001). The Serious Offending Scores were 5.4 (SD /10.4) and 3.5 (SD /7.9) for males and females, respectively. This difference was significant (t /2.60, d.f. /659, p B/0.01). Interrogation and Confessions Table 1 gives the frequencies with which the university students had been interviewed by the police, the number who had confessed during questioning, the base rate of guilt during questioning, and the number of participants interviewed who claimed that they had made false confessions to the police at some time in their lives. The figures for the university students in the left column are compared with those found in our previous study of the college students (Gudjonsson et al ., 2004). The figures for those interrogated, those who confessed, and the base rate of guilt, are very similar to those found in the previous study. The false confession rates during interrogation were 1.2% vs 3.7% for the university and college students, respectively. The only significant difference between the two samples related to the higher false confession rates given by college students to parents and teachers (6.2% vs 10.4%). Out of the total sample, 165 (24.8%) said they had been interrogated by the police on one or more occasion in their lives. The interrogation figures for males and females were 108 (33%) and 57 (17%), respectively. The gender difference is highly significant (x2 /20.61, d.f. /1, p B/0.001). The great majority of the participants (n /102, 64%) said they had only

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TABLE 1 Differences between university and college students in relation to interrogation, base rate of guilt and confessions. University students Interrogated by police: Confessed to police: Said truly guilty of offence: False confession to police: False confession to parents/teachers: Yes No Yes No Yes No Yes No Yes No 165 (24.8%) 500 (75.2%) 88 (53.7%) 76 (46.3%) 110 (66.3%) 56 (33.7%) 2 (1.2%) 163 (98.8%) 41 (6.2%) 624 (93.8%) College students$ 268 (24.8%) 812 (75.2%) 154 (57.5%) 114 (42.5%) 180 (67.2%) 88 (32.8%) 10 (3.7%) 258 (96.3) 112 (10.4%) 968 (89.6%) x2 0.00 0.60 0.01 1.56 Combined frequencies 433 (24.8%) 1312 (75.2%) 242 (56.0%) 190 (44.0%) 290 (66.8%) 144 (33.2%) 12 (2.8%) 421 (97.2%) 153 (8.8%) 1592 (91.2%)

9.10*

*p B/0.001. $From Gudjonsson et al . (2004).

been interrogated once, 35 (22%) twice, 22 (13%) more than twice, and seven did not state how often they had been interrogated by the police. The most common types of offence for which the participants had been interrogated by the police were: serious traffic violation (41%); property offences (22%); criminal damage (17%); drug-related offences (5%); and violent offences (4%). The majority (61) said they had committed the offence in the company of others. The confession rate for the 165 persons interrogated was 53.7% (n /88), with the corresponding confession figures for males and females being 64 (59%) and 24 (43%), respectively. There were significant gender differences with regard to whether or not the person made a confession during interrogation (x2 /3.21, d.f. /1, p B/0.05). The base rate of guilt for those interviewed by the police was 66.3% (n /110). The figures for males and females were 69% (n /75) and 61% (n /35) for males and females, respectively. This difference was not significant (x2 /0.92, d.f. /1, NS). The rate of confession was 86 out of 110 (78%) for the participants who said they had committed the offence; the corresponding figures for males and females were 85% (64 out of 75) and 69% and (24 out of 35), respectively. The gender difference is significant (x2 /4.21, d.f. /p B/0.05). In the present study only two participants who had been interrogated by the police claimed that they had made a false confession, one was male and one was female.

Differences in Personality Between the Confessors and Deniers Table 2 gives the mean and standard deviation test scores for the true deniers, true confessors, and false deniers. As there were only two false confessors in the study their mean scores were left out of the table. One-way ANOVA showed significant differences on two of the test scores: Venturesomeness (F /6.0, d.f. /2, p B/0.01), and Mak Total Offending Score (F /3.2, d.f. /2, p B/0.05). With regard to the Venturesomeness score, the significant difference lies between the true confessors and true deniers (Scheffe B/0.01), whereas for the

PERSONALITY IN RELATION TO CONFESSIONS AND DENIALS TABLE 2 Mean scores on the psychological tests of true deniers, true confessors, and false deniers. Psychological tests True deniers n /51 Mean (SD) 2.3 13.9 9.9 8.3 (2.8) (4.6) (5.1) (3.7) True confessors n /87 Mean (SD) 2.4 14.8 9.5 8.3 (2.3) (4.0) (4.9) (4.2)

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False deniers n /24 Mean (SD) 2.3 14.8 9.7 7.3 (2.4) (3.9) (3.7) (3.8)

Eysenck Personality Questionnaire Psychoticism Extraversion Neuroticism Lie Eysenck Impulsivity Questionnaire Impulsivity Venturesomeness Empathy Gough Socialisation Scale Gudjonsson Compliance Scale Rosenberg Self-Esteem Scale Self-Reported Delinquency Scale: Total Offending Score Serious Offending Score

5.8 (3.7) 9.4 (3.8) 13.3 (3.1) 34.2 (5.6) 7.9 (3.5) 15.8 (4.2) 43.9 (33.7) 5.8 (9.4)

6.7 (3.9) 11.4 (3.2) 13.7 (2.9) 33.4 (5.5) 8.0 (2.9) 16.0 (4.7) 42.2 (31.6) 5.9 (10.7)

5.3 (3.9) 10.0 (3.6) 14.0 (3.0) 33.7 (5.0) 7.1 (3.3) 15.1 (4.1) 65.5 (72.7) 11.5 (20.3)

Mak Total Offending Score the significant difference was between true confessors and false deniers (Scheffe B/0.05). A discriminant function analysis of all the test scores between true deniers and false deniers showed that one of the test scores, the Mak Total Offending Score, discriminated significantly between the two groups (Wilks lambda /0.918; F (1,88) /7.82, p B/0.001). This suggests that those respondents who were most actively involved in offending had the greatest tendency to deny their offence.

False Confessions to Teachers and Parents When asked about past false confessions to wrongdoings (e.g. theft, damage to property) to teachers or parents, 41 (6.2%) claimed to have made such confessions. There was no significant difference between the males and females (x2 /0.62, d.f. /1, NS), with 23 (7%) of the males and 18 (5%) of the females stating that they had made false confessions. When asked about the reasons for having made the false confession, 24 (59%) said they had done it to protect somebody else; the rest said that they could no longer recall the reason (29%) or blamed it on pressure from others (12%). In order to investigate the personality factors that are associated with making a false admission to teachers or parents, the two groups (i.e. those who had made admissions versus those who had not) were compared on the psychometric tests. The results are shown in Table 3. There were significant differences between the two groups on most of the tests, including the EPQ (Psychoticism, Extraversion), the IVE (Impulsivity, Venturesomeness), the Gough Socialisation Scale, and the Mak Self-Reported Delinquency Scale (Total Offending Score, Serious Offending Score). A discriminant function analysis of all the tests in Table 3 showed that four of the tests discriminated significantly (Wilks lambda /0.913; F (4,604) /14.5, p B/0.001) between the two groups. These were the Gough Socialisation Scale (Wilks

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TABLE 3 Differences between those who claimed to have admitted to something (to parents, teachers) that they had not done and others on the psychological tests. Yes n /41 Mean (SD) Eysenck Personality Questionnaire Psychoticism Extraversion Neuroticism Lie Eysenck Impulsivity Questionnaire Impulsivity Venturesomeness Empathy Gough Socialisation Scale Gudjonsson Compliance Scale Rosenberg Self-Esteem Scale Self-Reported Delinquency Scale Total Offending Score Serious Offending Score
*p B/0.05, **p B/0.01, ***p B/0.001.

No n /624 Mean (SD) 1.7 14.2 10.1 9.2 (1.8) (4.2) (5.0) (4.0)

t-value

2.9 15.9 11.3 6.3

(2.3) (3.7) (5.1) (3.7)

4.11*** 2.41* 1.34 /4.38*** 5.56*** 1.89 0.08 /5.62*** 1.05 2.26 5.20*** 2.57**

8.7 (4.4) 10.8 (4.2) 14.1 (3.0) 31.8 (5.7) 8.7 (3.9) 17.8 (5.5) 61.5 (48.3) 8.1 (13.1)

5.4 (4.5) 9.6 (3.8) 14.0 (3.0) 36.4 (5.0) 8.1 (3.1) 16.1 (4.5) 37.7 (48.3) 4.2 (8.9)

lambda /0.931; F (1,604) /14.5, p B/0.001), the Mak Total Offence Score (Wilks lambda / 0.934; F (1,604) /14.2, p B/0.001), Impulsivity (Wilks lambda /0.923; F (1,604) /7.4, p B/ 0.01), and Mak Seriousness Score (Wilks lambda /0.920; F (1,604) /5.1, p B/0.05). Therefore, antisocial personality characteristics, impulsivity, and the extent and seriousness of self-reported delinquency were the most discriminating factors between the two groups.

DISCUSSION The finding that almost 25% of the participants reported having been interrogated by the police is identical to the figure found in our previous study among young college students (Gudjonsson et al ., 2004). In addition, the confession rate obtained by the police, the base rate of guilt, and the rate of false confession were similar for the two groups. What mainly differentiated the two groups of students were the number of false confessions given to the police and to teachers and parents; the rate of false confession to parents and teachers was significantly lower among the university students. One likely explanation is that the university students were less actively involved in criminal activities than the college students, as well as being less antisocial in terms of their personality. The relatively high rate of true deniers (i.e. one-third of those interrogated by the police) in the present study emphasises the importance for the police not to ignore the fact that they may be interviewing a reasonably high proportion of people who are actually innocent of the crime of which they are suspected. This finding has important implications for police practice.

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The present findings provide further evidence that false confessions to wrongdoings to teachers and parents, and to criminal acts during police interrogation do occur. In our prison studies (Gudjonsson and Sigurdsson, 1994; Sigurdsson and Gudjonsson, 1996a) the reported rate of false confession during police interrogation was 12%. In the present study the false confession rate was 0.3% for the entire sample, but 1.2% for those who had been interrogated by the police. The latter figure can be more meaningfully interpreted, because this gives the percentage of suspects who confess during interrogation. The findings suggest that only a small proportion of suspects make false confessions during questioning. In spite of this, the figure is considerably higher than some writers suggest (e.g. Cassell and Hayman, 1998). Interestingly, and perhaps not surprisingly, false denial was 15% in the present study and is therefore much more frequent than false confessions. Unlike in the previous study, males were no more likely than females to have made false confessions to teachers and parents. In addition, females were significantly less likely than males to confess to crimes of which they were guilty. The explanation for the gender difference in relation to false confessions to the police is likely to reflect the greater involvement of males than females in delinquency and criminal acts. Support for this view is found in the studies of Gudjonsson and Sigurdsson (1994) and Sigurdsson and Gudjonsson (1996a), where false confessions were more commonly found among female than male prison inmates. This suggests that when females are as actively involved in criminal behaviour as males they are more susceptible than males to make a false confession. Females in both of the prison studies were particularly likely to confess falsely to protect somebody else. The findings on the reasons given for the false admissions to teachers and parents, and false confessions to the police, show that the great majority of false confessions are given, apparently voluntarily, by young people in order to protect somebody else. From the point of personality testing, the findings are clear and consistent. Abnormal personality traits, and particularly high EPQ Psychoticism and poor socialisation, are highly predictive of who makes false confessions and false denials. In contrast, the two groups with the most normal personality pattern, and the least self-reported history of offending, were true confessors and true deniers. This appears to reflect the differences in the nature of the groups (i.e. true confessions and true denials versus false confessions and false denials) and their personality (i.e. antisocial personality traits), probably reflecting fundamental differences in the groups attitudes towards truthfulness and lying. Although those participants who reported having made false confessions were most disordered in their personality, their personality traits, and extent of previous offending history, were consistent with those of false deniers. Both groups appear to tell lies, whether making false confessions or false denials, as a way of coping with a particular predicament. The implication is that both groups may, given the right circumstances and perceived instrumental gains, alternate between making false confessions and false denials. These are overlapping groups who are prepared to lie to the police for their own ends. Whether there is a false confession or a false denial probably depends on the circumstances and perceived gains at the time. The findings in this community study corroborate those of Sigurdsson and Gudjonsson (1996a, 1997, 2001) that giving false confessions during interrogations is significantly related to antisocial personality characteristics and criminal lifestyle. It supports the view that the great majority of false confessions, including those given to teachers and parents, are aimed at protecting somebody else rather than resulting from external pressure and coercion. This type of false confession is undoubtedly different from those coerced by the police and where

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psychological vulnerabilities relating to low IQ, suggestibility, compliance and anxiety are of considerable importance (Gudjonsson, 2003). The main differences between the present community study and the previous prison studies relate to the relatively greater influence of poor socialisation, as measured by the Gough Socialisation Scale, rather than EPQ Psychoticism in the prison sample, and the absence of the influence of compliance, as measured by the Gudjonsson Compliance Scale. Of course, one must take into account the small number of alleged false confessors in the present study. One important limitation to the study is that it is based on self-report data. There is no independent corroboration available about the participants involvement with the police, about their confessions or denials, or about the confessions they report making to teachers and parents. In addition, the psychological tests administered are all based on self-report. In future research it would be helpful to obtain copies of the participants criminal records to verify their involvement with the criminal justice system.

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